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Contents vii
18.3 Thomas Carlyle, “Signs of the Times,” 1829 10 8

18.4 Henry Mayhew, London Labour and the London Poor, 1851 111
chapter 19 The Birth of Modern Politics 114

19.1 Lajos Kossuth’s Speech of the 11th July, 1848 114
19.2 Karl Marx, “First Premises of the Materialist Method,” The German
Ideology, 1846, first published 1932 116
19.3 Johann Georg Eccarius, from “The Friend of the People,” No. 4,
January 4, 1851 119
19.4 Caroline Norton, “On the Infant Custody Bill,” 1839; “On Divorce,”
1855 12 2
19.5 Isabella Beeton, From Mrs. Beeton’s Book of Household Management,
1861 12 5
chapter 20 Nationalism and Identity 128

20.1 Rifa’a al-Tahtawi, An Imam in Paris: Account of a Stay in Paris by an
Egyptian Cleric, 1826–1831 128
20.2 Charles Trevelyan, The Irish Crisis, 1848 132
20.3 Matthew Arnold, Preamble; “On a Definition of Culture,” Culture
and Anarchy, 1867 134
20.4 Edward Augustus Freeman, Race and Language, 1879 136
20.5 Flora Annie Steel and Grace Gardiner, Complete Indian Housekeeper
and Cook, 1888 138
20.6 Theodor Herzl, The Jewish State, 1895 146
chapter 21 The Modern Woman 151

21.1 Mary Wollstonecraft, Vindication of the Rights of Women,
1792 151
21.2 Caroline Norton, English Laws for Women in the Nineteenth Century,
1854 155
21.3 Winnifred Cooley, “The Bachelor Maiden,” The New Womanhood,
1904 160
21.4 Maria Montessori, The Montessori Method: Scientific Pedagogy as
Applied to Child Education, 1912 16 4
chapter 22 The Challenge of Secularism 16 8

22.1 Charles Lyell, from “On Extinct Quadrupeds,” Principles of Geology,
1830–1833 16 8
22.2 Abraham Geiger, “Moral and Legal Rules,” Judaism and Islam, 1833 169
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viii contents
22.3 Ernst Renan, “Miracles” 174

22.4 Charles Baudelaire, “The Painter of Modern Life,” 1863 176
22.5 Charles Darwin, “On Sociability,” The Descent of Man, and Selection
in Relation to Sex, 1871 178
22.6 Joris-Karl Huysmans, Against Nature (A Rebours), 1884 183
22.7 Oscar Wilde, “The Soul of Man under Socialism,” 1891 185
22.8 Wassily Kandinsky, On the Spiritual Element in Art, 1912 189
22.9 Sigmund Freud, Civilization and Its Discontents, 1929 191
chapter 23 The Great Land Grab 194

23.1 Winston Churchill, “The Battle of Omdurman,” The River War,
1899 194
23.2 John A. Hobson, “Criticism of Imperialism,” Imperialism,
1902 197
23.3 Mark Twain, “King Leopold’s Soliloquy,” 1905 201
23.4 Mohandas Gandhi, Indian Home Rule 203
23.5 Frederick Taylor, The Principles of Scientific Management, 1911 207
23.6 Presidential Address of Chitta Ranjan Das, Indian National Congress
at Gaya, December 1922 211
chapter 24 The World at War (Part I) 215

24.1 Rudyard Kipling, France at War, 1915 215
24.2 Extracts from the Treaty of Versailles, 1919 219
24.3 Ernst Junger, Storm of Steel, 1920 222
24.4 Robert Graves, Goodbye to All That, 1929 225
24.5 Norman Angell, The Great Illusion, 1933 2 28
chapter 25 Radical Realignments 2 31

25.1 Harry Sacher, “A Jewish Palestine,” 1917 2 31
25.2 John Maynard Keynes, The Economic Consequences of the Peace,
1919 2 34
25.3 Paul Valéry, A Crisis of the Mind, 1919 2 36
25.4 Henry Ford, The International Jew, 1920 2 38
25.5 Excerpts from a Speech Delivered by Adolf Hitler to Open the 1933
Congress of the National Socialist Party 241
25.6 Mussolini, “Force and Consent,” 1923 243
25.7 Oswald Spengler (1880–1936), The Decline of the West 245
25.8 Friedrich Hayek, “Economic Control and Totalitarianism,”
1944 247

Contents ix
chapter 26 The World at War (Part II) 249

26.1 Aldous Huxley, An Encyclopaedia of Pacifism, 1937 249
26.2 Virginia Woolf, Three Guineas, 1938 2 53
26.3 Adolf Hitler, Speech from September 19, 1939 2 57
26.4 Gustave Gilbert, Nuremburg Diary, 1947 263
26.5 Arthur Koestler, The God That Failed, 1949 267
chapter 27 Theater of the Absurd: The Postwar World 270

27.1 Albert Camus, The Myth of Sisyphus, 1942 270
27.2 Nikolai Novikov, On Post-War American Policy, 1946 274
27.3 Winston Churchill, “Iron Curtain” Speech, March 5, 1947 276
27.4 The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 1948 277
27.5 Simone de Beauvoir, The Second Sex, 1949 28 0
27.6 Abba Eban, The Arab Refugee Problem, 1958 281
chapter 28 Something to Believe In 28 4

28.1 Dietrich Bonhoeffer, Sermon of January 21, 1934 28 4
28.2 Paul Tillich, Collective Guilt, 1943 287
28.3 Pope John XXIII, Pacem in Terris, 1963 289
28.4 NSC 68: April 14, 1950 293
28.5 Pope Paul VI, Humanae Vitae, 1968 297
28.6 Gamal Abdel Nasser, Resignation Speech, 1967 30 8
28.7 Enoch Powell, “Rivers of Blood” Speech, 1968 310
28.8 Ayatollah Khomeini, Message, 1980 315
28.9 Ronald Reagan and Mikhail Gorbachev, On Nuclear Defense,
1980s 316
chapter 29 Global Warmings 319

29.1 Halidé Edib Adivar, Memoirs, 1926 and 1928 319
29.2 Fatima Mernissi, “The Story of a Female Psychic,” 1989 32 2
29.3 Francis Fukuyama, “Our Pessimism,” 1992 32 5
29.4 Luce Irigaray, From An Ethics of Sexual Difference, 1993 327
29.5 Samuel Huntington, The Clash of Civilizations, 1996 329
29.6 Richard Rorty, Failed Prophecies, Glorious Hopes, 1998 336
29.7 George W. Bush, Speech to Congress, September 20, 2001 338
29.8 Mohammed Arkoun, “In Praise of Subversive Reason: Beyond
Dialogue and the Quest for Identity” (2005) 343
29.9 World Economic Forum, Global Gender Gap Report, 2010 34 8

HOW TO READ A PRIMARY SOURCE
T his sourcebook is composed of sixty-seven primary sources. A primary source is any text,
image, or other source of information that gives us a firsthand account of the past by
someone who witnessed or participated in the historical events in question. Although such
sources can provide significant and fascinating insight into the past, they must also be read
carefully to limit modern assumptions about historical modes of thought. Here are a few
elements to keep in mind when approaching a primary source.
AUTHORSHIP
Who produced this source of information? A male or a female? A member of the elite or of the
lower class? An outsider looking in at an event or an insider looking out? What profession or
lifestyle does the author pursue, which might influence how he is recording his information?
GENRE
What type of source are you examining? Different genres—categories of material—have

different goals and stylistic elements. For example, a personal letter meant exclusively for
the eyes of a distant cousin might include unveiled opinions and relatively trivial pieces of
information, like the writer’s vacation plans. On the other hand, a political speech in-
tended to convince a nation of a leader’s point of view might subdue personal opinions
beneath artful rhetoric and focus on large issues like national welfare or war. Identifying
genre can be useful for deducing how the source may have been received by an audience.
AUDIENCE
Who is reading, listening to, or observing the source? Is it a public or private audience?
National or international? Religious or nonreligious? The source may be geared toward the
expectations of a particular group; it may be recorded in a language that is specific to a
particular group. Identifying audience can help us understand why the author chose a
certain tone or why he included certain types of information.
xi

xii how to read a primary source
HISTORICAL CONTEXT
When and why was this source produced? On what date? For what purposes? What histori-
cal moment does the source address? It is paramount that we approach primary sources in
context to avoid anachronism (attributing an idea or habit to a past era where it does not
belong) and faulty judgment. For example, when considering a medieval history, we must
account for the fact that in the Middle Ages, the widespread understanding was that God
created the world and could still interfere in the activity of mankind—such as sending a
terrible storm when a community had sinned. Knowing the context (Christian, medieval,
views of the world) helps us to avoid importing modern assumptions—like the fact that
storms are caused by atmospheric pressure—into historical texts. In this way, we can read
the source more faithfully, carefully, and generously.
BIAS AND FRAMING
Is there an overt argument being made by the source? Did the author have a particular
agenda? Did any political or social motives underlie the reasons for writing the document?
Does the document exhibit any qualities that offer clues about the author’s intentions?
ST YLISTIC ELEMENTS
Stylistic features such as tone, vocabulary, word choice, and the manner in which the mate-
rial is organized and presented should also be considered when examining a source. They
can provide insight into the writer’s perspective and offer additional context for considering
a source in its entirety.
Clifford Backman
Christine Axen
Boston University

SOURCES FOR CULTURES OF THE WEST

C H A P T ER 12
RENAISSANCES AND REFORMATIONS
12.1. PETR ARCA, “LET TER TO POSTERIT Y”
This letter, which Petrarca (1304–1374) never finished, represents something of an autobiographi-
cal obituary. In it he offers a summary of his life and achievements, which, interestingly, does not
include the vernacular love poetry. He wanted above all to be remembered as a scholar, a lover of
classical antiquity, and a Latin poet—above all, as the author of the (paralyzingly dull) epic poem
Africa, about the Roman general Scipio Africanus. Petrarca carries his life story as far forward as
1341; he left no notes about what he intended to include in the presumed second half of the letter.
I t is possible that you may have heard of me, but I

doubt it; a name as obscure and insignificant as mine
cannot have travelled far in either time or space. But if
eventually brought me to my senses and taught me,
through experience, the truth I had long before read
in books—namely, that youth and pleasure are
you have heard of me, it may interest you to know the vain. . . . In my prime I was blessed with an agile and
kind of man I was, or the results of my long labors— active, though not particularly strong, body, and al-
especially those you may have heard of them, or, at though I cannot boast of having been terribly hand-
any rate, whose titles may have reached you. some, I was good-looking enough in those days. I
To begin with myself, then, I should warn you had a clear complexion, somewhere between light
that the things men say about me will differ consider- and dark, and I had lively eyes. For many years I en-
ably, since men are usually more influenced by whim joyed keen vision, but it deserted me all of a sudden
than by truth whenever they are passing judgment on around my sixtieth birthday and forced me, reluc-
another; there is no limit to either praise or blame. tantly, to wear glasses. I had always been perfectly
The truth is that I was one of you, a poor mortal, of healthy, but old age brought its usual array of
no exalted origin but neither of terribly lowly birth. I complaints.
simply belonged, as Augustus Caesar once said of My parents were good people, Florentines both,
himself, to an ancient family. In disposition, I was and not very well off. I may as well admit it: they were
not naturally perverse, nor was I wanting in modesty in fact on the verge of poverty. They had been ex-
except as the contagion of custom may have cor- pelled from their native city, which is why I was born
rupted me. My youth was gone before I realized it, in exile at Arezzo, in 1304. . . . I have always been
and young manhood carried me away. Maturity contemptuous of wealth; but it is not that I would not
Translation by Clifford R. Backman.
12-Backman-Chap12.indd 1 24/09/15 12:14 PM

2 renaissances and reformations
have liked to be rich—I simply hate the work and I had more of a well-balanced mind than a keen
worry that seems always to accompany wealth. I one, one suited to many kinds of good and whole-
never cared to give great banquets, and have led a some study but especially inclined to moral philoso-
much happier life with a plain diet and ordinary phy and poetry. Over time I paid less and less attention
foods. . . . On the other hand, the pleasure of dining to the latter and found delight in sacred literature, dis-
with friends is great, and nothing gives me more de- covering in it a hidden sweetness that I had earlier
light than the unexpected arrival of a friend. Nothing failed to appreciate. I came to regard works of poetry
irks me more than ostentation, for not only is it bad as mere amenities. I found many subjects interesting,
in itself, being opposed to humility, but it is distract- yet focused especially on the study of antiquity, for I
ing and annoying. have always disliked our own age so much that, were
In my younger years I struggled constantly with it not for the love of those dearest to me, I would have
an all-consuming but pure love affair, my only one, preferred to live in any other period than our own. To
and I would have struggled with it even longer had forget the world in which we live, I have always striven
not my love’s premature death (bitter, but in the end, to place my mind in other ages—and thus I came to
salutary for me) extinguished the last flames. I wish I love history. The conflicting opinions of people about
could say that I have been free of the lusts of the the past have never offended me. When in doubt, I
flesh, but I would be lying if I did. I can at least say have made it a point to accept what seems to me the
this, though: even while I was occasionally swept most probable explanation, or simply to yield to the
away by the ardor of my youth and temperament, I authority of the historian I was reading. . . .
always detested such sins from the very depths of my Along the breezy banks of the Rhône river I spent
soul. . . . my boyhood, under the care of my parents, and then
I have taken pride in others, though never in I spent my adolescence under the guidance of my
myself, and even as insignificant as I have been, I own vanities. There were some long intervals spent
have also thought myself even more so. In anger I abroad, though. I spent four years in the little town of
have often injured myself but never another. I have Carpentras, which lies a little to the east of Avignon.
always had the greatest desire for honorable friend- In these two places I learned all that I could, consid-
ships, and have cherished them faithfully. I can ering my age, of grammar, logic, and rhetoric; or
make the following boast without fear, for I know I rather, I learned as much as is usually taught in
am speaking sincerely: while I am prone to taking school—and you, dear reader, will know how little
offense, I am quick to forget—and I never fail to re- that is. I then moved on to Montpellier for four years,
member acts of generosity. I have had the good for- to study law, and then to Bologna for three years
tune to associate with kings and princes, and to more. . . . I was twenty-two when I finally returned
enjoy the friendship of nobles, to such a point as to home. Since habit has nearly the force of nature to it,
excite envy. But it is the cruel fate of aging that even- I call Avignon—my place of exile—home. I was al-
tually we weep for friends who have passed away. ready beginning to make a name for myself there,
Some of the greatest kings of this age have courted and my friendship was sought by a number of promi-
and cherished my friendship. They may know why. I nent people. Why? I do not really know. I confess that
certainly do not. With some of them I was on such it is now a source of surprise to me, although it
terms that they seemed, in some way, to be my seemed a natural enough thing then, when I was at
guests, rather than I theirs. Their eminence in no the age when we are used to thinking ourselves de-
way discomforted me; in fact, it brought me many serving of the highest respect. I was courted first and
advantages. I kept well away from many others of foremost by the eminent and noble Colonna family,
whom I was quite fond, for my innate longing for which then adorned the Roman Curia with their
freedom was so strong that I carefully avoided those presence. . . . I spent many years in the house of Car-
whose eminence seemed to threaten the liberty I dinal Giovanni Colonna, the brother of Giacomo,
loved so much. living not like a servant to Giovanni’s lord but as if he

12.1. Petrarca, “Letter to Posterity” 3
were my father, or even better, my loving brother. It a powerful urge to write an epic poem, one based on
felt like living in my very own home. In time, though, Scipio Africanus the Great, who had been a favorite
youthful curiosity drove me to visit France and Ger- of mine since childhood. I began the project in a rush
many. I invented a number of reasons to justify the of enthusiasm, but because of a number of distrac-
journey to my elders, but the real impulse was simply tions I was forced to put it aside. The poem was called
my burning desire to see new sights. I went first to Africa, after its hero, and by some fate—my own or
Paris, since I wanted to learn what was true in what I the poem’s?—it did not fail to rouse the interest of
had heard about the city, and what was nonsense. Re- many readers even before I published it. . . .
turning from this journey I went straightaway to
In a long passage, omitted here, he describes how
Rome, which I had wanted to see ever since I was a
he was summoned to Rome by the members of the
child. There I soon came to revere Stefano Colonna,
Senate, to receive the laurel crown—the highest
the great family’s noble patriarch, an ancient hero
honor for a poet in Roman tradition.
who welcomed me in every possible way, as though I
were his own son. The love and good will with which I was very much pre-occupied with the honor I
this marvelous man treated me lasted until the end had just received, worried and fretful that I was un-
of his life, and it lives on in my heart, where it will worthy of it, and as a result, when I was hiking
never fade until I myself cease to be. through the hills again one day, I happened to cross
Upon returning, I instantly felt the revulsion I the river Enza, in the area of Reggio Selvapiana and
have always had for city life, especially for the dis- all of a sudden the beauty of the spot inspired me to
gusting city of Avignon, which I truly abhorred. Seek- finish writing my incomplete Africa. My enthusiasm
ing some means of escape, I was lucky enough to for the project revived as from the dead and I wrote a
discover, about fifteen miles away, a delightful valley, number of lines that very day. More lines followed
narrow and secluded, called Vaucluse, where the every day until I made it all the way to Parma, where
Sorgue river (that prince of streams!) has its source. I found a quiet, secluded house—which I later
The charm of the site captivated me, and so I moved bought, and still own—and devoted myself to the
there together with all my books. If I were to tell you poem with such energy that I completed it in no time
all that I did during my many years there, it would be at all, a fact that still amazes me to this day.
a long story indeed. Almost every bit of writing I pro- I was thirty-four years old. I returned to my home
duced [in those years] was either done or begun at the source of the Sorgue, to my beloved trans-Al-
there, or was at least conceived there; and those writ- pine solitude, after that long stay in Parma and
ings have been so numerous that even today they Verona, where everyone I met, I am thankful to say,
keep me busy and weary. My mind is like my body— welcomed me with much greater honor that I de-
more agile than strong; and while it was quite easy served. Not long afterward, however, my reputation
for me to think up new projects, I dropped many attracted the attention of Giacomo the Younger, of
when they proved too difficult to carry out. Carrara, an extraordinary man whose equal I doubt
Inspired by the beauty of my surroundings, I un- could be found even among the rulers of the age. He
dertook to write a pastoral or bucolic song: my Bucoli- sent a constant stream of messengers and letters to
cum Carmen. I also wrote The Life of Solitude (De vita me for years, no matter if I was in Italy or on the other
solitaria), in two books, which I dedicated to the great side of the Alps, begging me to accept his friendship
man who is now Cardinal-Bishop Philip of Sabina, until at last, expecting little good to come of it, I de-
although at that time he was still the humble bishop cided to visit him and see what this persistence on
of Cavaillon. He is the only one of my old friends the part of so eminent a man, a stranger to me, was
who is still alive, and he has always loved me and all about. So I made my way to Parma, where I was
treated me not as a bishop (as Ambrose did to Augus- received by him, who is now so dear to my memory,
tine) but as a brother. One Friday during Holy Week not as a mere mortal might be received but as the
as I was hiking through those mountains I developed saints are received in Heaven—with so much joy and

astonishing affection and respect that I cannot put it given him to us, took him away. It is not out of blind
into words. Therefore, let me be silent. Among the love for him that I believe neither I, the city, nor the
many honors he gave me, he made me a canon of the world were worthy of him. Giacomo’s son and succes-
cathedral of Padua (after he learned that I had been a sor, a man of genuine sensibility and distinction, was
cleric from boyhood) in order to strengthen my con- likewise very friendly and respectful to me, but I
nection to him and his city. To put it bluntly, if he had could not remain with him after the death of one to
not died so soon he would have put an end to all my whom I was so intimately connected. (We were even
wanderings. But alas, nothing mortal lasts forever, of the same age.) I returned to France, not because I
and everything that is sweet eventually turns bitter. was wanting to see again the old familiar place but
Giacomo had scarcely given two years to me, to his because I wanted to get free of my misery, like a sick
city, and to the entire world when God, Who had man wants, by a change of scene.
S T U DY Q U E S T I O N S
1. How does Petrarca come to love the past? What are the reasons he gives for his desire to “place
my mind in other ages”?
2. What role do important men like Stefano Colonna and Giaccomo the Younger of Carrara play
in Petrarca’s life? What does this say about the role of friendship in his scholarly career?
12.2. FROM ARIOSTO, ORLANDO FURIOSO

(MAD ORLANDO), PUBLISHED 1516
Ludovico Ariosto (1474–1533) reprises the familiar characters from the “Song of Roland” (Docu-
ment 10.6) in his epic romance, Orlando Furioso, itself a continuation of another poem (Orlando
Innamorato). Occurring in a dreamy Renaissance version of the medieval world—including trips
to Japan and the moon!—the plot centers on Orlando (a new Roland) who embodies the conflict
between Muslims and Charlemagne’s army by helplessly loving a pagan princess, Angelica. When
Orlando discovers that Angelica has fallen in love with a Saracen named Medoro, he tips headfirst
into a mania that leaves a trail of destruction across Europe. He can be saved only by his friends
who bring him a flask with his “wits” inside—when he breathes it, he simultaneously falls out of
love and regains his sanity.
The day, the night to him were both alike; Thus he began and ended half the week,
Abroad upon the cold bare earth he lies; And he himself doth marvel whence his eyes
No sleep, no food he takes, nor none would seek; Are fed so long with such a spring of water,
All sustenance he to himself denies. And to himself thus reasons on the matter:
Rudolf Gottfried, Ariosto’s Orlando Furioso. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1964, pp. 184–6, 190–1, 343–7.
Reprinted with permission of Indiana University Press.

12.2. From Ariosto, Orlando Furioso (Mad Orlando), Published 1516 5
“No, no, these be no tears that now I shed; His helmet here he flings, his pouldrons there;
These be no tears, nor can tears run so rife; He casts away his curats and his shield;
But fire of frenzy draw’th up to my head His sword he throws away, he cares not where;
My vital humor that should keep my life; He scatters all his armor in the field;
This stream will never cease till I be dead. No rag about his body he doth bear
Then welcome, death, and end my fatal strife; As might from cold or might from shame him
No comfort in this life my woe can minish shield;
But thou, who canst both life and sorrow finish. And save he left behind this fatal blade,
No doubt he had therewith great havoc made.
“These are not sighs, for sighs some respite
have; But his surpassing force did so exceed
My gripes, my pangs no respite do permit; All common men that neither sword nor bill
The blindfold boy made me a seeing slave Nor any other weapon he did need;
When from her eyes my heart he first did hit. Mere strength sufficed him to do what he will.
Now all inflamed, I burn, I rage and rave He roots up trees as one would root a weed;
And in the midst of flame consume no whit: And e’en as birders laying nets with skill
Love sitting in my heart, a master cruel, Pare slender thorns away with easy strokes,
Blows with his wings, feeds with his will the fuel. So he did play with ashes, elms, and oaks.
...
“I am not I, the man that erst I was; Away they fled, but he pursued so fast
Orlando, he is burièd and dead; That some he caught, and some surprised with
His most ungrateful love (ah, foolish lass) fear
Hath killed Orlando and cut off his head; Stood still, as oft it happens, all aghast,
I am his ghost that up and down must pass Not knowing how to hide themselves nor where;
In this tormenting hell forever led, Some other ploughmen, seeing what had passed,
To be a fearful sample and a just Thought it but little wit to tarry there,
To all such fools as put in love their trust.” But climbed, for fear, their houses and their
churches,
Straightways he draweth forth his fatal blade Not trusting strength of elms, of beech and
And hews the stones; to heave’n the shivers flee; birches.
Accursèd was that fountain, cave, and shade,
The arbor and the flowers and every tree; Among the rest he takes one by his heel
Orlando of all places havoc made And with his head knocks out another’s brain,
Where he those names together joined may see; Which causèd both of them such pain to feel
Yea, to the spring he did perpetual hurt As till Doomsday they never shall complain;
By filling it with leaves, boughs, stones, and dirt. Another with his fist he made to reel
Till pain itself made him past sense of pain;
And having done this foolish, frantic feat, And when the men fled all away afeard,
He lays him down all weary on the ground, Then with like rage he set upon their herd.
Distempered in his body with much heat, ...
In mind with pains that no tongue can expound; And finding no man there, nor small nor great,
Three days he doth not sleep nor drink nor eat, For all were fled away from thence for awe,
But lay with open eyes as in a sound; As famine forced him, he sought out some meat;
The fourth, with rage and not with reason And were it fine or coarse, the first he saw
wakèd, In greedy sort he doth devour and eat,
He rents his clothes and runs about stark naked. Not caring if it roasted were or raw;

And when thus homely he had ta’en repast, And Oliver and him that made him wise,
About the country bedlamlike he passed. All whom he knew and lovèd from his heart;
He thinks, but cannot with himself devise
Then kneeling down as if he asked some boon How he should come to play so mad a part;
Of God or some great saint, that pot he brought He wonders he is nak’d and that he feels
Which he had carried from beyond the moon, Such store of cords about his hands and heels.
The jar in which Orlando’s wit was caught,
And closed it to his nostrils; and eftsoon At last he said, as erst Sileno said
He drawing breath, this miracle was wrought: To those that took him napping in the cave,
The jar was void and emptied every whit, “Release me!” with countenance so staid
And he restored unto his perfect wit. And with a sheer so sober and so grave
That they unloosèd him as he them prayed
As one that in some dream or fearful vision And suffered him his liberty to have
Hath dreamt of monstrous beasts and ugly fiends And clothèd him and comforted his sadness
Is troubled, when he wakes, with superstition That he conceivèd of his former madness.
And feareth what such ugly sight intends Thus being to his former wits restored,
And lying wake thinks of that apparition He was likewise delivered clean from love;
And long time after in that fancy spends: The lady whom he erst so much adored
So now Orlando lay, not little musing And did esteem all earthly joys above
At this his present state and uncouth using. Now he despised, yea rather quite abhorred;
Now only he applies his wits to prove
He holds his peace, but lifting up his eyes That fame and former glory to recover
He sees his ancient friends King Brandimart Which he had not lost the while he was a lover.
1. In what specific respects does Orlando’s passion appear as madness?

2. Is Orlando still the ideal type of a Christian knight, even before he is released from his
enchantment?
12.3. MACHIAVELLI, DISCOURSES

ON LIVY, c a . 1517?
The humanist and statesman Niccolò Machiavelli (1469–1527) is best known for his Italian trea-
tise, The Prince, on Renaissance city-state rulers—but his Discourses on Livy better clarify his repub-
lican ideals. In the response to Roman historian Livy, Machiavelli traces the origins of “good”
republics. He comments on the maintenance of liberties, the role of religion, and the danger of
societal fragmentation through conspiracy.
Discourses on Livy translated by Bondanella and Bondanella (2010) 1666w from pp. 31–32, 53–56, 256–258, 275. By per-
mission of Oxford University Press.

12.3. Machiavelli, Discourses on Livy, ca. 1517? 7
CHAPTER 5 they remove a kind of authority from the restless

minds of the plebeians that is the cause of countless
WHETHER THE GUARDIANSHIP OF LIBERT Y
conflicts and disagreements in any republic and is
M AY B E M O R E S E C U R E LY L O D G E D I N T H E
likely to drive the nobility to despair, which, in the
PEOPLE OR IN THE UPPER CL ASSES; AND passing of time, will produce harmful consequences.
W H O H A S M O R E R E A S O N T O C R E AT E A N As an example they offer Rome itself, where, once the
UPRISING, HE WHO WISHES TO ACQUIRE OR tribunes of the people had this authority in their
H E W H O W I S H E S T O M A I N TA I N hands, they did not consider it sufficient to have one
Among the most necessary things established by plebeian consul and wanted two of them. After this,
those who have founded a republic in a prudent fash- they wanted the censorship, the praetorship, and all
ion is a safeguard for liberty, and according to the other positions of power in the city; nor did this
whether it is well established or not, that free way of suffice, for led by this same consuming desire, they
life is more or less enduring. Because in every repub- then began in time to idolize those men they saw ca-
lic there are men of prominence and men of the pable of beating down the nobility; and from this
people, some doubt has arisen over whose hands into arose the power of Marius and the ruin of Rome.
which this guardianship would best be placed. Truly, anyone who properly considers one side or the
Among the Spartans and, in our own times, among other could remain in doubt about which of the two
the Venetians, it was placed in the hands of the should be chosen as the guardian of such liberty, not
nobles, but among the Romans it was placed in the knowing which human disposition is more harmful
hands of the plebeians. in a republic: either that which wishes to preserve
For this reason, it is necessary to examine which honour already acquired, or that which wishes to ac-
of these republics made the best choice. If we were to quire honour yet to be possessed.
explore the reasons, something could be said for both ...
sides, but if we examine the results, we would choose
the side of the nobles, since the liberty of Sparta and CH A P TE R 12
Venice endured longer than that of Rome. Turning to
H O W I M P O R TA N T I T I S T O TA K E A C C O U N T
the causes, let me say, while first taking the side of the
O F R E L I G I O N , A N D H O W I T A LY, L A C K I N G I N
Romans, that the guardianship must be given to
RELIGION THANKS TO THE ROMAN CHURCH,
those who have less of an appetite to usurp it. No
HAS BEEN RUINED
doubt, if we consider the goal of the nobles and that
of the common people, we shall see in the former a Those princes or republics that wish to maintain
strong desire to dominate and in the latter only the their integrity must, above all else, maintain the in-
desire not to be dominated, and, as a consequence, a tegrity of their religious ceremonies, and must always
stronger will to live in liberty, since they have less hold them in veneration, because there can be no
hope of usurping it than men of prominence; just so, greater indication of the ruin of a state than to see a
since the common people are set up as guardians of disregard for its divine worship. This is easy to under-
this liberty, it is reasonable to think that they will stand if one knows how the religion in the place
take better care of it, and, being incapable of appro- where a man is born has been founded, because the
priating it for themselves, they will not permit others life of every religion has its foundations in one of its
to do so. On the other hand, those who defend the principal institutions. The existence of the pagan re-
organization of Sparta and Venice declare that those ligion was founded upon the responses of the oracles
who place the guardianship in the hands of the pow- and the sect of diviners and soothsayers; all the other
erful accomplish two good things: first they better ceremonies, sacrifices, and rites depended upon
satisfy their ambition, and since they have a larger them, because they simply believed that the god who
part to play in the republic with this club in their could predict your future good or evil could also
hands, they have more reason to be content; second grant it to you.

... weakness that it has come to be easy prey not only

Since many are of the opinion that the well- to powerful barbarians but to anyone who might
being of the Italian cities arises from the Roman attack it. For this we Italians are indebted to the
church, I want to discuss the arguments that occur church and to no one else. Anyone who might wish
to me against this opinion, and I shall cite as evi- to see this truth more clearly through actual experi-
dence two very powerful ones which, in my view, ence needs to possess sufficient power to send the
cannot be refuted. The first is that because of the Roman court, with all the authority it possesses in
evil examples set by this court, this land has lost all Italy, to live in the lands of the Swiss, who are today
piety and religion; this brings with it countless dis- the only people who live, with respect to religion
advantages and countless disorders, because just as and military institutions, as the ancients did, and
we take for granted every good thing where religion he would observe that in a brief time the wicked
exists, so, where it is lacking, we take for granted the customs of that court would create more disorder in
contrary. We Italians have, therefore, this initial that land than any other event that could at any
debt to the church and to the priests, that we have time take place there.
become irreligious and wicked, but we have an even ...
greater debt to them, which is the second cause of
our ruin: that is, the church has kept and still keeps CHAPTER 6
this land divided, and truly, no land is ever united
ON CONSPIR ACIES
or happy unless it comes completely under the obe-
dience of a single republic or a single prince, as has I did not think I should omit an analysis of conspira-
occurred in France and Spain. The reason why Italy cies, since they represent a grave danger for princes
is not in the same condition and why it, too, does and for private citizens. It is evident that many more
not have either a single republic or a single prince to princes have lost their lives and their states through
govern it lies solely with the church, because al- conspiracies than through open warfare, because
though the church has its place of residence in Italy being able to wage open war against a prince is within
and has held temporal power there, it has not been the reach of very few, while the possibility of conspir-
so powerful nor has it possessed enough skill to be ing against him is open to everyone. . . . Truly golden
able to occupy the remaining parts of Italy and is that maxim of Tacitus, which declares that men
make itself ruler of this country, and, on the other must honour past affairs and endure present ones,
hand, it has not been so weak that, for fear of losing and that they should desire good princes, but regard-
control over its temporal affairs, it has been unable less of what they are like, should tolerate them. And
to bring in someone powerful to defend it against truly, anyone who does otherwise most often ruins
anyone in Italy who had become too powerful: this himself and his native land.
is seen to have happened in ancient times through a ...
number of examples, as when with Charlemagne’s Injuries must either be against property, life-
assistance, the Lombards, already kings of almost blood, or honour. To threaten someone’s lifeblood is
all of Italy, were driven out, and when in our own more dangerous than to execute him; or rather,
times the church took power away from the making threats is extremely dangerous, while order-
Venetians with the aid of France and then chased ing executions involves no danger whatsoever, be-
out the French with the aid of the Swiss. Since it has cause a dead man cannot think about a vendetta,
not, therefore, been powerful enough to take pos- while those who remain alive most often leave the
session of all of Italy, nor has it permitted anyone thinking to the dead. But anyone who is threatened
else to do so, the church has been the reason why and forced by necessity either to act or to suffer will
Italy has been unable to unite under a single leader become a very dangerous man to the prince, as we
and has remained under a number of princes and shall discuss in detail in the proper place. Besides this
lords, who have produced so much disunity and kind of necessity, injuries to property and honour are

12.4. Erasmus, “Letter to a Friend,” “Julius Excluded . . .,” and Introduction to the Gospels 9
the two things that offend men more than any other Princes, therefore, have no greater enemy than a
kind of attack, and the prince must protect himself conspiracy, because if a conspiracy is organized
against them, because he can never strip a man of so against them, it either kills them or disgraces them; if
much that he will not have a knife left with which to it succeeds, they die, and if it is discovered and they
take his revenge; nor can he ever dishonour a man so kill the conspirators, people always believe that the
much that he does not retain a heart and mind stub- conspiracy was an invention of the prince to give vent
bornly intent on revenge. to his avarice and cruelty against their lives and prop-
... erty of those whom he has killed.
1. Does Machiavelli employ examples from the pre-Christian and his contemporary world
equally?
2. Why does he see the Church as an “impediment” to the political ambitions of Italians?
12.4. ER ASMUS, “LET TER TO A FRIEND,” “JULIUS

EXCLUDED FROM HEAVEN,” AND
INTRODUCTION TO THE GOSPELS, FIRST
PUBLISHED 1522
Desiderius Erasmus (ca. 1466–1536) was a Catholic priest who has also been called the Prince of the
Humanists for his application of humanist principles to the religious disruption of the Reforma-
tion—he created new editions of the New Testament and wrote a handful of satires and other texts
on Christian life. Although Erasmus was appalled by the abuses of the Catholic Church, he chose to
try to address them while remaining a staunch Catholic. In 1512, Erasmus began work on a fresh
Greek edition of the New Testament (with the Latin in parallel columns) that would share a beauti-
fied, holistic, and purified Word of God with Catholics in a time of religious turmoil. Interestingly,
this would be the version used by Luther to make his own German translation (Document 12.5).
LETTER TO A FRIEND ON PRESENT

my own mind, lived nearly long enough, having en-
CONDITIONS
tered my fifty-first year, or that I see nothing in this
It is no part of my nature, most learned Wolfgang, to life so splendid or delightful, that it should be desired
be excessively fond of life; whether it is, that I have, to by one who is convinced by the Christian faith, that
From Erasmi Opuscula, ed. W. K. Fergison. The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1933, pp. 65–8, trans. M. P. Gilmore; From De
Libero Arbitrio (1524), in J. Clericus, ed., Desiderii Erasmi Roterodami Opera Omnia. Lugduni Batavorum: Petri Vander Aa,
1703–1706, IX, 1240, 1244, 1248, trans. Brice M. Clagett.; De Libero Arbitrio (1524), in J. Clericus, ed., Desiderii Erasmi
Roterodami Opera Omnia. Lugduni Batavorum: Petri Vander Aa, 1703–1706, IX, 1215, 1219–20, trans. Brice M. Clagett.

a happier life awaits those who in this world ear- Nicolas of Leonice; at Venice A mbrosius Leo of Nola,
nestly attach themselves to piety. But at the present in France William Cop, and John Ruelle, and in
moment I could almost wish to be young again, for England Thomas Linacre. The Imperial Law is re-

no other reason but this, that I anticipate the near ap- stored at Paris by William Budé, in Germany by
proach of a golden age; so clearly do we see the minds Udalris Zasy; and Mathematics at Basel by Henry of
of princes, as if changed by inspiration, devoting all Glaris. In the theological sphere there was no little to
their energies to the pursuit of peace. The chief be done, because this science has been hitherto
movers in this matter are Pope Leo, and Francis, King mainly professed by those who are most pertinacious
of France. in the abhorrence of the better literature, and are the
There is nothing this king does not do or does not more successful in defending their own ignorance as
suffer, in his desire to avert war and consolidate they do it under pretext of piety, the unlearned vulgar
peace; submitting, of his own accord, to conditions being induced to believe, that violence is offered to
which might be deemed unfair, if he preferred to Religion, if any one begins an assault upon their bar-
have regard to his own greatness and dignity, rather barism. For in the presence of an ignorant mob they
than to the general advantage of the world; and ex- are always ready to scream and excite their followers
hibiting in this, as in every thing else, a magnani- to stone-throwing, if they see any risk of not being
mous and truly royal character. Therefore, when I see thought omniscient. But even here I am confident of
that the highest sovereigns of Europe, Francis of success, if the knowledge of the three languages con-
France, Charles the Catholic King, Henry of England tinues to be received in schools, as it has now begun.
and the Emperor Maximillian have set all their war- For the most learned and least churlish men of the
like preparations aside, and established peace upon profession do in some measure assist and favour the
solid, and as I trust adamantine foundations, I am new system; and in this matter we are especially in-
led to a confident hope, that not only morality and debted to the vigorous exertions of James Lefèvrew of
Christian piety, but also a genuine and purer litera- Étaples, whom you resemble not only in name, but in
ture may come to renewed life or greater splendor; a number of accomplishments.
especially as this object is pursued with equal zeal in The humblest part of the work has naturally
various regions of the world,—at Rome by Pope Leo, fallen to my lot. Whether my contribution has been
in Spain by the Cardinal of Toledo, in England by worth anything, I cannot say; at any rate those who
Henry, eighth of the name, himself not unskilled in object to the world regaining its senses, are as angry
Letters, and among ourselves by our young king with me, as if my small industry had had some in-
Charles. In France King Francis, who seems as it were fluence, although the work was not undertaken by
born for this object, invites and entices from all me with any confidence that I could myself teach
countries men that excel in merit or in learning. anything magnificent; but I wanted to construct a
Among the Germans the same object is pursued by road for other persons of higher aims, so that they
many of their excellent princes and bishops, and es- might be less impeded by pools and stumbling-
pecially by Maximillian Caesar, whose old age, weary blocks in carrying home those fair and glorious
of so many wars, has determined to seek rest in the treasures.
employments of peace, a resolution more becoming
to his own years, while it is fortunate for the Chris- ***
tian world. To the piety of these princes it is due, that
we see everywhere, as if upon a given signal, men of
J U L I U S I I E X C L U D E D F R O M H E AV E N : J U L I U S ,
genius are arising and conspiring together to restore
H I S T U T E L A R Y S P I R I T, A N D S A I N T P E T E R
the best literature.
Polite letters, which were almost extinct, are now julius: What’s the trouble here? Won’t the doors
cultivated and embraced by Scots, by Danes and by open? The lock must have been changed or at
Irishmen. Medicine has a host of c hampions; at Rome least tampered with.

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Get (Original PDF) Sources For Cultures of The West: Volume 2: Since 1350 2nd Edition Free All Chapters

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(Original PDF) Sources for Cultures of the West:

(eBook PDF) Cultures of the West: A History, Volume 2:

(Original PDF) Sources for Cultures of the West: Volume

(eBook PDF) Sources for Frameworks of World History:

(eBook PDF) The Making of the West, Value Edition,

(eBook PDF) Mapping the Cultures of the West, Volume

(Original PDF) Cultures of the West: A History, Volume

(Original PDF) Cultures of the West: A History 2nd

(eBook PDF) The Making of the West Combined Volume:

18.3 Thomas Carlyle, “Signs of the Times,” 1829 10 8

chapter 19 The Birth of Modern Politics 114

chapter 20 Nationalism and Identity 128

chapter 21 The Modern Woman 151

chapter 22 The Challenge of Secularism 16 8

00-Backman-FM.indd 7 25/09/15 3:19 PM

22.3 Ernst Renan, “Miracles” 174

chapter 23 The Great Land Grab 194

chapter 24 The World at War (Part I) 215

chapter 25 Radical Realignments 2 31

00-Backman-FM.indd 8 25/09/15 3:19 PM

chapter 26 The World at War (Part II) 249

chapter 27 Theater of the Absurd: The Postwar World 270

chapter 28 Something to Believe In 28 4

chapter 29 Global Warmings 319

00-Backman-FM.indd 9 25/09/15 3:19 PM

What type of source are you examining? Different genres—categories of material—have

00-Backman-FM.indd 11 25/09/15 3:19 PM

BIAS AND FRAMING

00-Backman-FM.indd 12 25/09/15 3:19 PM

00-Backman-FM.indd 13 25/09/15 3:19 PM

RENAISSANCES AND REFORMATIONS

12.1. PETR ARCA, “LET TER TO POSTERIT Y”

I t is possible that you may have heard of me, but I

Translation by Clifford R. Backman.

12-Backman-Chap12.indd 1 24/09/15 12:14 PM

12-Backman-Chap12.indd 2 24/09/15 12:14 PM

12-Backman-Chap12.indd 3 24/09/15 12:14 PM

12.2. FROM ARIOSTO, ORLANDO FURIOSO

12-Backman-Chap12.indd 4 24/09/15 12:14 PM

12-Backman-Chap12.indd 5 24/09/15 12:14 PM

1. In what specific respects does Orlando’s passion appear as madness?

12.3. MACHIAVELLI, DISCOURSES

12-Backman-Chap12.indd 6 24/09/15 12:14 PM

CHAPTER 5 they remove a kind of authority from the restless

12-Backman-Chap12.indd 7 24/09/15 12:14 PM

... weakness that it has come to be easy prey not only

12-Backman-Chap12.indd 8 24/09/15 12:14 PM

12.4. ER ASMUS, “LET TER TO A FRIEND,” “JULIUS

LETTER TO A FRIEND ON PRESENT

12-Backman-Chap12.indd 9 24/09/15 12:14 PM

12-Backman-Chap12.indd 10 24/09/15 12:14 PM

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