Tsunamis and Earthquakes in Coastal Environments Significance and Restoration Coastal Research Library 14 V. Santiago-Fandiño

Full download ebooks at ebook ebookstep.
com
Tsunamis and Earthquakes in Coastal

Environments Significance and
Restoration Coastal Research Library 14
V. Santiago-Fandiño
DOWLOAD EBOOK
OR CLICK LINK
http://ebookstep.com/product/tsunamis-and-
earthquakes-in-coastal-environments-significance-
and-restoration-coastal-research-
library-14-v-santiago-fandino/
Go to download the full and correct Download More ebooks [PDF].

content document Format PDF ebook download PDF
https://ebookstep.com KINDLE
More products digital (pdf, epub, mobi) instant
download maybe you interests ...
Research Methods in Building Science and Technology

Field Based Analysis and Simulation 1st Edition Rahman
Azari
https://ebookstep.com/product/research-methods-in-building-
science-and-technology-field-based-analysis-and-simulation-1st-
edition-rahman-azari/
Fieldwork and the Self Changing Research Styles in

Southeast Asia Jérémy Jammes
https://ebookstep.com/product/fieldwork-and-the-self-changing-
research-styles-in-southeast-asia-jeremy-jammes/
Education and Knowledge Routledge Library Editions

Philosophy of Education Harris
https://ebookstep.com/product/education-and-knowledge-routledge-
library-editions-philosophy-of-education-harris/
Critical Thinking and Education Routledge Library

Editions Philosophy of Education Mcpeck
https://ebookstep.com/product/critical-thinking-and-education-
routledge-library-editions-philosophy-of-education-mcpeck/
Philosophy and Educational Foundations Routledge
Library Editions Philosophy of Education Brent
https://ebookstep.com/product/philosophy-and-educational-
foundations-routledge-library-editions-philosophy-of-education-
brent/
The Higher Education of Women in England and America

1865 1920 Routledge Library Editions Education 1800
1926 Eschbach
https://ebookstep.com/product/the-higher-education-of-women-in-
england-and-america-1865-1920-routledge-library-editions-
education-1800-1926-eschbach/
Free Children and Democratic Schools A Philosophical

Study of Liberty and Education Routledge Library
Editions Philosophy of Education Chamberlin
https://ebookstep.com/product/free-children-and-democratic-
schools-a-philosophical-study-of-liberty-and-education-routledge-
library-editions-philosophy-of-education-chamberlin/
Investment and Competitiveness in Africa Advances in

African Economic Social and Political Development
Diery Seck
https://ebookstep.com/product/investment-and-competitiveness-in-
africa-advances-in-african-economic-social-and-political-
development-diery-seck/
Language Ability and Educational Achievement Routledge

Library Editions Philosophy of Education Winch
https://ebookstep.com/product/language-ability-and-educational-
achievement-routledge-library-editions-philosophy-of-education-
winch/
Free ebooks ==> www.Ebook777.com
Coastal Research Library 14
V. Santiago-Fandiño
H. Tanaka
M. Spiske Editors
Tsunamis and
Earthquakes
in Coastal
Environments
Significance and Restoration
www.Ebook777.com
Coastal Research Library
Volume 14
Series Editor
Charles W. Finkl
Department of Geosciences
Florida Atlantic University
Boca Raton, FL
USA
www.Ebook777.com
The aim of this book series is to disseminate information to the coastal research
community. The Series covers all aspects of coastal research including but not
limited to relevant aspects of geological sciences, biology (incl. ecology and coastal
marine ecosystems), geomorphology (physical geography), climate, littoral
oceanography, coastal hydraulics, environmental (resource) management,
engineering, and remote sensing. Policy, coastal law, and relevant issues such as
conflict resolution and risk management would also be covered by the Series. The
scope of the Series is broad and with a unique cross-disciplinary nature. The Series
would tend to focus on topics that are of current interest and which carry some
import as opposed to traditional titles that are esoteric and non-controversial.
Monographs as well as contributed volumes are welcomed.
More information about this series at http://www.springer.com/series/8795

V. Santiago-Fandiño • H. Tanaka • M. Spiske
Editors
Tsunamis and Earthquakes

in Coastal Environments
Significance and Restoration
Editors
V. Santiago-Fandiño H. Tanaka
Villaviciosa, Asturias, Spain Department of Civil Engineering
Tohoku University
M. Spiske Sendai, Japan
Department of Geology and Paleontology
Westfälische Wilhelms-University
Münster, Germany
ISSN 2211-0577 ISSN 2211-0585 (electronic)

Coastal Research Library
ISBN 978-3-319-28526-9 ISBN 978-3-319-28528-3 (eBook)
DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-28528-3
Library of Congress Control Number: 2016937980
© Springer International Publishing Switzerland 2016

This work is subject to copyright. All rights are reserved by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of
the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation,
broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information
storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology
now known or hereafter developed.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication
does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant
protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book
are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the
editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors
or omissions that may have been made.
Printed on acid-free paper
This Springer imprint is published by Springer Nature

The registered company is Springer International Publishing AG Switzerland
www.Ebook777.com
Foreword
Coastal zones are valuable areas where sea, land, and atmosphere meet. They are
characterized by coastal topography and nearshore waves which drive various
dynamic processes to interact with each other. The coastal topography serves as the
basis of the environment, in which waves will break and produce turbulent mixing,
dissipating wave energy and providing a wealthy coastal zone utilized by many
ecosystems for various activities. In the coastal zone, vigorous sediment movement
due to nearshore waves continuously changes the topography which protects land
from flooding. Coastal environments based on coastal topography are therefore
important in coastal hazard mitigation as well as sustainability of society. However,
coastal environments are highly variable in broad timescales from minutes to
decades, affected by natural and anthropogenic impacts from both the ocean and the
land.
Coastal erosion is accelerating on many coasts all over the world. Water pollu-
tion and eutrophication are degrading coastal environments in semi-enclosed bays
backed by megacities. Understanding the cumulative impact of these types of envi-
ronmental degradation is difficult since the transport of sediment and nutrients is
affected not only by waves, currents, and topography in the coastal zone but also by
various inland natural and anthropogenic changes that lead to the increase and
decrease of materials delivered to the coast. The impact is sometimes rapid urban-
ization far from the coastal zone. The response is sometimes delayed as long as
several decades.
Large tsunamis and earthquakes are infrequent natural events capable of causing
large-scale destruction along coastal areas by heavily altering their physical and
environmental characteristics. Although coastlines are naturally highly dynamic
systems, these events cause dramatic changes in estuaries, coastal lagoons, tidal
flats, wetlands, and beaches resulting in large alterations in their morphology, sedi-
ment, depth, water quality, surface area, and flow, as well as inhibiting flora and
fauna in a very short period of time. On occasion, the impact is so large that these
coastal features even disappear completely.
History abounds with examples of devastating tsunamis that originated from dif-
ferent causes, most commonly from earthquakes. The first record of a Holocene
v
vi Foreword
tsunami is related to the Storegga slide, a large submarine landslide in the North Sea
around 6000 BC, which heavily impacted the coastline of Norway as sediment was
found up to 20 m above sea level. In modern-day history, there are more than 50
records of large tsunamis and related earthquakes, including the most recent events
in the Indian and Pacific Oceans (2004 Sumatra, 2010 Chile, and 2011 Japan).
In terms of human life, NOAA states that since 1850, about 420,000 lives have
been lost due to tsunamis as local coastal communities and large villages, towns,
and even cities have been impacted. Likewise, losses in infrastructure, the economy,
and ecosystem services have amounted to trillions of dollars.
Tsunamis like the 2004 Indian Ocean Tsunami and the 2011 Tohoku Tsunami
caused catastrophic damage to coastal areas. Many reconstruction processes are
being introduced in the affected areas including structure-based countermeasures
and nonstructure-based relocation and evacuation plans. In consideration of accel-
erating reconstruction processes, we need to pay deliberate attention to long-term
treatment of coastal environments.
Restoration and reconstruction of damaged areas are the cause of large debates;
on one side, arguments for the paramount importance of human protection at all
costs, without proper consideration of the environment, have prevailed, while on the
other, there are increased calls for a more balanced approach to harmonize measures
of protection with the environment in order to allow coastal ecosystems to thrive.
The restoration process and reconstruction measures in certain countries could be
taken as an example of both, but unfortunately aesthetic and visual restoration is
often mistaken for full environmental restoration.
This book deals with impacts of tsunamis and earthquakes on coastal environ-
ments. In addition to direct impact and response due to flooding and abrasion, the
text covers physical, chemical, and biological responses in coastal morphology,
water quality, and ecosystems. Comprehensive descriptions of multi-scale impacts
of tsunami and earthquake events, both spatially and temporally, will help us to
understand the complicated interactions developed in coastal zones and to achieve
the sustainable resilient environment and society with smart post-event recovery. I
believe this book will be beneficial to researchers and students in science and engi-
neering as well as policy-makers, urban planning engineers, and coastal managers.
The University of Tokyo Shinji Sato

Tokyo, Japan
Acknowledgments
The editors would like to express deep appreciation to the authors of the chapters of
this book for their most valuable contributions. Their collaboration is an example of
of dedication and motivation toward the development of science and knowledge as
well as sharing of information in the field of tsunami and earthquakes in coastal
areas. Likewise, gratitude is also due to the reviewers for their most valuable com-
ments and suggestions and, last but not least, to all others who in one form or another
have contributed to the production of this book.
vii
Contents
1 Revisiting the 2001 Peruvian Earthquake and Tsunami

Impact Along Camana Beach and the Coastline
Using Numerical Modeling and Satellite Imaging ............................... 1
Bruno Adriano, Erick Mas, Shunichi Koshimura, Yushiro Fujii,
Hideaki Yanagisawa, and Miguel Estrada
2 Imprints of the AD 1755 Tsunami in Algarve
(South Portugal) Lowlands and Post-impact Recovery ....................... 17
P.J.M. Costa, M.A. Oliveira, R. González-Villanueva,
C. Andrade, and M.C. Freitas
3 Ecosystem-Based Tsunami Disaster Risk Reduction
in Indonesian Coastal Areas ................................................................... 31
Eko Rudianto, Abdul Muhari, Kenji Harada, Hideo Matsutomi,
Hendra Yusran Siry, Enggar Sadtopo, and Widjo Kongko
4 Post-Tsunami Assessment of Coastal Vegetation,
with the View to Protect Coastal Areas from Ocean
Surges in Sri Lanka ................................................................................ 47
L.P. Jayatissa, K.A.S. Kodikara, N.P. Dissanayaka,
and B. Satyanarayana
5 Shoreline and Coastal Morphological Changes
Induced by the 2004 Indian Ocean Tsunami
in the Katchal Island, Andaman and Nicobar – A Study
Using Archived Satellite Images ............................................................ 65
Ali P. Yunus, Jie Dou, Ram Avtar, and A.C. Narayana
6 Mud Volcanoes in an Active Fore-Arc Setting: A Case Study
from the Makran Coastal Belt, SW Pakistan ....................................... 79
Iftikhar Ahmed Abbasi, Din Mohammed Kakar,
Mohammed Asif Khan, and Ahmed Sana
ix
www.Ebook777.com
x Contents
7 Response of Sheltered and Built-up Coasts

in the Wake of Natural Hazards: The Aftermath
of the December 2004 Tsunami, Tamil Nadu, India ............................ 97
Jaya Kumar Seelam and Antonio Mascarenhas
8 Characteristics of Shoreline Retreat Due to the 2011
Tohoku Earthquake and Tsunami and Its Recovery
After Three Years .................................................................................... 113
Keiko Udo, Kaoru Tojo, Yuriko Takeda, Hitoshi Tanaka,
and Akira Mano
9 Investigating the 2011 Tsunami Impact on the Teizan
Canal and the Old River Mouth in Sendai Coast.
Miyagi Prefecture; Japan ....................................................................... 125
Mohammad Bagus Adityawan and Hitoshi Tanaka
10 Morphological Characteristics of River Mouths
After the 2011 Tohoku Tsunami in Miyagi Prefecture ........................ 137
Min Roh, Yuta Mitobe, and Hitoshi Tanaka
11 Post-Tsunami Lagoon Morphology Restoration Sendai;
Japan ........................................................................................................ 153
Vo Cong Hoang, Hitoshi Tanaka, and Yuta Mitobe
12 The Minato River in Miyagi Prefecture Reconstruction
and Restoration – An Overview ............................................................. 167
Vicente Santiago-Fandiño and Naoko Kimura
13 Tsunami Impacts on Eelgrass Beds and Acute
Deterioration of Coastal Water Quality Due to the Damage
of Sewage Treatment Plant in Matsushima Bay, Japan ...................... 187
Takashi Sakamaki, Youhei Sakurai, and Osamu Nishimura
14 Effects of the Great East Japan Tsunami on Fish
Populations and Ecosystem Recovery. The Natori River;
Northeastern Japan................................................................................. 201
Kinuko Ito, Ayu Katayama, Kazunori Shizuka,
and Norihiro Monna
Index ................................................................................................................. 217

Contributors
Iftikhar Ahmed Abbasi Department of Earth Science, College of Science, Sultan

Qaboos University, Muscat, Sultanate of Oman
Mohammad Bagus Adityawan Water Resources Engineering Research Group,
Institut Teknologi Bandung, Bandung, Indonesia
Department of Civil Engineering, Tohoku University, Sendai, Japan
Bruno Adriano Graduate School of Engineering, Tohoku University, Aramaki,
Aoba-ku, Sendai, Japan
C. Andrade IDL and Departamento de Geologia, Faculdade de Ciências da
Universidade de Lisboa, Lisboa, Portugal
Ram Avtar Institute for the Advance Study of Sustainability (UNU-IAS), United
Nations University, Tokyo, Japan
P.J.M. Costa IDL and Departamento de Geologia, Faculdade de Ciências da
N.P. Dissanayaka Institute of Oceanography, University Malaysia Terengganu
(UMT), Kuala Terengganu, Malaysia
Jie Dou Graduate School of Frontier Science, The University of Tokyo, Kashiwa,
Japan
Miguel Estrada Centro Peruano Japonés de Investigaciones Sísmicas y Mitigación
de Desastres (CISMID), Universidad Nacional de Ingeniería, Lima, Peru
M.C. Freitas IDL and Departamento de Geologia, Faculdade de Ciências da
Yushiro Fujii International Institute of Seismology and Earthquake Engineering
(IISEE), Building Research Institute (BRI), Tsukuba, Ibaraki, Japan
R. González-Villanueva Dpto. Xeociencias Mariñas e O.T. (XM-1), Facultade de
Ciencias do Mar Universidade de Vigo, Campus As Lagoas Marcosende, Vigo,
Pontevedra, Spain
xi
xii Contributors
Kenji Harada Center for Integrated Research and Education of Natural Hazards,
Shizuoka University, Shizuoka, Japan
Vo Cong Hoang Department of Civil Engineering, Tohoku University, Sendai,
Japan
Thuyloi University - Southern Campus, Ho Chi Minh, Vietnam
Kinuko Ito Graduate School of Agricultural Science, Tohoku University, Aobaku,
Sendai, Japan
L.P. Jayatissa Department of Botany, University of Ruhuna, Matara, Sri Lanka
Din Mohammed Kakar Department of Geology, Baluchistan University, Quetta,
Baluchistan, Pakistan
Ayu Katayama Graduate School of Agricultural Science, Tohoku University,
Aobaku, Sendai, Japan
Mohammed Asif Khan Karakorum International University, Gilgit, Pakistan
Naoko Kimura Department of Sustainable Rural Development, Graduate School
of Global Environmental Studies, Kyoto University, Kyoto, Japan
K.A.S. Kodikara Department of Botany, University of Ruhuna, Matara, Sri Lanka
Widjo Kongko Coastal Dynamics Research Center, BPPT, Jakarta, Indonesia
Shunichi Koshimura International Research Institute of Disaster Science
(IRIDeS), Tohoku University, Aramaki, Aoba-ku, Sendai, Japan
Akira Mano International Research Institute of Disaster Science, Tohoku
University, Sendai, Japan
Erick Mas International Research Institute of Disaster Science (IRIDeS), Tohoku
University, Aramaki, Aoba-ku, Sendai, Japan
Antonio Mascarenhas CSIR-National Institute of Oceanography, Goa, India
Hideo Matsutomi Department of Civil Engineering, Akita University, Akita,
Japan
Yuta Mitobe Department of Civil Engineering, Tohoku University, Sendai, Japan
Norihiro Monna Graduate School of Agricultural Science, Tohoku University,
Abdul Muhari Directorate for Coastal and Ocean, Ministry of Marine Affairs and
Fisheries, Republic of Indonesia, Jakarta, Indonesia
A.C. Narayana Centre for Earth & Space Sciences, University of Hyderabad,
Hyderabad, India
Osamu Nishimura Department of Civil and Environmental Engineering, Tohoku
Contributors xiii
M.A. Oliveira IDL and Departamento de Geologia, Faculdade de Ciências da

Min Roh Department of Civil Engineering, Tohoku University, Sendai, Japan
Eko Rudianto Directorate for Coastal and Ocean, Ministry of Marine Affairs and
Fisheries, Republic of Indonesia, Jakarta, Indonesia
Enggar Sadtopo Directorate for Coastal and Ocean, Ministry of Marine Affairs
and Fisheries, Republic of Indonesia, Jakarta, Indonesia
Takashi Sakamaki International Research Institute of Disaster Science, Tohoku
Department of Civil and Environmental Engineering, Tohoku University, Sendai,
Japan
Youhei Sakurai Department of Civil and Environmental Engineering, Tohoku
Ahmed Sana Department of Civil Engineering, College of Engineering, Sultan
Qaboos University, Muscat, Sultanate of Oman
Vicente Santiago-Fandiño Environmental Advisor, Villaviciosa, Asturias, Spain
B. Satyanarayana Institute of Oceanography, University Malaysia Terengganu
(UMT), Kuala Terengganu, Malaysia
Jaya Kumar Seelam CSIR-National Institute of Oceanography, Goa, India
Kazunori Shizuka Graduate School of Agricultural Science, Tohoku University,
Hendra Yusran Siry Directorate for Coastal and Ocean, Ministry of Marine
Affairs and Fisheries, Republic of Indonesia, Jakarta, Indonesia
Yuriko Takeda International Research Institute of Disaster Science, Tohoku
Hitoshi Tanaka Department of Civil and Environmental Engineering, Tohoku
Kaoru Tojo Department of Civil and Environmental Engineering, Tohoku
Keiko Udo International Research Institute of Disaster Science, Tohoku University,
Sendai, Japan
Hideaki Yanagisawa Department of Regional Management, Faculty of Liberal
Arts, Tohoku Gakuin University, Izumi-ku, Sendai, Miyagi, Japan
Ali P. Yunus Graduate School of Frontier Science, The University of Tokyo,
Kashiwa, Japan
Chapter 1
Revisiting the 2001 Peruvian Earthquake
and Tsunami Impact Along Camana Beach
and the Coastline Using Numerical Modeling
and Satellite Imaging
Bruno Adriano, Erick Mas, Shunichi Koshimura, Yushiro Fujii,

Hideaki Yanagisawa, and Miguel Estrada
Abstract On June 23, 2001, a moment magnitude Mw 8.4 earthquake occurred off
the southern coast of Peru causing substantial damage to urban and agricultural
areas. The tsunami generated by this earthquake reached up to 7 m run-up height
and extended over 1.3 km inundation. This paper aims to revisit the impact of the
2001 Peruvian tsunami on the coastal area and its morphology along Camana city.
The tsunami source is reconstructed through inversion of tsunami waveform records
observed at several tide gauge stations and the impact is analyzed using the
numerical result and moderate-resolution satellite images to calculate the inundation
features in the coast. Finally we propose the tsunami source model suitable for
further analysis of this event through tsunami numerical simulations. In addition,
B. Adriano (*)
Graduate School of Engineering, Tohoku University,
Aoba 468-1-E301, Aramaki, Aoba-ku, Sendai 980-0845, Japan
e-mail: adriano@geoinfo.civil.tohoku.ac.jp
E. Mas • S. Koshimura
International Research Institute of Disaster Science (IRIDeS), Tohoku University,
Aoba 468-1-E302, Aramaki, Aoba-ku, Sendai 980-0845, Japan
e-mail: mas@irides.tohoku.ac.jp; koshimura@irides.tohoku.ac.jp
Y. Fujii
International Institute of Seismology and Earthquake Engineering (IISEE), Building Research
Institute (BRI), 1 Tachihara, Tsukuba, Ibaraki 305-0802, Japan
e-mail: fujii@kenken.go.jp
H. Yanagisawa
Department of Regional Management, Faculty of Liberal Arts, Tohoku Gakuin University,
2-1-1 Tenjinzawa, Izumi-ku, Sendai, Miyagi 981-3193, Japan
e-mail: h-yanagi@izcc.tohoku-gakuin.ac.jp
M. Estrada
Centro Peruano Japonés de Investigaciones Sísmicas y Mitigación de Desastres (CISMID),
Universidad Nacional de Ingeniería, Av. Túpac Amaru No. 1150 – Lima 25 Apartado
Postal 31-250 Lima 31, Lima, Peru
e-mail: estrada@uni.edu.pe
© Springer International Publishing Switzerland 2016 1

V. Santiago-Fandiño et al. (eds.), Tsunamis and Earthquakes in Coastal
Environments, Coastal Research Library 14, DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-28528-3_1
2 B. Adriano et al.
environmental changes, in particular the impact to vegetation areas, were evaluated

using satellite imagery. An important reduction of agricultural areas due to tsunami
impact and soil salinization was confirmed.
Keywords Peru earthquake • Tsunami source • Inversion • Modeling • Remote

sensing
1.1 Introduction
The tsunami generated by the 23 June 2001 Peru Earthquake (Mw 8.4) generated a
destructive tsunami that struck the southern region of the Peruvian coast. The post-
tsunami survey team (ITST: International Tsunami Survey Team) reported tsunami
heights, distance of inundation and structural damage (ITST 2001a, b, c). ITST
reported that the destruction due to the tsunami was mainly concentrated in Camana
along 30 km of a sandy populated beach. The average value of run-up height was 5 m
with a maximum value of 7 m. The inundation distance reached between 700 m and
1.3 km inland. As a result, the agricultural fields in the Camana estuary were covered
with up to 40 cm of sand deposits (Okal et al. 2002). Official records estimated that
at least 57 people were killed by the earthquake and 26 by the tsunami, while 2812
were injured and approximately 60,000 houses were damaged or destroyed (MINSA/
OPS 2005). An engineering analysis of the recorded ground motion conducted by
Rodriguez-Marek et al. (2010) shows that the earthquake presented peak ground
accelerations between 0.04 and 0.34 g for distances from the fault between 70 and
220 km. Within the framework of the project Enhancement of Earthquake and
Tsunami Disaster Mitigation Technology in Peru (JST-JICA SATREPS) (Yamazaki
et al. 2013), Peruvian and Japanese research teams had conducted field surveys in the
affected areas of Camana which remain unreconstructed since 2001. They had found
tsunami traces, such as watermarks on walls, still present in remaining destroyed
buildings of the urban area to the south of Camana beach (Shoji et al. 2014;
Yanagisawa et al. 2011). Furthermore, Spiske et al. (2013) analyzed the changes of
tsunami deposits after 7 years from the main event, and found that approximately 25
% of the original sediment layer had been reduced during this period.
The seismological discussion of the 2001 Peru earthquake, including the tsunami
impact, had been addressed in detail on several scientific publications (e.g., Audemard
et al. 2005; Bilek 2002; Giovanni 2002; Okal et al. 2002; Tavera et al. 2002, 2006).
However, few studies had focused on reproducing the tsunami inundation (Adriano
et al. 2011; Jimenez et al. 2011). Therefore, in this study, the main purpose is to
reproduce, through numerical modeling and satellite image analysis, the tsunami
impact of this event to the Camana beach coastline and its morphology. The following
discussion is divided in three sections. First, a seismic source model estimated from
tsunami data is introduced; this source is suitable for modeling tsunami inundation.
The proposed source model is based on tsunami waveform inversion of recorded
signals at several tide gauge stations. In the second section, using the calculated
seismic source, a non-lineal tsunami numerical modeling is conducted to reproduce
1 Revisiting the 2001 Peruvian Earthquake and Tsunami Impact… 3
the inundation area, the maximum inundation depth, and the tsunami run-up. Finally,
in the third section, the tsunami impact to Camana beach coastline is evaluated using
the tsunami numerical results and pre- and post-event satellite images.
1.1.1 Developing the Tsunami Source Model

1.1.1.1 Seismic Source Models
The 2001 Peru earthquake occurred on June 23 (15:33:14 local time) along the
Peru-Chile trench. The main shock took place at the subduction zone between
Nazca and South American plates. The Nazca plate is sub-ducting underneath of the
South American plate at a rate of 4.3–4.5 cm/year (Fig. 1.1). This inter-plate contact
zone is the longest and one of the most active plate boundaries worldwide (Audemard
80° W 75° W
Lima
South
America
PERU
15° S
Camana
Pe
ru
e
dg
-C
hil
Ri
e
a
tre
sc
nc
Na
Nasca Plate
20° S
Epicenter
Subduction
Rupture area CHILE
0 150 Km
1868 Rupture Area
Fig. 1.1 Tectonic setting of southern Peru and northern Chile. The epicenter and rupture area of
the 2001 event are shown by the black star and the hatched polygon, respectively
4 B. Adriano et al.
et al. 2005) and it has generated several large and catastrophic earthquakes in the
past (Dorbath et al. 1990).
The epicenter of the 2001 event was located at 73.64°W 16.26°S (USGS) while
the hypocenter was estimated at 73.94 ± 2.5 km west and 16.46 ± 3.9 km south with
30.4 ± 9.5 km depth according to the Geophysical Institute of Peru (IGP) (Tavera
et al. 2002; Ocola 2008). Based on the Modified Mercalli Intensity scale the
maximum intensity of ground shaking was VII (Tavera et al. 2006). The rupture
process duration was estimated by the Global CMT catalog as 86 s and by Kikuchi
and Yamanaka (2001) as 107 s. The estimated magnitude varied from Mw 8.2 to Mw
8.4. For instance, Kikuchi and Yamanaka (2001) analyzed teleseismic broadband P
waves retrieved from 24 seismic stations to determine the general source parameters.
They estimated a moment magnitude of Mw 8.2 and a seismic moment of 2.2 × 1021
Nm in a rupture area of 150 km × 240 km. Similarly, Tavera et al. (2002) determined
the fault plane orientation and magnitude of Mw 8.2 by analyzing the polarity of P
waves and body waveform inversion from 15 broadband stations at teleseismic
distances. Another analysis of P waveforms from 14-recorded seismograms
estimated a total seismic moment of 2.4 × 1021 Nm, which gives a moment magnitude
of Mw 8.2 (Giovanni 2002). Conversely, the Global CMT catalog reported a seismic
moment of 4.7 × 1021 Nm with a moment magnitude of Mw 8.4. This event was
followed by intensive aftershock sequences of approximately 400 earthquakes
during the first month after the earthquake. The strongest aftershock was on July 7,
2001 with a moment magnitude Mw 7.5 (Bilek 2002; Tavera et al. 2006).
Most of the earthquake source models that have been proposed for the 2001 Peru
earthquake are based on the observation and the analysis of seismic data. Conversely,
this study contributes on presenting a source model calculated from tsunami
waveform inversion as a follow-up estimation from a previous source proposed by
Adriano et al. (2012) but using new bathymetry data available and different tide
gauges in the area for better approximation.
1.1.1.2 Tsunami Data
The 23 June 2001 Peru tsunami was recorded in several tide gauge stations around
the Pacific Ocean (Goring 2002). In this study the tide gauge data were taken from
the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA)/Pacific Marine
Environmental Laboratory (PMEL), Center for Tsunami Research, which were pro-
vided by the National Oceanic Services (NOS)/NOAA, Field Operation Division,
Pacific Regional Office. These data were originally sampled in 1-min and 15-s
intervals. According to NOS/NOAA, the data had a minimal editing/reformatting
and no quality controls were performed.
For this event, we used tsunami waves recorded at eight tide gauge stations
located in Chile and one station located in Peru (Fig. 1.2a). We retrieved the tsu-
nami signal by approximating the tidal wave as a polynomial function and remove
it from the original record. Then, the initial time of the earthquake (T0 = 2001/06/23
80° W 75° W a 74° W 72° W b

Callao
PERU
16° S
Camana
15° S
Datail in (b) Arica

20° S
Iquique
18° S
Antofagasta
25° S
0 50 Km
Calderas
Epicenter
30° S
Coquimbo
Water depth (m)
CHILE
0 250 Km Subfault
0 - 200 2,000 - 4,000 Aftershock
Valparaiso 200 - 500 4,000 - 6,000
SanJuan SanAntonio 500 - 1,000 6,000 - 7,000
1,000 - 2,000 7,000 - 8,000
Fig. 1.2 (a) Location of the tide gauge stations used for the tsunami waveform inversion (solid
white square). (b) Inferred fault geometry of the 2001 Peru Earthquake from aftershocks
distribution
20:33:14 UTC, according to USGS) was subtracted. Finally, the tsunami waveforms
were resampled in 1-min interval for tsunami inversion, as shown by red dashed
lines in Fig. 1.3.
1.1.1.3 Tsunami Waveform Inversion
The focal parameters of the earthquake source are based on the Global CMT catalog
(strike 308°, dip 18°, slip angle 63°). Figure 1.2b shows the epicenter and the extent
of aftershocks over a 7-day window following the main-shock. Based on the
aftershock distribution a 300 km in length and 100 km width area was set as the
rupture zone oriented southeast from the epicenter. In addition, the fault area was
divided in 12 subfaults (50 km × 50 km) to cover the aftershock area as shown in
Fig. 1.2b. The top depths of subfaults are 14.15 km and 29.60 km southwest north-
east from the trench to the coast.
6 B. Adriano et al.
0.50 1.0 1.0

Callao Antofagasta Valparaiso
0.25 0.5 0.5
0.00 0.0 0.0
−0.25 −0.5 −0.5
−0.50 −1.0 −1.0
60 90 120 150 30 60 90 120 120 150 180 210
1.0 0.50 0.50

Arica Calderas SanAntonio
0.5 0.25 0.25
0.0 0.00 0.00
−0.5 −0.25 −0.25
−1.0 −0.50 −0.50
0 30 60 90 60 90 120 150 120 150 180 210
1.0 1.0 0.50

Iquique Coquimbo SanJuan
0.5 0.5 0.25
0.0 0.0 0.00
−0.5 −0.5 −0.25
−1.0 −1.0 −0.50
0 30 60 90 90 120 150 180 120 150 180 210
Fig. 1.3 Comparison of the recorded (red) and synthetic (blue) tsunami waveforms computed
from the estimated slip distribution. The time intervals shown in solid lines were used for the
inversion; dashed lines are shown only for comparison but those were not use in the source model
estimation
To calculate the synthetic tsunami waveform at the tide gauge stations, tsunami
propagation from each subfault to the stations was calculated using the linear
shallow-water approximation (Satake 1995). The computational domain is shown in
Fig. 1.2a. The bathymetry data was constructed from the General Bathymetry Chart
of the Ocean (GEBCO) 30 arc-seconds grid data. As the initial condition, static
deformation of the seafloor is calculated for a rectangular fault model (Okada 1985).
In addition, the effect of coseismic horizontal displacement was also included
(Tanioka and Satake 1996). The non-negative least square method was used to
estimate the slip distribution. The details of the inversion method are described in
Fujii and Satake (2007). The calculation of later phases or reflected waves in the
tsunami signal is particularly difficult and inaccurate with the coarse resolution in
the bathymetry data; therefore, only the first cycle of tsunami waveform was used
for the inversion process.
The comparison of the recorded (red curves) and synthetic (blue curves) tsunami
waveforms computed from the estimated slip distribution is shown in Fig. 1.3. In
general, the synthetic waveforms agree with the observed data at stations located far
from the source. Conversely, there is a 15 cm difference on the estimated maximum
amplitude at Callao station. Although the maximum amplitude of Callao, Arica, and
Iquique stations is not well reproduced, the phases are well estimated. The inversion
results are shown in Table 1.1 and Fig. 1.4a. The total seismic moment was
calculated from the slip distribution as 4.07 × 1021 Nm (Mw 8.3) using 4.0 × 1010 N/
m2 as average rigidity value in an elastic medium. The inversion result indicates that
the maximum slip corresponds to the deepest subfaults (No. 9–10), near Camana
beach. The land-level changes calculated from the slip distribution suggest a coastal
subsidence of approximately 1.07 m near Camana beach (Fig. 1.4b) while GPS
measurements estimated 0.84 cm of land subsidence at Camana (Ocola 2008).
www.Ebook777.com
Table 1.1 Earthquake source model obtained from the tsunami waveform inversion
Strike Dip Rake
angle angle angle Length Width Slip Depth
No. (°) (°) (°) (km) (km) (m) (km) Lat. (°) Lon. (°)
1 308 18 63 50 50 0.05 14.15 −18.25° −72.20
2 308 18 63 50 50 0.00 14.15 −17.97 −72.58
3 308 18 63 50 50 2.34 14.15 −17.68 −72.95
4 308 18 63 50 50 0.00 14.15 −17.40 −73.32
5 308 18 63 50 50 0.00 14.15 −17.12 −73.69
6 308 18 63 50 50 0.00 14.15 −16.83 −74.07
7 308 18 63 50 50 0.00 29.60 −17.90 −71.92
8 308 18 63 50 50 1.73 29.60 −17.62 −72.30
9 308 18 63 50 50 10.18 29.60 −17.33 −72.67
10 308 18 63 50 50 10.94 29.60 −17.05 −73.04
11 308 18 63 50 50 7.32 29.60 −16.76 −73.41
12 308 18 63 50 50 0.00 29.60 −16.48 −73.79
a 74° W 73° W 72° W b 74° W 73° W 72° W

16° S
16° S
12
Camana Camana
6 11
5 10
17° S
17° S
4 9
3 8
2 7
Slip (m)
18° S
18° S
11 1 Uplift
Subsidence
Trench
0 50 Km Epicenter 0 50 Km
0
Fig. 1.4 (a) Slip distributions estimated by tsunami waveform inversion. The color scale shows
the slip value for each subfault. The star shows the epicenter. (b) Seafloor deformation computed
from the estimated slip distribution. The red solid contours indicate uplift with a contour interval
of 0.5 m, whereas the blue dashed contours indicate subsidence, with a contour interval of 0.5 m
1.1.2 Numerical Simulation of Tsunami Inundation
1.1.2.1 Numerical Model Set-Up
The Tohoku University’s Numerical Analysis Model for Investigation of Near-Field

Tsunami No.2 (TUNAMI-N2) model, which is based on the non-linear shallow
8 B. Adriano et al.
water approximation, was used to conduct the tsunami numerical simulation. A set
of non-linear shallow water equations (1.1, 1.2 and 1.33) are discretized by the
Staggered Leap-frog finite difference scheme (Imamura 1996). The bottom friction
coefficients in the Manning’s equation are set according to the land use (Table 1.1).
∂η ∂M ∂N
+ + =0 (1.1)
∂t ∂x ∂Y
∂M ∂  M 2  ∂  MN  ∂η gn 2
+  +   = − gD − 7/3 M M 2 + N 2 (1.2)
∂t ∂x  D  ∂y  D  ∂x D
∂N ∂  MN  ∂  N 2  ∂η gn 2
+ +   = − gD − 7/3 N M 2 + N 2
∂t ∂x  D  ∂y  D
(1.3)
 ∂y D
where
−h
M = ∫ udz
η
(1.4)
−h
N = ∫ vdz
η
(1.5)
D =η + h (1.6)
M and N are the discharge flux of x and y direction, respectively, η is the water level
and h is the water depth above the mean sea level.
The computational domain is divided into four subdomains to construct a nested
grid system, as shown in Fig. 1.5. The grid size, which extends from the earthquake
source region to the coast of Camana coast, varies from 30 to 810 m. The bathym-
etry data for the first to the third domains were interpolated from the GEBCO 30
arc-seconds grid data. The merged topography and bathymetry grids for the fourth
domain were constructed from the nautical chart provided by the DHN, Navy of
Peru (Dirección de Hidrografía y Navegación in Spanish) and the land elevation
data obtained from the Thermal Emission and Reflection Radiometer (ASTER) sen-
sor with 1 arc-second grid resolution.
For the tsunami inundation model, the land resistance during tsunami penetration
is considered by setting a specific roughness coefficient to the land cover (Table 1.2)
(Aburaya and Imamura 2002; Dutta et al. 2007; Kotani et al. 1998). Figure 1.6
shows the spatial distribution of Manning’s roughness coefficient (n) in the compu-
tational domain of tsunami inundation model. The n-distribution was obtained
through the unsupervised classification of moderate resolution satellite image. In
addition, the coastline of Camana beach and surroundings were estimated from the
analysis of satellite images. The detail of this step is discussed in Sect. 1.4.1.
Water Land
12° S
76° W 74° W
a
72° W
d 72°50’W 72°40’W 72°30’W
depth (m) Elevation (m)
Water depth 0 - 10 0-5
0 - 1,000 (m) N 10 - 20 5 - 10
20 - 40 10 - 30
1,000 - 3,000 Camana
16°36’S
40 - 80 30 - 70
3,000 - 4,000
80 - 100 70 - 90
4,000 - 5,000
15° S
100 - 200 90 - 110

5,000 - 8,100 200 - 300 110 - 200
Detail in (b) 300 - 500 200 - 300
500 - 600 300 - 700
600 - 700 700 - 1,200
16°48’S
18° S
0 100 km 0 10 Km
74° W 73° W
b c 73° W
Detail in (d)
17° S
Detail in (c)
17° S
(b) Water depth (c) Water depth

0 - 1,000 (m) 0 - 50 (m)
1,000 - 2,000 50 - 200
2,000 - 4,000 200 - 500
0 50 km 4,000 - 5,000 500 - 1,000
0 10 km
5,000 - 7,500 1,000 - 1,600
Fig. 1.5 The computational domain for the model of tsunami propagation and inundation to the
coastal area of Camana city. The grid size varies from 810, 270, 90 to 30 m, as shown in the nested
grid system detailed by (a–d)
Table 1.2 Manning’s Smooth ground 0.020

roughness coefficient (n)
Shallow water area or natural beach 0.025
values according to (Kotani
et al. 1998) Vegetated area 0.030
Populated area 0.040
1.1.2.2 esults and Validation of Tsunami Inundation Model in Camana

R
Coast
As shown in Fig. 1.5, the topography in Camana coast is predominantly of low lands
penetrating as much as 1.0 km. Following the plain beach area, steep hills can be
observed in the north and south from the river mouth (Fig. 1.5d). This topography
gives a natural barrier against the tsunami penetration. According to the satellite
imagery analysis, almost 5 km inland from the coastline of Camana beach is used
for agriculture. In addition, based on the model results, the tsunami penetrated 1.0–
1.5 km inland in this area.
Results from simulation were validated through the comparison with field sur-
veyed inundation data. Figure 1.7 shows the spatial distribution of modeled maxi-
mum tsunami inundation depths. The maximum inundation depth in the
computational domain is 8.5 m. The tsunami penetration at Playa Pucchun and
south of Camana beach (La Punta – Las Cuevas) agrees with the observed data
(ITST 2001a, b, c; Dengler 2001). It was observed that the urban area located to the
south of Camana beach, between the La Punta and the Las Cuevas, was inundated
10 B. Adriano et al.
72°50’W 72°40’W 72°30’W
Shallow water
16°35’S
Vegetated area
Others
Smooth ground
16°40’S
0 5 km
Fig. 1.6 Spatial distribution of roughness coefficient, according to the land-use condition, inferred
from the unsupervised classification of pre-tsunami satellite imagery (Landsat-5 TM)
with 3–4 m (Fig. 1.7d). On the other hand, the agricultural areas to the north of
Camana beach were inundated with 2–3 m (Fig. 1.7b, c). Except for areas in the
north of Camana beach (Playa la Chira), where the calculated tsunami penetration
slightly overestimates the limits observed by the ITST 2001 survey, simulation
results are consistent with in-situ measurement data. Discrepancies in the north part
of Camana are due to the limitation of the shallow water approximation added to the
lack of local bathymetry information within the study area, in particular near the
Playa La Chira.
The modeled tsunami inundation is validated by K and κ coefficients proposed
by Aida (1978) According to the ITST 2001 survey, 20 points of local inundation
depth were measured around Camana beach (Fig. 1.7a). Figure 1.8 shows a lineal
comparison of simulated and measured tsunami inundation depth. Based on the
suggested guidelines provided by JSCE (2002) (0.95 < K < 1.05 and κ < 1.45), our
results can be evaluated as suitable (K = 1.02 and κ < 1.07) to be used for evaluating
tsunami impact along Camana beach coastline and its morphology.
1.1.3 Impact of the Tsunami Inundation in Camana Coast
1.1.3.1 Method
Satellite images were selected based on its acquisition time and free-cloud coverage
in the study area. Unfortunately there was no available image acquired within a
short time after or before the tsunami event. Nevertheless, we selected three
Landsat-5 Thematic Mapper (TM) images scenes (Path 04, Row 71; according to
the World Reference System 2). Two pre-event images taken on June 21, 1999,
almost 2 years before the event, and on June 10, 2001, almost 2 week before the
a Maximum tsunami
(b)
depth (m)
0-1 4-5
1-2 5-6
2-3 6-7
Playa la Chira (c) Camana 3-4 7 - 8.5
(d)
Playa Pucchun
La Punta Las Cuevas

0 5 km
b c
Playa la Chira
Playa Pucchun
0 1 km 0 0.9 km
La Punta
Las Cuevas
0 1 km
Fig. 1.7 Spatial distribution of modeled inundation depth. The solid red line and red circles indi-
cate the tsunami inundation limit and measured inundation depth (ITST 2001a; Dengler 2001). (a)
Distribution of inundation depth in the computational domain. (b–d) inundation depth at the most
affected areas in Camana according to the ITST 2001. Background image corresponds to the pre-
event Landsat TM acquired on June 10, 2001
Fig 1.8 Comparison of the 8

model results and the field
survey data, in terms of the 7
local inundation depths
6
Modeled (m)
4
2
K = 1.02
1 κ = 1.07
0
0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8
Measured (m)
tsunami event. The third image was taken on June 21, 2002, almost 1 year after the
event. Images were selected based on its acquisition time and month to seek few
days of difference with the time of the event and to reduce the seasonal sensitivity
of optical satellite images (Zhang et al. 2013).
Landsat-5 TM image data files consist of seven spectral bands, including one
thermal infrared (band 6). The resolution is 30 m for bands 1–5, and 7, detailed
information about the Landsat product can be found at USGS-Landsat Missions
website. Several pre-processing algorithms were carried out to the images in order
to extract quantitative information about the features on the land surface. In addi-
tion, the images were atmospherically corrected by transforming uncalibrated pixel
value (digital number) into surface reflectance images (Chander et al. 2004, 2009;
Markham and Helder 2012).
1.1.4 Remote Sensing Analysis
Two analyses were performed to delineate the coastline of Camana beach and sur-
roundings and to investigate the changes of the coastal morphology in terms vegeta-
tion. First, using the images taken on June 10, 2001, we estimated the coastline by
calculating the normalized difference water index (NDWI) and the normalized dif-
ference vegetation index (NDVI) (Jackson et al. 2004). Then, the coastline was
manually delineated from the index-images taking as reference the true-color com-
posite of the same image. Second, a visual interpretation of the coast of Camana
based on the RGB-color composite images and NDVI-images was conducted. The
natural-like color composite image was constructed by assigning the Band 7 to the
red channel, Band 5 to the green channel, and Band 3 to the blue channel. In this
Camana Camana
1999-06-21
2 km 2 km
Camana Camana
2001-06-10
2 km 2 km
Camana Camana NDVI

2002-06-21
+1
2 km 2 km
-1
Fig. 1.9 Right panels show the nature-like composite of Landsat-5 TM images. Left panels show
the NDVI image calculated from Landsat-5 TM dataset (R: band7, G: band5, and B: band3). The
black line shows the calculated tsunami inundation limits
composition the vegetation appears in dark and light green, urban features are white,
gray, cyan or purple. In addition, by absorbing the mid-infrared bands, it provides
well-defined coastlines and highlighted sources of water within the image.
Figure 1.9 shows the multi-temporal comparison of the Landsat-5 TM imagery.
The extension of the calculate inundation area is shown by the black line. The pres-
ence of healthy or unhealthy vegetation can be detected by applying the NDVI
index to the temporal satellite images of the areas affected by the tsunami in
Camana, as shown in Fig. 1.9. In addition, from optical satellite imagery it is pos-
sible to follow the changes on coastline shape and morphology of the area. In the
case of Camana coast, from the image taken 1 year after the disaster, approximately
80.1 % of healthy vegetation area had been reduced, while between the two pre-
disaster images (1999–2001) the difference in vegetation area in the same season is
2.2 %. Such high reduction of vegetation even 1 year after the disaster can be
explained not only by the damage occurred to agricultural areas in June 2001, but
also due to the sand deposition by tsunami as reported by Jaffe et al. (2003) which
ruined crops with salinization of soil (Olcese 2004), as shown in Fig. 1.10.
1.1.5 Concluding Remarks
Using the recorded tsunami waves at nine tide gauge stations, we estimated the
seismic source distribution of the June 23, 2001 Peru Earthquake by using tsunami
waveform inversion. The rupture area was constrained based on the aftershock dis-
tribution of 7-days. The aftershocks distribution indicated that the 2001 Peru tsu-
nami source was about 300 km in length, extending from the epicenter to the
southeast. The maximum slip was approximately 10–11 m corresponding to the
Fig. 1.10 Damage to crops near Playa Pucchun. Similar condition to farmlands along the Camana
coast was reported by field survey reports. Salinization and damage to irrigation made difficult to
restore vegetation in this areas
deepest subfault, near Camana beach. The total seismic moment was calculated
from the slip distribution as 4.07 × 1021 Nm (Mw 8.3).
In addition, based on moderate resolution bathymetry and topography data, tsu-
nami inundation modeling using the estimated tsunami source was presented. The
results of simulated local inundation depth and inundation area were consistent with
the measured and observed field data. The model verified that the urban area on the
south and the agricultural areas on the north of Camana beach were inundated with
3–4 m and 2–3 m, respectively.
Finally, combining the results of inundation area and the analysis of pre- and
post-event satellite images, the observed reduction of agricultural areas due to tsu-
nami impact and soil salinization was detected. From the image taken 1 year after
the disaster, approximately 80.1 % of healthy vegetation area had been reduced.
References
Aburaya T, Imamura F (2002) The proposal of a tsunami run–up simulation using combined equiv-
alent roughness. Annu J Coast Eng Japan Soc Civ Eng 49:276–280
Adriano B, Koshimura S, Fujii Y (2011) Validation of tsunami inundation modeling for the June
23, 2001 Peru Earthquake. In: 8th international conference on urban earthquake engineering,
pp 1800–1804
Adriano B, Koshimura S, Fujii Y (2012) Tsunami source and inundation modeling of the June
2001 Peru earthquake. In: 9th international conference on urban earthquake engineering/4th
Asia conference on earthquake engineering, pp 2061–2065. http://ares.tu.chiba-u.jp/peru/pdf/
output/cp/9th_CUEE_Bruno_et_al.pdf. Accessed 9 Feb 2015
Aida I (1978) Reliability of a tsunami source model derived from fault parameters. J Phys Earth
26(1):57–73. doi:10.4294/jpe1952.26.57
Audemard MF, Gómez JC, Tavera HJ, Orihuela GN (2005) Soil liquefaction during the Arequipa
Mw 8.4, June 23, 2001 earthquake, southern coastal Peru. Eng Geol 78(3-4):237–255.
doi:10.1016/j.enggeo.2004.12.007
Bilek SL (2002) Analysis of the 23 June 2001 Mw 8.4 Peru underthrusting earthquake and its
aftershocks. Geophys Res Lett 29(20), CitelD1960. doi:10.1029/2002GL015543
Chander G, Helder DL, Markham BL, Dewald JD, Kaita E, Thome KJ, Micijevic E, Ruggles TA
(2004) Landsat-5 TM reflective-band absolute radiometric calibration. IEEE Trans Geosci
Remote Sens 42:2747–2760. doi:10.1109/TGRS.2004.836388
Chander G, Markham BL, Helder DL (2009) Summary of current radiometric calibration coeffi-
cients for Landsat MSS, TM, ETM+, and EO-1 ALI sensors. Remote Sens Environ 113(5):893–
903. doi:10.1016/j.rse.2009.01.007
Dengler L (2001) Impacts of the June 23, 2001 Peru tsunami [online]. Available from: http://www.
gweaver.net/techhigh/projects/Waves/Tsunami Project/short_peru_report.pdf. Accessed 5 Feb
2015
Dorbath L, Cisternas A, Dorbath C (1990) Assessment of the size of large and great historical
earthquakes in Peru. Bull Seismol Soc Am 80(3):551–576. http://www.bssaonline.org/con-
tent/80/3/551.abstract. Accessed May 2015
Dutta D, Alam J, Umeda K, Hayashi M, Hironaka S (2007) A two-dimensional hydrodynamic
model for flood inundation simulation: a case study in the lower Mekong river basin. Hydrol
Process 21(9):1223–1237. doi:10.1002/hyp.6682
Fujii Y, Satake K (2007) Tsunami source of the 2004 Sumatra-Andaman earthquake inferred from
tide gauge and satellite data. Bull Seismol Soc Am 97(1A):S192–S207. doi:10.1785/0120050613
Giovanni MK (2002) The June 23, 2001 Peru earthquake and the southern Peru subduction zone.
Geophys Res Lett 29(21):2018. doi:10.1029/2002GL015774
Goring DG (2002) Response of New Zealand waters to the Peru tsunami of 23 June 2001. N Z
J Mar Freshw Res 36(1):225–232. doi:10.1080/00288330.2002.9517081
Imamura F (1996) Review of tsunami simulation with a finite-difference method. In: Yeh H, Liu P,
Synolakis C (eds) Long-wave runup models, World Scientific, pp 25–42. ISBN:
981-02-2909-7
International Tsunami Survey Team (2001a) Impacts of the 2001 Peru tsunami in Camana. In:
International tsunami symposium proceedings, p 409
International Tsunami Survey Team (2001b) Report of the June 23, 2001 Peruvian tsunami field
survey of the International Tsunami Survey Team (ITST). http://www.usc.edu/dept/tsunamis/
peru01/webpages/peru2001tsun.html. Accessed April 2015
International Tsunami Survey Team (2001c) The Peruvian tsunami of 23 June 2001: preliminary
report by the International Tsunami Survey Team. In: International tsunami symposium pro-
ceedings, pp 377–378
Jackson TJ, Chen D, Cosh M, Li F, Anderson M, Walthall C, Doriaswamy P, Hunt ER (2004)
Vegetation water content mapping using Landsat data derived normalized difference water
index for corn and soybeans. Remote Sens Environ 92:475–482
Jaffe BE, Gelfenbaum G, Rubin D, Peters R, Anima R, Swensson M, Olcese D, Anticona LB,
Gomez JC, Riega PC (2003) Identification and interpretation of tsunami deposits from the June
23, 2001 Peru tsunami. In: International conference on coastal sediments, p 13
Japan Society of Civil Engineers (2002) Tsunami assessment method for nuclear power plants in
Japan, 72p
Jimenez C, Adriano B, Koshimura S, Fujii Y (2011) The tsunami of Camana 2001. In: 8th interna-
tional conference on urban earthquake engineering, pp 1567–1571
Kikuchi M, Yamanaka Y (2001) Near coast of Peru earthquake (Mw 8.2) on June 23, 2001. http://
wwweic.eri.u-tokyo.ac.jp/topics/200106232033/index.html. Accessed April 2015
Kotani M, Imamura F, Shuto N (1998) Tsunami run-up simulation and damage estimation by using
GIS. In: Proceedings of coastal engineering, JSCE 45, pp 356–360
Markham BL, Helder DL (2012) Forty-year calibrated record of earth-reflected radiance from
Landsat: A review. Remote Sens Environ 122:30–40. doi:10.1016/j.rse.2011.06.026
MINSA/OPS Ministerio de Salud – Organizacion Panamericana de la Salud (2005) El Terremoto
y Maremoto del Sur del Peru 2001. http://bvpad.indeci.gob.pe/doc/pdf/esp/doc36/doc36_con-
tenido.pdf. Accessed Feb 2015
Ocola L (2008) Southern Perú coseismic subsidence: 23 June 2001 8.4-Mw earthquake. Adv
Geosci 14:79–83. doi:10.5194/adgeo-14-79-2008
Okada Y (1985) Surface deformation due to shear and tensile faults in a half-space. Bull Seismol
Soc Am 75(4):1135–1154. http://bssa.geoscienceworld.org/content/75/4/1135.short. Accessed
Aug 2012
Okal E, Dengler L, Araya S, Borrero J, Gomer B, Koshimura S, Laos G, Olcese D, Ortiz M,
Swensson M, Titov V, Vegas F (2002) Field survey of the Camaná, Perú tsunami of 23 June
2001, Seismol. Res Lett 73(6):907–920. doi:10.1785/gssrl.73.6.907
Olcese D (2004) Estudio del origen y consecuencias del tsunami del 23 de Junio del 2001 en la
costa sur del Peru, National University of Engineering, Peru
Rodriguez-Marek A, Bay JA, Park K, Montalva GA, Cortez-Flores A, Wartman J, Boroschek R
(2010) Engineering analysis of ground motion records from the 2001 M w 8.4 Southern Peru
earthquake. Earthq Spectra 26(2):499–524. doi:10.1193/1.3381172
Satake K (1995) Linear and nonlinear computations of the 1992 Nicaragua earthquake tsunami.
Pure Appl Geophys PAGEOPH 144(3–4):455–470. doi:10.1007/BF00874378
Shoji G, Shimizu H, Koshimura S, Estrada M, Jimenez C (2014) Evaluation of tsunami wave loads
acting on walls of confined-masonry-brick and concrete-block houses. J Disaster Res
9(6):976–983
Spiske M, Piepenbreier J, Benavente C, Bahlburg H (2013) Preservation potential of tsunami
deposits on arid siliciclastic coasts. Earth Sci Rev 126:58–73. doi:10.1016/j.
earscirev.2013.07.009
Tanioka Y, Satake K (1996) Tsunami generation by horizontal displacement of ocean bottom.
Geophys Res Lett 23(8):861. doi:10.1029/96GL00736
Tavera H, Buforn E, Bernal I, Antayhua Y, Vilacapoma L (2002) The Arequipa (Peru) earthquake
of June 23, 2001. J Seismol 6(6):279–283. doi:10.1023/A:1015698621075
Tavera H, Fernández E, Bernal I, Antayhua Y, Agüero C, Rodríguez HSS, Vilcapoma L, Zamudio
Y, Portugal D, Inza A, Carpio J, Ccallo F, Valdivia I (2006) The southern region of Peru earth-
quake of June 23rd, 2001. J Seismol 10(2):171–195. doi:10.1007/s10950-006-9014-2
U.S. Geological Survey (2015) Ladsat program, Landsat Missions. http://landsat.usgs.gov.
Accessed Feb 2015
Yamazaki F, Zavala C, Nakai S, Koshimura S, Saito T, Midorikawa S, Aguilar Z, Estrada M, Bisbal
A (2013) SATREPS project on enhancement of earthquake and tsunami disaster mitigation
technology in Peru. J Disaster Res 9(6):916–924
Yanagisawa H, Koshimura S, Yagi Y, Fujii Y, Shoji G, Jimenez C (2011) The tsunami vulnerability
assessment in Peru using the index of potential tsunami exposure. In: 8th international confer-
ence of urban earthquake engineering, pp 1591–1595
Zhang H, Zhang Y, Lin H (2013) Seasonal effects of impervious surface estimation in subtropical
monsoon regions. Int J Digital Earth 7(9):746–760. doi:10.1080/17538947.2013.781241
Chapter 2
Imprints of the AD 1755 Tsunami in Algarve
(South Portugal) Lowlands and Post-impact
Recovery
P.J.M. Costa, M.A. Oliveira, R. González-Villanueva, C. Andrade,

and M.C. Freitas
Abstract The AD 1755 tsunami was the most devastating tsunami that affected
Atlantic Europe in historical times. In this work we summarize its sedimentological
signatures in lowlands (Martinhal, Barranco, Furnas, Boca do Rio, Salgados-
Alcantarilha) of the Algarve coast that contrast in geologic and geomorphological
settings and sediment abundance. We found remarkable similarities between tsu-
nami deposits and the materials available for transport at the coast prior to the tsu-
nami. A number of 2–4 m high and 30–70 m wide scarps (i.e. steep slopes in dunes
resulting from erosion) are the only erosive geomorphic signature preserved in the
study areas (Boca do Rio and Salgados-Alcantarilha). Recovery of the coastal sys-
tem to pre-event conditions, inferred from the documentary records, is evaluated
and analyzed in terms of sediment availability and supply, climate, hydrodynamic
regime and geomorphic setting. Sediment-starved pocket beaches bypassed land-
ward most of the sediment previously accumulated in the coastal system, failing to
recover the pre-event morphology. Moreover, and solely in Martinhal, the abrupt
morphological changes translated in increased and lasting permeability of the bar-
rier and adjacent wetland to storms. The Alcantarilha-Salgados beach-dune system,
in moderate sand supply, was extensively scarped but not fully overtopped. Here,
recovery was partly achieved by destabilization of the remnant dune, formation and
(limited) advance of parabolic dunes following the 1755 event. A schematic concep-
tual model is presented summarizing: the pre-event conditions; the depositional and
geomorphological features directly related with the tsunami impact; and the post-
event geomorphological adaptation. In the studied cases post-event recovery seems
to be reduced mainly due to a conjugation of pre-event geomorphological setting
and low sediment input.
P.J.M. Costa (*) • M.A. Oliveira • C. Andrade • M.C. Freitas

IDL and Departamento de Geologia, Faculdade de Ciências da Universidade de Lisboa,
Edifício C6, Campo Grande 1749-016, Lisboa, Portugal
e-mail: ppcosta@ciencias.ulisboa.pt
R. González-Villanueva
Dpto. Xeociencias Mariñas e O.T. (XM-1), Facultade de Ciencias do Mar Universidade de
Vigo, Campus As Lagoas Marcosende, Vigo, 36310, Pontevedra, Spain
© Springer International Publishing Switzerland 2016 17

V. Santiago-Fandiño et al. (eds.), Tsunamis and Earthquakes in Coastal
Environments, Coastal Research Library 14, DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-28528-3_2
18 P.J.M. Costa et al.
The need to conduct further studies in the impacts of palaeotsunamis is evi-

denced here, especially because older events allow a large time window to observe
post-tsunami adaptation.
Keywords Geomorphology • Tsunami deposit • Sand barrier • Erosional features •

Recovery
2.1 Introduction
The first studies relating the coastal sedimentological record with (pre)historic
tsunamis were conducted by Atwater (1987) and Dawson et al. (1988). Since then
many papers have been published on tsunami deposits and on related transport and
depositional processes (e.g. Dawson and Stewart 2007; Paris et al. 2009; Chagué-
Goff et al. 2011; Bahlburg and Spiske 2011). The geomorphological impacts of
both present-day tsunamis and palaeotsunamis have also been addressed although
less explored (e.g. Andrade 1992; Dawson 1994; Goff 2008; Goff et al. 2009;
Atwater et al. 2013, 2014; Kain et al. 2014; Catalán et al. 2014). These works, and
particularly Goff et al. (2009), contributed to catalogue geomorphological features
produced or triggered by tsunami impacts (e.g. sand/gravel sheets, sand washovers,
scour, hummocky topography, dunes, beach/backbeach scarping, etc.).
One key factor to achieve an understanding of (palaeo)tsunami events is the
reliability of their sedimentological and geomorphological record. In the respective
coastal setting prior to the event this depends on the nature and the amount of sedi-
ment available in each coastal cell. The former determines the ability to produce a
conspicuous imprint in onshore coastal stratigraphy; the latter is crucial for post-
tsunami coastal recovery and preservation of the imprint. The comprehension of the
geomorphological and sedimentological signatures of (palaeo)tsunamis is favored
by an approach at broad spatial scales in order to incorporate other modulating key
factors such as climate variability, hydrodynamic regimes, sediment budgets or
onshore geomorphological setting.
Studies on both the coastal geomorphological consequences of the AD 1755
tsunami and post-event response are scarce, despite its relevance to Europe, in par-
ticular to SW Iberia. Several studies have focused in the characterization of sand
layers deposited by that tsunami in Algarve (South Portugal) lowlands (e.g. Hindson
and Andrade 1999; Kortekaas and Dawson 2007; Oliveira et al. 2009; Costa et al.
2012a), in contrast with a single regional study on the geomorphological impacts
and post-event recovery in the eastern Algarve (Andrade 1992).
The present study addresses the sedimentological and geomorphological impacts of
the AD 1755 tsunami in coastal lowlands of the western and central Algarve, and discusses
the post-event recovery efficiency of the coastal systems while at the same time aims at:
(a) summarize, at a regional scale, the depositional features laid down by the tsunami; (b)
scrutinize the geomorphological impacts caused by the tsunami inundation; (c) analyze
the coastal system response in a region strongly impacted by the most devastating tsunami
that affected the coasts of Atlantic Europe in historical times.
2 Imprints of the AD 1755 Tsunami in Algarve (South Portugal) Lowlands… 19
2.2 Regional and Local Setting
2.2.1 Regional Geomorphology
The southern Portuguese coast is geomorphologically highly asymmetric mainly

due to pronounced contrasts in the outcropping geology. In its westernmost section,
the coastline is strongly irregular, developing in resistant Mesozoic limestone, the
geotectonic setting favoring the development of high (~70 m), steep (at times,
plunging) cliffs, occasionally interrupted by small pocket beaches. These beaches
accumulate sand over gravel and occur in relation with deep and narrow embay-
ments at the outlet of small intermittent streams, which run through deeply incised,
tectonically controlled canyons. The streams drain small drainage basins and the
sand input to the coast is reduced. Further east, the central Algarve coast develops
in Miocene sandy calcareous rocks, softer than the Mesozoic materials, forming
low to 40 m-high cliffs. Sand supply is moderate and ensured by streams and cliff
erosion. Here, streams and rivers present larger drainage basins and outlet in
lagoons, barred estuaries and wide bays with long sandy beaches frequently backed
by cliffs and, in cases, by dunes. In contrast, the eastern Algarve coast shows higher
abundance in sand and comprises only aggradation forms, such as one large barrier
island-lagoon complex and a coastal plain with continuous broad beaches backed
by dunes (Andrade 1990) (Fig. 2.1).
Coastal lowlands of the Algarve evolved throughout the Holocene in three stages:
inundation of a dissected surface by the Holocene transgression forming drowned
morphologies, such as rias; following sea level stabilization close to the present-day
level circa 5 ka cal BP, barriers developed, enclosing estuaries and lagoons; during
the last c. 3–5 k years marine and terrestrial sediment promoted partial to complete
infilling of the back-barrier wetlands.
2.2.2 Study Areas
The study sites (Figs. 2.2 and 2.3) were restricted to locations where onshore sedi-
mentary signature of the AD 1755 tsunami has been confirmed. Martinhal lowland
(Figs. 2.1 and 2.2a) comprises a triangular shaped high-intertidal alluvial plain/
lagoon at ca. 2 m mean sea level (msl), and a sand barrier with a linear foredune
reaching ~12 m (msl). The barrier is interrupted by an ephemeral inlet and is
overtopped by storm waves, with washovers extending landward up to 100 m of the
dune. Extreme storms in the Algarve coast are related to SW waves and typically
associate with wave heights of 2–3 m and 7–8 s period. Once a year, wave heights
of 4 m can occur and of 5 m every 5 years (Pires 1985). These events are capable of
invading the Martinhal lowland but fail to flood the other studied sites.
Barranco and Furnas lowlands (Fig. 2.2b, c) develop at the mouth of constricted
flat floored canyons with steep slopes, comprising supratidal narrow alluvial plains
and a barrier. The latter comprises small incipient foredunes and climbing dunes
20 P.J.M. Costa et al.
(a) (b)
al
Portug
pe
ro
Eu Spain
km km
0 500 1 000 2 000 0 155 310 620
(c)
Hypsometry
height (m)
700-1000
4 5 400-700
3 200-400
Estuary / lagoon
1 2 100-200
Holocene infill / beach and dune sands
50-100
River / stream
0-50
W C E
km
0 20 40
Fig. 2.1 (a) Location of Portugal within Europe; (b) Location of Algarve in Portugal; (c) Algarve
hypsometry, with location of rivers, water bodies, Holocene aggradation forms and study areas: 1
Martinhal, 2 Barranco, 3 Furnas, 4 Boca do Rio, 5 Alcantarilha and Salgados
backing small pocket beaches composed of a thin veneer (<1 m) of sand covering
shingle. Boca do Rio lowland (Fig. 2.2d) corresponds to a N-S elongated flat-floored
valley consisting of an active supratidal flood plain, separated from the sea by a low
shingle and sandy barrier that, together with a rock spur, prevent wave overtopping
during storms (Hindson and Andrade 1999; Hindson et al. 1999).
The coastal area of Alcantarilha and Salgados lowlands (Fig. 2.3) corresponds to
a 6 km long continuous and wide sandy embayed-beach backed by a multiple-
ridged dune. The beach/dune barrier leans against Miocene bedrock where it forms
an interfluve separating the lowlands. Laterally, the barrier (and dune) is interrupted
and limited by two ephemeral inlets. Further inland, muddy fluvial sediments almost
fully chocked the Alcantarilha palaeoestuary and actively infill the Salgados
lagoonal system.
2.2.2.1 Regional Late Holocene Stratigraphy
Four lithostratigraphic units represent the regional Late Holocene infill of Martinhal,
Boca do Rio, Alcantarilha and Salgados lowlands (Figs. 2.4a, b); in Barranco and
Furnas the basal unit has not yet been recognized.
2 Imprints of the AD 1755 Tsunami in Algarve (South Portugal) Lowlands… 21
25 Legend
15
20
Contour line Alluvial Plain
Boulder ridge
5 Stream Dune
Archeological site Boulder deposit
0
Beach and Washover
Land Fill
Backbarrier
10
m
15
0 250 500 1 000

20
25
25
40
40
(a) 55 50
40
25
30 30 20
50
50
10 15
70
10
50
45 70
30
80 55
50
45
75
35
45
20
55
70 35
25
80
50
75
25
55
70
40
80
35
25
15
35
5
75
65
35
45
25
45 30
70
60
10
60 55
65
65
20
65
55
40
0
40 80
40
0
70
45
50
30
70
20
50
75
75
20
40
0 70
5
15
0 0
25
60
30
30
60
0 10
15
15
35
0 0
(b) (c) (d)

0
20
50
Fig. 2.2 Geomorphological sketch of the studied lowlands: a Martinhal, b Barranco, c Furnas, d
Boca do Rio
Basal Unit 4 consists of medium sand and gravel with marine shell fragments
representing deposition in drowned estuarine environments open to marine influ-
ence, predating the barriers (Hindson et al. 1999; Kortekaas and Dawson 2007;
Costa et al. 2012a).
Unit 3 consists of alluvial/estuarine/lagoonal muds, with few sand layers towards
the base, representing low energy sedimentation in a restricted environment that
followed barrier formation.
Unit 2 corresponds to a widespread layer of marine sand with shell fragments,
which rises and thins inland. Muddy rip-up clasts are frequent and floating lime-
stone boulders may exist at its base, which is erosional, reflecting the high energy
deposit of the AD1755 tsunami inundation. In Barranco and Furnas lowlands unit 2
is <10 cm thick and mainly comprises limestone boulders (0.3–1 m a-axis). These
boulders were transported hundreds of meters inland and upwards in relation to the
present day shoreline (Costa et al. 2011).
Unit 1 caps the sequence and atop represents the present-day depositional sys-
tem. It consists of alluvial muds in Boca do Rio, Barranco, Furnas and Alcantarilha,
lagoonal muds in Salgados and alternating fluvial mud and marine sand – due to
occasional storm-driven sand deposition disturbing the permanent regime of muddy
sedimentation – in the case of Martinhal (see Fig. 2.1 for locations).
www.Ebook777.com
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
behalf of humanity is a duty;[1232] and this notwithstanding the
remedy be tenfold more inhuman than the disease.
Not that the Spaniards were insincere in their proffers of such
excuses; duty comes to us in the color of our desires. Moreover, they
were fresh from the Moorish wars; they were imbued with a religious
exaltation and chivalric sentiment that placed before them in varied
light duty to their God, their king, and themselves. For centuries they
had been trained to devote life and possessions to advance the
interests of sovereign and church. Many of the noblest
characteristics were interwoven in the nature of Cortés, and also with
admirable distinctness in such men as Juan Velazquez, Sandoval,
and Puertocarrero. In others we find the dignity of the hidalgo upheld
without marked stain, and this notwithstanding the tendency to
intrigue, the disregard for truth and justice, and a yielding to certain
vices on the part of leaders, and the greed and brutality of rank and
file. But even among the common soldiers, in fairness we cannot
disregard the echo of noble sentiment, the aspiration toward high
emprise there present. It is the leader, however, who with all his
selfish cruelties and unprincipled trickeries must ever remain the
central figure of our admiration. If ever there was a hero, a genius of
war worthy the adoration of war worshippers, if ever there were
grand conception and achievement, all were vividly displayed in the
mind and person of Hernan Cortés.
An able French writer, comparing the siege of Mexico with that of
Troy, depicts Cortés as an Achilles in whom were combined the
talents of Agamemnon and Ulysses.[1233]
In some respects, and as compared with his companions, he
indeed approached the deity the Mexicans thought him. Behold him
out upon this venture, throwing life to the winds that waft him from
Cuba, sinking his ships behind him, plunging into the heart of a
hostile country, and with a handful of men opposing powerful armies,
quelling insurrections, capturing his captors, turning enemies into
allies, balancing upon his finger contending powers, and after the
grand cataclysm opened by him on the central plateau has spent
itself, he quietly pockets the prize. No Alexander, or Scipio, or
Cæsar, or Napoleon ever achieved results so vast with means so
insignificant. It was indeed a rare piracy!
Taken as a whole, the testimony of eye-witnesses and the early chroniclers on
the conquest may be considered as fully up to the average of historical evidence.
While there was no little exaggeration, and some downright mendacity, such were
the number of the witnesses, the time, place, and circumstances of their several
relations, and the clearness of their testimony, that we find no difficulty with regard
to any important matters in determining truth and falsehood. When in addition to
the writings of the Spaniards we have native records and architectural remains as
collateral evidence, every honest searcher after truth may be satisfied.
In regard to the two writers by the name of Diaz who accompanied the first
expedition to Mexico, I have spoken of the Itinerario de Grijalva of the priest, and
before closing this volume I will review the Historia Verdadera of the soldier.
Following these were the memorials of the relatives of Velazquez, wholly
unreliable; the relation of the Anonymous Conqueror, whose statements were for
the most part true; many documents, such as the Carta del Ejército, and Probanza
de Lejalde, as well as the Cartas de Cortés, in the main true, but which may
properly be accepted only after close scrutiny and careful comparison; the reports
of Zurita, and the innumerable papers and documents lately brought to light by
Navarrete, Ramirez, Icazbalceta, Ternaux-Compans, and others, and published as
Coleccion de Documentos Inéditos, Coleccion de Documentos para la Historia de
Mexico, etc.; native and Spanish historians, Tezozomoc, Camargo, and Ixtlilxochitl;
Duran, Veytia, Sahagun, Mendieta, and Las Casas; Oviedo, Peter Martyr, and
Gomara; Herrera, Torquemada, Solis, and Clavigero; Bustamante, Robertson,
Prescott, and Brasseur de Bourbourg. These and others of but little inferior
importance offer ample foundation on which the modern historian may safely rear
his superstructure.
I say that it is easy enough to determine truth from falsehood in such a study
as this, where the evidence is so abundant and the witnesses are so widely
separated. When Torquemada enters into a long argument to show that the misery
wrought by the conquest was the punishment by God for the vices of the
Mexicans, I do not discuss the matter. I willingly admit that the ancient historian
knew, if indeed he knew anything about it, more concerning the mind of the deity
than the modern, though the latter might ask if the sufferings of the Spaniards
were not in like manner on account of their vices.
The books treating of Cortés’ achievements, as I have said, form an immense
array, as may be expected from the importance and interest of what Robertson
justly terms “the most memorable event in the conquest of America,” involving the
subjugation of the richest and most advanced country therein, the fall of its
beautiful and renowned city, and one of the most daring campaigns ever
undertaken. The narrative reads indeed like a romance rather than history based
on stern facts, and it is not strange that men have arisen who seek to cast doubt,
not alone on certain incidents, but on the main features of the achievement and
the field.
One method of doubt has been to lower the estimate of native culture and
resources; to sneer at the large cities, magnificent palaces, regal state, certain
industrial and fine arts, picture-writing, and other evidences of a higher culture.
Such statements reveal to the experienced student a lamentable disregard or
ignorance of evidence extant, of ruins with their massive form, their beautifully
designed ornamentation, their admirable sculptured and plastic delineation of the
human figure, both far in advance of the conventional specimens of Egypt, and the
former equal in many respects to the productions of the higher Greek art. The
picture-writing, again, reveals the phonetic element so developed as to endow the
Mexicans with that high proof of culture, written records, applied not only to historic
incidents and common facts, but to abstract subjects of philosophic, scientific, and
poetic nature, as instanced in my Native Races.
It needed not the official investigation instituted by the Spanish government to
confirm the mute testimony of relics, and the vivid declaration of chroniclers.
Native records exist in sufficient abundance to speak for themselves; records
written by and for the people, and therefore free from any suspicion of
misrepresentation; records used by a number of writers for obtaining that insight
into esoteric features of Nahua institutions which could not well be acquired by
Spaniards. The translation of these records, as reproduced in the volumes of
Sahagun, Ixtlilxochitl, Kingsborough, and others, with copies of original paintings,
have been carefully used both for the Native Races and the histories of Mexico
and Guatemala, and introduced indeed more thoroughly in this series as evidence
than by any modern writer on the subject, not excepting the learned Abbé
Brasseur de Bourbourg, though unlike this enthusiast I have not allowed myself to
accept this evidence with the same non-critical bias. I have merely used it for what
it is worth, after applying severe analytic tests. Certain points may be covered by
merely one or two authorities; but even then the erudite student will readily
determine the value of the testimony from internal evidence, while in the generality
of cases he will find a number of versions by natives and Spaniards, by partisans
and rivals, whose contradictions will aid him in determining the truth.
In a previous bibliographic note I have pointed out the many internal evidences
furnished by the letters of Cortés, of undoubted reliability on most points, in their
minuteness, their frank soldierly tone, and other features. They are besides
confirmed in all the more essential points by the contemporaneous letters from the
municipality of Villa Rica and the army, the sworn depositions before the royal
notary by leading officers, the narratives of Andrés de Tápia, and others. Still
stronger confirmation is given in the complaints and memorials issued by enemies
and rivals of the great captain, who in their efforts to detract from his character and
achievements provide the historian with material that enables him to avoid the
pitfalls abounding even in the honest narratives of partisans, either from sympathy,
from lack of thorough knowledge, or from hearsay. Such testimony is abundant in
the residencia investigations of Cortés, Alvarado, Guzman, and others, all which
contain voluminous testimony on the most important questions. Prescott’s
opportunities for consulting new material were vastly superior to those of his
predecessors. If mine have been correspondingly greater, it may perhaps to some
extent be due to the example set by him in his earnest researches, and because
since the publication of his volumes, private individuals and learned societies have
striven with increased enthusiasm to bring to light hidden material, notably from
the rich archives of Spain and certain Latin-American states.
From this mass of what may be termed documentary evidence we turn to the
regular historians and narrators, beginning with Peter Martyr and Oviedo, who both
adhere chiefly to Cortés, though the latter adds other versions by different eye-
witnesses. Sahagun’s account contains a strange admixture of native absurdities
and vague recollections of converted soldiers. A more complete version is given by
Gomara, the biographer of the great captain, who had access to private and public
archives and individual narratives now lost; but he frequently colors the incidents
to the credit of his hero and his profession. Nevertheless the value of the text is
testified to by his Mexican translator Chimalpain, who adds some interesting facts
from native records and personal knowledge. The Tezcucan writer Ixtlilxochitl also
follows him pretty closely for the Spanish side, while the archives left him by his
royal ancestors and different narratives furnish the other side, frequently absurd
and highly colored. Camargo gives a rather brief Tlascaltec version. Gomara’s
coloring, which, in accordance with the method of most historians, leaves the
credit for achievements with the leader, roused the feelings of more than one of
the soldiers who had shared in the glories of that period, and Bernal Diaz promptly
began to write his celebrated Historia Verdadera, which professes to tell the true
story and rectify in particular the so-called blunders of Gomara. Although this
profession is not always to be relied on, the story is most valuable from its
exceeding completeness, its many new facts, and its varied version. Not long after,
Herrera, the official historiographer, began his decades, wherein for the conquest
he uses the material already printed, with a leaning toward Gomara, yet with
several additional narratives to perfect his own revised version, notably that of
Ojeda, a leading officer under Cortés, and also no small mass of material from the
archives of Spain. Torquemada copies him for the most part, though he adds much
native testimony from Sahagun, from a Tezcucan writer, and others, making his
account of the conquest the most complete up to that time. Solis elaborates with
little critique, and with a verboseness and grandiloquence that tire. Vetancurt’s
version is comparatively brief, with few additions, and Robertson’s is a brilliant
summary; but Clavigero, while adding not much to Torquemada’s bulky account,
presents it in quite a new form, pruned of verboseness, re-arranged in a masterly
manner, and invested with a philosophic spirit altogether superior to anything
presented till Prescott’s time. On the above historians and some of Cortés’ letters
are founded the immense array of minor accounts and summaries on the
conquest, both in separate and embodied form, some of them provided with
occasional observations, but for the great part they contain nothing of any value to
the student. Those after Prescott’s time follow him as a rule. Mexican accounts
might naturally be expected to present useful features, but such is hardly the case.
Alaman, Ramirez, Icazbalceta, Orozco y Berra, Bustamante, and certain writers in
the Boletin of the Mexican Geographical Society, have brought to light several
documents and monographs bearing on particular incidents and features; but no
complete account of real value has been written, Carbajal’s pretentious version
being almost wholly a plagiarism from Clavigero, Mora’s a hasty compilation, and
so on. As for the new bulky Spanish version by Zamacois, it is not only verbose
but superficial and narrow in its research, blundering even where Prescott points
the way, and representing more a feuilleton issue than a history.
Bernal Diaz del Castillo is, as I have said, the main historian of the conquest,
from the exhaustive thoroughness of his material, as compared with other original
writers, and from his participation in all its leading scenes, including the discovery
voyages. For about half a century he survives, and sees comrade after comrade
disappear from the field till but five of Cortés’ original company remain, “all of us
very old, suffering from infirmities, and very poor, burdened with sons and
daughters to marry, and grandchildren, and with but a small income; and thus we
pass our days in toil and misery.” He is not so badly off, however, as he would
have us believe, for a comfortable encomienda supplies every want, and
numerous descendants throng round to minister to his comfort and listen to his
tales. But as he recalls the great achievements wherein he participated, he swells
with the importance of the events, and dwelling on the multiplied treasures he has
assisted to capture, the reward sinks to insignificance. It is but the chronic
grumble, however, of an old soldier that half the continent would not satisfy.
Springing from a poor and humble family of Medina del Campo, in old Castile, he
had embarked at an early age with the expedition of Pedrarias in 1514 to seek
fortune in Darien. Failing there, he drifts to Cuba in time to join the discovery
parties of Córdoba and Grijalva. Subsequently he enlists under Cortés as a
common soldier, yet somewhat above the mass in the favor of his chief. “Soldado
distinguido,” says Juarros, implying higher birth; but this is doubtful. There is hardly
a prominent incident of the conquest in which he does not participate, being
present in no less than one hundred and nineteen battles, according to his
enumeration, whereof many a scar remains to bear witness, and many a trophy to
attest his valor. In due time he receives his share of repartimientos of land and
serfs, and settles in Goazacoalco as regidor, with sufficient means to feed a taste
that procures for him the not ill-esteemed nickname of Dandy. From his life of
contentment, though not equal to his claims, he is torn by the Honduras expedition
under Cortés, who gives him at times the command of a small party, whence
comes the sported title of captain. Afterward for a time he drifts about, and finally
settles in Guatemala city with the rank of regidor perpétuo, and with a respectable
encomienda, obtained partly through the representations of Cortés to the king. He
marries Teresa, daughter of Bartolomé Becerra, one of the founders of the city,
and repeatedly its alcalde, and has several children, whose descendants survive
to witness the overthrow of the royal banner planted by their forefather. Grandsons
figure as deans of the city church, and an historian of the adopted country rises in
Fuentes y Guzman. Pinelo, Epitome, ii. 604; Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i.
177; Memorial de Conquistadores, in Monumentos Admin. Munic., MS.; Juarros,
Guat., i. 338, 350; Torquemada, i. 351.
The leisure afforded him in Guatemala, broken by little save the inspection of
his estate, gave opportunity for indulging in the reveries of by-gone days. Histories
of achievements were nearly all connected with the great Cortés, famed on every
lip; yet that fame had been acquired with the aid of soldiers who like himself had
been consigned to an obscure corner of the vast domains conquered by them. It
did not seem right to the scarred veteran that the fruits of combined toil should fall
to one or two alone; that he himself should be regarded far less than hundreds of
upstarts whose only deeds had been to reap the field won by him and his
comrades. He would tell his tale at all events; and forthwith he began to arrange
the notes formed during his career, and to uplift the curtains of memory for
retrospective views. While thus occupied he came upon the history by Gomara,
and perceiving “his great rhetoric, and my work so crude, I stopped writing, and
even felt ashamed to let it appear among notable persons.” But finding that the
biographer of Cortés had committed many blunders, and had colored the narrative
on behalf of his patron, he again seized the pen, with the double purpose of
correcting such errors and of vindicating his slighted comrades. Faithfully he
carried out his plan, recording name after name of brave fellows who shed lustre
on the flag, who freely risked their lives in gallant encounters, or who gave their
last breath for church and king. While dwelling lovingly on humble companions,
whose cause he espoused, he detracts little from the leaders and cavaliers. He
describes their appearance and traits with a graphic fidelity that seems to bring
them before us in person; he freely accords them every credit, and if he spares not
their vices they are seldom brought forward in a captious or ill-natured spirit. On
the contrary, he frequently covers disagreeable facts in deference to the dead.
This general fairness of dealing is particularly noticeable in regard to Cortés, whom
nevertheless he sometimes severely criticises; and while Diaz assumes for his
side the credit of many a suggestion and deed, yet he is ever the loyal soldier, and
frequently takes up the cudgel in behalf of the honored leader when others seek to
assail him. He admires the great captain hardly less than himself. Indeed, to say
that the old campaigner was vain is stating it mildly. Two licentiates who read the
manuscript pointed this out to him, but he replied, “Whom does it harm? No one
praises an old, broken-down soldier, so I must even praise myself. It is a duty I
owe not only to my fair name but to my descendants.” He revives in his narrative
and carries us back with him to those stirring days, depicting now the hardships of
the march, now the new countries and races that appear; then he enters into the
heat of battle with a fidelity that brings the din and turmoil vividly before us; and
anon we see the adventurers in camp, in their social relations, relieved by pleasing
episodes. He enters thoroughly into their hopes and feelings, deeds and life; he
grows eloquent and pathetic by turns, and reveals also the undercurrent of piety
and zeal which pervaded the rakish crew. Here is the gossipy frankness of
Herodotus, illumined by many a quaint observation and many a blunt sally. Bernal
Diaz had but the rudiments of education, which nevertheless was above the
average among his fellow-soldiers; but he had evidently read a little in later years,
to judge by his allusions to classic history, though not enough to acquire more than
a mediocre proficiency in grammar. There is a minuteness of detail at times
wearisome, and garrulous digression and repetition; but a simple perspicuity
pervades the whole narrative, which makes it easy to follow, while the frankness
and frequent animation are pleasing. Much of it appears to have been dictated,
perhaps to some one of his children, “cuyo manuscrito se conserva en el archivo
de esta municipalidad.” Jil, in Gaceta Nic., June 24, 1865. It was given for perusal
to different persons, and several copies made; but none cared to assume its
publication. Sixty years later, however, Friar Alonso Remon, chronicler of the
Merced order in Spain, found one set in the library of Ramirez del Prado, of the
Council of the Indies, and perceiving the importance of the narrative, he caused it
to be printed at Madrid in 1632 under the title of Historia Verdadera de la
Conquista de la Nueva-España. Remon dying during the publication, Friar Gabriel
Adarzo, “nunc Hydruntinus præsul,” Antonio, Bib. Hisp. Nova, iii. 224, took it in
charge. Several discrepancies indicate that revisions have been made, and
Vazquez, Chron. Guat., 524, whose jealousy as a friar was aroused by allusions to
Father Olmedo, Cortés’ companion, compared the print with the original copy and
pointed out several differences. A second edition, bearing the date 1632, though
published later probably, contains an additional chapter on omens, which appears
in others of the many editions and translations issued in different countries, even
of late years.
Perhaps the most clear-sighted writer on Mexico during the last century was
Francisco Javier Clavigero, himself a native of that country, and born at Vera Cruz
in 1731. His father was a Leonese, whose official duties called him to different
parts of the country, and young Francisco profited by this to acquire a knowledge
of its resources and idioms. After a novitiate of three years at the Jesuit college of
Tepozotlan, he passed to that at Puebla, and there studied philosophy and
theology, and showed particular fondness for languages, both classic and native.
He taught rhetoric and philosophy in the principal schools of the country, though
restricted somewhat by the superiors in his too liberal ideas, for which Mexico was
not yet considered ripe. Meanwhile his enthusiasm centred on the study of Aztec
history and hieroglyphs, which received a serious check in the expulsion of Jesuits
from America in 1767. He sought refuge in Italy, staying chiefly at Bologna, where
he founded an academy, and having considerable leisure he began to shape the
results of his late studies, impelled in no small degree by the writings of De Pauw
and Robertson, which grated on his patriotic spirit. They were prepared in Spanish,
but the authorities giving no encouragement for their publication in Spain, an
Italian translation was made and issued in four volumes, as Storia Antica del
Messico, Cesena, 1780, dedicated to the university at Mexico. Subsequently a
Spanish version appeared, but not before several editions had been published in
England and other countries. The first volume treats of resources and ancient
history, the second of manners and customs, the third of the conquest, and the
fourth consists of a series of dissertations on the origin of the Americans, on
chronology, physique, languages, and other points. They have been widely quoted,
and Francisco Carbajal de Espinosa has shown such appreciation of it as to copy
almost the whole text in what he calls his Historia de Mexico, Mex., 1856, 2 vols.
Clavigero’s work is based to a great extent on aboriginal records and personal
observation, and the old chronicles have been largely used; but their cumbrous
and confused material is here arranged in a manner worthy of the liberal-minded
philosopher and rhetorician. Indeed, no previous work in this field can at all
compare with it for comprehensiveness and correctness, depth of thought and
clearness of expression. In the former respect he greatly surpasses Robertson and
in the latter he may be classed as his equal. His death, which took place at
Bologna in 1787, found him in the midst of a number of literary projects, called
forth in part by the success of the Storia, and by the different subjects which he
had therein touched but lightly. Among these works was the Storia della California,
issued at Venice two years after his death. It will be noticed in due order.
There can be no more fitting close to this volume on the conquest of Mexico
than a tribute of esteem to William Hickling Prescott. I have noted in a previous
volume his amiable weakness, incident to the times rather than to the man, of
intensifying the character of prominent personages so as to present the good
better and the bad worse than they truly were, in order to render his narrative
stronger and more interesting than it would be otherwise; but this is nothing as
compared with his general fairness, united with a magnificent style and philosophic
flow of thought. I have noted some inaccuracies and contradictions in his history,
but these are nothing as compared with his general care and correctness as a
writer. I have mentioned material which he lacked, but this is nothing as compared
with the great mass of fresh evidence which he brought to enrich his subject.
Words fail to express my admiration of the man, the scholar, the author. Apart from
the din and dust of ordinary life, he lived as one in the world but not of it, pure of
mind, gentle of heart, and surpassingly eloquent.
Mr Prescott was born at Salem, Massachusetts, May 4, 1796. His father, a
lawyer of rising reputation, then thirty-four years of age, removed his family to
Boston in 1808. At the age of fifteen William entered Harvard College. While
engaged in a boyish frolic one day during his junior year a large hard piece of
bread, thrown probably at random, struck full in his left eye, forever depriving him
of its use. Pursuing his studies with his wonted cheerfulness, he graduated in
1814, and entered upon the study of law in his father’s office. In 1815 a rheumatic
inflammation settled in his right eye, now his sole dependence, causing him much
pain and anxiety. A change of climate having been determined upon, he embarked
for the Azores, on a visit to his grandfather Hickling, then United States consul at
Saint Michael. There he remained about six months, confined the greater part of
the time to a dark room. In April 1816 he embarked for London, crossed to Paris,
made the usual Italian tour, and the following year, his eye becoming worse, he
returned home. But hope for the restoration of his sight still lingered, and the
marvellous buoyancy of his spirits never deserted him. A devoted sister cheered
the long hours of his solitude by readings from his favorite authors. A literary
venture made at this time in a contribution to the North American Review failed; his
manuscript was returned, and his sister, alone in the secret, was enjoined to
silence.
Leaving his darkened chamber and mingling again with society, of which he
was ever a bright ornament, he became attached to a daughter of Thomas C.
Amory, a Boston merchant, whom he married on his twenty-fourth birthday.
Mr Prescott now abandoned the hope of the entire restoration of his eye. If by
restrictions of diet and dieting and by persistent open-air exercise he might
preserve a partial use of the organ he would rest content. And thus he passed the
remainder of his life. At times he was in almost total darkness, but ordinarily he
could read and revise his manuscripts; for the purpose of writing, however, he was
obliged to use a noctograph.
Possessing strong literary tastes, and an aversion to law, Mr Prescott
determined upon literature as a pursuit, and in 1826, with the aid of a secretary, he
began a systematic course of reading for a history of Ferdinand and Isabella. For
three years and a half he pursued this preparatory labor; in 1829 he began writing,
publishing the work in 1837. Ten of the best years of his life Mr Prescott claims to
have devoted to this book; and for the use of the stereotype-plates, which Mr
Prescott supplied at his own cost, and the right to publish twelve hundred and fifty
copies, the American Stationers’ Company agreed to pay the sum of one thousand
dollars. But money was not the author’s object. The publication in London was
offered to John Murray and to the Longmans, and was declined by both. Bentley
finally became the London publisher. The work was well received on both sides of
the Atlantic; it was translated into several languages, and procured for the author
at once a world-wide reputation. The Conquest of Mexico was a worthy outgrowth
of so splendid a creation as the Ferdinand and Isabella. The year following the
publication of his first work, and after having sent to Spain and Mexico for
materials for histories of the conquests of Mexico and Peru, Mr Prescott learned
accidentally that Mr Irving was engaged on similar work. He wrote Irving,
acquainting him of the fact, and the latter retired gracefully from the field. In 1843
the Conquest of Mexico appeared, under the auspices of the Harpers, who paid
$7500 for the use of the plates and the right to publish 5000 copies. The Conquest
of Peru was published in 1847; Philip the Second in 1855-8; and Robertson’s
Charles the Fifth in 1856. Mr Prescott died of apoplexy in the sixty-third year of his
age.
For his Conquest of Mexico, besides all printed material extant, Mr Prescott
drew upon a large mass of new information in manuscript, from several sources,
notably from the valuable collection of Muñoz, brought together for an intended
history of America; that of Vargas Ponce, obtained chiefly from Seville archives;
that of Navarrete, president of the Royal Academy of History at Madrid; and the
archives of Cortés’ heirs, all of which shed new light on almost every section of the
subject. His deep research, manifest throughout in copious foot-notes, is
especially displayed in the very appropriate introduction on Mexican civilization,
which enables the reader to gain an intimate knowledge of the people whose
subjugation he follows. Good judgment is also attested in the dissertation on the
moot question of the origin of this culture, wherein he prudently abstains from any
decided conclusions. The fact of occasional inaccuracies cannot be severely
criticised when we consider the infirmity under which the author labored. Since his
time so great a mass of material has been brought to light that the aspect of
history is much changed. This new material consists partly of native records, and it
is due to his unacquaintance with these records that a great lack is implied in his
pages. The fact that Prescott relied too much on Spanish material may account for
the marked bias in favor of the conquerors in many instances where strict
impartiality might be expected, and for the condemnatory and reflective assertions
which at times appear in direct contradiction to previous lines of thought. At times,
as if aware of this tendency, he assumes a calmness that ill fits the theme, giving it
the very bias he seeks to avoid. Yet with all this it is safe to say that few histories
have been written in which the qualities of philosopher and artist are so happily
blended.
FOOTNOTES
[1190] Herrera, dec. iii. lib. ii. cap. ii., lib. i. cap. xx., places this incident on the third
day of entry into the city.
[1191] ‘Todos los mas principales y esforzados y valientes.’ Cortés, Cartas, 244.
And 2000 captives. Ixtlilxochitl, Hor. Crueldades, 43. ‘Tuuieron bien q̄ cenar
aquella noche los Indios nuestros amigos,’ observes Gomara, unctuously. Hist.
Mex., 209. Bernal Diaz, who claims to have been among the 100 select, intimates
that Alvarado also formed an ambuscade that day, though less effective. Hist.
Verdad., 153-4. In rushing from the hiding-place, says Cortés, two horses collided,
one of them throwing its rider and charging alone amid the foe. After receiving
several wounds it sought refuge among the soldiers and was conducted to camp,
where it died.
[1192] ‘Fué bien principal causa para que la ciudad mas presto se ganase,’
Cortés, Cartas, 245, but this must be regarded as an exaggerated estimate.
[1193] Herrera, dec. iii. lib. ii. cap. ii. Torquemada, i. 560, 564, wavers, intimating in
one place that all were determined to die. When the people at last inclined to
peace, says Gomara, Quauhtemotzin opposed it on the ground that they had once
decided for war, ‘contra su voluntad y consejo.’ Hist. Mex., 213. Most of the
revelation was made by a woman of rank, it appears. Carried away by his love for
hero-painting, Prescott has either missed or ignored the facts which now reveal his
false coloring.
[1194] ‘Y asi escondidas huvo algunos Principales de las Provincias cercanas que
acudieron con algun maiz para solo llevar joyas.’ That is, where the cruisers
allowed such smuggling. Duran, Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 497.
[1195] About 1000 were killed, says Ixtlilxochitl, Hor. Crueldades, 44; but Cortés
puts the killed and captured at more than 800. Cartas, 245.
[1196] ‘Osauan nuestros vergantines romper las estacadas ... remauan con gran
fuerça y ... a todas velas.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 150.
[1197] ‘De la Capitana, que èl havia salvado,’ says Herrera, while asserting that
the captain Villafuerte abandoned her; but this hardly agrees with his own later
statements that Villafuerte remained in charge of the fleet, dec. iii. lib. i. cap. xxi.;
lib. ii. cap. viii. The slain leader is called the lieutenant-general of Quauhtemotzin,
and his death ‘fue causa, que mas presto se ganase la Ciudad,’ Torquemada, i.
558, all of which is doubtful. A similar reward to that of Lopez was accorded on
another occasion to a soldier named Andrés Nuñez, who after the captain had
abandoned his vessel led her to the rescue of two consorts. When the commander
came to resume his post Nuñez refused to admit him, saying that he had forfeited
it. On being appealed to, Cortés sustained the brave fellow and gave him the
command, in which capacity he rendered important service. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. ii.
cap. i.
[1198] July 25th, according to Clavigero, while Torquemada less correctly makes it
August 5th.
[1199] The Spanish corruption of Quauhtemotzin. ‘La calle qe ba al tianguiz de

Tlatelulco qe se llama de Guatimosa.’ Libro de Cabildo, MS., 88.
[1200] Herrera names Magallanes as one of those who succumbed under the
onslaught of a chief, but his death was avenged by Diego Castellanos, a noted
marksman. dec. iii. lib. i. cap. xx. On this occasion Ixtlilxochitl intimates that his
namesake captured his brother, the usurper king of Tezcuco, and surrendering him
to Cortés, he was at once secured with shackles. Hor. Crueldades, 42-3. ‘De
manera que de cuatro partes de la ciudad, las tres estaban ya por nosotros.’
Cortés, Cartas, 246.
[1201] At the corner of the street leading to Sandoval’s quarter. Id., 247.
[1202] I knew three of them, writes Bernal Diaz. ‘Las enterramos en vna Iglesia,
que se dize aora los Mártires.’ Hist. Verdad., 153.
[1203] For a full description see Native Races, ii. 382 et seq.
[1204] Cortés saw the smoke from his camp, from which he was preparing to start.
Cartas, 247. Herrera leaves the impression that Alférez Montaño captured the
temple, dec. iii. lib. ii. cap. i., but he was probably only the first to step on the
summit. Bernal Diaz, who fought under Alvarado, states distinctly that Badajoz led
the party, but he is no doubt incorrect in adding that the fight on the top continued
till night. Hist. Verdad., 153. Torquemada, i. 565, refers to the temple as the
Acatliyacapan. Duran makes Cortés appeal to the Chalcans, and they ‘tomando la
delantera del Ejército, y con ellos Yxtlilxachitl ... ganaron el Cue grande.’ Hist. Ind.,
MS., ii. 506. This must be a Chalcan version.
[1205] Gomara, Hist. Mex., 210. Cortés calls them wounded merely. Sahagun’s
native version of the plaza fight is very confusing, and mixed with that of the
struggle against the other divisions, ‘y tomaron los bergantines [two] á los
españoles, y lleváronlos á una laguna que llaman Amanalco.’ Hist. Conq. (ed.
1840), 202-3. But this must be a mistake.
[1206] ‘Que se llama Atenantitech, donde ahora està edificada la Iglesia de la

Concepcion, junto de la Albarrada.’ Torquemada, i. 553. Tetenamitl ward, says
Sahagun in one edition. Hist. Conq. (ed. 1840), 209.
[1207] This or a third relic bore the name of Mamalhuaztli. Sahagun also refers to
a divine bow and arrow. Hist. Conq., 53-4. But his editions vary in text; see that of
1840, 210-12. The serpent was invoked even after the conquest, says the pious
friar, and he heard Father Tembleque relate that he one day opened his window
during a storm and had his left eye injured by a ray of lightning, which damaged
the house and adjoining church. This ray, the Mexicans assured him, was the
Xiuhcoatl, conjured up by the sorcerers, for they had seen it issue in the form of a
big snake through the door. The editor Bustamante tells an equally impressive
story in connection with an attempt to account for the snake and lightning.
[1208] One being killed and two horses wounded. Bernal Diaz, loc. cit.
[1209] Sahagun, Hist. Conq. (ed. 1840), 213. The editor Bustamante speaks of a
similar phenomenon in Michoacan in 1829. Id. (ed. 1829), 68.
[1210] ‘De los niños no quedó nadie, que las mismas madres y padres los
comian,’ is the statement of the native records. Id., 210. Yet Torquemada, i. 572,
assumes that the Mexicans would not eat of their own race. Thousands had
already died of starvation without touching the flesh of countrymen, though priests
partook of children sacrificed during ordinary festivals; but at last the scruple
among the masses was overcome by despair. See Native Races, ii. passim.
[1211] ‘Porque no acabas cõ el que nos acabe?... Desseamos la muerte por yr a

descansar cõ Quetçalcouatlh,’ adds Gomara, Hist. Mex., 210-11.
[1212] The chroniclers call him an uncle of the Tezcucan king, but this appears to
be a misinterpretation of Cortés’ text, wherein he says that such an uncle had
captured the prisoner.
[1213] Cortés, Cartas, 251. This was partly in accordance with the law against
nobles who returned from captivity, as already instanced.
[1214] ‘Tenia mucho miedo de parecer ante mí, y tambien estaba malo.’ Cortés,
Cartas, 253. ‘Empacho,’ explains Herrera, dec. iii. lib. ii. cap. vii. He feared to be
shot. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 164.
[1215] ‘Ni tenian ni hallaban flechas ni varas ni piedras con que nos ofender.... No
tenian paso por donde andar sino por encima de los muertos y por las azoteas.’
Cortés, Cartas, 254.
[1216] ‘Mataron y prendieron mas de cuarenta mil ánimas.’ Id. Ixtlilxochitl, Hor.
Crueldades, 48, raises the number to 50,000, while Duran states that over 40,000
men and women perished while fleeing. Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 510. What pained the
conquerors most, however, was the sight and knowledge of what immense
quantity of booty eluded them to pass into the hands of these marauders.
[1217] ‘Entre la Garita del Peralvillo, la place de Santiago de Tlatelolco et le pont

d’Amaxac.’ So says Pichardo. Humboldt, Essai Pol., i. 193. ‘Donde se
embarcaban para Atzlapotzalco,’ adds Bustamante. Ixtlilxochitl, Hor. Crueldades,
50.
[1218] Chimalpain calls him Tlacotzin, afterward baptized as Juan Velasquez. Hist.
Conq., ii. 71. ‘Ciguacoacin, y era el Capitan y gobernador de todos ellos, é por su
consejo se seguian todas las cosas de la guerra,’ says Cortés, Cartas, 255.
[1219] ‘Porque les queria combatir y acabar de matar.’ Cartas, 256. ‘Pues eran
barbaros, que no queria dexar hombre vivo, q̄ se fuessen.’ Herrera, dec. iii. lib. ii.
cap. vii.
[1220] The distinguished captive said: ‘Capitan señor, dáte buena maña, que
aquellos indios ... son esclavos de Guatimuçin, é podrá ser quél va allí huyendo,
porque su bandera ya no paresçe.’ Oviedo, iii. 516. A canoe of twenty rowers and
bearing a number of people. Gomara, Hist. Conq., 212. See also Vetancvrt, Teatro
Mex., pt. iii. 164; Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 230. A small canoe, says Duran.
[1221] Torquemada, i. 570-1, followed by Clavigero, mentions besides

Tetlepanquetzaltzin, king of Tlacopan, the fugitive king of Tezcuco; but this is
doubtful, as we have seen. He enumerates several dignitaries. Brasseur de
Bourbourg names Tlacahuepan, son of Montezuma, while his authority,
Ixtlilxochitl, states that his namesake captured him and Tetlepanquetzaltzin in
another canoe, and in a third Papantzin Oxomoc, widow of Emperor Cuitlahuatzin.
Hor. Crueldades, 50. ‘Quahutimoc se puso en pie en la popa de su canoa para
pelear. Mas como vio ballestas ... rindiose.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 213. This
probably assumed fact has been elaborated by some writers into an heroic act.
The incident has been placed by tradition as occurring near the later Puente del
Clérigo. But this can hardly be. See note 27. According to Bernal Diaz, Sandoval
came up shortly after, on learning the news, and demanded the surrender of the
captives to him as the commander of the fleet, who had ordered Holguin to pursue
the canoes. The latter refused, and a delay occurred, during which another crew
hurried to bear the tidings to Cortés and claim the reward granted for first reports.
Two captains were now sent to summon the disputants and captives. Hist.
Verdad., 155. Cortés, while according in his letter the credit of the capture to
Holguin, promised to refer the claim to the king. Holguin figures some years later
as regidor and estate owner in the city.
[1222] ‘Esta casa era de un principal tlatilulcano que se llamaba Aztaoatzin.’

Sahagun, Hist. Conq., 55.
[1223] The versions of this remarkable speech vary greatly. ‘Habia hecho todo lo
que de su parte era obligado para defenderse á si y á los suyos hasta venir en
aquel estado, que ahora ficiese dél lo que yo quisiese.’ Cortés, Cartas, 257.
‘Diçiéndole que le diesse de puñaladas é lo matasse, porque no era raçon que
viviesse en el mundo hombre que avia perdido lo que’l avia perdido,’ adds Oviedo,
iii. 422. ‘Preguntáronle por los chripstianos, é dixo: No me preguntés esso; é si me
quereys matar; matadme ya: que harto estoy de vivir,’ says another version. Id.,
517. ‘Iria mui consolado adonde sus dioses estaban, especialmente haviendo
muerto à manos de tal Capitan.’ Herrera, dec. iii. lib. ii. cap. vii. ‘Why so stubborn?’
is the way Duran opens the conversation on Cortés’ part. Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 509.
‘Toglietemi con questo pugnale una vita, che non perdei nella difesa del mio
Regno.’ Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 230. See also Ixtlilxochitl and others. Writers
generally go into ecstacy over this utterance. ‘Magnanimo,’ exclaims Peter Martyr,
dec. v. cap. viii. ‘Heroic,’ ejaculates Bustamante in support of Chimalpain’s
encomium. Hist. Conq., ii. 75. ‘Ce trait est digne du plus beau temps de la Grèce
et de Rome.’ Humboldt, Essai Pol., i. 193. ‘A spirit worthy of an ancient Roman,’
echoes Prescott, Mex., iii. 206. Bernal Diaz says the emperor wept, and with him
his chiefs. Hist. Verdad., 155.
[1224] Made a few years later by order of the city council. It was not, as many
suppose, the original standard, for this was hidden during two centuries among
rubbish in the university, as stated in its records. It now exists in the museum,
forming a piece about a yard square, which shows on one side the Virgin of the
Immaculate Conception with hands joined in prayer, and bearing on her head a
crown of gold surrounded by a halo and a circle of stars; on the other are the royal
arms. Boturini, Idea, 157. In his Catálogo, 75, this author assumes it to be the
standard given to the Tlascaltecs, but Carbajal states that at Tlascala exists
another standard of Cortés’, with royal arms, Hist. Mex., ii. 637, with a picture of
the above named virgin. See also Beaumont, Crón. Mich., ii. 345-6. By order of
July 31, 1528, the city council orders bull-fights and other entertainments in honor
of the day, ‘e q todos cabalguen los q tovieren bestias.’ Libro de Cabildo, MS.,
127, 234. Mexicans are never seen to share in the procession. ‘Tan profundo está
en sus ánimos la herida.’ Cavo, Tres Siglos, i. 3; Humboldt, Essai Pol., i. 192. A
minute account of the ceremonies on the occasion is given in Monumentos Hist.
Admin. Colon., MS., 365, copied from the Archivo General.
[1225] Counting from May 30th, Cartas, 257, and so it is stated in the grant to
Cortés of Escudo de Armas. Duran and Ixtlilxochitl extend it to 80 and Bernal Diaz
to 93 days. ‘Despues de muchos combates, y mas de sessenta peleas
peligrosisimas.’ Acosta, Hist. Nat. Ind., 525.
[1226] Over 60 soldiers were lost in the great defeat, and small numbers now and
then, while the auxiliaries, less skilled in fighting and chiefly unarmored,
succumbed in hordes. Gomara says about 50 soldiers, 6 horses, and not many
Indians; Herrera modifies to ‘a little over’ 50; Torquemada advances to ‘less than
100,’ and Clavigero to ‘more than 100 Spaniards.’ Hernandez, in his Estadist.
Méj., 232, computes such curiously exact figures as 107 Spaniards, 18,915
Tlascaltecs, and 33,240 Aztecs. Ixtlilxochitl, ever eager to enlarge upon the
services of his race, claims that 30,000 Tezcucans fell out of 200,000 employed,
Hor. Crueldades, 51; but this is evidently exaggerated.
[1227] ‘En que murieron infinitos.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 213; Herrera, dec. iii. lib. ii.
cap. viii.; Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 232-3. Bustamante raises the number killed
to ‘150,000 at least.’ Chimalpain, Hist. Conq., ii. 74; Ixtlilxochitl, loc. cit., to
240,000, including most of the nobles; while Torquemada, i. 577, observes ‘que de
veinte partes, no quedò vna, aviendo perecido, y muerto las diez y nueve,’ he and
several others allowing the estimate of fully 300,000 inhabitants. The survivors are
estimated at from 30,000 persons, by Torquemada to 70,000 warriors by Oviedo,
iii. 516.
[1228] ‘Hiço herrar algunos Hombres, y Mugeres por Esclavos; à todos los demàs
dexò en libertad.’ Torquemada, 573. ‘À muchos indios é indias, porque estaban
dados por traydores,’ says Oviedo, iii. 517. Cortés stayed and punished those who
took slaves, ‘aunque todavia herraron en la cara á algunos mancebos y mugeres.’
So states the native record of Sahagun, Hist. Conq. (ed. 1840), 231. But if he
punished slave-takers it was for not declaring the capture to the royal official.
Duran reduces his account of Spanish liberality to an absurdity, but more from
politic reasons than because he had not at hand better evidence, Hist. Ind., MS., ii.
510.
[1229] Hist. Verdad., 156. ‘Io sospetto, che da’ Messicani lasciati fossero a bella
posta insepolti i cadaveri, per iscacciar colla puzza gli Assediatori.’ Clavigero,
Storia Mess., iii. 231. But this is unlikely. A severe siege will produce such results.
[1230] Bernal Diaz relates that although wine and provisions from Cuba were
abundantly dispensed at the banquet, yet there was not room for one third of the
soldiers, and much discontent grew out of it, partly from the utterances of drunken
men. A dance followed. Father Olmedo complained of so much revelry before the
rendering of due thanks to God. Cortés pleaded that soldiers must be allowed
some license, but the following day was set apart for religious services. Hist.
Verdad., 156.
[1231] Bustamante comments on the non-fulfilment of the promises to Tlascala,

saying that the republic was rightly served for lending herself to the invaders.
Sahagun, Hist. Conq., 144. On their way home, says Ixtlilxochitl, the Tlascaltecs
and their neighbors plundered Tezcuco and other towns. With the slaves carried
home by his namesake, he adds consolingly, the destroyed palaces of Tezcuco
were rebuilt. Hor. Crueldades, 52-3. The Tlascaltecs ‘aun lleuaron hartas cargas
de tasajos cecinados de Indios Mexicanos, que repartieron entre sus parientes ...
por fiestas.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 157.
[1232] ‘Non dubitamus quin justa sint bella ... in eos qui humanam carnem
epulantur,’ etc. De Jure Belli, lib. ii. cap. xx.
[1233] Alvarado was Ajax; Maxixcatzin, Nestor; Quauhtemotzin, Hector. Chevalier,

Mex. Ancien, 232-41.
Transcriber’s Note
Inconsistent hyphenation and spelling in the original
document have been preserved. Simple typographical errors
have been corrected.
In some cases, Bancroft uses both “u” and “v” to spell an
author’s name, e.g. Vetancurt and Vetancvrt.
Other archaic letter substitutions include “b” for “v”, “i” for
“y”, “x for “j”, “i for “j”, “ç” or “c” for “z” and vice versa. These
have been left as printed.
Accents and other diacritics are inconsistently used.
Some possible printer’s errors or inconsistencies include:
Barucoa and Baracoa
Basan and Bazan
Luis Becerra Tanco and Luis Bezerra Tanco
casy should be casi
Cholula and Chulula
Rᵒ de de guaqaqa is a possible double word error
overset thinge should possibly be oversetthinge
Footnotes, originally at the bottoms of pages, have been

sequentially renumbered, collected together, and placed after
the last page of each chapter.
This volume contains references to the previous volumes of
this work. They can be found at:
Volume 1: https://www.gutenberg.org/files/41070/41070-
h/41070-h.htm
h/42808-h.htm
h/43123-h.htm
h/44104-h.htm
h/45268-h.htm
h/58658-h.htm
h/58669-h.htm
h/62657-h.htm
*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HISTORY OF
MEXICO, VOLUME 1, 1516-1521 ***
Updated editions will replace the previous one—the old editions

will be renamed.
Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S.

copyright law means that no one owns a United States copyright
in these works, so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and
distribute it in the United States without permission and without
paying copyright royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General
Terms of Use part of this license, apply to copying and
distributing Project Gutenberg™ electronic works to protect the
PROJECT GUTENBERG™ concept and trademark. Project
Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if
you charge for an eBook, except by following the terms of the
trademark license, including paying royalties for use of the
Project Gutenberg trademark. If you do not charge anything for
copies of this eBook, complying with the trademark license is
very easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose such
as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and
research. Project Gutenberg eBooks may be modified and
printed and given away—you may do practically ANYTHING in
the United States with eBooks not protected by U.S. copyright
law. Redistribution is subject to the trademark license, especially
commercial redistribution.
START: FULL LICENSE

Tsunamis and Earthquakes in Coastal Environments Significance and Restoration Coastal Research Library 14 V. Santiago-Fandiño

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

Tsunamis and Earthquakes in Coastal Environments Significance and Restoration Coastal Research Library 14 V. Santiago-Fandiño

Uploaded by

Document Information

Original Title

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

Tsunamis and Earthquakes in Coastal Environments Significance and Restoration Coastal Research Library 14 V. Santiago-Fandiño

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

Full download ebooks at ebook ebookstep.

Tsunamis and Earthquakes in Coastal

Go to download the full and correct Download More ebooks [PDF].

Research Methods in Building Science and Technology

Fieldwork and the Self Changing Research Styles in

Education and Knowledge Routledge Library Editions

Critical Thinking and Education Routledge Library

The Higher Education of Women in England and America

Free Children and Democratic Schools A Philosophical

Investment and Competitiveness in Africa Advances in

Language Ability and Educational Achievement Routledge

Coastal Research Library

More information about this series at http://www.springer.com/series/8795

Tsunamis and Earthquakes

ISSN 2211-0577 ISSN 2211-0585 (electronic)

Library of Congress Control Number: 2016937980

© Springer International Publishing Switzerland 2016

Printed on acid-free paper

This Springer imprint is published by Springer Nature

The University of Tokyo Shinji Sato

1 Revisiting the 2001 Peruvian Earthquake and Tsunami

7 Response of Sheltered and Built-up Coasts

Index ................................................................................................................. 217

Iftikhar Ahmed Abbasi Department of Earth Science, College of Science, Sultan

M.A. Oliveira IDL and Departamento de Geologia, Faculdade de Ciências da

Bruno Adriano, Erick Mas, Shunichi Koshimura, Yushiro Fujii,

© Springer International Publishing Switzerland 2016 1

environmental changes, in particular the impact to vegetation areas, were evaluated

Keywords Peru earthquake • Tsunami source • Inversion • Modeling • Remote

1.1.1 Developing the Tsunami Source Model

1.1.1.2 Tsunami Data

80° W 75° W a 74° W 72° W b

Datail in (b) Arica

1.1.1.3 Tsunami Waveform Inversion

0.50 1.0 1.0

1.0 0.50 0.50

1.0 1.0 0.50

a 74° W 73° W 72° W b 74° W 73° W 72° W

1.1.2 Numerical Simulation of Tsunami Inundation

1.1.2.1 Numerical Model Set-Up

The Tohoku University’s Numerical Analysis Model for Investigation of Near-­Field

100 - 200 90 - 110

(b) Water depth (c) Water depth

Table 1.2 Manning’s Smooth ground 0.020

1.1.2.2  esults and Validation of Tsunami Inundation Model in Camana

72°50’W 72°40’W 72°30’W

1.1.3 Impact of the Tsunami Inundation in Camana Coast

La Punta Las Cuevas

Fig 1.8 Comparison of the 8

1.1.4 Remote Sensing Analysis

Camana Camana NDVI

1.1.5 Concluding Remarks

P.J.M. Costa, M.A. Oliveira, R. González-Villanueva, C. Andrade,

P.J.M. Costa (*) • M.A. Oliveira • C. Andrade • M.C. Freitas

© Springer International Publishing Switzerland 2016 17

The need to conduct further studies in the impacts of palaeotsunamis is evi-

Keywords Geomorphology • Tsunami deposit • Sand barrier • Erosional features •

2.2 Regional and Local Setting

2.2.1 Regional Geomorphology

1.1.1 Developing the Tsunami Source Model

1.1.1.2 Tsunami Data

1.1.1.3 Tsunami Waveform Inversion

1.1.2 Numerical Simulation of Tsunami Inundation

1.1.2.1 Numerical Model Set-Up

The Tohoku University’s Numerical Analysis Model for Investigation of Near-Field

1.1.2.2 esults and Validation of Tsunami Inundation Model in Camana

1.1.3 Impact of the Tsunami Inundation in Camana Coast

1.1.4 Remote Sensing Analysis

1.1.5 Concluding Remarks