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Globalisation, Comparative Education and Policy Research 22

Joseph Zajda Editor

Human Rights
Education Globally
Globalisation, Comparative Education
and Policy Research
Volume 22
Series Editor
Joseph Zajda, Faculty of Education and Arts, Australian Catholic University, East
Melbourne, VIC, Australia
Editorial Board for the Series
Robert Arnove, Indiana University
Birgit Brock-Utne, University of Oslo
Martin Carnoy, Stanford University
Lyn Davies, University of Birmingham
Fred Dervin, University of Helsinki
Karen Evans, University of London
Kassie Freeman, Alcorn State University
MacLeans Geo-JaJa, Brigham Young University
Deborah Henderson, Queensland University of Technology
Andreas Kazamias, University of Wisconsin
Tatiana Koval, Institute for Strategy of Education Development of the Russian
Academy of Education, Moscow
Leslie Limage, UNESCO
Susan Majhanovich, University of Western Ontario
Marcella Mollis, University of Buenos Aires
Nikolai Nikandrov, President, Russian Academy of Education (Moscow)
Val Rust, UCLA, USA
John Whitehouse, University of Melbourne
Vince Wright, Educational Consultant, Hilltop, Taupo, NZ
Advisory Board
Abdeljalil Akkari, University of Geneva
Beatrice Avalos, National Ministry of Education, Chile
Sheng Yao Cheng, Chung Chen University
Kingsley Banya, Misericordia University
Karen Biraimah, University of Central Florida
David Chapman, University of Minnesota
Mark Ginsburg, University of Pittsburgh
Yaacov Iram, Bar Ilan University
Henry Levin, Teachers College Columbia University
Noel McGinn, Harvard University
David Phillips, Oxford University
Gerald Postglione, University of Hong Kong
Heidi Ross, Indiana University
M’hammed Sabour, University of Joensuu
Jurgen Schriewer, Humboldt University
Sandra Stacki, Hofstra University
Nelly Stromquist, University of Maryland
Carlos Torres, UCLA
David Willis, Soai University, Japan
Aims and Scope
The Globalisation, Comparative Education and Policy Research series (Vols. 13–24)
aims to present a global overview of strategic comparative and international
education policy statements on recent reforms and shifts in education globally and
offers new approaches to further exploration, development and improvement of
comparative education and policy research globally. In general, the book series
seeks to address the nexus between comparative education, policy, reforms and
forces of globalisation.
The series will present up-to-date scholarly research on global trends in
comparative education and policy research. The idea is to advance research and
scholarship by providing an easily accessible, practical yet scholarly source of
information for researchers, policy-makers, college academics and practitioners in
the field. Different volumes will provide substantive contributions to knowledge and
understanding of comparative education and policy research globally. This new
book series will offer major disciplinary perspectives from all world regions.

More information about this series at http://www.springer.com/series/6932

Joseph Zajda
Editor

Human Rights Education

Globally
Editor
Joseph Zajda
School of Education
the Australian Catholic University
East Melbourne, Australia

ISSN 2543-0564     ISSN 2543-0572 (electronic)

Globalisation, Comparative Education and Policy Research
ISBN 978-94-024-1912-2    ISBN 978-94-024-1913-9 (eBook)
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-024-1913-9

© Springer Nature B.V. 2020

This work is subject to copyright. All rights are reserved by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of
the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation,
broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information
storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology
now known or hereafter developed.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication
does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant
protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
The publisher, the authors, and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book
are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the
editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any
errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional
claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.

This Springer imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature B.V.
The registered company address is: Van Godewijckstraat 30, 3311 GX Dordrecht, The Netherlands
To Rea, Nikolai, Sophie, Imogen and Belinda
Foreword

Human Rights Education Globally, the 22nd book in the 24-volume book series
Globalisation, Comparative Education and Policy Research, sets out to examine
human rights education globally. The book presents an overview of selected research
concerning global and comparative trends in dominant discourses on human rights
education. It analyses major human rights education reforms and policy issues in a
global culture, with a focus on the ambivalent and problematic relationship between
human rights education discourses, ideology and the state.
Human rights education is essential in maintaining democracy, equality, freedom
and the full realisation of human rights. It contributes significantly to promoting
equality and respect for human dignity, preventing discrimination and enhancing
participation in democratic processes. It reflects societal standards that need to be
learned by each generation and transferred to the next. The United Nations pro-
duced two important policy documents on human rights in 1966: the International
Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) (1966) and the International
Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (drafted in 1954 and signed in
1966). The latter declared that all humans have the rights to health, food and employ-
ment. In addition, the United Nations’ (2015) Millennium Development Goals
Report focused on poverty eradication as the greatest global challenge facing the
world and economic rights, such as food, health and education (United Nations,
2015). Its first goal was to ‘Eradicate extreme poverty and hunger’ (p. 14). However,
what is also missing in the discourse of human rights education is the politics of
human rights. It has to be accepted that human rights policy documents are not neu-
tral, but are inherently political in their origin, development and application.
The book draws upon recent studies in the area of human rights education glob-
ally and the role of the state. The chapters offer a timely analysis of current issues
affecting neo-liberal education policy research globally and provide ideas about
future directions that education and policy reforms could take.

vii
Preface

Series title: Globalisation, Comparative Education and Policy Research

(24-­volume series)
Human Rights Education Globally offers a synthesis of current research findings
on the nexus between human rights education, ideology and the state. When analys-
ing the human rights education research, situated amidst the role of the state, and
dominant ideologies defining policy priorities, we need to go beyond the functional-
ist and business-oriented model of education, which focuses on accountability, effi-
ciency and performance indicators. Why? Because there are other social, economic,
political and cultural forces at work as well. From the macrosocial perspective, the
world of business, while real and dominant, is only one dimension of the complex
social, cultural and economic world system. At the macrosocietal level, we need to
consider the teleological goal of education reforms. Are we reforming education
systems to improve the quality of learning and teaching, academic achievement and
excellence, and do we hope to change our societies, creating the ‘good society’?
The creation of a more equitable, respectful, inclusive and just society for everyone
is a dream for all concerned citizens on spaceship Earth, be they democratic policy-­
makers, or empowering and egalitarian pedagogues, and informed and active citi-
zens, who believe in human rights education. The United Nations declared
1995–2004 as the Decade of Human Rights Education. It stressed that the human
rights education was a powerful tool to fight racism and discrimination in all spheres
of education and in society. Social and cultural dimensions of human rights educa-
tion include ideology, power, inequality, education, gender, ethnicity, race, religion
and social justice. Since the turn of the millennium, human rights scholars and prac-
titioners have advocated specifically for the integration of human rights into the
framework of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), which set the interna-
tional development agenda for 2001–2015.
There is a need to go beyond a humanistic perspective of human rights, as
declared by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights document in 1948, towards
a politico-economic perspective of human rights. Human rights idea is essentially
social, economic and political construct, designed to preserve and maintain democ-
racy, freedom, equality and social justice for all.

ix
x Preface

Human rights education movements are present and growing. The evaluation of
recent research in HRE demonstrates that HRE can be an effective tool in creating
a sense of intercultural respect and understanding. Finally, there is a need to situate
HRE research and various discourses surrounding HRE policy documents and ped-
agogy, within the context of dominant ideologies, and against the background of the
role of the state, identity politics and nation-building.

East Melbourne, VIC, Australia Joseph Zajda

Series Editor

Joseph Zajda, BA (Hons), MA, MEd, PhD, FACE, coordinates and lectures gradu-
ate courses, particularly MTeach courses (EDFX522, EDSS503 and EDFD546), in
the Faculty of Education and Arts at the Australian Catholic University, Melbourne
Campus. He specialises in globalisation and education policy reforms, social jus-
tice, history education, human rights education and values education. He has written
and edited 30 books and over 120 book chapters and articles in the areas of globali-
sation and education policy, higher education, history textbooks and curriculum
reforms. His recent publications include Third International Handbook on
Globalisation, Education and Policy Research (Dordrecht: Springer, 2020);
Globalisation, Ideology and Education Reforms: Emerging Paradigms (Dordrecht:
Springer, 2020); Human Rights Education Globally (Dordrecht: Springer, 2020);
Globalisation, Ideology and Neo-liberal Higher Education Reforms (Dordrecht:
Springer, with D. Henderson, 2020); Globalisation and Education Reforms:
Paradigms and Ideologies (Dordrecht: Springer, http://www.springer.com/gp/
book/9789402412031, 2018); Globalisation and National Identity in History
Textbooks: The Russian Federation (Dordrecht: Springer, 2017); Globalisation and
Historiography of National Leaders: Symbolic Representations in School Textbooks
(Dordrecht: Springer, with Tsyrlina-Spady and Lovorn, 2017); Globalisation,
Human Rights Education and Reforms (Dordrecht: Springer, with S. Ozdowski,
2017); and Globalisation and Higher Education Reforms (Dordrecht: Springer,
with Rust, 2016). Moreover, he is Editor and Author of the Second International
Handbook on Globalisation, Education and Policy Research (Springer, 2015, http://
www.springer.com/education+%26+language/book/978-94-017-9492-3); ‘The
Russian Revolution’ (2014) in G. Ritzer and J. M. Ryan (Eds.) The Wiley-Blackwell
Encyclopedia of Globalization Online; ‘Ideology’ (2014) and ‘Values Education’
(2008 and 2014) in D. Phillips (Ed.) Encyclopedia of Educational Theory and
Philosophy (Thousand Oaks: Sage); and Schooling the New Russians: Transforming
Soviet Workers to Capitalist Entrepreneurs (Melbourne: James Nicholas Publishers).

xi
xii Series Editor

He is the Editor of the twenty-four-volume book series Globalisation and

Comparative Education (Springer, 2013&2021).
He edits the following journals below:
https://www.jamesnicholaspublishers.com.au/curriculum-and-teaching/ Editor,
Curriculum and Teaching, volume 34, 2020
https://www.jamesnicholaspublishers.com.au/education-and-society/ Editor,
Education and Society, volume 37, 2020
https://www.jamesnicholaspublishers.com.au/world-studies-in-education/ Editor,
World Studies in Education, volume 20, 2020
His works are found in 445 publications in 4 languages and some 10,500 univer-
sity library holdings globally.
He is the recipient of the 2012 Excellence in Research Award of the Faculty of
Education, Australian Catholic University, which recognises the high quality of
research activities and particularly celebrates sustained research that has had a sub-
stantive impact nationally and internationally. He was also the recipient of the
Australian Awards for University Teaching in 2011 (Citation for Outstanding
Contributions to Student Learning, for an innovative, influential and sustained con-
tribution to teacher education through scholarship and publication) and the Vice
Chancellor’s Excellence in Teaching Award at the Australian Catholic University,
Melbourne Campus. He was awarded an ARC Discovery Grant (with Monash
University) for 2011–2015 for a comparative analysis of history national curriculum
implementation in Russia and Australia ($315,000). Also, he was elected as Fellow
of the Australian College of Educators in June 2013.
Furthermore, he completed (with Professor Fred Dervin, University of Helsinki)
the UNESCO report Governance in Education: Diversity and Effectiveness – BRICS
countries (Paris: UNESCO (2020)).

Faculty of Education and Arts Joseph Zajda

Australian Catholic University
Melbourne, VIC, Australia
Editorial by Series Editors

Volume 22 is a further publication in the Springer book series Globalisation,

Comparative Education and Policy Research edited by Joseph Zajda.
Human Rights Education Globally, the 22nd book in the 24-volume book series
Globalisation, Comparative Education and Policy Research edited by Joseph Zajda
(Series Editor), presents a global overview of selected scholarly research on global
and comparative trends in dominant discourses of human rights education. The
book explores conceptual frameworks and methodological approaches applicable in
the research covering the state, globalisation and human rights education. Various
book chapters critique the dominant discourses and debates pertaining to human
rights education. The spirit of dialogical encounter has very soundly directed the
editor and the book chapter writers’ efforts in organising this volume. The editor’s
task is to deepen, and in some cases open widely, diverse and significant discourses
related to human rights education and the politics surrounding the debate.
The book critiques the ambivalent and problematic relationship between the
state, globalisation and human rights education discourses. Using a number of
diverse paradigms, ranging from critical theory to globalisation, the authors, by
focusing on globalisation, ideology and human rights education, attempt to examine
critically recent trends in human rights education and their impact on identity poli-
tics. The authors focus on discourses surrounding three major dimensions affecting
the human rights education: national identity, democracy and ideology. These are
among the most critical and significant dimensions defining and contextualising the
processes surrounding the nation-building and identity politics globally.
Furthermore, the perception of globalisation as dynamic and multi-faceted pro-
cesses clearly necessitates a multiple-perspective approach in the study of human
rights education, and this book provides that perspective commendably. In the book,
the authors, who come from diverse backgrounds and regions, attempt insightfully
to provide a worldview of current developments in research concerning human
rights education and citizenship education globally. The book contributes, in a very
scholarly way, to a more holistic understanding of the nexus between nation-state,
human rights education and national identity globally and provides an easily acces-
sible, practical yet scholarly source of information about the international concern

xiii
xiv Editorial by Series Editors

in the field of human rights education and citizenship education. Above all, the book
offers the latest findings on discourses surrounding trends in human rights educa-
tion in the global culture.
The chapters offer a timely analysis of current issues affecting human rights
education policy research globally and provide ideas about future directions that
education and policy reforms could take.
We thank the anonymous international reviewers who have reviewed and
assessed the proposal for the continuation of the series (volumes 13–24) and many
other anonymous reviewers who reviewed the chapters in the final manuscript.
Contents

1 Current Research on Human Rights Education Globally ������������������    1

Joseph Zajda
2 A Review of Human Rights Education in Higher Education��������������   13
Yvonne Vissing
3 Insights from Students on Human Rights Education in India,
South Africa, Sweden and the United States ����������������������������������������   51
Felisa Tibbitts, Thomas Nygren, Judit Novak, Denise Bentrovato,
Johan Wassermann, and Anamika
4 The State of HRE in Higher Education Worldwide������������������������������   75
Sarita Cargas
5 Human Rights Education as a Link to the Counterbalance
Strategy of the Sanctuary Cities Against Federal
Immigration Programs in the USA��������������������������������������������������������   91
Leonardo Diaz Abraham
6 The Promises and Challenges of Human Rights Cities������������������������ 109
Gillian MacNaughton, Sindiso Mnisi Weeks, Esther Kamau,
Shahrzad Sajadi, and Prisca Tarimo
7 HRE in the Era of Global Aging: The Human Rights
of Older Persons in Contemporary Europe������������������������������������������ 133
Boguslawa Bednarczyk
8 The Contribution of Peer Mediation to the Implementation
of Human Rights Education�������������������������������������������������������������������� 159
Sylvie Condette

xv
xvi Contents

9 Human Rights as an Instrument of Social Cohesion

in South Asia�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 173
Sev Ozdowski
10 Evaluating Research on Human Rights Education Globally�������������� 201
Joseph Zajda

Index������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 209
Contributors

Dr. Anamika is Deputy Adviser with the Unit of International Cooperation,

National Institute of Educational Planning and Administration, New Delhi, India.
Dr. Anamika has taught at the Department of Education, University of Delhi, and
at the Department of Elementary Education, Lady Shri Ram College for Women,
University of Delhi. She is also on the International Editorial Board of Human
Rights Education Review Journal. Dr. Anamika has been doing an international
project on Human Rights, Peace and Sustainability in Education and presented the
results of the project at the Department of Education, Uppsala University, Sweden.
She has also participated in the International Summer School at George Eckert
Institute, Brunswick, Germany. Dr. Anamika obtained a PhD from the Department
of Education, National Chengchi University, Taiwan. She has also received
Australian Aid (AusAID) grant to present a paper on “Pedagogy of Human Rights
Education in Taiwan and Human Rights Culture” at the Second International
Conference on Human Rights Education in Durban, South Africa.
Email: anamika.n.h@gmail.com

Boguslawa Bednarczyk was Professor and Dean of the Department of International

Relations (2002–2012) and is currently the Director of the Human Rights Center
(2006–present) at the A. F. Modrzewski University, Krakow, Poland. Until 2014 she
was Professor at the Institute of Political Science and International Relations,
Jagiellonian University, Krakow, Poland. Her academic and research interests focus
on legal and political aspects of human rights protection and promotion, history of
political ideas, and international relations. She has published numerous articles on
different aspects of human rights in various journals and has spoken on international
issues at international conferences throughout Europe, the USA, Asia, and Africa.
Email: boguslawa.bednarczyk@uj.edu.pl

Denise Bentrovato Department of Humanities Education, University of Pretoria,

South Africa. She is co-director of the African Association for History Education
(AHE-Afrika) and a researcher and extraordinary lecturer in History Didactics in
the Department of Humanities Education, University of Pretoria, South Africa.

xvii
xviii Contributors

Denise is currently also a research fellow in the History Department of the University
of Leuven, Belgium, and a visiting Assistant Professor in the Department of History
and Social Sciences at the Institut Supérieur Pédagogique de Goma in eastern
Congo. Her research combines interests in history education, memory politics, and
identity formation and primarily focuses on post-colonial and post-conflict societies
in Africa, including Rwanda, Burundi, DR Congo, South Africa, Zimbabwe, Liberia,
and Sierra Leone. An important part of her work relates to examining educational
responses to historical wrongs within the framework of nation-building and transi-
tional justice processes. Throughout her career, she has worked both in academia
and for international organizations and NGOs in Africa and Europe, including
UNESCO. Denise was recently appointed Secretary of the International Research
Association for History and Social Sciences Education and is on the Editorial Board
of its International Journal for History and Social Sciences Education and of
Yesterday and Today, a publication of the South African Society for History
Teaching. Email: denise.bentrovato@up.ac.za; denise.bentrovato@gmail.com

Sarita Cargas is Associate Professor at UNM, Honors College. Dr. Cargas earned
her DPhil from Oxford University. Dr. Cargas’ teaching and research interest is
human rights with an additional focus on explicitly teaching critical thinking. Her
courses include the topics of the history of human rights: “A Humane Legacy”; a
course on “Globalization and Human Rights,” which uses food insecurity as a case
study; and “Solutions to Human Rights Problems,” which emphasizes what various
entities contribute to solving human rights abuses. The critical thinking class “Why
People Believe Weird Things” has the dual goal of teaching students to be aware of
the inherent biases in their thinking and provide the tools to become more sophisti-
cated practitioners of thought. Dr. Cargas has forthcoming articles in Human Rights
Quarterly and Honors in Practice and is working on a book about how the biggest
organizations promote human rights (governments, United Nations, NGOs, and
multinational corporations). Email: cargas@unm.edu

Sylvie Condette PhD, is an Assistant Professor in the Sciences of Education at

Lille University (France); she belongs to the CIREL Research Laboratory (Lille
Inter-university Center for Education). Her research topics and publications focus
on school governance and community members’ criteria for involvement into school
life, including content and stakes of citizenship education, scope of peer mediation,
quality of interactions and relationships between students and teachers, and
improvement of school climate. Email: sylvie.condette@univ-lille.fr

Leonardo Diaz Abraham, is Professor, Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana,

México City, México. He has completed his graduate studies at the Graduate
Institute of Development and Cooperation of the Complutense University of Madrid.
He also earned his BA in Political Science and Public Administration at the National
Autonomous University of Mexico, with honors. He has participated in conferences
and seminars in Mexico, Spain, France, England and Ukraine. He has served since
1997 as a full-time research professor at the Autonomous University of Campeche.
Contributors xix

He is currently teaching in the Department of Social Sciences at the Autonomous

Metropolitan University. He has taught undergraduate and graduate courses on
issues related to political and economic history of Mexico, functions and dynamics
of the local public administration in Mexico, State and Public Administration in
Mexico, and international cooperation for development and human rights.
Email: leondiaz2000@yahoo.com

Esther Kamau is a PhD candidate and research assistant at the School for Global
Inclusion and Social Development at the University of Massachusetts Boston.
Esther has over 10 years of experience in the humanitarian and development fields.
Prior to starting her PhD, she worked with an international NGO coordinating
humanitarian action in nine East African countries. Her research focuses on the
contribution of economic and social rights to improve the well-being of the most
vulnerable populations. Esther holds a Bachelor of Arts degree in Commerce from
Daystar University, Kenya, an Honors degree in Development Studies from the
University of South Africa, and a Master of Arts degree in Sustainable International
Development from Brandeis University, USA. E-mail: esther.kamau001@umb.edu

Gillian MacNaughton JD, DPhil, is Associate Professor of Human Rights in the

School for Global Inclusion and Social Development at the University of
Massachusetts Boston, an affiliate member of the Economic and Social Rights
Research Group at the University of Connecticut, and an international human rights
lawyer. She previously served as the Executive Director of the Program on Human
Rights and the Global Economy at Northeastern University School of Law; has
taught at Brandeis University (USA), the University of Sarajevo (Bosnia), and the
University of Oxford (UK); and has consulted on projects for WHO, UNICEF, The
World Bank, the UN Special Rapporteur on the right to health, and several NGOs.
Dr. MacNaughton works on international human rights, focusing on economic and
social rights, primarily the rights to health, education, and decent work. She is also
interested in the relationship of economic and social rights to equality rights, human
rights-based approaches to social justice, and human rights-based methodologies
and tools, including human rights impact assessment and indicators. Dr.
MacNaughton has received funding for her research from the Law and Society
Association and the World Health Organization. She has published over 40 refereed
articles and book chapters, as well as a book, co-edited with Diane F. Frey,
Economic and Social Rights in a Neoliberal World (Cambridge University Press
2018). Email: gillian.macnaughton@umb.edu

Sindiso Mnisi Weeks, LLB, DPhil is Assistant Professor in Public Policy of

Excluded Populations at the University of Massachusetts Boston and Adjunct
Associate Professor in Public Law at the University of Cape Town. Her work has
combined research, advocacy, and policy work on women, property, governance,
dispute management, and participation under customary law and the South African
Constitution. Dr. Mnisi Weeks received her DPhil from the University of Oxford’s
Centre for Socio-Legal Studies, as a Rhodes Scholar, and previously clerked for
xx Contributors

then Deputy Chief Justice of the Constitutional Court of South Africa, Dikgang
Moseneke. Dr. Mnisi Weeks authored Access to Justice and Human Security:
Cultural Contradictions in Rural South Africa (Routledge, 2018) and co-authored
African Customary Law in South Africa: Post-Apartheid and Living Law
Perspectives (OUPSA, 2015). E-mail: Sindiso.MnisiWeeks@umb.edu

Judit Novak is Associate Professor of Education in the Department of Teacher

Education and School Research, University of Oslo, Norway, and Researcher at
Uppsala University, Sweden. Her main research interests are in education gover-
nance and policy, with a special interest in the intermediary role of government
agencies and the adaptation of forms of supervision and auditing policies to (new)
legislation in local, national, and international contexts. Her research contributions
raise fundamental questions concerning welfare state governance and the links
between juridification (the drift toward legalism) and education through the inter-
mediary agencies situated between the state and educational institutions. Since
2019, Judit is an elected member of the Steering Committee for the Research
Institute for Educational Law at Uppsala University. Email: judit.novak@ils.uio.no

Thomas Nygren is Associate Professor at the Department of Education, Uppsala

University, Uppsala, Sweden. His research interests focus on history education,
the digital impact on education, critical thinking, and human rights education.
Thomas is head of the research node Global Citizenship Education in Historical
and Critical Perspectives (GLOC) at Uppsala University and a project studying the
complexity of formulating and implementing peace and human rights in educa-
tion. His previous research, conducted also at Umeå University and Stanford
University, has been published in books and journals of education, history, digital
humanities, and media studies. In current research projects, the News Evaluator,
YouCheck! and Under Pressure, Thomas investigates how education may support
students’ digital civic literacy and help citizens navigate misinformation. ORCID
ID 0000-0003-1884-3252. Email: thomas.nygren@edu.uu.se

Sev Ozdowski OAM, is Director, Equity and Diversity at the University of Western
Sydney; Hon. Professor in the Centre of Peace and Conflict Studies, the University
of Sydney; and President of the Australian Council for Human Rights Education.
He played a major role in the development of federal multicultural and human rights
policies and institutions in Australia. As the Human Rights Commissioner (2000–05)
in Australia, he conducted the ground-breaking National Inquiry into Children in
Immigration Detention: A last resort?” and the National Inquiry into Mental Health
Services “Not for Service.” Sev has worked in senior government positions for over
20 years and published widely on refugee issues, multiculturalism, and human
rights. Currently he works at two Australian universities and is Chair of the
Australian Multicultural Council and of the Australian Council for Human Rights
Education. Emails: sevozdo@gmail.com; s.ozdowski@uws.edu.au
Contributors xxi

Shahrzad Sajadi is a PhD candidate and graduate assistant at the School for Global
Inclusion and Social Development at the University of Massachusetts Boston. She
received her BA in Law from Allameh Tabatabai University in Tehran, Iran, and her
MA in Journalism from Emerson College in Boston. In 2017, she investigated the
state of mental health services and suicide rates at county jails across the state of
Massachusetts, USA. Shahrzad’s current research focuses on the systems’ failure to
include marginalized groups, and she recently finished working on a study funded
by the US Social Security Administration on the access of jail inmates to federal
benefits. E-mail: shahrzad.sajadi001@umb.edu

Prisca Tarimo is a PhD candidate and graduate research assistant in the School for
Global Inclusion and Social Development at the University of Massachusetts
Boston. She received her BA from the University of Dar es Salaam in Tanzania and
her MA from Washington State University in Pullman, Washington, USA. Her stud-
ies and research have an emphasis on global health, health disparities, and human
rights. Prisca is currently exploring the use of a human rights–based approach to
promote human-centered, real-world policy and practices to advance women’s
reproductive health. E-mail: prisca.tarimo001@ umb.edu

Felisa Tibbitts is Professor, Department of Law, Economics and Governance,

Utrecht University, Utrecht, Netherlands. She is dedicated to the role education can
play in advancing human rights. She is UNESCO Chair in Human Rights and
Higher Education and Carla Atzema-Looman Chair in Human Rights Education at
the Human Rights Centre of Utrecht University (Netherlands). Prof. Tibbitts is also
a Visiting Professor at Nelson Mandela University (South Africa) and lecturer in
the Comparative and International Education Program at Teachers College of
Columbia University. Her research and policy interests include peace, human
rights, and global citizenship education; curriculum policy and reform; critical
pedagogy; and human rights and higher education transformation. In addition to
her widespread scholarship, Prof. Tibbitts has written practical resources on cur-
riculum, program development, and evaluation on behalf of the Office of the UN
High Commissioner for Human Rights, UNICEF, UNESCO, OSCE/ODIHR, the
Council of Europe, and non-governmental organizations such as Amnesty
International and the Open Society Foundations. Felisa was a Fulbright Fellow at
Lund University, Sweden (Fall 2014), and a Human Rights Fellow at the Kennedy
School of Government, Harvard University (2011–2013). Felisa is the co-founder
and former director of Human Rights Education Associates. She has guest edited
special issues of Intercultural Education and Journal of Social Science Education.
E-mail: f.l.tibbitts@uu.nl

Yvonne Vissing is Professor and Policy Chair for the United Nations Convention
on the Rights of the Child, Founding Director of the Center for Childhood & Youth
Studies, and Chair of the Sociology Department at Salem State University in Salem,
Massachusetts, USA. Dr. Vissing has also created a nonprofit organization to assist
communities to advocate for improved community, child, and family services.
xxii Contributors

Author of five books with several others near completion, Dr. Vissing has presented
her work at international and national meetings and is engaged in work that has both
an international and a domestic focus. A true child advocate, she has trained thou-
sands of professionals and students in a framework that is based upon the United
Nation’s Convention on the Rights of the Child to work with, and for, children’s
rights. As the research director for the Department of Sociology, Dr. Vissing con-
ducts both quantitative and qualitative research, and coordinates her region’s annual
research conference. Her main areas of concentration have focused upon economic
well-being of children and families, education, health, legal rights, and community
obligation and comprehensive services. Dr. Vissing worked to create a national
peace conference for youth, has been a major contributor to Oxford University’s
Encyclopedia of Peace. Email: yvissing@salemstate.edu

Johan Wassermann is a Professor of History Education at the University of

Pretoria, South Africa, and also the Head of the Department of Humanities Education
at the same institution. He holds a Doctorate from the University of Pretoria and
Master’s degrees from the Universities of Rhodes and the Free State. Prof. Wasserman
is the co-founder of the non-profit organization, African Association for History
Education (AHE-Afrika), which has as its aim the advancement of History Education
across Africa. Currently he is the editor-in-chief of Yesterday & Today and the edu-
cational editor of The Journal for Transdisciplinary Research in Southern Africa.
His research activities generally center on history and history education. More spe-
cifically his current research interests are on youth and history, history textbooks,
teaching controversial issues in post-conflict Africa, life histories, and minorities
and the minoritized in colonial Natal. His research work has been published in jour-
nals, as book chapters and as books. Email: Johan.wasserman@up.ac.za

Joseph Zajda (Australian Catholic University, Melbourne) is Associate Professor

in the Faculty of Education and Arts at the Australian Catholic University (Melbourne
Campus). He specializes in globalization and education policy reforms, social jus-
tice, history education, and values education. Joseph has written and edited 45
books and over 120 book chapters and articles in the areas of globalization and
education policy, higher education, and curriculum reforms. Recent publications
include: Zajda, J. (2018). Globalisation and education reforms: Paradigms and ide-
ologies. Dordrecht:Springer. http://www.springer.com/gp/book/9789402412031;
Zajda, J. (2017). Globalisation and National Identity in History Textbooks: The
Russian Federation. Dordrecht: Springer; Zajda, J. Tsyrlina-Spady, T. & Lovorn,
M. (2017) (Eds.). Globalisation and Historiography of National Leaders: Symbolic
Representations in School Textbooks. Dordrecht: Springer; Zajda, J. & Ozdowski,
S. (2017). (Eds.), Globalisation and Human Rights Education Dordrecht: Springer;
Russian Revolution (2014). In G. Ritzer & J. M. Ryan (Eds.), The Wiley-Blackwell
Encyclopedia of Globalization Online; Zajda, J. (2014). Values education. In
D. Phillips (Ed.), Encyclopedia of Educational Theory and Philosophy. Thousand
Oaks: Sage; Zajda, J. (2020). Globalisation and education reforms. In G. Ritzer
(Ed.), Wiley-Blackwell Encyclopedia of Sociology (2nd ed). Joseph is also the edi-
Contributors xxiii

tor of the 24-volume book series Globalisation and Comparative Education

(Springer, 2009&2021). He edits World Studies in Education, Curriculum and
Teaching and Education and Society for James Nicholas Publishers. Joseph’s works
are found in 445 publications in 4 languages and some 10,500 university library
holdings globally. He was awarded an ARC Discovery Grant (with Monash
University) for 2011–2015 for a comparative analysis of history national curriculum
implementation in Russia and Australia ($315,000). Joseph was elected as Fellow
of the Australian College of Educators (June 2013). ORCID ID https://orcid.
org/0000-0003-4422-9782 (Email: joseph.zajda@acu.edu.au)
Chapter 1
Current Research on Human Rights
Education Globally

Joseph Zajda

Abstract Globalisations, economic, cultural and social change over the last four
decades have affected the nature of the discourse in human rights education. The
chapter explores human rights education research and the problematic relationship
between human rights education and the state, against the background of globalisa-
tion, and economic, political, social and cultural factors. Human rights education is
an attempt to answer the following question: How can we contribute to the creation
of a more equitable, respectful, peaceful and just society for everyone globally.

Keywords Access · Accountability · Children’s rights · Citizenship education ·

Critical pedagogy · Culture · Democracy · Discourse · Discrimination · Equality ·
Ethnicity · Freedom · Globalization · Human rights · Human rights education ·
Human rights policy documents · Human rights violations · Ideology · Inequality ·
Justice · Moral education · Poverty · Poverty eradication · Prejudice · Social action
· Social inequality · Social justice · Social stratification · Tolerance · United
Nations · UNESCO · Values

Research on Human Rights Education: History

Human rights education is essential to maintaining democracy, equality, freedom,

and the full realization of human rights. It contributes significantly to promoting
equality, respect for human dignity, preventing discrimination and enhancing par-
ticipation in democratic processes. It reflects societal standards that need to be
learned by each generation and transferred to the next. The United Nations pro-
duced two important policy documents on human rights in 1966: The International

J. Zajda (*)
School of Education, the Australian Catholic University, East Melbourne, Australia
e-mail: joseph.zajda@acu.edu.au

© Springer Nature B.V. 2020 1

J. Zajda (ed.), Human Rights Education Globally, Globalisation, Comparative
Education and Policy Research 22,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-024-1913-9_1
2 J. Zajda

Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) (1966), and the International
Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (drafted in 1954 and signed in
1966). The later declared that all humans have the rights to health, food and employ-
ment. In addition, the United Nations’ (2015) Millennium Development Goals
Report focused on poverty eradication as the greatest global challenge facing the
world, and economic rights, such as food, health, and education (United Nations
2015). Its first goal was to ‘Eradicate extreme poverty and hunger’ (p. 14). However,
what is also missing in the discourse of human rights education is the politics of
human rights. It has to be accepted that human rights policy documents are not neu-
tral, but are inherently political in their origin, development and application
(Zajda 2018).
There is a great deal of empirical evidence on the occurrence of different types
of human rights violations in many countries today. In its 2019 Human Rights Risk
Atlas, global analytics firm Maplecroft revealed that in the past 6 years, the number
of countries with an ‘extreme risk’ of human rights offenses has risen dramatically
to 34 (The Human Rights Risk Atlas 2015). Human rights education research has
grown in its significance since its humble beginnings in 1948, when the United
Nations adopted the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) which estab-
lished the right to education by declaring in its Preamble that we all should ‘strive
by teaching and education to promote respect for these rights and freedoms’ and in
Article 26 directing us to work for ‘the full development of the human personality
and to strengthening of respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms.’
During the last 70 years human rights policies and standards were defined and a
range of education programs, curricula and best practices were developed, both
internationally and locally, to advance human rights education. Initially, UNESCO
took the UDHR challenge and become the first noted human rights education world
champion. However, only after the end of Cold War, human rights education became
a core activity for the United Nations and its agencies. The 1993 World Conference
on Human Rights was the circuit breaker. The resulting Vienna Declaration and
Programme of Action acknowledged that human rights education is ‘essential for
the promotion and achievement of stable and harmonious relations among commu-
nities and for fostering mutual understanding, tolerance and peace.’ (Part II. D,
para. 78). The key advancements followed with the announcement of the United
Nations Decade for Human Rights Education (1995–2004) and establishment of the
2005 World Program for Human Rights Education of which the third phase is to
continue to 2019. Added to this is the integration of human rights into the frame-
work of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) for 2001–2015. The
Millennium Declaration recognized the ‘interdependence of social development,
human rights and global peace’ (MacNaughton and Koutsioumpas 2017). By now,
the human rights education is not only about UN pronouncements or officially
endorsed standards and pedagogy, but is also an important social movement with
many grass roots activities aiming to make a difference by making human rights
accessible to all (Zajda 2020).
1 Current Research on Human Rights Education Globally 3

Defining Human Rights

There are numerous definitions and conceptions of human rights. There exists a
global consensus that human rights refer to freedom, justice, and equality: the
rights that are considered by most societies to belong automatically to everyone.
Ozdowski (2015) stresses that human rights help us to recognise that every person
has ‘inherent dignity and value’ and that in this sense human rights are global—
they are the same for all people. This is what makes human rights truly universal
and global. Furthermore, human rights, from a cultural perspective, are interna-
tional mores, and norms that help to protect all people everywhere from severe
political, legal, and social abuses. Human rights include the right to freedom, diver-
sity, privacy, due process, and property rights. The right to freedom of religion, the
right to a fair trial, and the right to engage in political activity are significant prin-
ciples of a pluralist democracy. These rights exist in morality and in law at the
national and international levels. The main sources of the contemporary conception
of human rights are the Universal Declaration of Human Right. The 1948 United
Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights defined the fundamental rights of
people, including:
• The right to life
• Freedom of thought, opinion, and religion
• The right to a fair trial and equality before the law
• The right to work and education
• Freedom from torture and arbitrary arrest
• The right to participate in the social, political and cultural life of one’s country.

Social and Cultural Dimension of Human Rights Education

The creation of a more equitable, respectful, inclusive, and just society for everyone
is a dream for all concerned citizens on spaceship Earth, be they democratic policy
makers, empowering and egalitarian pedagogues, and informed and active citizens,
who believe in human rights education and the much needed policy reform. The
United Nations declared 1995–2004 as the Decade of Human Rights Education. It
stressed that the human rights education was a powerful tool to fight racism and
discrimination in all spheres of education and in society. Social and cultural dimen-
sions of human rights education include ideology, power, inequality, education,
gender, ethnicity, race, religion, and social justice.
Since the turn of the Millennium, human rights scholars and practitioners have
advocated specifically for the integration of human rights into the framework of the
Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), which set the international development
agenda for 2001–2015. While they were largely unsuccessful in securing a human
Another random document with
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rebel resistance by proclaiming that it was the intention of the Duke
of Cumberland to transport the Highlanders to America. On April 3rd,
the rebels captured Blair Castle, and on the 16th the duke’s victory
at Culloden proved decisive of the fate of the Stuarts.
Exactly a week after the Duke of Cumberland gained the victory, a
report to that effect reached London, but there was no news from the
duke himself till the 25th. His business-like account of the battle
appeared in the ‘London Gazette’ next day. In the interim the London
Jacobites in their places of resort asserted loudly that the duke was
in full retreat; and it was whispered that if he was hopelessly beaten,
the ‘Papists would rise all over the kingdom.’ But now ‘hope’ herself
was beaten out of the souls of Papists and Jacobites. The military in
London were in a vein of swaggering delight. They talked of the
young duke’s briefly heroic address to a cavalry regiment on the
point of charging. He patted the nearest man to him on the back, and
cried aloud, ‘One brush, my lads, for the honour of old Cobham!’
Then was curiosity stirred in London barracks as to
NEWS OF
which regiments were to get the prize for bravery, CULLODEN.
subscribed by the Corporation of London—namely
5,000l. The duke so wisely distributed it as to rebuke nobody.
Veterans at Chelsea were looking at the vacant spaces where they
should hang the captured flags, and were disappointed when they
heard at the Horse Guards that the duke, considering that it was said
how little honour was connected with such trophies, had sent the
flags to Edinburgh to be burnt by the common hangman. The
Chelsea veterans, however, envied the capturers of the (four) flags;
for to each man the duke gave sixteen guineas. Medals and crosses
were not yet thought of. His generosity was lauded as
enthusiastically as his valour.
While the Jacobites were overwhelming him with charges of
cruelty and meanness, the friends of ‘the present happy
establishment’ were circulating stories in and about London of his
humanity and liberality. Soldiers of the young Chevalier’s army had
wreaked their vengeance upon Mr. Rose, the minister at Nairn—on
himself and his house. He was a Whig and anti-Romanist, who had
favoured the escape of some prisoners taken by the Jacobite army.
The Highlanders burnt his house, and, tying the minister up, they
gave him 500 lashes. The duke, on hearing of this outrage, fell into
uncontrollable fury, and swore he would avenge it. If there was some
savagery at and after Culloden, no wonder! Such, at least, was the
London feeling among the duke’s friends. But the feeling generally
was one of ecstacy at the decisive victory. Lord Bury, who had
arrived on the 25th with the news direct from the duke to the king,
could hardly walk along the then terraced St. James’s Street for the
congratulations of the crowd. Nobody thought such a halcyon
messenger was too highly rewarded with a purse of a thousand
guineas, and with being nominated own aide-de-camp to King
George.
That 25th of April was indeed a gala day for the
A POPULAR
London mob. They had ample time for breakfast HOLIDAY.
before they gathered at the ‘end of New Bond Street,
in Tyburn Road’ (as Oxford Street was then called), to see the young
footman, Henderson, hanged for the murder of his mistress, Lady
Dalrymple. The culprit did not die ‘game,’ and the brutes were
disappointed, but they found consolation in the fall of a scaffolding
with all its occupants. Then they had time to pour into the Park and
see four or five sergeants shot for trying to desert from King
George’s service to King James’s. Moreover there was a man to be
whipt somewhere in the City, and a pretty group of sight-seers
assembled at Charing Cross in expectation of ‘a fellow in the pillory.’
What with these delights, and the pursuing Lord Bury with
vociferations of sanguinary congratulation, the day was a thorough
popular holiday.
The anxiety that had been felt in London before Culloden may be
measured by the wild joy which prevailed when the news of the
victory arrived. Walpole, in Arlington Street, on the evening of the
25th April, writes: ‘The town is all blazing around me as I write with
fireworks and illuminations. I have some inclination to wrap up half a
dozen sky-rockets to make you drink the duke’s health. Mr.
Dodington, on the first report, came out with a very pretty
illumination, so pretty that I believe he had it by him, ready for any
occasion.’
 On the same evening the Rev. Mr. Harris wrote from London to
the mother of the future first Earl of Malmesbury, just born: ‘You
cannot imagine the prodigious rejoicings that have been made this
evening in every part of the town; and indeed it is a proper time for
people to express their joy when the enemies of their country are
thus cut off.’
On that evening Alexander Carlyle was with CARLYLE AND
Smollett in the Golden Ball coffee-house, Cockspur SMOLLETT.
Street. ‘London,’ he says, ‘was in a perfect uproar of
joy. About nine o’clock I asked Smollett if he was ready to go, as he
lived at May Fair’ (Carlyle was bound for New Bond Street on a
supper engagement). ‘He said he was, and would conduct me. The
mob were so riotous and the squibs so numerous and incessant that
we were glad to go into a narrow entry to put our wigs into our
pockets, and to take our swords from our belts and walk with them in
our hands, as everybody then wore swords; and after cautioning me
against speaking a word lest the mob should discover my country
and become insolent, “John Bull,” says he, “is as haughty and valiant
to-night, as he was abject and cowardly on the Black Wednesday
(Friday?) when the Highlanders were at Derby.” After we got to the
head of the Haymarket through incessant fire, the doctor led me by
narrow lanes where we met nobody but a few boys at a pitiful
bonfire, who very civilly asked us for sixpence, which I gave them. I
saw not Smollett again for some time after, when he showed Smith
and me the manuscript of his “Tears of Scotland,” which was
published not long after, and had such a run of approbation.’
Smollett was one of those Tories who, like many of
‘TEARS OF
the Nonjurors, were not necessarily or consequently SCOTLAND.’
Jacobites. They were more willing to make the best of
a foreign king than to risk their liberties under an incapable bigot like
James Stuart, who, save for the accident of birth, was less of an
Englishman and knew less of England (in which, throughout his life,
he had only spent a few months) than either of the Georges. But
Smollett felt keenly the sufferings of his country, and out of the
feeling sprung his verses so full of a tenderly expressed grief,—‘The
Tears of Scotland!’ How that mournful ode was written in London in
this year of mournful memories for the Jacobites, no one can tell
better than Walter Scott. ‘Some gentlemen having met at a tavern,
were amusing themselves before supper with a game of cards, while
Smollett, not choosing to play, sat down to write. One of the
company (Graham of Gartmoor), observing his earnestness and
supposing he was writing verses, asked him if it was not so. He
accordingly read them the first sketch of the “Tears of Scotland,”
consisting only of six stanzas, and on their remarking that the
termination of the poem being too strongly expressed might give
offence to persons whose political opinions were different, he sat
down without reply and, with an air of great indignation, subjoined
the concluding stanza:—
While the warm blood bedews my veins INDIGNATION
And unimpair’d remembrance reigns, VERSES.
Resentment of my country’s fate
Within my filial breast shall beat.
Yes! spite of thine insulting foe,
My sympathising verse shall flow;
Mourn, hapless Caledonia, mourn
Thy banish’d peace, thy laurels torn!’
The following were the lines which were supposed to be likely to
offend the friends of the hero of Culloden; but the sentiment was
shared by many who were not friends of the Stuart cause:—
Yet, when the rage of battle ceased,
The victor’s rage was not appeased;
The naked and forlorn must feel
Devouring flames and murd’ring steel.
The pious mother, doom’d to death,
Forsaken, wanders o’er the heath, &c., &c.
The picture was somewhat over-drawn, but there were thousands
who believed it to be true to the very letter.
 CHAPTER VII.

(1746.)
he players and the playwrights were zealous Whigs
throughout the rebellion. The Drury Lane company to a
man became volunteers, under their manager, Mr.
Lacy, who had asked the royal permission to raise a
couple of hundred men, in defence of his Majesty’s
person and Government. To attract loyal audiences at a time when
the public could not be readily tempted to the theatre, ‘The Nonjuror’
was revived, at both houses. Two players, Macklin and Elderton, set
to work to produce plays for their respective theatres, on the subject
of Perkin Warbeck. While Macklin was delivering what he wrote,
piecemeal, to the actors, for study, and Elderton was perspiring over
his laborious gestation of blank-verse, the proprietors of the
playhouse in Goodman’s Fields forestalled both by bringing out
Ford’s old play, which is named after the Pretender to the throne of
Henry VII. Macklin called his piece ‘Henry VII., or the Popish
Impostor.’ This absurd allusion to Perkin was a shaft aimed at the
actual Pretender. The Whigs approved of both title and play, and
they roared at every line which they could apply against Tories and
Jacobites. At both houses, occasional prologues
THE PLAYERS.
stirred the loyal impulses or provoked the indignation
of the audience. At Covent Garden, ‘Tamerlane,’ which was always
solemnly brought out when the popular wrath was to be excited
against France, was preceded by a patriotic prologue which Mrs.
Pritchard delivered in her best manner, and Dodsley sold the next
day, as fast as he could deliver copies over the counter of his shop in
Pall Mall. Rich and his Covent Garden players did not turn soldiers,
but he gave the house, gratis, for three days for the benefit of a
scheme that was to be to the advantage of the veterans of the army;
and this brought 600l. to the funds. The actors sacrificed their
salaries, and charming Mrs. Cibber sang as Polly, in the ‘Beggars’
Opera’ more exquisitely than ever, to prove (as she said) that,
‘though she was a Catholic, she was sincerely attached to the family
who was in possession of the Throne, and she acknowledged the
favour and honour she had received from them.’ On the night when
the first report of the victory at Culloden was circulated, Drury Lane
got up a play that had not been acted for thirty years, ‘The Honours
of the Army,’ and Mrs. Woffington, as ‘The Female Officer,’ ‘new
dressed,’ spoke a dashing prologue. A night or two later, Theophilus
Cibber wrote and delivered a prologue on the Duke of Cumberland’s
victories. At Covent Garden were revived two pieces, by Dennis:
‘Liberty Asserted’ and ‘Plot and no Plot.’ Genest says of the first
piece that it was revived ‘for the sake of the invectives against the
French; and “Plot and no Plot,” for the sake of the cuts on the
Jacobites,—at this time almost every play was revived, which might
be expected to attract, from its political tendency.’
The minor, or unlicensed, theatres tempted loyal people with
coarser fare,—to the same end, keeping up a hostile feeling against
the French and the Jacobites. Observe with what quaint delicacy the
matter is put in the following advertisements.
‘As the Proprietors of Sadler’s Wells have diligently
SADLER’S
embraced every opportunity of giving their audiences WELLS AND
satisfaction, they would have thought themselves THE NEW
guilty of the highest Error to have been silent upon WELLS.
the present happy occasion. Every Class of Britons must be pleased
at the least Hint of Gratitude to the excellent Prince who has
exposed himself to so many Difficulties for the sake of his country,
and therefore they have endeavour’d to show a Natural Scene of
what perhaps may happen to many a honest Countryman in
consequence of the late happy Victory, in a new Interlude of Music,
called Strephon’s Return, or the British Hero, which will be perform’d
this Night, with many advantages of Dress and Decoration.’
But ‘how the wit brightens and the style refines’ in the following
announcement from Mr. Yeates!
‘The Applause that was so universally express’d
CULLODEN
last Night, by the numbers of Gentlemen et cætera ON THE
who honoured the New Wells near the London Spaw, STAGE.
Clerkenwell, with their Company, is thankfully acknowledg’d; but Mr.
Yeates humbly hopes that the Ideas of Liberty and Courage (tho’ he
confesses them upon the present Occasion extremely influencing)
will not for the future so far transport his Audiences as to prove of
such Detriment to his Benches; several hearty Britons, when
Courage appeared (under which Character, the illustrious Duke,
whom we have so much reason to admire, is happily represented)
having exerted their Canes in such a Torrent of Satisfaction as to
have render’d his Damage far from inconsiderable.’
The other ‘New Wells’ declined to be outdone. There too, love and
liquor were shown to be the reward due to valiant Strephons
returning from Culloden to London. There, they were taught to ‘hate
a Frenchman like the Devil;’ and there, they and the public might see
all the phases of the half-hour’s battle, and of some striking incidents
before and after it, all painted on one canvas.
‘At the New Wells, the Bottom of Lemon Street, Goodman’s
Fields, this present Evening will be several new Exercises of Rope-
dancing, Tumbling, Singing, and Dancing, with several new Scenes
in grotesque Characters call’d Harlequin a Captive in France, or the
Frenchman trapt at last. The whole to conclude with an exact view of
our Gallant Army under the Command of their Glorious Hero passing
the River Spey, giving the Rebels Battle and gaining a Complete
Victory near Culloden House, with the Horse in pursuit of the
Pretender.’
To these unlicensed houses, admission was gained not by
entrance money, but by paying for a certain quantity of wine or
punch.
It would, however, appear as if some of the bards, MRS.
like Bubb Dodington with his transparency, had so WOFFINGTON.
contemplated the result of the war, as to be ready to
hail any issue, and any victor. One of these, the Jacobites being
defeated, wrote an epilogue, ‘designed to be spoken by Mrs.
Woffington, in the character of a Volunteer;’—but the poem was not
finished till interest in the matter had greatly evaporated, and the
poet was told he was ‘too late.’ Of course, he shamed the rogues by
printing his work,—which is one illustrating both the morals and the
manners of the time. It illustrates the former by infamously indecent
inuendo, and the latter by the following outburst, for some of the
ideas of which the writer had rifled Addison’s ‘Freeholder.’
Joking apart, we women have strong reason
To sap the progress of this popish treason;
For now, when female liberty’s at stake,
All women ought to bustle for its sake.
Should these malicious sons of Rome prevail,
Vows, convents, and that heathen thing, a veil,
Must come in fashion; and such institutions
Would suit but oddly with our constitutions.
What gay coquette would brook a nun’s profession?
And I’ve some private reasons ’gainst confession.
Besides, our good men of the Church, they say
(Who now, thank Heaven, may love as well as pray)
Must then be only wed to cloister’d houses;—
Stop! There we’re fobb’d of twenty thousand spouses!
And, faith! no bad ones, as I’m told; then judge ye,
Is’t fit we lose our benefit of clergy?
In Freedom’s cause, ye patriot fair, arise!
Exert the sacred influence of your eyes.
On valiant merit deign alone to smile,
And vindicate the glory of our isle.
To no base coward prostitute our charms;
Disband the lover who deserts his arms.
So shall ye fire each hero to his duty,
And British rights be saved by British beauty.
The Whig press was, of course, jubilant. The THE PRESS,
papers in the opposite interest put as good a face as ON
CULLODEN.
they could on the matter, and expressed a conviction
that they ‘ventured no treason in hoping that the weather might
change.’
 The ‘Craftsman’ was, or affected to be, beside itself for joy at the
thought that no foreign mercenaries had helped to reap the laurels at
Culloden. The victory was won by British troops only; and the duke
might say, like Coriolanus, ‘Alone, I did it!’ The ‘True Patriot’ insisted
on some share of the laurels being awarded to the king, since he
stood singly in refusing to despair of the monarchy, when all other
men were, or seemed, hopeless and helpless. To which the ‘Western
Journal’ added that not merely was the king far-seeing, and the duke
victorious at the head of English troops without foreign auxiliaries,
but that never before had an English army made its way so far into
the country, to crush a Scottish foe. The ‘Journal,’ much read in all
London coffee-houses resorted to by Western gentlemen, was
opposed to the killing of rebels in cold blood, and could not see what
profit was to be got by hanging them. This paper suggested that
some benefit might be obtained by making slaves of them; not by
transporting them to the Plantations, but by compelling them to serve
in the herring and salmon fisheries, for the advantage of the
compellers, that is, the Government!
In the ‘General Advertiser,’ a man who probably
SAVAGERY
had reached the age when a sense of humanity fails AND SATIRE.
before any of the other senses, asked what objection
was to be found with such terms as ‘Extermination,’ ‘Extirpation,’ and
similar significances applied to those savages, the Highlanders? This
ogre, in his easy chair, cared not to see that, in driving out a whole
race, more cruelty would be deliberately inflicted on innocent human
beings, than the savage Highlanders had inflicted in their fury. And
indeed, the latter did not spare their own people, if the milkmaids’
song be true, in which the illustrative line occurs, ‘We dare na gae a
milkin’ for fear o’ Charlie’s men.’ However, the least punishment
which the correspondent of the ‘Advertiser’ would accept was a
general transportation of the race to Africa and America, and a
settlement on their lands of English tenants at easy rents! This sort
of Highlander-phobia and the threatened application of severe laws
which included the suppression of what has been called ‘the Garb of
old Gael,’ or Highland dress, gave rise to some good-natured satire.
‘We hear,’ said one of the newspapers, ‘that the dapper wooden
Highlanders, who guard so heroically the doors of snuff shops,
intend to petition the Legislature in order that they may be excused
from complying with the Act of Parliament with regard to their change
of dress, alleging that they had ever been faithful subjects to his
Majesty, having constantly supplied his Guards with a pinch out of
their Mulls, when they marched by them; and so far from engaging in
any Rebellion, that they have never entertained a rebellious thought,
whence they humbly hope that they shall not be put to the expense
of buying new Cloaths.’
So spoke the fun-loving spirits; but there were
THE
baser spirits on the conquering side, and these CARICATURIS
speedily exhibited an indecent exultation. The TS.
ignominious caricaturists attracted crowds to the print
shops to gaze at the facility with which vulgar minds can degrade
solemn and lofty themes. On the one hand, the defeat of the
Highlanders and the consternation of Sullivan, the standard-bearer in
Charles Edward’s army, attracted laughter. On the other hand, the
too early, and altogether vain, boast conveyed on the young
Chevalier’s banner, ‘Tandem triumphans,’ was more legitimately
satirised in an engraving in which the standard-bearer is an ass, and
on his standard are three crowns surmounted by a coffin, with the
motto ‘Tandem triumphans,’ done into English by the Duke of
Cumberland, as equivalent to ‘Every dog has his day;’—which, after
all, was no great compliment to the duke. The triple crown and coffin
represented the issue of crown or grave; in one print the Devil is
seen flying with it over Temple Bar, as if it merited to be planted
there, as were afterwards the spiked heads of Towneley and of
Fletcher.
Jacobite sympathies were attracted and puzzled PSEUDO-
by a portrait of ‘The young Chevalier,’ which was to PORTRAIT OF
be seen, for sale, in every printshop. Alexander CHARLES
Carlyle gives an amusing account of it in his EDWARD.
‘Autobiography.’ ‘As I had seen,’ he says, ‘the Chevalier Prince
Charles frequently in Scotland, I was appealed to, if a print that was
selling in all the shops was not like him? My answer was, that it had
not the least resemblance. Having been taken one night, however, to
a meeting of the Royal Society, by Microscope Baker, there was
introduced a Hanoverian Baron, whose likeness was so strong to the
print which passed for the young Pretender, that I had no doubt that,
he being a stranger, the printsellers had got him sketched out, that
they might make something of it before the vera effigies could be
had. The latter, when it could at last be procured, was advertised in
cautious terms, as ‘A curious Head, painted from the Life, by the
celebrated M. Torcque, and engraved in France, by J. G. Will, with
proper decorations in a new taste.’ Beneath the portrait, the following
verses were inscribed:—
‘Few know my face, though all men do my fame,
Look strictly and you’ll quickly guess my name.
Through deserts, snows, and rain I made my way,
My life was daily risk’d to gain the day.
Glorious in thought, but now my hopes are gone,
Each friend grows shy, and I’m at last undone.’
Fear of him, and of his followers, was far from having died out. A
letter in the ‘Malmesbury Correspondence,’ dated May, might almost
have been written by the advocate of Extermination, in the
‘Advertiser;’—the rev. writer says: ‘A Bill is now preparing and will
soon be brought into the House of Lords, for putting the Highlands of
Scotland under quite a new regulation, and you may be assured,
until some bill is passed effectually to subdue that herd of savages,
we shall never be free from alarms of invasion in the North of
England.’
Lord Stair, then in London, was more hopeful, and expressed a
belief that the king would now have weight in the affairs of Europe.
‘Fifty battalions and fifty squadrons well employed, can cast the
balance which way his Majesty pleases.’ Derby captains now looked
to shake themselves out of mere tavern-life; while spirited young
fellows thought of commissions, and the figure they would cut in new
uniforms.
Meanwhile, the Government was not meanly
THE DUKE OF
hostile to their dead enemies. The Duke of Ormond, ORMOND.
the boldest and frankest of conspirators against the
Hanoverian succession; the man who more than once would have
invaded his country at the head of foreign troops; he who had
fostered rebellion, and maintained foiled rebels, during his thirty
years’ exile, had, at last, died in his eighty-third year. King and
ministers made no opposition to the interment of this splendid arch-
traitor in Westminster Abbey. His anonymous biographer (1747),
after stating that the duke died, on November 14th, 1745, at
Avignon, says: ‘On the 18th, his body was embalmed by four
surgeons and three physicians, and in the following month, May, as
a bale of goods, brought through France to England, and lodg’d in
the Jerusalem Chamber, and soon after, decently enterr’d.’
There was something more than mere ‘decency.’ In BURIAL OF
the ‘General Advertiser,’ May 23rd, it is announced, ORMOND.
but without a word of comment on the great Jacobite:
—‘Last night, about Eleven o’Clock, the Corps of the late Duke of
Ormond was, after lying in State, in the Jerusalem Chamber,
Westminster Abbey, interr’d in great Funeral Pomp and Solemnity, in
the Ormond Vault in King Henry the Seventh’s Chapel, the whole
Choir attending, and the Ceremony was perform’d, by the Right Rev.
the Lord Bishop of Rochester and Dean of Westminster.’
But the popular attention was directed to the other ‘Duke.’
Whatever Tories may have said at the time, or people generally,
since that period as to the character of the Duke of Cumberland, he
was the popular hero from the moment he arrived in London, after
the victory at Culloden. The papers were full of his praises. They
lauded not only his valour but his piety. After the battle, so they said,
he had gone unattended over the battle-field, and he was not only
seen in profound meditation, but was heard to exclaim,—his hands
on his breast, and his eyes raised to heaven—‘Lord! what am I that I
should be spared, when so many brave men lie dead upon the
spot?’ Even Scotsmen have owned that the duke attributed his
victory to God, alone, and that he was unmoved by the adulation of
that large body of Englishmen who were grateful at having been
relieved by him from a great danger. They compared him with the
Black Prince, who won the day at Poictiers, when he was about the
same age as the duke, when he triumphed at Culloden. The latter
was then in his twenty-sixth year.
 The orderly-books of the Duke of Cumberland,
THE
recently published, fail to confirm the reports of his QUESTION OF
cruelty after Culloden. The Jacobites exaggerated his INHUMANITY.
severity, and they gave the provocation. That an order
was given to the Highlanders to refuse quarter to the troops under
the Duke of Cumberland is proved by Wolfe’s well-known letter. The
only trace of retaliatory rigour is to be found in the following entry in
the above book (Maclachlan’s ‘William Augustus, Duke of
Cumberland,’ p. 293): ‘Inverness, April 17th.—The ‘Officers next
from Duty to come from Camp, in order to divide and search the
Town for Rebels, their effects, stores, and baggage. A Captain and
50 Men to march immediately to the field of Battle, and search all
cottages in the neighbourhood for Rebels. The Officers and Men will
take notice that the public orders of the Rebels yesterday were to
give us no quarter.’ In Wolfe’s letter (he was then on the staff, and
one of Hawley’s aides-de-camp), written on the day the above order
was issued, that young officer says: ‘Orders were publicly given in
the rebel army, the day before the action, that no quarter should be
given to our troops.’ The latter, it is equally true, had said on leaving
London for the North that they would neither give nor take quarter;
but they had no orders to such cruel effect. It was soldierly swagger.
At the very outset, what savagery there was, was fostered by the
London gentlemen who lived at home at ease. Walpole suggested if
Cumberland were sent against the Jacobite army, ‘it should not be
with that sword of Mercy with which the present Family have
governed their people. Can rigour be displaced against bandits?’
But, if the young duke should be full of compassion after victory,
Walpole rejoiced to think that in General Hawley there was a military
magistrate of some fierceness, who would not sow the seeds of
disloyalty by too easily pardoning the rebels.
It was said in the London newspapers that the INSTIGATORS
French did not act at the Battle of Culloden, by reason OF CRUELTY.
of their being made acquainted with the order of
giving no quarter to our troops; and that the French Commanding
Officer declared that rather ‘than comply with such a Resolution he
would resign himself and Troops into the Hands of the Duke of
Cumberland; for his directions were to fight and not to commit
Murder.’
While London was awaiting the return of the hero, THE
whose triumphs had already been celebrated, the PRISONERS IN
anti-Jacobites were disappointed by being deprived of LONDON.
greeting in their rough way the arrival of the captured
rebel lords. As early, indeed, as November 1745, Charles Radcliffe
(calling himself Lord Derwentwater) had been taken with his son on
board the ‘Soleil,’ bound for Scotland and high treason, and these
had been got into the Tower, at peril to their lives. But others were
expected. The Earl of Cromartie and his son, Lord Macleod, had
been taken at Dunrobin the day before Culloden. The Earl of
Kilmarnock had been captured in the course of the fight; Lord
Balmerino a day or two after. The old Marquis of Tullibardine, who
had been in the fray of ’15, the attempt in ’19, and had escaped after
both, missed now his old luck; that passed to his brother, Lord
George Murray, who got clear off to the Continent. Lord Tullibardine
being sorely pressed and in great distress, sought the house of
Buchanan of Drummakill. It is a question whether Tullibardine asked
asylum or legally surrendered himself. In either case, he was given
up. The above lords were despatched to London by sea in two
separate voyages. Thus they were spared the insults undergone
thirty years before by Lord Derwentwater and his unfortunate
companions. On June 29th, Walpole writes: ‘Lady Cromartie went
down incog. to Woolwich to see her son pass by, without the power
of speaking to him. I never heard a more melancholy instance of
affection.’ Lord Elcho, who had escaped, solicited a pardon; but,
says Walpole, ‘as he has distinguished himself beyond all the rebel
commanders by brutality and insults and cruelty to our prisoners, I
think he is likely to remain where he is.’ Walpole was of opinion that
the young Chevalier was allowed to escape. He also says: ‘The duke
gave Brigadier Mordaunt the Pretender’s coach, on condition he
rode up to London in it. “That I will, sir,” said he, “and drive till it stops
of its own accord at the Cocoa Tree”—the Jacobite Coffee House in
St. James’s Street.’
 With leafy June came the duke; but before him
THE DUKE IN
arrived his baggage. When that baggage which the ABERDEEN.
duke and General Hawley brought with them from
Scotland was unpacked in London, the articles of which it consisted
must have excited some surprise. To show what it was, it is
necessary to go northward to the house of Mr. Thompson, advocate,
in the Great Row, Aberdeen. The duke had his quarters in that
house, after his state entry into the granite city, in February 1746. Six
weeks were the Thompsons constrained to bear with their illustrious
but unprofitable lodger. They had to supply him with coals, candles,
the rich liquids in the advocate’s cellars, and all the milk of his sole
cow. The bed and table linen was both used and abused. The duke
is even charged with breaking up a press which was full of sugar, of
which he requisitioned every grain. At the end of the six weeks,
when about to march from the city, the duke left among the three
servants of the house as many guineas. This was not illiberal; but
Mr. and Mrs. Thompson were chiefly aggrieved by his Highness’s
lack of courtesy. He went away without asking to see them, or
leaving any acknowledgment of their hospitality by sending even a
curt thank ye! General Hawley behaved even more rudely in the
house of Mrs. Gordon of Hallhead. Before he took possession it was
understood that everything was to be locked up, and that the general
was only to have the use of the furniture. This gallant warrior, as
soon as he had flung his plumed hat on the table, demanded the
keys. Much disputation followed, with angry
LOOTING.
squabbling, and the keys were only given up on the
general’s threat that he would smash every lock in the house. The
yielding came too late. General and duke together declared all the
property of Mrs. Gordon to be confiscated, except the clothes she
wore. ‘Your loyalty, Madam,’ said Major Wolfe to her, ‘is not
suspected;’ which made the poor lady only the more perplexed as to
why she was looted. The major politely offered to endeavour to get
restored to her any article she particularly desired to recover. ‘I
should like to have all my tea back,’ said Mrs. Gordon. ‘It is good
tea,’ said the major. ‘Tea is scarce in the army. I do not think it
recoverable.’ It was the same with the chocolate and many other
things agreeable to the stomach. ‘At all events,’ said the lady, ‘let me
have my china again!’ ‘It is very pretty china,’ replied the provoking
major, ‘there is a good deal of it; and we are fond of china ourselves;
but, we have no ladies travelling with us. I think you should have
some of the articles.’ Mrs. Gordon, however, obtained nothing. She
petitioned the duke, and he promised restitution; but, says the lady
herself, ‘when I sent for a pair of breeches for my son, for a little tea
for myself, for a bottle of ale, for some flour to make bread, because
there was none to be bought in the town, all was refused me!’ ‘In
fact, Hawley, on the eve of his departure,’ Mrs. Gordon tells us,
‘packed up every bit of china I had, all my bedding and table linen,
every book, my repeating clock, my worked screen, every rag of my
husband’s clothes, the very hat, breeches, night-gown, shoes, and
what shirts there were of the child’s; twelve tea-spoons, strainer and
tongs, the japanned board on which the chocolate and coffee cups
stood; and he put them on board a ship in the night time.’
Out of this miscellaneous plunder, a tea equipage
THE DUKE
and a set of coloured table china, addressed to the AND HIS
Duke of Cumberland at St. James’s, reached their PLUNDER.
destination. With what face his Highness could show
to his London friends the valuable china he had stolen from a lady
whose loyalty, he allowed, was above suspicion, defies conjecture.
The spoons, boy’s shirts, breeches, and meaner trifles, were packed
up under an address to General Hawley, London. ‘A house so
plundered,’ wrote the lady, ‘I believe was never heard of. It is not
600l. would make up my loss; nor have I at this time a single table-
cloth, napkin, or towel, teacup, glass, or any one convenience.’ One
can hardly believe that any but the more costly articles reached
London. Moreover, whatever censure the Londoners may have cast
upon the plunderers, the duke was not very ill thought of by the
Aberdeen authorities. When the duke was perhaps sipping his tea
from the cups, or banquetting his friends at St. James’s off Mrs.
Gordon’s dinner-service, a deputation from Aberdeen brought to his
Highness the ‘freedom’ of the city, with many high compliments on
the bravery and good conduct of the victor at Culloden!
The duke got tired of his tea-set. He is said to have presented it to
one of the daughters of husseydom, and the damsel sold it to a
dealer in such things. A friend of Mrs. Gordon’s saw the set exposed
for sale in the dealer’s window, and on inquiry he learnt, from the
dealer himself, through what clean hands it had come into his
possession.
If report might be credited the Duke of Cumberland A HUMAN
brought with him to London, and in his own carriage, HEAD.
a human head, which he believed to be that of
Charles Edward! Young Roderick Mackenzie called to the soldiers
who shot him down in the Braes of Glenmorristen, ‘Soldiers, you
have killed your lawful prince!’ These words, uttered to divert pursuit
from the young Chevalier, were believed, and when Roderick died,
the soldiers cut off his head and brought it to the Duke of
Cumberland’s quarters. Robert Chambers, in his ‘History of the
Rebellion,’ qualifies with an ‘it is said’ the story that the duke stowed
away the head in his chaise, and carried it to London. Dr. Chambers
adds, as a fact, that Richard Morrison, Charles Edward’s body-
servant, and a prisoner at Carlisle, was sent for to London, as the
best witness to decide the question of identity. Morrison fainted at
this trial of his feelings; but regaining composure, he looked steadily
at the relic, and declared that it was not the head of his beloved
master.
But all minor matters were forgotten in the general ‘SWEET
joy. Now the duke was back in person, loyal London WILLIAM.’
went mad about ‘the son of George, the image of
Nassau!’ Flattery, at once flowery and poetical, was heaped upon
him. A flower once dedicated to William III. was now dedicated to
him. The white rose in a man’s button-hole or on a lady’s bosom, in
the month of June, was not greater warranty of a Jacobite than the
‘Sweet-William,’ with its old appropriate name, was of a Whig to the
back-bone. Of the poetical homage, here is a sample:—
The pride of France is lily-white,
The rose in June is Jacobite;
The prickly thistle of the Scot
Is Northern knighthood’s badge and lot.
But since the Duke’s victorious blows,
The Lily, Thistle, and the Rose
 All droop and fade and die away:
Sweet William’s flower rules the day.
’Tis English growth of beauteous hue,
Clothed, like our troops, in red and blue.
No plant with brighter lustre grows,
Except the laurel on his brows.
Poetasters converted Horace’s laudation of Augustus FLATTERY.
into flattery of Cumberland. Fables were written in
which sweet William served at once for subject and for moral.
Epigrams from Martial, or from a worse source—the writers’ own
brains—were fresh but bluntly pointed in his favour. Some of them
compared him to the sun, at whose warmth ‘vermin cast off their
coats and took wing.’ Others raised him far above great Julius; for
Cumberland ‘conquers, coming; and before he sees.’ Sappho, under
the name of Clarinda, told the world, on hearing a report of the
duke’s illness, that if Heaven took him, it would be the death of her,
and that the world would lose a Hero and a Maid together. Heroic
writers, trying Homer’s strain, and not finding themselves equal to it,
blamed poor Homer, and declared that the strings of his lyre were
too weak to bear the strain of the modern warrior’s praise.
Occasional prologues hailed him as ‘the martial boy,’ on the day he
entered his twenty-sixth year. Pinchbeck struck a medal in his
honour; punsters in coffee-houses rang the changes on metal and
mettle, and Pinchbeck became almost as famous for the medal as
he subsequently became for his invention of new candle-snuffers,
when the poets besought him to ‘snuff the candle of the state, which
burned a little blue.’ In fine, ballads, essays, apologues, prose and
poetry, were exhausted in furnishing homage to the hero. The
homage culminated when the duke’s portrait appeared in all the
shops, bearing the inscription, ‘Ecce Homo!’