Dev Crisis
Dev Crisis
Dev Crisis
3 (9)
, pp. 354-359, September, 2009 Available online
at http://www.academicjournals.org/ajpsir
ISSN 1996-0832 © 2009 Academic Journals
INTRODUCTION
Presently, the crisis of development is the most serious problem facing Africa.
This is because the continent has
remained largelyunderdeveloped despite the presence of huge mineral and
human resources. Several decades after the end of colonialism, most parts of
Africa is still fighting with problems such as high poverty rate, lack of basic
infrastructural facilities in all sectors of the economy, unemployment, high
mortality rate, political in-
stability and insecurity oflives and property. For example, Nigeria the most
populous African country, according to the United Nations human
development report (2005), out of 177 countries, ranked 158 in human
development index,165 in life expectancy at birth,121 in combined primary,
secondary and tertiary gross enrolment and 155 in GDP per capital. Recently,
Suberu (2007: 96) also had said of Nigeria that “it earned around US$500
billion in oil revenues since the 1970s, yet remains mired in poverty,
unemployment, a bourgeoning domestic debt, infrastruc- tural squalor,
abysmal health and educational services, and attendant social frustration and
unrest’’. Nigeria reflects most parts of Africa in that it inherited arbitrary state
boundaries from its colonial age and was under military authoritarianism
for most part of its existence asa nation.
Against the background of Africa’s development crisis, emanated the debate
on how to solve the crisis of development in Africa. This debate has been a
hot one and is dominated by two major related themes, namely: the
controversy over the actual meaning of the concept of development and the
appropriate path to development. However, despite the disagreement among
scholars, global policy makers and institutions over these issues, numerous
attempts have been made to understand and solve the crisis of development
in Africa.
In the early 1960’s, shortly after most African nations got their
independence, western bourgeois scholars popularized the modernization
theory which was designed to assist Africa nations in the course of deve-
lopment. The summary of the modernization theory is that if Africa must
develop, then it must follow some sort of procedure already adopted by the
west. It is within this frame of thought that we can locate the views of Rostow
(1960), Almond and Coleman (1960), Almond and Powell (1966), and Pye
(1966). At the level of policy making, African leaders, their western
counterparts, and the international development agencies have all for a long
time struggled with different strategies and plans that are aimed at solving
the development crisis.
Among African scholars, different schools of thought
have emergedto proffer suggestions aimed at solving the problem. In the
early 1970s and 80s, scholars like Walter
Rodney (1972), Claude Ake (1982),Okwudiba Nnoli (1981),and Daniel Offiong
(1981) used the Marxian perspective to explain the cause of under
development in Africa. For these scholars, the problem of under
development in Africa cannot be explained outside the impactof colonia-
lism, neo-colonialism and dependency. As Claude Ake pointed out:
“The present conditions of the third world countries are not in the least
analogous to the conditions of the industrialized countries in the earlier
stages of their economic development. The present condition of the third
world is the effect of the slave trade, pillage, colonialism and unequal
exchange (Ake 1982: 153)”.
In a similar manner, Walter Rodney after a thorough examination of the origin
and trends of underdevelop- ment in Africa bluntly asserts that:
“African development is possible only on the basis of a radical break with
the international capitalist system, which has been the principal agency of
the under development of Africa over the last seven centuries (Rodney
1972: 7)”.
In the present era of globalization, another school of thought strongly argues
that globalization constitutes the major obstacle facing Africa’s effort to
develop. This is because of the fact that the benefits of globalization are not
equal and just for all the regions of the world (Asobie, 2001; Olukoshi, 2004).
It is therefore suggested that since amajor feature of the globalization
process is that it cannot be halted or ignored, the success of the develop-
ment enterprise in Africa nowdepends on the mode of its integration into the
global capitalist economic system (Ajayi, 2004: 2). Yet, there are scholars
who believe that Africans should be held responsible for the present pathetic
state of underdevelopment in the continent. Recently, it has been said that
Africans through the instruments of inept leadership, corruption, authoritaria-
nism, endless political crises, military rule, civil wars and lack of concern for
the poor, have contributed more than any other people to the cause of
underdevelopment in the continent (Falola, 2005: 3).
The views expressed above are appreciated, which in summary imply that
no adequate understanding of the crisis of development in Africa could be
achieved without taking into cognizance the effects of three major factors.
First, colonialism, neo-colonialism and dependency.
Secondly, contemporary globalization and thirdly, the role of the African ruling
elite. It is also worthy to note that more suggestions are still offered on how to
solve the crisis of development in Africa. It is in acknowledgement of the
contemporary challenges and realities confronting the African continent, that
Bedford Umez (2000) in an
insightful and captivating work provides useful insights for understanding the
crisis of development in Africa using Nigeria as acase study. Umez argues
that Nigerians have
4. Disobedience to laws.
In summary, all these issues discussed under the prevalent value system in
the words of Umez, “produces, at the general level, a corruptand inept
leadership, which ultimately misappropriate public funds, thereby creating
problems of development” (Umez, 2000: 58)
The inferiority complex perspective: This perspective argues that at the
root cause of corruption and the embezzlement of public funds only for such
looted funds to be sent abroad, lies the issue of inferioritycomplex. The
perspective views as abnormal the practice where Nigerians who are entrusted with
public funds do steal such funds and then stack them in foreign banks where it will
be of no benefit to Nigeria. The irony of this practice as the author points out
is that leaders of these foreign countries in return see Nigerian leaders as
corrupt, uncivilized, and nasty thugs (Umez, 2000: 61).
The language perspective: The language perspective seeks to demonstrate
how the power of language has affected the mentality of Nigerians. According
to the author, the use of such phrases like paintsomeone black; black
sheep of the family; black book; black market;black devil; black death; black
magic; black widow etc has succeeded in demeaning, desecrating and
dehumanizing especially black Africans. The implications of this, which
in the words of the author are ‘’damaging, terrifying and enormous (Umez,
2000: 66) are as follows;
1. At the macro level, it has created a situation where Africans consciously or
unconsciously have come to accept that black people are of no good that is,
the word black is used to describe anything that is bad.
2. It has tarnished the image of Africa. Because of this even Africans in the
5. The shameless trips to foreign countries for routine medical check-ups and
Nigerians.
3. The involvement of parents in the campaign for real education.
crusade to reeducate Nigerian children and the public at large on better ways
of life.
5. The elimination of illegal and fraudulent acts.
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with winning and retaining power and then using the power to serve
themselves and deal with their enemies.
The point is that the four perspectives presented by Umez cannot be
properly understood without recognizing the role colonialism played in
bringing them up. Some other scholars have always appreciated the fact
that while Africans cannot be exonerated from fueling the crisis of
development in the continent, the colonial legacy
factor had strongconsequences that it cannot be ignored. As Falola (2005: 6)
puts it “To understand contemporary Africa, we must turn to the colonial past
and see the stamp of the legacy of that era on the present.”
The place of corruption in Umez analysis draws atten- tion in this study
because as Lawal (2007: 4) has rightly pointed out, ‘’ African presents a
typical case of the countries(sic) in the world whose development has been
undermined and retarded by the menace of corrupt
practices’’. Recently, the African union is reported to have
saidthat corruption drains the region of some $140 billion a year which is
about 25% of the continent’s official GDP (Ribadu, 2009).The consequence
of this has manifested in the absence of basic infrastructures such as
schools, roads, hospitals and a myriad of other problems which invariably
leads to political instability. In the Nigerian context, where 75% of the citizens
live on less than US$1 per day while US$300 billion has disappeared from
the country, Nigeria presents a classical example of how people in a
resources rich country could wallow in abject poverty (Adeniyi and
Fagbadebo, 2007: 7).The impact of corruption on the totality of the
developmental and governmental processes in Nigeria cannot be overem-
phasized. Underscoring the impact of corruption on the practice of
democracy, Nwabueze (2007: 96) makes a painful revelation ‘’that the most
tragic consequence of corruption in Nigeria is its effects upon the attitudes
and mentality of the people. It has created a widespread feeling of
frustration, of disgust and cynicism, which has in its turn undermined
enthusiasm for and faith in the state.’’
An important point about the corruption problem in Nigeria is that the
problem seems to be insurmountable even in the light of anti-corruption
initiatives. Umez wrote in 2000(that is at the dawn of Nigeria’s present
democra- tic dispensation), yet close to a decade after the practice of
democracy, the situation still remains the same and alarming. In a recent
testimony before the US House financial services committee, Ribadu who is
the imme- diate Chairman of one of the anti-corruption agencies in Nigeria
revealed how Mr. Joshua Dariye, a former Governor of Plateau State was
found by the London Metropolitan police to operate 25 bank accounts and
had acquired 10 million pounds in benefit from criminal con- duct in London.
This is outside the $34 million retrieved domestically from his crimes in
Nigeria. Also revealed was the case of Mr. D.S.P Alamieyeseigha, a former
governor of oil rich Bayelsa State who was found to have
acquired four properties in London valued at 10 million
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Conclusion
The essence of this study as already pointed out is to bring to fore Umez’s
arguments. The study has highlighted Umez’s
core argumentabout how the crisis of development in Nigeria could be
resolved. The study found out that the issues presented under the four
perspectives by Umez are critical issues that need to be addressed. For
illustration, is the collective ignorance perspective which has led to the belief
among a set of Nigerians that they are the only people capable of ruling the
country. This notion is behind the crisis in Nigeria’s electoral system and as
evidenced by the 2007 elections can lead to the breakdown of democratic
process. The study also found out that there is need for attention to be given
to the findings of research as contained in books, journals, monographs and
reports. Research holds the key to development. Umez as pointed out earlier
wrote in 2000 which imply that the events of military rule in Nigeria must
have informed his arguments. Yet a decade after the return of democracy the
state of the development crisis still remains the same because enough
attention has not be given to the findings of research. The study concludes
that Umez has addressed a contemporary problem and in doing so has
contributed his quota to solving the problem and to the acquisition and
expansion of knowledge. His shortcomings not withstanding, this study
recommends that his policy prescription should be taken seriously by
Nigerian leaders and those who are interested in the future of Nigeria as a
developed nation.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
The author is grateful to an inspiring teacher, friend and mentor Prof.
Elochukwu Amucheazi, for his wise counsels and constant encouragement.
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