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Religion, Human Rights,
and the Workplace
The ICLARS Series on Law and Religion is a new series designed to provide
a forum for the rapidly expanding field of research in law and religion. The
series is published in association with the International Consortium for Law
and Religion Studies, an international network of scholars and experts of
law and religion founded in 2007 with the aim of providing a place where
information, data and opinions can easily be exchanged among members and
made available to the broader scientific community. The series aims to become
a primary source for students and scholars while presenting authors with a
valuable means to reach a wide and growing readership.
Other titles in this series:
Gregory Mose
First published 2024
by Routledge
4 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
and by Routledge
605 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10158
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa
business
© 2024 Gregory Mose
The right of Gregory Mose to be identified as author of this work has
been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright,
Designs and Patents Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or
reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical,
or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including
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system, without permission in writing from the publishers.
Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks
or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and
explanation without intent to infringe.
British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
ISBN: 978-1-032-49066-3 (hbk)
ISBN: 978-1-032-49068-7 (pbk)
ISBN: 978-1-003-39205-7 (ebk)
DOI: 10.4324/9781003392057
Typeset in Galliard
by Apex CoVantage, LLC
Contents
PART I
Freedom of religion in the United States and the
European Court of Human Rights9
Determining necessity 79
Proportionality stricto sensu 82
The ECtHR’s modified approach to proportionality 86
Legitimate aim 88
Necessary in a democratic society and the final balance 92
PART II
Religion in the workplace 101
Index257
Table of cases
Other legislation
Basic Law of Israel
Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran
Constitution of the Republic of South Africa
Constitution of the United Republic of Tanzania
Workplace cases
Alexandridis v. Greece
Buscarini and Others v. San Marino [GC]
Table of cases ix
Dahlab v. Switzerland
Dimitras and Others v. Greece
Dimitras and Others v. Greece (no. 2)
Dimitras and Others v. Greece (no. 3)
Ebrahimian v. France
Eweida and Others v. the United Kingdom
Fernández Martínez v. Spain
Fernández Martínez v. Spain [GC]
Kosteski v. the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia
Grimmark v. Sweden
Kalaç v. Turkey
Kurtulmuş v. Turkey
Larissis and Others v. Greece
Lombardi Vallauri v. Italy
Pitkevich v. Russia
Obst v. Germany
Pichon and Sajous v. France
Schüth v. Germany
Serif v. Greece
Sessa Francesca v. Italy
Siebenhaar v. Germany
Sindicatul “Pastorul Cel Bun” v. Romania [GC]
Steen v. Sweden
Thlimmenos v. Greece [GC]
Other cases
Workplace cases
Other cases
DOI: 10.4324/9781003392057-1
2 Introduction
between religious tradition and property rights, property wins.” This would
be a very crude rule, but the point is that the outcome is predetermined once
the conflict has been categorized. Legal reasoning in rights conflicts becomes,
under such an approach, a question of taxonomy. The other approach is to
establish a set of principles that can guide decision-makers. Principles, in Rob-
ert Alexy’s formulation, are “norms requiring that something be realized to
the greatest extent possible, given the legal and factual possibilities.” They
are “optimization requirements.”1 In other words, principles-based think-
ing acknowledges that there must be some give and take between conflict-
ing priorities, and it offers guidelines to help decision-makers come to the
best possible solution. Most legal systems, when approaching the conflict of
constitutional rights, apply some form of balancing principle in an attempt to
optimize the outcome by “balancing” the interests of the parties in the specific
context of the conflict.2 Balancing is an old but awkward metaphor. Weight
is a common value by which physical objects can be compared, but by what
common value can one compare freedom of speech and the right to adequate
health care? The values are in some sense incomparable. As Supreme Court
Justice Antonin Scalia once wrote, “the scale analogy is not really appropriate,
since the interests on both sides are incommensurate. It is more like judging
whether a particular line is longer than a particular rock is heavy.”3
This is especially true where religion and conscience are involved, since
these are both constitutive of personal identity and in many cases fundamental
to our ontological and epistemological understanding of the world. Religion
(as well as conscience, for many nonbelievers) relies in part on notions of the
sacred.4 As Thomas Jefferson observed in his letter to the Danbury Baptists,
“religion is a matter which lies solely between Man & his God.”5 This raises
the stakes of limiting freedom of religion and belief, especially for the many
faithful for whom what is at stake is their immortal soul. It also complicates
any debate that touches on religion since rights bearers brought into conflict
may well have entirely different ontological assumptions. We adhere to differ-
ent truths and judges in both Europe and the United States are barred from
choosing one over another where faith is concerned. It is difficult enough for
a judge to compare speech and health care, but it seems nearly impossible to
1
Robert Alexy, “Constitutional Rights, Balancing, and Rationality,” Ratio Juris 16, no. 2
(June 2003): 131–40.
2
T. Alexander Aleinikoff, “Constitutional Law in the Age of Balancing,” Yale Law Journal 96,
no. 5 (1987): 943–44.
3
Bendix Autolite Corp. v. Midwesco Enters., Inc., 486 U.S. 888, 897 (1988) (Scalia, J.,
dissenting).
4
Mircea Eliade, The Sacred and the Profane, trans. Willard R. Trask (New York: Harcourt, 1987),
9–10.
5
Thomas Jefferson to Messrs Nehemiah Dodge, Ephraim Robbins and Stephen S. Nelson, Com-
mittee of the Danbury Baptist Association, January 1, 1802, Library of Congress.
Introduction 3
compare one’s right to proselytize their faith and another’s right to raise her
children free from what she perceives as the harmful influences of religion.
And yet deciding between such unmeasurable constitutional values is precisely
what judges must do in such cases. They can do so as taxonomists applying
rules, or they can formulate principles to guide judges and help them deter-
mine the “weight” of disparate social values in the fairest way possible. The
choice of how to do this will inevitably shape the contours of religious free-
dom and of constitutional rights more generally.
The United States has a relatively long history of religious freedom jurispru-
dence and over the years has developed a complex set of standards that involves
both categorical and balancing approaches. Those standards are evolving rap-
idly, in part because of the conservative shift in the Supreme Court under the
Trump administration and arguably in part because they were already in disar-
ray. The purpose of this book is to help clarify the current state of American
balancing in religious freedom cases that arise in the workplace and to reflect
on where it should go from here by comparing current cases and methodolo-
gies with those of the European Court of Human Rights (“ECtHR”). The
ECtHR is a very different context for rights disputes; it is a much more recent
court and is an international human rights court rather than a national Con-
stitutional Court. It is also quite different in its choice of methodology. Like
most other courts around the world, the ECtHR uses proportionality analysis,
a standard procedure that arose in German courts for exploring limitations
on constitutional rights. Proportionality exists in various forms but tradition-
ally looks at the legitimacy of the policy underlying the rights restriction, the
suitability of the restriction in achieving its policy objectives, and whether the
restriction is the least intrusive way of furthering the policy. At the end of
this enquiry, courts evaluate whether the harm caused by the rights restric-
tion is proportionate to benefits achieved. The ECtHR has adopted a form
of proportionality analysis that attempts to structure balancing in a way that
limits arbitrariness and judicial subjectivity and honor its obligations under the
principle of subsidiarity. Arguably there is no perfect approach to protecting
fundamental freedoms without shifting the burdens of accommodation onto
third parties. But by refining our understanding of the role of methodology
in the process of balancing rights, we may be better equipped to improve the
ways in which courts solve some of law’s most intractable dilemmas.
So why compare with the European Court of Human Rights? The ECtHR
is an international court put in place to monitor compliance with a regional
human rights treaty – a very different animal from the US Supreme Court
and its constellation of federal courts. But the ECtHR experience as a semi-
constitutionalized international court is nevertheless instructive. The Euro-
pean Convention on Human Rights is, after all, a sort of bill of rights for
its signatories. And while the court cannot overrule domestic laws, it does
perform three governance functions that one might expect of a Constitutional
Court in the context of rights cases: offering justice to individuals, monitoring
4 Introduction
government respect for fundamental rights, and defining the scope of such
rights.6 Most importantly, the two courts have much in common in terms of
the functions they perform and the challenges they face. Both courts must
adjudicate claims in a culturally and legally decentralized, multi-jurisdictional
environment in light of an overarching constitutional rights regime using both
textual analysis of the rights-conferring document in question as well as a con-
tested body of interpretive traditions and relevant prior case law. Both courts
employ specific modes of balancing interests that they use in conjunction with
interpretive tools allowing them to exercise judicial restraint and give defer-
ence, when necessary or appropriate, to local decision-makers. Their differ-
ing approaches share a “conception of constitutional law as a battleground of
competing interests and their claimed ability to identify and place a value on
those interests.”7 They are, in short, appropriately complex legal battlegrounds
where rights clash and where religious liberty and other freedoms must, at
times, find creative ways of making room for each other.
When it comes to detailed comparison of actual judgments in the US fed-
eral court system and the ECtHR, this book explores cases where religious
freedoms come into conflict with the rights or interests of others and does
so specifically in the context of religion in the workplace. The first choice is
significant in that it eliminates a large number of religious freedom issues such
as Establishment Clause conflicts in the US or the large body of caselaw on
the recognition and registration of religious organizations in the ECtHR. The
second choice also narrows the field of study, leaving out cases of religious
manifestation by students and prisoners, for example or limitations that affect
the general population. But the workplace is a critical battleground for reli-
gious freedom questions because it introduces a unique array of personal and
power relationships over which individuals may not have complete control. As
adults in a free society we generally have the power to decide with whom we
will spend our time – the clubs we join, the activities we pursue, the associa-
tions we become involved in, the individuals we socialize with. If we do not
approve of the people we are surrounded by, we have the option to leave.
Work is an important exception to this in several ways. First, even if in theory
we can always leave a job, in practice work may be hard to find, and the funda-
mental need to earn a living may in practice translate into a lack of real choice.
Work is best seen in this sense as a utility or a public good, like education,
voting rights, or public parks and highways, and yet it is a field that is largely
controlled by the private sector. It is for this reason that the workplace became
one of the frontlines in the civil rights battles in the United States. Until the
passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act, employment discrimination was ram-
pant and was in large part responsible for maintaining racial segregation and
6
Alec Stone Sweet, “The European Convention on Human Rights and National Constitutional
Reordering,” Cardozo Law Review 33, no. 5 (2012): 1861.
7
Aleinikoff, “Constitutional Law,” 943.
Introduction 5
rampant inequality. Title VII of the Civil Rights Act banned employment
discrimination, but that was only part of the battle. Beyond the workplace
relationship between employers and employees, commerce in general plays a
special role in both economic and social equality. The provision of goods and
services in a capitalist society is achieved via businesses or government offices
employing civil servants, thus much of public life takes places at the nexus
among employer, employee, and customer. Discrimination in the provision
of services, like in employment, cuts the victim off from the normal stream of
commerce and become a major source of inequality. It is no coincidence that
the Civil Rights Movement was triggered, at least in part, by what has come
to be called a public accommodations case when four African American stu-
dents sat down at a Woolworth lunch counter in violation of its “whites only”
policy.8 To be equal citizens was to have equal access not only to schools and
jobs but also to the goods and services that form part of everyday life. When
interviewed about the experience years later, Franklin McCain, one of the four
men involved the Greensboro lunch counter sit-in, commented: “I had the
most wonderful feeling. I had a feeling of liberation, restored manhood. I had
a natural high. And I truly felt almost invincible.”9 To be served as an equal,
to not be singled out because of race or religion, is clearly about more than
simple access to goods. While it is easier to go to a different restaurant than it
is to get a new job, the necessity to go from business to business in search of
someone who will serve an oppressed minority not only raises unjust practical
problems for minorities but also inflicts dignitary harm. This idea of dignitary
harm was at the heart of the Civil Rights Movement and more recently has
become the focal point in a number of interesting cases in the US involving
discrimination against LGBTQ customers by business owners or against same-
sex couples by civil servants.
Faith can play a complicated role in the workplace because religion can
be either the motivation for an employer or an employee to limit the rights
of others in order not to be complicit in sin, or it might impose duties that
employers wish to prohibit. In all these cases, we see the natural and appro-
priate desire to create exemptions come into conflict with the fair treatment
of others. Such situations effectively ask third parties to forego certain rights
in favor of the religious freedom claims of the believer; to put it in more
economic terms, they risk permitting the individual manifesting his religious
beliefs to externalize the costs of his faith onto third parties. Moreover, in
the commercial or employment context, they do so precisely at a particu-
larly sensitive point of convergence of legitimate interests of the state, the
employer, the employee and, when it involves a business open to the public,
the customer. It places people of conflicting and sometime antithetical beliefs
8
Michele Norris, “The Woolworth Sit-In That Launched a Movement,” All Things Considered,
NPR, February 1, 2008, www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=18615556.
9
Ibid.
6 Introduction
in direct proximity in a situation in which they must work together for a com-
mon goal. In short, because it is the crucible in which diversity is unavoidable
and brings religious manifestation face to face with other vital interests, the
workplace is an especially interesting field in which to examine the balancing
of interests in religious freedom cases.
To shed light on how courts address these questions, this book system-
atically compares the jurisprudence of the US federal courts and the ECtHR
through two different lenses, first looking at the context and subject matter
of the cases and then exploring the same body of cases by breaking down the
methodologies used into a series of common inquiries. The purpose of this
form of analysis is to contrast the two approaches in order to shed light on
the role that balancing methods play in delivering outcomes as opposed to the
courts merely having different visions of the role of religion in society. Chap-
ters 1 and 2 offer an introduction to the context and evolution of religious
freedom jurisprudence in the US and in the ECtHR. Chapter 3 explores the
reasoning and outcomes of cases in the two courts by breaking them down
into the broad subject matter groupings that tend to arise in the workplace:
religious symbols, proselytism, compelled expression, and other conscientious
objection cases. Chapter 4 explores the same body of cases but looks at how
outcomes are influenced by the type of employer involved, including public
sector, religious, and for-profit private sector employers. Chapters 5 and 6
then outline in some detail the predominant methodological approaches in
the two courses, while Chapters 7 and 8 compare the applications of the vari-
ous steps of these methodologies in the workplace cases.
What emerges from this discussion is that methodological differences have
a significant impact on how religious freedom is evaluated in the US and
ECtHR. First, the US system of tiered review and its accompanying categori-
cal approach to reasoning at each step of the process is fundamental to under-
standing outcomes. The choice of tier of review is usually decisive because each
step acts as a potentially decisive threshold. This approach tends to undermine
any genuinely principled holistic balancing of interests even when they use bal-
ancing rhetoric, since the tiers when rigidly applied tend to remove discretion
from judges. But the politicized nature of the court – not a new phenome-
non but one which surged enormously under the Trump administration –
has arguably favored the instrumentalization of methodology as a means of
essentially rigging the outcomes of religious freedom cases. By pushing the
categorical nature of US balancing to (and many would say well beyond) its
logical limits, the new conservative court has turned the legal protection of
religious interests into weapon against progressive political choices, locking
in conservative liberties in a way that undermines the role of the federal gov-
ernment in protecting the rights of vulnerable social groups. In contrast, the
ECtHR assembles the outcomes of the inquiries listed earlier into a holistic
balancing of interests. While the result is that religious interests do not win as
often in the ECtHR, proportionality provides courts with sufficient flexibility
Introduction 7
to address the nuances of each case. And while the ECtHR does a poor job
of providing detailed explanations of its reasoning in many cases, the results
generally appear to reflect the complex interplay of principle, context, and
national traditions.
The importance of protecting religious freedom, as well as remaining sen-
sitive to other human rights, is something that most people can agree upon.
Questions over the content of those rights, however – and which rights must
give way to others – will necessarily swim in the brackish waters of where
law, philosophy, and politics combine. Ideology and political expediency will
certainly continue to play a role and influence legal outcomes. It is perhaps
too strong to say that methodology trumps ideology; however, these cases
demonstrate how choices of methodology can set different permissive condi-
tions for the enactment of ideology. This fact – and the influence it has on
the outcomes of such fundamental questions as religious freedom and social
justice – will have important repercussions on the legitimacy of courts as they
continue to wrestle with “culture war” conflicts in the years to come.
Part I
Freedom of religion in
the United States and the
European Court of Human
Rights
1 The first freedom
Religious free exercise in US
federal courts
Religion was at the heart of the American colonial experience, but religious
freedom was not a central concern during the drafting of the Constitu-
tion. There was in fact vigorous debate over whether individual rights even
belonged in the new roadmap for the republic, and the Bill of Rights was
included as amendments rather than as a central part of the original draft.
Even the First Amendment, as written, did not envisage a very strong pro-
tection for the right to worship as one saw fit; in fact, the early years of the
republic were characterized by a broad consensus that the precise details of the
relationship between religion and government were best left to the states so
long as there was no clear persecution or religious establishment. By 1833 all
state constitutions contained religious liberty provisions that largely paralleled
those of the First Amendment. Moreover, the population of the United States
was overwhelmingly Christian, with most citizens belonging to one of various
Protestant denominations or a sizeable Catholic minority in some states. Over
the course of the nineteenth century, however, the religious landscape of the
US changed drastically. The Second Great Awakening gave birth to a wide
variety of new Christian sects. Immigration from Europe vastly increased the
Catholic presence in America, and the end of slavery brought to light variants
of Christianity and Islam that had been prevalent, if largely hidden, among the
African-American population in the South.1 These social changes began to put
stress upon the comfortable background assumption that mainstream Christi-
anity was the norm to which minorities needed, at least externally, to conform.
It was in this context that the Supreme Court faced its first free exercise
challenge. In Reynolds v. United States,2 a Mormon plaintiff cited the First
Amendment as a defense against an anti-bigamy law in the territory of Utah.
After carefully discussing the history of anti-bigamy laws, the court found that
the territory was well within its right to outlaw the practice, and that “religious
1
See generally John Witte Jr., “History of Religious Liberty in America,” Freedom Forum
Institute, January 3, 2003, www.freedomforuminstitute.org/first-amendment-center/topics/
freedom-of-religion/religious-liberty-in-america-overview/.
2
Reynolds v. United States, 98 U.S. 145 (1878).
DOI: 10.4324/9781003392057-3
12 Freedom of religion in the United States and the European Court
freedom” meant freedom to believe but not necessarily freedom to act. Chief
Justice Waite concluded that “Laws are made for the government of actions,
and while they cannot interfere with mere religious belief and opinions, they
may with practices.”3 To permit exemptions, Waite explained, would be to
“permit every citizen to become a law unto himself. Government could exist
only in name under such circumstances.”4 Taken to its logical conclusion, he
argued, such an approach would oblige the government to recognize religious
practices such as human sacrifice.
Reynolds set a very low bar for state governments wishing to limit religious
freedom. So long as the law targeted the forum externum rather than the
forum internum, Reynolds suggested that the states were free to limit religious
practices that they deemed harmful. The act/belief distinction is appealing for
a number of reasons, both practical and cultural. Most salient, however, is that
if taken seriously, the belief/action distinction has the effect of rendering the
Free Exercise Clause almost meaningless. In practice, the state has little or no
means to actually compel belief. One may persuade and punish, but the state
simply has no power to make someone believe something against their will.
Thus with the belief/action distinction intact, the Free Exercise Clause merely
prohibits the state from doing something that it could not in practice achieve
anyway. The case is not meaningless – it reaffirms that the federal govern-
ment cannot deliberately single out one religion for disparate treatment and
prevents it from prohibiting or compelling beliefs. But protection for religion
remained strikingly weak. In practice federal law could regulate behavior in
such a way that limited the practice of religion so long as the law applied to
everyone. The importance of the practice in question was not relevant, so long
as the law had a rational basis. Moreover, during this period it was not clear
whether the Free Exercise Clause applied to state laws.
The situation began to change in the 1930s and 1940s, when a series of
Supreme Court cases, especially Cantwell v. Connecticut 5 and Everson v. Board
of Education,6 explicitly extended the provisions of the First Amendment’s
Free Exercise Clause (Cantwell) and Establishment Clause (Everson) to states.
This was achieved through what has come to be known as the “selective incor-
poration doctrine.” The Bill of Rights was drafted with specific concerns in
mind about the dangers of a strong federal government, and thus the wording
of the first ten amendments is specifically aimed at limiting powers of Con-
gress. The “selective incorporation doctrine,” developed in a variety of cases
over the course of the twentieth century, interprets the Fourteenth Amend-
ment’s due process clause, which prohibits states from depriving any person
of “life, liberty or property, without due process of law,” as “incorporating”
3
Reynolds, 98 U.S. at 166.
4
Reynolds, 98 U.S. at 167.
5
Cantwell v. Connecticut, 310 U.S. 296 (1940).
6
Everson v. Bd. of Educ., 330 U.S. 1 (1947).
The first freedom 13
many of the fundamental rights in the Bill of Rights and thereby applying
them to state law. Since restrictions on the free exercise of religion mostly
occurred at the state level, the incorporation of the religion clauses effectively
paved the way for a far more robust judicial enforcement of religious freedom,
which would become increasingly relevant as the religious demographics of
the United States continued to diversify and America underwent “deseculari-
zation” towards the end of the twentieth century.7
In the two decades after Cantwell, the court gradually expanded the right
to free exercise and in doing so continued to nuance the ways in which bal-
ancing tests might operate. It affirmed that a jury was not at liberty to ques-
tion the truth or falsehood of a religious belief8 and that state governments
make a profession of belief in God a requirement for holding public office.9
But government still retained great scope for action that burdened religion,
and it would take another two decades for a truly significant shift in free exer-
cise jurisprudence. The real leap forward in terms of elaborating a structure
for balancing in religion cases came in 1963 with the court’s landmark deci-
sion in Sherbert v. Verner,10 which created a controversial judicial standard that
continues to influence religious freedom cases today. Adele Sherbert worked
in a textile mill in South Carolina and, in 1957, became a member of the
Seventh Day Adventist Church. Her religious conversion posed no problems
until 1959, when her employer adopted a six-day work schedule that included
work on Saturdays. Sherbert declined to work on Saturday, citing her belief
that she may do no work on Saturday, which is the day of Sabbath for Seventh
Day Adventists. She was fired, and when she sought employment at other
textile mills in the area found that they too had adopted a work schedule
that included Saturdays. Unable to find a job, she applied for unemployment
benefits. The terms for receiving unemployment compensation in South Caro-
lina, however, stipulated that an applicant would be disqualified from receiving
benefits if she failed “to accept available suitable work.”11 The question before
the court was whether, in denying compensation to Ms. Sherbert, the State of
South Carolina had violated her right to free exercise under the First Amend-
ment, as applied to the state by the Fourteenth Amendment.
Citing Cantwell, Torasco, and other cases, Justice Brennan began the court’s
analysis by reaffirming that the state is barred from specifically regulating reli-
gious belief but, following the line of argument in Reynolds, noted that actions
resulting from those beliefs may be regulated. In cases where the court had
previously upheld laws affecting free exercise, Brennan noted that there had
7 See generally Peter L. Berger, “The Desecularization of the World: A Global Overview,” in
The Desecularization of the World: Resurgent Religion and World Politics, ed. Peter L. Berger
(Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1999), 1–18.
8 United States v. Ballard, 322 U.S. 78 (1944).
9 Torasco v. Watkins, 367 U.S. 488 (1961).
10 Sherbert v. Verner, 374 U.S. 398 (1963).
11 Sherbert, 374 U.S. 374, 410 at n3 (citing South Carolina Code, Title 68, §§ 68–114).
14 Freedom of religion in the United States and the European Court
always been some kind of “substantial threat to public safety, peace or order.”12
This left only two possible justifications to uphold the lower court’s ruling in
favor of the state: either Ms. Sherbert’s right to free exercise was not substan-
tially burdened or, following the accepted legal standard in cases implicating
the infringement of fundamental rights, there was a “compelling state inter-
est” at stake. Neither justification applied, so the court held for Ms. Sherbert.
This constituted a fundamental shift in the court’s jurisprudence on reli-
gious freedom. Prior to Sherbert, courts had followed the line of cases pro-
ceeding from Reynolds and applied a “rational basis” test to determine the
validity of laws that incidentally infringed upon free exercise rights. This test
had evolved from the due process clause of the Fourteenth Amendment and
involved the notion that any law that infringed upon liberty had to have a
rational basis. This was, naturally, an easy requirement to meet; the rational
basis test merely required that there be some logical relationship between the
law and a permissible objective of legislation. The court in Sherbert was now
applying this more rigorous standard to free exercise cases, establishing what
has come to be known as the Sherbert test. In balancing the right of a claim-
ant to an exemption from a law or regulation pursuant to his or her right to
freely exercise his or her religion, the court determined that any state action
that substantially infringed on a claimant’s free exercise of religion is a viola-
tion of the First Amendment unless the government can demonstrate that the
action was narrowly tailored in pursuit of a compelling state interest. Quoting
its decision in Thomas v. Collins, the court described such instances as being
limited to “the gravest abuses, endangering paramount interests.”13 With this
formulation, the court gave its first clear explanation of what has come to be
known as the “strict scrutiny” standard.14
The court was given an opportunity to apply and to refine the Sherbert test
when in 1972 it was asked to weigh religious freedom against the state’s inter-
est in compulsory education in Wisconsin v. Yoder.15 The state claimed that its
interest in universal compulsory education outweighed the respondents’ free
exercise claim that their faith required an exemption from compulsory high
school education. Following the Sherbert test, the court evaluated the burden
imposed on the Amish and then scrutinized at the state’s interest in mandatory
secondary education, noting that it serves to teach self-reliance and prepares
citizens to participate meaningfully in political life. It determined that two
more years of education, however, would not further these interests in any
crucial way. Given that the burden was significant and touched upon an aspect
of life that was central to the Amish faith, and that the interest of the state was
not compelling enough to outweigh the religious burden, the court decided
in favor of Yoder. In doing so, Wisconsin v. Yoder reaffirmed Sherbert’s strict
scrutiny requirement and nuanced it by providing a model for how to balance
the state’s interests against burdens imposed on the free exercise of religion. In
addition, as part of this balancing test the court confirmed that a law need not
directly compel acts contrary to religious doctrine to be considered a substan-
tial burden so long as the law had a substantial impact on aspects of religious
life that are central to the faith in question.
For the next 30 years the court struggled to make sense of the approach
mandated in Sherbert and Yoder. Faced with a threshold test that, if honestly
applied, would permit almost any religiously inspired behavior, the courts felt
obliged to find interpretive strategies that would allow them to continue to
place limits on the right to religious exemptions. One strategy was to exclude
certain types of cases from strict scrutiny altogether or to radically diminish
its requirements During the Sherbert period, the court carved out a variety of
cases involving the military and the prison system.16 Goldman v. Weinberger,17
for example, involved a challenge to Air Force uniform regulations that for-
bade the wearing of any headgear indoors, with only armed security police
being exempted while in the course of their duties. The Supreme Court
refused to apply the Sherbert test, arguing that “[the court’s] review of military
regulations challenged on First Amendment grounds is far more deferential
than constitutional review of similar laws or regulations designed for civilian
society.”18 The military, in short, is a specialized society to which strict scrutiny
was not applicable. Similarly prison cases were carved out as involving spe-
cial circumstances.19 In other cases involving government benefits, the court
declined to apply the Sherbert test either by denying that there was any real
burden20 or by emphasizing the government’s need for efficiency in providing
uniform access to benefits programs.21
Yet in practice, during the almost 30 years that Sherbert governed free exer-
cise cases, strict scrutiny clearly accounted for a victory for religious claimants
in only four Supreme Court cases.22 A broader study that looked at all federal
and appellate court decisions between 1980 and 1990 found that 85 out of 97
religious exemption claims were denied in spite of Sherbert’s so-called “fatal”
16 Christopher L. Eisgruber and Lawrence G. Sager, Religious Freedom and the Constitution
(Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2007), 43.
17 Goldman v. Weinberger, 475 U.S. 503 (1986).
18 Goldman, 475 U.S. at 507.
19 For example, see O’Lone v. Est. of Shabazz, 482 U.S. 342 (1987).
20 Bowen v. Roy, 476 U.S. 693 (1986), Lyng v. Nw. Indian Cemetery Protective Ass’n, 485 U.S.
439 (1988).
21 United States v. Lee, 455 U.S. 252 (1982).
22 Eisgruber and Sager, Religious Freedom, 43. The cases were Wisconsin v. Yoder, 406 U.S. 205
(1972), Frazee v. Illinois Dep’t of Employment Sec., 489 U.S. 829 (1989), Hobbie v. Unemploy-
ment Appeals Comm’n, 480 U.S. 136 (1987), and Thomas v. Rev. Bd., 450 U.S. 707 (1981).
16 Freedom of religion in the United States and the European Court
strict scrutiny standard.23 To put this in context, the survival rate for laws sub-
jected to strict scrutiny cases between 1990 and 2003 was approximately 30%.
This rated drops to 24% if religious liberty cases are excluded. In contrast, laws
affecting religious liberty and subjected to strict scrutiny showed a survival rate
of 59%.24 This would suggest that strict scrutiny, whatever its merits, was not
functioning in religious liberty cases in the same way that it was being applied
in other areas of law.
Ultimately this struggle led the court to reevaluate the Sherbert test in 1990
in Employment Division v. Smith.25 The conflict in Smith arose when Alfred
Smith was fired from his job for ingesting peyote in connection with the sacra-
ment of the Native American Church. He subsequently applied for unemploy-
ment compensation and was refused on the grounds that he had been fired
for work-related misconduct.26 The case reached the US Supreme Court in
March of 1989. Justice Scalia, writing for the majority, frames the question as
whether or not it is Constitutionally permissible for Oregon to outlaw peyote
use without offering an exemption for sacramental use. Having shifted the
discussion away from employment rights and onto the government’s right to
prohibit controlled substances, Scalia changed the nature of the debate and
was thus able in his subsequent arguments to distinguish Sherbert and other
unemployment compensation cases, which he saw as a category separate from
general criminal prohibitions. Relying on Reynolds, he asserts that the court
has “never held that an individual’s religious beliefs excuse him from compli-
ance with an otherwise valid law prohibiting conduct that the State is free to
regulate.”27 To further distinguish prior cases, Scalia introduces what has come
to be called the “hybrid rights doctrine,” in which he asserts that all similar
cases in which the court upheld a right of exemption from generally applicable
laws had involved “hybrid cases,” that is, cases in which the free exercise claim
was coupled with another important interest such as the Establishment Clause,
free speech, or parental rights.
The result of the decision was thus, first and foremost, a rejection of the use
of balancing tests in what constitutes the majority of free exercise cases, i.e.
cases involving generally applicable laws that inadvertently place a burden on
religious practice. Instead, it stands for the proposition that “any government
action of general applicability is now categorically constitutional against a free
23
See James E. Ryan, “Smith and the Religious Freedom Restoration Act: An Iconoclastic Assess-
ment,” Virginia Law Review 78, no. 6 (1992): 1407–62. For a broader view of strict scrutiny
in federal courts, see Adam Winkler, “Fatal in Theory and Strict in Fact: An Empirical Analysis
of Strict Scrutiny in the Federal Courts,” Vanderbilt Law Review 59, no. 3 (2006): 793–871.
24 Winkler, “Fatal in Theory,” 815.
25 Employment Div., Dep’t of Hum. Res. of Or. v. Smith, 494 U.S. 872 (1990).
26 For a detailed and fascinating account of the events surrounding the Smith case, see Garrett
Epps, “To an Unknown God: The Hidden History of Employment Division v. Smith,” Ari-
zona State Law Journal 30 (1998): 953–1021.
27 Smith, 494 U.S. at 878–79.
The first freedom 17
28 Chris Day, “Employment Division v. Smith: Free Exercise Clause Loses Balance on Peyote,”
Baylor Law Review 43 (1991): 577.
29 Smith, 494 U.S. at 890.
30 For a representative selection see Randy T. Austin, “Employment Division v. Smith: A Giant
Step Backwards in Free Exercise Jurisprudence,” Brigham Young University Law Review 1991,
no. 3 (1991): 1331–52; Day, “Employment Division v. Smith”; Michael W. McConnell, “Free
Exercise Revisionism and the Smith Decision,” University of Chicago Law Review 57 (1990):
1109–53; Kenneth Marin, “Employment Division v. Smith: The Supreme Court Alters the
State of Free Exercise Doctrine,” American University Law Review 40, no. 4 (1991): 1431–76.
31 Petition of Rehearing, Employment Div., Dep’t of Hum. Res. of Or. v. Smith, 496 U.S. 913
(1990) (reh’g denied).
18 Freedom of religion in the United States and the European Court
federal free exercise concerns and overlapping jurisdiction with federal courts
on religious liberty issues. Since the strict scrutiny requirement imposed by
Sherbert was more stringent than most state constitutional provisions, state
courts had for years since Sherbert deferred to federal law when examining
free exercise cases to the exclusion of state constitutional law. This reliance of
federal law resulted in a lack of state constitutional jurisprudence on religious
freedom.32 State free exercise doctrine was, with a number of exceptions where
state constitutions already imposed an independent strict scrutiny standard,
filed away as a dead letter or historical curiosity.33 Thus when Smith replaced
the Sherbert strict scrutiny standard with a rational basis test in cases involving
laws of general applicability, state courts were once again obligated to chart
their own court and resume the construction of state constitutional jurispru-
dence in free exercise claims. Ironically, Smith served to revitalize what had
always been an anemic or nonexistent body of state constitutional free exercise
jurisprudence, providing in many states a renewed opportunity to craft balanc-
ing tests.
Federal courts, on the other hand, had no separate constitutional tradition
to fall back on and diligently set about applying the holdings in Smith to their
free exercise caseload. The results were, unsurprisingly, harsher on free exer-
cise claims.34 Whereas in the pre-Smith period most claims were denied, there
was usually at least some consideration of the opposing interests via the bur-
den analysis and the compelling state interest analysis. After Smith, there was
no longer even a requirement to undertake such balancing tests. The results
were at times manifestly unjust. In Yang v. Sturner,35 for example, the District
Court of Rhode Island was obliged to permit an autopsy to be performed on a
Hmong man against the vehement religious objections of his family. In finding
against the family in its pursuit of damages, the judge expressed his sympathy
for the plaintiffs, noting that he had “seldom, in twenty-four years on the
bench, seen such a sincere instance of emotion displayed. . . . Nevertheless,
I feel that I would be less than honest if I were to now grant damages in the
face of the Employment Division [v. Smith] decision.”36 These cases demon-
strate not only the conceptual difficulties facing the court in interpreting the
Smith decision but also the sheer frustration in the lower federal courts with a
standard that proved almost immediately to be demonstrable setback for the
judicial protection of religious freedom.
32
Angela C. Carmella, “State Constitutional Protection of Religious Exercise: An Emerging
Post-Smith Jurisprudence,” Brigham Young University Law Review 1993, no 1 (1993): 299.
33
States with independently robust strict scrutiny requirements were Tennessee, Maine, Missis-
sippi, and Kentucky.
34
Michael P. Farris and Jordan W. Lorence, “Employment Division v. Smith and the Need for
the Religious Freedom Restoration Act,” Regent University Law Review 6 (1995): 65.
35
Yang v. Sturner, 750 F. Supp. 558 (D. R.I. 1990).
36
Yang, 750 F. Supp. at 559.
The first freedom 19
37 Minnesota v. Hershberger, 494 U.S. 901 (1990) and City of Seattle v. First Covenant Church,
499 U.S. 901 (1991).
38 Church of the Lukumi Babalu Aye, Inc. v. Hialeah, 508 U.S. 520 (1993).
39 Douglas Laycock, “The Remnants of Free Exercise,” 1990 SUP. CT. REV. 1, 49–50.
20 Freedom of religion in the United States and the European Court
the restrictions the law imposes on religious practice do not violate the Free
Exercise Clause. If they do not, the court must subject the law to a strict scru-
tiny analysis.
Justice Kennedy’s opinion includes a vigorous defense of the standard to
be applied in such cases, insisting the limitations in such circumstances must
advance “ ‘interests of the highest order’ ” and must be narrowly tailored in
pursuit of those interests. The compelling interest standard that we apply once
a law fails to meet the Smith requirements is not “water[ed] . . . down” but
“really means what it says.”40 Few laws, this seems to suggest, will survive
this exacting standard. Yet given the progressive dilution of the strict scrutiny
standard in the period between Sherbert and Smith, Justice Kennedy’s remarks
leave open the question of just which “strict scrutiny” standard he is referring
to. By asserting that strict scrutiny will not be “watered down,” is he saying
that the court would be reconsidering some of the jurisprudence that seemed
to “water down” the original Sherbert test? Is this a return to the “good old
days” when strict scrutiny “meant what it said?” If so, it would nonetheless
reintroduce such scrutiny only in cases that were not neutral and generally
applicable, when in fact the controversy over Smith resided in its position on
cases like the peyote sacrament in which laws are not drafted with religion in
mind but where the incidental effects of these neutral laws impose a dispropor-
tionate burden on the religious practices or requirements of a specific religious
group or individual.
In the wake of the Smith decision, Congress did not wait to see how the
Supreme Court or the lower courts would interpret its holding. A few months
after the decision, Representative Stephen Solarz introduced the first version
of the Religious Freedom Restoration Act (the “RFRA”) in the House of
Representatives.41 Solarz seemed optimistic about the bill’s chance of quick
passage, announcing before Congress that “in the history of the Republic,
there has rarely been a bill which more closely approximates motherhood and
apple pie . . . [i]n fact, I know, at least so far, of no one who opposes the
legislation.”42 The debate over RFRA would last a full three years, as it was
held up over concerns about implications for abortion rights, but eventually
passed unanimously in the House and nearly so in the Senate and was signed
into law by President Clinton in November 1993.
The law reiterates the strict scrutiny standard: it applies to laws that are of
general applicability and impose and incidental but substantial burden, and
it stipulates the use of the compelling governmental interest test and least
restrictive means test. But as we have seen from the evolution of free exercise
jurisprudence between Sherbert and Smith, strict scrutiny did not prove as
43 The question of prisons in particular posed a serious obstacle to RFRA’s passage and was the
subject of a last-minute amendment by Senator Harry Reid (D-NV), which would have explic-
itly excluded prisons from RFRA’s mandated strict scrutiny. The amendment was defeated,
indicating that Congress intended RFRA to apply to prisons. In fact, both House and Senate
Reports indicated that as they see it RFRA would overturn O’Lone. Likewise, the Reports
indicate that RFRA is also meant to apply in military contexts and would overturn Goldman.
See generally Ira C. Lupu, “Of Time and the RFRA: A Lawyer’s Guide to the Religious Free-
dom Restoration Act,” Montana Law Review 56, no. 1 (1995): 188 et seq. See also S. Rep.
No. 111–03, at 9–10 (1993) and H.R. Rep. No. 88–103, at 8 (1993).
44
Ira C. Lupu, “The Failure of RFRA,” University of Arkansas at Little Rock Law Review 20,
no. 3 (1998): 591.
22 Freedom of religion in the United States and the European Court
45 Gonzales v. O Centro Espirita Beneficente Uniao do Vegetal, 546 U.S. 418, 423 (2006).
46 City of Boerne, 521 U.S. at 532.
47
For example, see Ira C. Lupu, “Why the Congress Was Wrong and the Court Was Right – Reflections
on City of Boerne v. Flores,” William & Mary Law Review 39, no. 3 (1997–1998): 798.
48
Religious Land Use and Incarcerated Persons Act, 42 U.S.C. §§ 2000cc–2000cc-5 (2006).
The first freedom 23
federal RFRA protections on the state level.49 Many states that have not passed
such mini-RFRAs already provide something akin to strict scrutiny in their
state constitutions.50
Much of more recent litigation concerning RFRA has involved resist-
ance to the application of the Affordable Care Act (the “ACA”), the sweep-
ing health care reform legislation brought in by the Obama administration
in 2011. The ACA required employers to provide health insurance for their
employees, and what those insurance policies would be required to cover is
set out in a series of administrative rules issued by the Department of Health
and Human Services (the “HHS”). The “contraceptive mandate” stipulates
that female contraception must be covered without copayment; an exception
was made for churches and other houses of worship but was not available for
religiously-affiliated charities or universities. In Burwell v. Hobby Lobby, the
Christian owners of a chain of hobby supply stores objected to having to pay
for insurance that might be used by their employees for contraception.51 They
argued that this would make them complicit in the sins of others and was
thus a violation of their religious freedom. The government argued in part
that Hobby Lobby merely had pay for insurance and could not be considered
responsible for what their employees may use it for. The Supreme Court held
for Hobby Lobby, stating that even a business could exercise religion and that
so long as they felt complicit in sin by providing insurance coverage, their free
exercise of religion had been burdened. Similar cases were filed by a variety
of religious nonprofit organizations; a compromise had been reached to allow
such organizations to opt out, but to do so they were required to notify the
Department of Health and Human Services of their objection.52 This, the
nonprofits argued, was insufficient, because they felt complicit in sin simply by
signing the opt-out form, since that would alert the HHS and lead eventually
to their employees receiving coverage for contraceptive services that they, the
employers, objected to. The Supreme Court again ruled for the non-profits,
arguing that a less restrictive means might have been used to alert HHS to
their religious objections. These cases greatly expanded plaintiffs’ potential
arguments regarding the burden prong and the least-restrictive-means prong
of strict scrutiny under RFRA.
Protection of religious freedom has not heretofore constituted a strongly
ideological fault line in US courts; while political conservatives have increas-
ingly identified with the Christian right, conservative justices have not always
reflexively given preference to religion over other concerns. The Smith case
49 See “State Religious Freedom Restoration Acts,” National Conference of State Legislatures,
updated May 4, 2017, www.ncsl.org/research/civil-and-criminal-justice/state-rfra-statutes.aspx.
50 Douglas Laycock, “Religious Liberty and the Culture Wars,” University of Illinois Law Review,
no. 3 (2014): 844.
51 Burwell v. Hobby Lobby Stores, Inc., 573 U.S. 682 (2014).
52 See, e.g., Little Sisters of the Poor Saints Peter and Paul Home v. Pennsylvania, 140 S. Ct. 2367
(2020). These cases will be discussed in more detail in Chapter 5.
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