Sage Reference

The SAGE Encyclopedia of Lifespan Human

Development

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Author: Thomas G. Power, SuYeon Lee

Pub. Date: 2018
Product: Sage Reference
DOI: https://doi.org/10.4135/9781506307633
Keywords: coping, stressors, stress and coping, mindfulness, infants, disengagement, spouses
Disciplines: Psychology, Lifespan & Developmental Psychology, Lifespan Development, Lifespan &
Developmental Psychology (general)
Access Date: February 5, 2024
Publishing Company: SAGE Publications, Inc.
City: Thousand Oaks,
Online ISBN: 9781506307633

© 2018 SAGE Publications, Inc. All Rights Reserved.

Sage Sage Reference
© 2018 by SAGE Publications, Inc.

Learning to cope with stressful situations is one of the most important tasks of human development. People
who can successfully cope with stress enjoy longer, more productive, and more satisfying lives. Coping with
stress is particularly important for physical and mental health throughout the lifespan.

Although coping has been defined in various ways, the most popular definition was offered by Richard
Lazarus, who referred to coping as an individuals’ conscious attempts to adapt to stressful situations. He ar-
gued that coping involves managing cognitions, emotions, behavior, physiology, and the environment in re-
sponse to stressful environmental demands. This entry describes the major types of coping strategies that
have been identified in coping research, how these strategies are associated with positive and negative out-
comes, and developmental changes in the nature of coping across the lifespan.

Types of Coping Strategies

In their seminal work on coping and adjustment, Lazarus and Susan Folkman identified two types of coping
strategies: problem-focused coping (attempts to directly address the causes of a stressful situation) and emo-
tion-focused coping (attempts to address the emotions elicited in a stressful situation). Subsequent research
led to more elaborated formulations, such as one offered by Jennifer Connor-Smith and colleagues. The
classes of coping strategies they identified were primary control engagement coping (directly trying to ad-
dress the causes of stress through strategies such as problem solving); secondary control engagement cop-
ing (accommodating to the situation primarily through cognitive strategies such as acceptance and cognitive
reframing); and disengagement coping (behaviorally or cognitively moving away from the stressor with strate-
gies such as denial, avoidance, and wishful thinking).

Consistent with these hypotheses, Eve Band and John Weisz showed that engagement strategies, rather
than disengagement strategies, are associated with positive mental and physical health outcomes. Moreover,
primary control engagement strategies are more effective when the individual has considerable control over
a situation, whereas secondary control engagement strategies are more effective in largely uncontrollable
situations. Because many situations have controllable and uncontrollable aspects, effective coping often in-
volves some combination of primary and secondary control strategies. Finally, Connor-Smith and colleagues
identified several involuntary stress responses (e.g., rumination, intrusive thoughts, emotional arousal) that
often interfere with successful coping. Many cognitive behavioral approaches to dealing with stress (e.g., ac-
ceptance and commitment therapy) encourage the use of mindfulness techniques to reduce the impact of
involuntary stress responses.

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Development of Coping Over the Lifespan

Although infants possess a small set of coping skills (e.g., sucking their thumb to self-soothe, closing their
eyes to shut out excessive stimulation), infants largely depend on others for coping with stress. Coping in in-
fancy is primarily a dyadic process; the infant communicates through crying or some other means that he or
she is distressed and an adult helps the child cope (e.g., feeds a hungry baby or puts a blanket over a baby
that is cold). Claire Kopp demonstrated how the development of self-regulation emerges from these interac-
tive processes and how, as infants become toddlers and preschoolers, their coping repertoire develops.

Language acquisition allows children to better communicate their needs and to effectively influence the be-
havior of others, whereas the development of locomotor skills (from crawling to walking to running) facilitates
more effective approach and avoidance behaviors. Even older infants can engage in simple problem-solving
behaviors (e.g., procuring a desired object that is out of reach) and aggression (e.g., hitting or biting in re-
sponse to frustration). David Wood and colleagues argued that parents “scaffold” the development of mature
behaviors in their children (i.e., help them engage in more complex behaviors in collaboration with adults than
they can perform on their own). Scaffolding clearly occurs in the context of coping.

By the preschool years, besides seeking emotional and instrumental support, children can engage in a range
of behavioral coping strategies, such as simple problem solving, negotiation, distraction, and avoidance. They
mostly show primary control strategies; secondary control strategies (such as cognitive reinterpretation and
acceptance) become much more common in middle childhood and adolescence. By late adolescence, chil-
dren have a coping repertoire similar to that of adults; however, problem solving increases and avoidance
decreases into adulthood. Surprisingly, older adults typically report fewer coping strategies of any kind than
do adults in midlife.

Situational Variation in Coping Strategies

A problem with examining developmental changes in coping strategies is that the situations that individuals
must cope with change significantly across the lifespan. Stressors can range from minor inconveniences or
hassles (such as being late to school or work or a minor disagreement with a sibling or a spouse) to more
serious problems (such as failing a class or making a major mistake at work) to major stressors (such as di-
vorce, job loss, or caring for a spouse with dementia) to potentially traumatic ones (such as sexual abuse or
domestic violence).

Given that the use of different coping strategies varies significantly as a function of the stressor and because

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normative, stressful situations change dramatically throughout development, comparisons of stressors across
the lifespan are difficult. In addition, most children receive support in coping from their parents, teachers, and
other adults (who often shelter children from potentially stressful events), whereas adults typically are not pro-
tected and must engage in more independent coping (although a growing body of research demonstrates the
role of the spouse or partner in coping).

Finally, as adults enter later life, they must cope with the many challenges of aging and failing health. There-
fore, developmental changes in coping strategies from childhood through adulthood likely reflect the individu-
als’ growing experience and skills in dealing with life’s challenges; the increasing use of proactive strategies
to decrease the likelihood of stressors from occurring in the first place; the wider range of serious stressors
that almost all adults must eventually face; and the little support adults typically receive in coping.

See also Adversity; Caregiver Stress; Chronic Stressors; Diathesis–Stress Model; Emotion-Focused Coping;
Life Events; Mindfulness; Post-traumatic Stress Disorder; Stress

• coping
• stressors
• stress and coping
• mindfulness
• infants
• disengagement
• spouses

Thomas G. Power SuYeon Lee

Further Readings

Aldwin, C. M., Skinner, E. A., Zimmer-Gembeck, M. J., &, Taylor, A. (2011). Stress and coping across the
lifespan. In K. L. Fingerman, C. A. Berg, J. Smith, & T. C. Antonucci (Eds.), Handbook of life-span develop-
ment (pp. 561–588). New York, NY: Springer.

Amirkhan, J., & Auyeung, B. (2007). Coping with stress across the lifespan: Absolute vs. relative changes in
strategy. Journal of Applied Developmental Psychology, 28, 298–317.

Band, E. G., & Weisz, J. R. (1988). How to feel better when it feels bad: Children’s perspectives on coping
with everyday stress. Developmental Psychology, 24, 247–253.

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Brennen, P. L., Holland, J. M., Schutte, K. K., & Moos, R. H. (2012). Coping trajectories in later life: A 20-year
predictive study. Aging and Mental Health, 16, 305–316.

Connor-Smith, J. K., Compas, B. E., Wadsworth, M. E., Thomsen, A. H., & Saltzman, H. (2000). Responses
to stress in adolescence: Measurement of coping and involuntary stress responses. Journal of Consulting
and Clinical Psychology, 68, 976–992.

Hayes, S. C., Strosahl, K. D., & Wilson, K. G. (1999). Acceptance and commitment therapy: An experiential
approach to behavior change. New York, NY: Guildford.

Kopp, C. B. (1982). Antecedents of self-regulation: A developmental perspective. Developmental Psychology,

18, 199–214.

Lazarus, R. S., & Folkman, S. (1984). Stress, appraisal, and coping. New York, NY: Springer.

Power, T. G. (2004). Stress and coping in childhood: The parents’ role. Parenting: Science and Practice, 4,
271–317.

Wood, D., Bruner, J. S., & Ross, G. (1976). The role of tutoring in problem solving. Journal of Child Psychol-
ogy and Psychiatry, 17, 89–100.

https://doi.org/10.4135/9781506307633

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