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Principles of Risk Management and Insurance, 12e (Rejda/McNamara)
Chapter 10 Analysis of Insurance Contracts
1) That part of a property and liability insurance contract that contains information about the
property or activity to be insured is called the
A) declarations.
B) insuring agreement.
C) exclusions.
D) conditions.
Answer: A
Question Status: Previous Edition
2) What information is contained in the insuring agreement of an insurance policy?

A) a description of the property or life to be insured
B) a summary of the major promises of the insurer
C) a summary of the obligations of the insured
D) a list of the property, losses, and perils that are not covered
Answer: B
3) Which of the following statements about "open-perils" coverage is (are) true?

I. All losses are covered except those losses specifically excluded.
II. The burden of proof is on the insured to prove that a loss is covered.
A) I only
B) II only
C) both I and II
D) neither I nor II
Answer: A
4) The exclusion of flood in a homeowners policy is an example of an

A) excluded activity.
B) excluded condition.
C) excluded property.
D) excluded peril.
Answer: D
5) Exclusions are used in insurance policies for all of the following reasons EXCEPT
A) to reduce moral hazard.
B) to waive policy conditions.
C) to eliminate coverage for uninsurable perils.
D) to eliminate coverage not needed by typical insureds.
Answer: B
1
Copyright © 2017 Pearson Education, Inc. All rights reserved.
6) Reasons why a peril may be considered uninsurable and therefore excluded from insurance
contracts include which of the following?
I. The losses from the occurrence of the peril may be due to a predictable decline in value.
II. The losses from the occurrence of the peril may be incalculable and catastrophic.
A) I only
B) II only
C) both I and II
D) neither I nor II
Answer: C
7) The policy provision requiring the filing of proof of loss with the insurer is an example of a(n)
A) declaration.
B) condition.
C) insuring agreement.
D) miscellaneous provision.
Answer: B
8) Which of the following statements about the definition of the insured is (are) true?
I. In some cases, a person who is not specifically named may be classified as an insured.
II. Under no circumstances can more than one person be named as an insured.
A) I only
B) II only
C) both I and II
D) neither I nor II
Answer: A
9) All of the following statements about endorsements and riders are true EXCEPT
A) They are usually written.
B) They can be used to add or delete policy provisions.
C) They normally take precedence over other conflicting policy provisions.
D) They are primarily used to circumvent legislation requiring specific policy provisions.
Answer: D
10) Deductibles are not used in which of the following type of insurance?
A) life insurance
B) health insurance
C) property insurance
D) disability income insurance
Answer: A
2
11) One of the reasons that deductible are used in insurance policies is to
A) eliminate coverage for small claims.
B) place restrictions or limits on the insurer's promise to perform.
C) provide broader coverage by increasing the number of perils covered.
D) exclude perils that are not insurable.
Answer: A
12) The deductible used for automobile collision losses is an example of a(n)
A) calendar year deductible.
B) elimination period.
C) straight deductible.
D) aggregate deductible.
Answer: C
13) Which of the following statements about a calendar-year deductible is (are) true?
I. It requires the insured to pay a specified amount of each claim regardless of when the claim
occurs during the year and regardless of any previous claims during the year.
II. It is used only in policies which cover direct property losses.
A) I only
B) II only
C) both I and II
D) neither I nor II
Answer: D
14) A provision in a disability income insurance policy that requires a person to be disabled for
60 days before receiving benefits is an example of a(n)
A) calendar year deductible.
B) grace period.
C) elimination period.
D) probationary period.
Answer: C
15) At what point in time must an insured meet the coinsurance requirement in a property
insurance policy in order to avoid having to pay a portion of the loss?
A) only at the time of loss
B) only at the time when the policy is issued
C) only at the time of policy application
D) both at the time when the policy is issued and at the time of loss
Answer: A
3
16) David owns a commercial building with a replacement cost of $4 million. The building is
insured on a replacement cost basis for $2.4 million under a fire insurance policy that has an 80
percent coinsurance clause. How much will David collect if the building sustains a covered fire
loss with a replacement cost of $80,000?
A) $50,000
B) $60,000
C) $66,667
D) $80,000
Answer: B
17) The primary purpose of coinsurance in property insurance is to

A) reduce moral hazard.
B) achieve equity in rating.
C) minimize problems in settling claims.
D) eliminate small losses.
Answer: B
18) Which of the following statements about problems arising from the use of a coinsurance
clause is (are) true?
I. The amount of insurance should be periodically evaluated to avoid a coinsurance penalty
because of inflation.
II. An agreed value coverage option is one method used to solve the problem of values that
fluctuate throughout the policy term.
A) I only
B) II only
C) both I and II
D) neither I nor II
Answer: C
19) Connie has an individual medical expense policy with a $1,000 deductible. She is required to
pay 20 percent of covered expenses in excess of the deductible. The insurer will pay 80 percent
of expenses in excess of the deductible. If Connie has eligible medical expenses of $26,000, how
much will be paid by her insurer?
A) $10,000
B) $11,000
C) $20,000
D) $21,000
Answer: C
4
20) Purposes of the coinsurance clause in health insurance contracts include which of the
following?
I. To reduce premiums.
II. To exclude coverage for certain medical procedures.
A) I only
B) II only
C) both I and II
D) neither I nor II
Answer: A
21) The purpose of other-insurance provisions is to

A) eliminate the need for deductibles.
B) penalize those insureds who carry inadequate amounts of insurance.
C) specify who will pay losses if the insurer is bankrupt.
D) preserve the principle of indemnity.
Answer: D
22) Lisa has three fire insurance policies on her office building. The policy from company A is
for $400,000, and the policies from companies B and C are for $100,000 each. If Lisa has a
$360,000 loss, how much of the loss will be covered by each policy if the loss is settled on a pro
rata basis by the insurers?
A) each policy: $120,000
B) policy A: $160,000; policies B and C: $100,000 each
C) policy A: $240,000; policies B and C: $60,000 each
D) policy A: $360,000; policies B and C: nothing
Answer: C
23) Kevin has three liability policies which provide for contribution by equal shares if other
insurance applies to a loss. How much will each policy pay for a $3,000,000 liability judgment if
policy A provides $500,000 of coverage, policy B provides $1,000,000 of coverage, and policy
C provides $3,000,000 of coverage?
A) Each policy will pay $500,000, and Kevin must pay the remaining $1,500,000.
B) Policy A will pay $500,000, policies B and C will each pay $1,000,000, and Kevin must pay
the remaining $500,000.
C) Policy A will pay nothing, policy B will pay $1,000,000, and policy C will pay $2,000,000.
D) Policy A will pay $500,000, policy B will pay $1,000,000, and policy C will pay $1,500,000.
Answer: D
5
24) Helen and John both own automobiles on which they carry liability insurance. If Helen is
negligent and has an accident while driving John's car with his permission, how will each insurer
respond to any liability judgment against Helen?
A) The insurers will pay the judgment on a pro rata basis.
B) John's insurer will pay on an excess basis if Helen's insurance is insufficient to cover the
judgment.
C) Helen's insurance will pay on an excess basis if John's insurance is insufficient to cover the
judgment.
D) The policies will pay the judgment on the basis of contribution by equal shares.
Answer: C
25) Kate is covered under her employer's group health plan. She is also covered as a dependent
under her husband's group health plan. Under the usual coordination-of-benefits provision, how
will each company respond to a claim filed by Kate?
A) Kate's plan is primary, and her husband's plan is excess.
B) Her husband's plan is primary, and Kate's plan is excess.
C) The plan of the person with the birthday earliest in the year pays first, and the other plan is
excess.
D) Each plan will pay 50 percent of the claim.
Answer: A
26) Eric's property was damaged in an accident. He phoned his agent to see if the loss was
covered under his property insurance policy. The agent said, "As long as the cause of loss is not
specifically excluded in the policy, the loss is covered." Based on the agent's answer, what type
of insuring agreement appears in the policy?
A) unconditional coverage
B) named-perils coverage
C) extended-perils coverage
D) "open-perils" coverage
Answer: D
27) Janet hit a wall causing a large dent in the fender of her car. She was busy at work and
delayed reporting the damage to her insurer for 9 months. When she finally reported the claim,
her insurer denied payment, stating, "Although such a loss is usually covered, you are required
under the terms of the contract to provide prompt notification in case of loss." The prompt
notification requirement is an example of a(n)
A) declaration.
B) definition.
C) insuring agreement.
D) condition.
Answer: D
6
28) Mark reviewed his homeowners policy. He learned that his personal property was insured on
an actual cash value basis. He would like replacement cost coverage on his personal property. He
contacted his agent who said, "I'll simply add an amendment to your contract that changes the
basis of recovery to replacement cost." The written provision the agent was referring to is called
a(n)
A) endorsement.
B) coinsurance clause.
C) binder.
D) deductible.
Answer: A
29) Under the terms of Jenny's auto insurance policy, she must pay the first $500 of any physical
damage loss to her vehicle before her insurer will pay anything. What type of deductible is
included in Jenny's auto insurance policy?
A) calendar-year deductible
B) waiting period
C) straight deductible
D) aggregate deductible
Answer: C
30) Shauna hurt her back and was unable to work. She filed a claim under her disability income
insurance policy. Under terms of the policy, a period of time must pass between when the injury
occurred and when the insurer begins to replace lost earnings. This time period is called a(n)
A) grace period.
B) enrollment period.
C) probationary period.
D) elimination (waiting) period.
Answer: D
31) ABC Company insured its building on a replacement cost basis for $700,000 under a
property insurance policy that included an 80 percent coinsurance clause. The building had a
replacement cost of $1 million when it sustained a $40,000 loss. How much will ABC Company
receive from its insurer, assuming no deductible applies?
A) $33,333
B) $35,000
C) $36,000
D) $40,000
Answer: B
7
32) XYZ Company insured its building on a replacement cost basis for $450,000 under a
property insurance policy that included an 80 percent coinsurance clause. The building had a
replacement cost of $500,000 when it sustained a $50,000 loss. How much will XYZ Company
receive from its insurer, assuming no deductible applies?
A) $42,500
B) $45,000
C) $50,000
D) $56,250
Answer: C
33) Laura's medical insurance policy includes a $500 deductible. Laura is required to pay 20
percent of covered expenses in excess of the deductible, and her insurer will pay 80 percent of
covered expenses in excess of the deductible. Laura was hospitalized and her covered medical
expenses were $10,500. How much of the $10,500 will be paid by the insurer?
A) $7,500
B) $7,900
C) $8,000
D) $10,000
Answer: C
34) James purchased liability insurance with a $100,000 limit from Insurer A. When Insurer A
denied a claim that James thought should be covered, he bought a second liability insurance
policy with a $150,000 limit from Insurer B. Before he cancelled the policy with Insurer A, a
$60,000 loss occurred. If this loss is settled on a pro rata basis, how much must each insurer pay?
A) Insurer A will pay $10,000 and Insurer B will pay $50,000.
B) Insurer A will pay $20,000 and Insurer B will pay $40,000.
C) Insurer A will pay $24,000 and Insurer B will pay $36,000.
D) Insurer A will pay $40,000 and Insurer B will pay $20,000.
Answer: C
35) Jane purchased a $50,000 liability insurance policy from Insurer A. Fearing that she did not
have enough liability insurance, she purchased an additional $100,000 of liability coverage from
Insurer B. As a result of a negligent act, Jane was ordered to pay $75,000 in damages. Assuming
the coverage from Insurer A is primary and the coverage from Insurer B is excess, how will this
claim be settled?
A) Insurer A will pay $50,000 and Insurer B will pay $25,000.
B) Insurer A will pay $37,500 and Insurer B will pay $37,500.
C) Insurer A will pay $25,000 and Insurer B will pay $50,000.
D) Insurer A will pay nothing and Insurer B will pay $75,000.
Answer: A
8
36) The purpose of a coordination-of-benefits provision in group health insurance plans is to
A) determine which plan pays first if more than one plan covers a loss.
B) determine which health care provider an insured may use for his or her care.
C) determine if the calendar-year deductible has been satisfied by the insured.
D) determine if the employee is eligible for coverage under the group health plan.
Answer: A
37) As an alternative to coinsurance, rate discounts can be given as the amount of insurance to
value increases. This alternative is called
A) graded rates.
B) agreed value coverage.
C) retrospective rating.
D) manual rating.
Answer: A
38) Mark owns a building that he insured for $90,000. The replacement cost of the building is
$100,000. Mark's property insurance policy has an 80 percent coinsurance clause. Ignoring any
deductible, if Mark's building is destroyed by a covered peril, how much will Mark receive from
his insurer?
A) $80,000
B) $90,000
C) $101,250
D) $112,500
Answer: B
39) A special coverage policy is a policy that

A) has no exclusions.
B) provides open-perils coverage.
C) provides coverage under special conditions.
D) has coverage for multiple lines of insurance.
Answer: B
40) The section of the insurance policy that includes provisions that qualify or limit the insurer's
promise to perform is the
A) definitions.
B) insuring agreement.
C) exclusions.
D) conditions.
Answer: D
9
41) An elimination (waiting) period is an example of a(n)
A) exclusion.
B) deductible.
C) other-insurance provision.
D) coinsurance provision.
Answer: B
42) Roger owns some farmland that he rents to a tenant. The tenant lives in an old farmhouse on
the property and raises crops on the land. Roger is concerned about possible legal liability if the
tenant injures someone. Roger requires the tenant to have liability insurance and to add himself
to the liability coverage through an endorsement. Under the tenant's liability insurance, Roger is
a(n)
A) additional insured.
B) first-named insured.
C) second-named insured.
D) other insured.
Answer: A
43) Maria's home was damaged by an earthquake. As Maria has open-perils coverage on her
home, she was surprised to learn that her loss was not covered. Which section of a property
insurance policy specifies which perils, property, and types of losses are not covered?
A) the declarations
B) the exclusions
C) the conditions
D) the insuring agreement
Answer: B
44) In determining insurance limits and deductibles, an important concept is that insurance
should be used to pay big losses rather than small losses. The objective is to insure big losses that
could cause financial ruin and to exclude small losses that can be budgeted out of current
income. This concept is called the
A) law of large numbers.
B) efficient loss-cost concept.
C) large-loss principle.
D) retention-transfer tradeoff.
Answer: C
10
45) An insurance policy provision that specifies how a property loss will be settled if more than
one property insurance policy covers the loss is the
A) insuring agreement provision.
B) loss settlement provision.
C) other insurance provision.
D) coinsurance provision.
Answer: C
46) Property insurance policies contain declarations, conditions, definitions, exclusions, and an
insuring agreement. However, some policy terms, such as subrogation, cancellation, other
insurance, and assignment do not fall into these categories. The part of an insurance contract in
which these provisions can be found is the
A) endorsements.
B) binders.
C) conditions.
D) miscellaneous provisions.
Answer: D
Question Status: New
47) Ann Parks and Robert Evans jointly own a grocery store. Ann and Robert are both named
insureds on the property insurance covering the store, but Ann is the first named insured. Which
of the following statements is true with regard to Ann’s status as the first named insured?
A) Any loss settlement is paid to Ann only.
B) Ann is responsible for making sure that the premium has been paid.
C) Ann can assign the policy without the consent of the insurer.
D) Ann can waive policy conditions.
Answer: B
48) Maggie purchased a life insurance policy. She was concerned that if she became disabled,
she would no longer be able to pay the premiums. Her agent added an amendment of the policy
stating that if she became disabled, future premium payments would be waived. Such an
amendment to a life insurance policy is called a(n)
A) binder.
B) rider.
C) warranty.
D) schedule.
Answer: B
11
49) Homeowners insurance policies usually cover resident relatives of the named insured who
are under age 24 and who are full-time students away from home. Under the homeowners policy,
these full-time students are considered
A) first named insureds.
B) second named insureds.
C) other insureds.
D) additional insureds.
Answer: C
12
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had gazed for so many trying days. Across the dim and indefinable
distance which swept in all directions, the eye often wandered and
wondered what might be the revelations of the next moment. Suddenly
several dark figures appeared faintly on the horizon. The objects were
moving. The question uppermost in the minds of all was, Are they savages
or messengers of relief? As on such occasions of anxiety and suspense,
time wore heavily, minutes seemed like hours, yet each moment brought
the sufferers nearer the realization whether this was their doom or their
escape therefrom. Over an hour had elapsed since the objects first came
in sight, and yet the mystery remained unsolved. Slowly but surely they
developed themselves, until finally they had approached sufficiently near
for their character as friends or foes to be unmistakably established. To the
joy of the weary watchers, the parties approaching proved to be troops;
relief was at hand, the dangers and anxieties of the past few days were
ended, and death either by starvation or torture at the hands of the
savages no longer stared them in the face. The strong set up a shout such
as men seldom utter. It was the unburdening of the heart of the weight of
despair. The wounded lifted their fevered forms and fixed their glaring eyes
upon the now rapidly approaching succor, and in their delirium involuntarily
but feebly reiterated the acclamations of their comrades.
The troops arriving for their relief were a detachment from Fort Wallace
under command of Colonel Carpenter of the regular cavalry, and had
started from the fort promptly upon the arrival of Trudeau and Stillwell with
intelligence of the condition and peril in which Forsyth and his party were.
When Colonel Carpenter and his men reached the island they found
its defenders in a most pitiable condition, yet the survivors were
determined to be plucky to the last. Forsyth himself, with rather indifferent
success, affected to be reading an old novel that he had discovered in a
saddlebag; but Colonel Carpenter said his voice was a little unsteady and
his eyes somewhat dim when he held out his hand to Carpenter and bade
him welcome to “Beecher’s Island,” a name that has since been given to
the battle-ground.
During the fight Forsyth counted thirty-two dead Indians within rifle
range of the island. Twelve Indian bodies were subsequently discovered in
one pit, and five in another. The Indians themselves confessed to a loss of
seventy-five killed in action, and when their proclivity for concealing or
diminishing the number of their slain in battle is considered, we can readily
believe that their actual loss in this fight must have been much greater
than they would have us believe.
Of the scouts, Lieutenant Beecher, Surgeon Movers, and six of the
men were either killed outright or died of their wounds; eight more were
disabled for life; of the remaining twelve who were wounded, nearly all
recovered completely. During the fight innumerable interesting incidents
occurred, some laughable and some serious. On the first day of the
conflict a number of young Indian boys from fifteen to eighteen years of
age crawled up and shot about fifty arrows into the circle in which the
scouts lay. One of these arrows struck one of the men, Frank Herrington,
full in the forehead. Not being able to pull it out, one of his companions,
lying in the same hole with him, cut off the arrow with his knife, leaving the
iron arrowhead sticking in his frontal bone; in a moment a bullet struck him
in the side of the head, glanced across his forehead, impinged upon the
arrowhead, and the two fastened together fell to the ground—a queer but
successful piece of amateur surgery. Herrington wrapped a cloth around
his head, which bled profusely, and continued fighting as if nothing had
happened.
Howard Morton, another of the scouts, was struck in the head by a
bullet, which finally lodged in the rear of one of his eyes, completely
destroying its sight forever; but Morton never faltered, but fought bravely
until the savages finally withdrew. Hudson Farley, a young stripling of only
eighteen, whose father was mortally wounded in the first day’s fight, was
shot through the shoulder, yet never mentioned the fact until dark, when
the list of wounded was called for. McCall, the First Sergeant, Vilott, Clark,
Farley the elder, and others who were wounded, continued to bear their full
share of the fight, notwithstanding their great sufferings, until the Indians
finally gave up and withdrew. These incidents, of which many similar ones
might be told, only go to show the remarkable character of the men who
composed Forsyth’s party.
Considering this engagement in all its details and with all its attendant
circumstances, remembering that Forsyth’s party, including himself,
numbered all told but fifty-one men, and that the Indians numbered about
seventeen to one, this fight was one of the most remarkable and at the
same time successful contests in which our forces on the Plains have ever
been engaged; and the whole affair, from the moment the first shot was
fired until the beleaguered party was finally relieved by Colonel
Carpenter’s command, was a wonderful exhibition of daring courage,
stubborn bravery, and heroic endurance, under circumstances of greatest
peril and exposure. In all probability there will never occur, in our future
hostilities with the savage tribes of the West, a struggle the equal of that in
which were engaged the heroic men who defended so bravely “Beecher’s
island.” Forsyth, the gallant leader, after a long period of suffering and
leading the life of an invalid for nearly two years, finally recovered from the
effects of his severe wounds, and is now, I am happy to say, as good as
new, contentedly awaiting the next war to give him renewed excitement.
XI.
THE winter of 1867–68 found me comfortably quartered at Fort
Leavenworth, Kansas, on the banks of the Missouri. A considerable
portion of my regiment had been ordered to locate at that post in the
fall, and make that their winter quarters. General Sheridan, then
commanding that military department, had also established his
headquarters there, so that the post became more than ever the
favorite military station in the West. I had not been on duty with my
regiment since my rapid ride from Fort Wallace to Fort Harker in July,
nor was I destined to serve with it in the field for some time to come.
This, at the time, seemed a great deprivation to me, but subsequent
events proved most conclusively that it was all for the best, and the
result could not have been to me more satisfactory than it was,
showing as it did that the best laid plans of mice and men, etc. But I
am anticipating.
Those who have read the tabulated list of depredations
committed by the Indians, as given in the article describing General
Forsyth’s desperate fight on Arickaree Fork, may have noticed the
name of William Comstock in the column of killed. Comstock was the
favorite and best known scout on the central plains. Frequent
reference has been made to him in preceding numbers, particularly
in the description of the attack of the Indians on the detachment
commanded by Robbins and Cook. Strange as it may seem, when
his thorough knowledge of the Indian character is considered, he fell
a victim to their treachery and barbarity. The Indians were encamped
with their village not far from Big Spring station, in western Kansas,
and were professedly at peace. Still, no one familiar with the deceit
and bad faith invariably practised by the Indians when free to follow
the bent of their inclinations, ought to have thought of trusting
themselves in their power. Yet Comstock, with all his previous
knowledge and experience, did that which he would certainly have
disapproved in others. He left the camp of the troops, which was but
a few miles from the Indian village, and with but a single companion
rode to the latter, and spent several hours in friendly conversation
with the chiefs. Nothing occurred during their visit to excite suspicion.
The Indians assumed a most peaceable bearing toward them, and
were profuse in their demonstrations of friendship. When the time
came for Comstock and his comrade to take their departure, they
were urged by the Indians to remain and spend the night in the
village.
The invitation was declined, and after the usual salutations the
two white men mounted their horses and set out to return to their
camp. Comstock always carried in his belt a beautiful white-handled
revolver, and wore it on this occasion. This had often attracted the
covetous eyes of the savages, and while in the village propositions
to barter for it had been made by more than one of the warriors.
Comstock invariably refused all offers to exchange it, no matter how
tempting. Months before, when riding together at the head of the
column, in pursuit of Indians, Comstock, who had observed that I
carried a revolver closely resembling his, remarked that I ought to
have the pair, and then laughingly added that he would carry his until
we found the Indians, and after giving them a sound whipping he
would present me the revolver. Frequently during the campaign,
when on the march and while sitting around the evening camp fire,
Comstock would refer to his promise concerning the revolver. After
hunting Indians all summer, but never finding them just when we
desired them, Comstock was not unfrequently joked upon the
conditions under which he was to part with his revolver, and fears
were expressed that if he carried it until we caught and whipped the
Indians, he might be forced to go armed for a long time. None of us
imagined then that the revolver which was so often the subject of
jest, and of which Comstock was so proud, would be the pretext for
his massacre.
Comstock and his companion rode out of the village in the
direction of their own camp, totally unconscious of coming danger,
and least of all from those whose guests they had just been. They
had proceeded about a mile from the village when they observed
about a dozen of the young warriors galloping after them. Still
suspecting no unfriendly design, they continued their ride until joined
by the young warriors. The entire party then rode in company until,
as was afterward apparent, the Indians succeeded in separating the
two white men, the one riding in front, the other, Comstock, following
in rear, each with Indians riding on either side of them. At a
preconcerted signal a combined attack was made by the savages
upon the two white men. Both the latter attempted to defend
themselves, but the odds and the suddenness of the attack deprived
them of all hope of saving their lives. Comstock was fatally wounded
at the first onslaught, and soon after was shot from his horse. His
companion, being finely mounted, wisely intrusted his life to the
speed of his horse, and soon outstripped his pursuers, and reached
camp with but a few slight wounds. The Indians did not seem
disposed to press him as closely as is their usual custom, but
seemed only anxious to secure Comstock. He, after falling to the
ground severely wounded, was completely riddled by steel-pointed
arrows, and his scalp taken. The principal trophy, however, in the
opinion of the savages, was the beautifully finished revolver with its
white ivory handle, and, as they afterward confessed when peace
was proclaimed with their tribe, it was to obtain this revolver that the
party of young warriors left the village and followed Comstock to his
death. Thoroughly reliable in his reports, brave, modest, and
persevering in character, with a remarkable knowledge of the country
and the savage tribes infesting it, he was the superior of all men who
were scouts by profession with whom I have had any experience.
While sitting in my quarters one day at Fort Leavenworth, late in
the fall of 1867, a gentleman was announced whose name recalled a
sad and harrowing sight. It proved to be the father of Lieutenant
Kidder, whose massacre, with that of his entire party of eleven men,
was described in preceding pages. It will be remembered that the
savages had hacked, mangled, and burned the bodies of Kidder and
his men to such an extent that it was impossible to recognize the
body of a single one of the party; even the clothing had been
removed, so that we could not distinguish the officer from his men, or
the men from each other, by any fragment of their uniform or insignia
of their grade. Mr. Kidder, after introducing himself, announced the
object of his visit; it was to ascertain the spot where the remains of
his son lay buried, and, after procuring suitable military escort to
proceed to the grave and disinter his son’s remains preparatory to
transferring them to a resting place in Dakota, of which territory he
was at that time one of the judiciary. It was a painful task I had to
perform when I communicated to the father the details of the killing
of his son and followers. And equally harassing to the feelings was it
to have to inform him that there was no possible chance of his being
able to recognize his son’s remains. “Was there not the faintest mark
or fragment of his uniform by which he might be known?” inquired
the anxious parent. “Not one,” was the reluctant reply. “And yet,
since I now recall the appearance of the mangled and disfigured
remains, there was a mere trifle which attracted my attention, but it
could not have been your son who wore it.” “What was it?” eagerly
inquired the father. “It was simply the collar-band of one of those
ordinary check overshirts so commonly worn on the plains, the color
being black and white; the remainder of the garment, as well as all
other articles of dress, having been torn or burned from the body.”
Mr. Kidder then requested me to repeat the description of the collar
and material of which it was made; happily I had some cloth of very
similar appearance, and upon exhibiting this to Mr. Kidder, to show
the kind I meant, he declared that the body I referred to could be no
other than that of his murdered son. He went on to tell how his son
had received his appointment in the army but a few weeks before his
lamentable death, he only having reported for duty with his company
a few days before being sent on the scout which terminated his life;
and how, before leaving his home to engage in the military service,
his mother, with that thoughtful care and tenderness which only a
mother can feel, prepared some articles of wearing apparel, among
others a few shirts made from the checked material already
described. Mr. Kidder had been to Fort Sedgwick on the Platte, from
which post his son had last departed, and there learned that on
leaving the post he wore one of the checked shirts and put an extra
one in his saddle pockets. Upon this trifling link of evidence Mr.
Kidder proceeded four hundred miles west to Fort Wallace, and there
being furnished with military escort visited the grave containing the
bodies of the twelve massacred men. Upon disinterring the remains
a body was found as I had described it, bearing the simple checked
collar-band; the father recognized the remains of his son, and thus,
as was stated at the close of a preceding chapter, was the evidence
of a mother’s love made the means by which her son’s body was
recognized and reclaimed, when all other had failed.
The winter and spring of 1868 were uneventful, so far as Indian
hostilities or the movements of troops were concerned. To be on the
ground when its services could be made available in case the
Indians became troublesome, the Seventh Cavalry left its winter
quarters at Fort Leavenworth in April, and marched two hundred and
ninety miles west to a point near the present site of Fort Hays, where
the troops established their summer rendezvous in camp. It not
being my privilege to serve with the regiment at that time, I remained
at Fort Leavenworth some time longer, and later in the summer
repaired to my home in Michigan, there amid the society of friends to
enjoy the cool breezes of Erie until the time came which would
require me to go west.
In the mean time, until I can relate some of the scenes which
were enacted under my own eye, and which were afterwards the
subject of excited and angry comment, as well as of emphatic and
authoritative approval, it will not be uninteresting to examine into
some of the causes which led to the memorable winter campaign of
1868–’69, including the battle of the Washita; and the reader may
also be enabled to judge as to what causes the people of the frontier
are most indebted for the comparatively peaceable condition of the
savage tribes of the plains during the past three years. The question
may also arise as to what influence the wild nomadic tribes of the
West are most likely to yield and become peaceably inclined toward
their white neighbors, willing to forego their accustomed raids and
attacks upon the frontier settlements, and content to no longer
oppose the advance of civilization. Whether this desirable condition
of affairs can be permanently and best secured by the display and
exercise of a strong but just military power, or by the extension of the
olive-branch on one hand and government annuities on the other, or
by a happy combination of both, has long been one of the difficult
problems whose solution has baffled the judgment of our legislators
from the formation of the government to the present time. My firm
conviction, based upon an intimate and thorough analysis of the
habits, traits of character, and natural instinct of the Indian, and
strengthened and supported by the almost unanimous opinion of all
persons who have made the Indian problem a study, and have
studied it, not from a distance, but in immediate contact with all the
facts bearing thereupon, is that the Indian cannot be elevated to that
great level where he can be induced to adopt any policy or mode of
life varying from those to which he has ever been accustomed by
any method of teaching, argument, reasoning, or coaxing which is
not preceded and followed closely in reserve by a superior physical
force. In other words, the Indian is capable of recognizing no
controlling influence but that of stern arbitrary power. To assume that
he can be guided by appeals to his ideas of moral right and wrong,
independent of threatening or final compulsion, is to place him far
above his more civilized brothers of the white race, who, in the most
advanced stage of refinement and morality, still find it necessary to
employ force, sometimes resort to war, to exact justice from a
neighboring nation. And yet there are those who argue that the
Indian with all his lack of moral privileges, is so superior to the white
race as to be capable of being controlled in his savage traits and
customs, and induced to lead a proper life, simply by being politely
requested to do so. The campaign of 1868–’69, under the direction
of General Sheridan, who had entire command of the country
infested by the five troublesome and warlike tribes, the Cheyennes,
Arapahoes, Kiowas, Comanches, and Apaches, was fruitful in
valuable results. At the same time the opponents of a war policy
raised the cry that the military were making war on friendly Indians;
one writer, an Indian agent, even asserting that the troops had
attacked and killed Indians half civilized, who had fought on the side
of the Government during the war with the Confederate States. It
was claimed by the adherents of the peace party that the Indians
above named had been guilty of no depredations against the whites,
and had done nothing deserving of the exercise of military power. I
believe it is a rule in evidence that a party coming into court is not
expected to impeach his own witnesses. I propose to show by the
official statements of the officers of the Indian Department, including
some of those who were loudest and most determined in their
assertions of the innocence of the Indians after prompt punishment
had been administered by the military, that the Indian tribes whose
names have been given were individually and collectively guilty of
unprovoked and barbarous assaults on the settlers of the frontier;
that they committed these depredations at the very time they were
receiving arms and other presents from the Government; and that no
provocation had been offered either by the Government or the
defenceless citizens of the border. In other words, by those
advocating the Indian side of the dispute it will be clearly established
that a solemn treaty had been reluctantly entered into between the
Indians and the Government, by which the demands of the Indians
were complied with, and the conditions embraced in the treaty
afterwards faithfully carried out on the part of the Government; and
at the very time that the leading chiefs and old men of the tribes
were pledging themselves and their people that “they will not attack
any persons at home or travelling, or disturb any property belonging
to the people of the United States, or to persons friendly therewith,”
and that “they will never capture or carry off from the settlements
women or children, and they will never kill or scalp white men or
attempt to do them harm,” the young men and warriors of these
same tribes, embracing the sons of the most prominent chiefs and
signers of the treaty, were actually engaged in devastating the
settlements on the Kansas frontier, murdering men, women, and
children, and driving off the stock. Now to the evidence. First glance
at the following brief summary of the terms of the treaty which was
ratified between the Government and the Cheyennes and Arapahoes
on the 19th of August, 1868, and signed and agreed to by all the
chiefs of these two tribes known or claiming to be prominent, and
men of influence among their own people. As the terms of the treaty
are almost identical with those contained in most of the treaties
made with other tribes, excepting the limits and location of
reservations, it will be interesting for purposes of reference.
First. Peace and friendship shall forever continue.
Second. Whites or Indians committing wrongs to be punished
according to law.
Third. The following district of country, to wit, “commencing at the
point where the Arkansas river crosses the 37th parallel of north
latitude; thence west on said parallel—the said line being the
southern boundary of the State of Kansas—to the Cimarron river
(sometimes called the Red fork of the Arkansas river); thence down
said Cimarron river, in the middle of the main channel thereof, to the
Arkansas river; thence up the Arkansas river in the middle of the
main channel thereof to the place of beginning, is set apart for the
Cheyenne and Arapahoe Indians.”
Fourth. The said Indians shall have the right to hunt on the
unoccupied lands of the United States so long as game may be
found thereon, and so long as peace subsists among the whites and
Indians on the border of the hunting districts.
Fifth. Is a provision for the selection and occupation of lands for
those of said Indians who desire to commence farming on said
reserve, and for expenditures for their benefit.
Sixth. The United States further provides for an annual
distribution of clothing for a term of years.
The treaty with the Kiowa, Comanche, and Apache tribes,
ratified August 25, 1868, embraced substantially the same provisions
as those just quoted, excepting that relating to their reservation,
which was as follows: “Commencing at a point where the Washita
river crosses the 98th meridian west from Greenwich, thence up the
Washita river, in the middle of the main channel thereof, to a point
thirty miles west of Fort Cobb, as now established; thence due west
to the north fork of Red river, provided said line strikes said river east
of the 100th meridian of west longitude; if not, then only to said
meridian line, and thence south on said meridian line to the said
north fork of Red river; thence down said north fork, in the middle of
the main channel thereof, from the point where it may be first
intersected by the lines above described, to the main Red river;
thence down said river, in the main channel thereof, to its
intersection with the 98th meridian of longitude west from
Greenwich; thence north on said meridian line to the place of
beginning.”
To those who propose to follow the movements of the troops
during the winter campaign of 1868–’69, it will be well to bear in mind
the limits of the last named reservation, as the charge was made by
the Indian agents that the military had attacked the Indians when the
latter were peacefully located within the limits of their reservation.
To show that the Government through its civil agents was doing
everything required of it to satisfy the Indians, and that the agent of
the Cheyennes and Arapahoes was firmly of the opinion that every
promise of the Government had not only been faithfully carried out,
but that the Indians themselves had no complaint to make, the
following letter from the agent to the Superintendent of Indian Affairs
is submitted:
Fort Larned, Kansas, August 10, 1868.

Sir: I have the honor to inform you that I yesterday made the
whole issue of annuity goods, arms, and ammunition to the
Cheyenne chiefs [the Arapahoes and Apaches had received
their portion in July. G. A. C.] and people of their nation; they
were delighted at receiving the goods, particularly the arms and
ammunition, and never before have I known them to be better
satisfied and express themselves as being so well contented
previous to the issue. I made them a long speech, following your
late instructions with reference to what I said to them. They have
now left for their hunting-grounds, and I am perfectly satisfied
that there will be no trouble with them this season, and
consequently with no Indians of my agency.
I have the honor to be, with much respect, your obedient
servant,
E. W. Wynkoop, United States Indian Agent.
Hon. Thomas Murphy, Superintendent Indian Affairs.
The italics are mine, but I desire to invite attention to the

confidence and strong reliance placed in these Indians by a man
who was intimately associated with them, interested in their welfare,
and supposed to be able to speak authoritatively as to their
character and intentions. If they could deceive him, it is not
surprising that other equally well-meaning persons further east
should be equally misled. The above letter is dated August 10, 1868.
The following extract is from a letter written by the same party and to
the Superintendent of Indian Affairs, dated at same place on the 10th
of September, 1868, exactly one month after his positive declaration
that the Cheyennes “were perfectly satisfied, and there will be no
trouble with them this season.”
Here is the extract referred to: “Subsequently I received
permission from the Department to issue to them their arms and
ammunition, which I accordingly did. But a short time before the
issue was made a war party had started north from the Cheyenne
village, on the war path against the Pawnees; and they, not knowing
of the issue and smarting under their supposed wrongs, committed
the outrages on the Saline river which have led to the present
unfortunate aspect of affairs. The United States troops are now
south of the Arkansas river in hot pursuit of the Cheyennes, the
effect of which I think will be to plunge other tribes into difficulty and
finally culminate in a general Indian war.” It will be observed that no
justification is offered for the guilty Indians except that had they been
aware of the wise and beneficent intention of the Government to
issue them a fresh supply of arms, they might have delayed their
murderous raid against the defenceless settlers until after the issue.
Fears are also expressed that other tribes may be plunged into
difficulty, but by the same witness and others it is easily established
that the other tribes referred to were represented prominently in the
war party which had devastated the settlements on the Saline. First I
will submit an extract of a letter dated Fort Larned, August 1, 1868,
from Thomas Murphy, Superintendent of Indian Affairs, to the Hon.
N. G. Taylor, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Washington, D. C.:
Sir: I have the honor to inform you that I held a council to-
day with the Arapahoes and Apache Indians, at which I
explained to them why their arms and ammunition had been
withheld; that the white settlers were now well armed and
determined that no more raids should be made through their
country by large bodies of Indians; and that while the whites
were friendly and well disposed toward the Indians, yet if the
Indians attempted another raid such as they recently made on
the Kaw reservation, I feared themselves and the whites would
have a fight, and that it would bring on war.
The head chief of the Arapahoes, Little Raven, replied “that
no more trips would be made by his people into the settlements:
that their hearts were good toward the whites, and they wished
to remain at peace with them.” I told him I would now give them
their arms and ammunition; that I hoped they would use them for
the sole purpose of securing food for themselves and families,
and that in no case would I ever hear of their using these arms
against their white brethren. Little Raven and the other chiefs
then promised that these arms should never be used against the
whites, and Agent Wynkoop then delivered to the Arapahoes
one hundred pistols, eighty Lancaster rifles, twelve kegs of
powder, one and one-half kegs of lead, and fifteen thousand
caps; and to the Apaches he gave forty pistols, twenty Lancaster
rifles, three kegs of powder, one-half keg of lead, and five
thousand caps, for which they seemed much pleased.... I would
have remained here to see the Cheyennes did I deem it
important to do so. From what I can learn there will be no trouble
whatever with them. They will come here, get their ammunition
and leave immediately to hunt buffalo. They are well and
peacefully disposed toward the whites, and, unless some
unlooked-for event should transpire to change their present
feelings, they will keep their treaty pledges.
This certainly reads well, and at Washington or further east

would be regarded as a favorable indication of the desire for peace
on the part of the Indians. The reader is asked to remember that the
foregoing letters and extracts are from professed friends of the
Indian and advocates of what is known as the peace policy. The
letter of Superintendent Murphy was written the day of council,
August 1. Mark his words of advice to Little Raven as to how the
arms were to be used, and note Little Raven’s reply containing his
strong promises of maintaining friendly relations with the whites. Yet
the second night following the issue of arms, a combined war party
of Cheyennes and Arapahoes, numbering over two hundred
warriors, almost the exact number of pistols issued at the council, left
the Indian village to inaugurate a bloody raid in the Kansas
settlements; and among the Arapahoes was the son of Little Raven.
By reading the speech made by this chief in the council referred to
by Mr. Murphy, a marked resemblance will be detected to the
stereotyped responses delivered by Indian chiefs visiting the
authorities at Washington, or when imposing upon the credulous and
kind-hearted people who assemble at Cooper Institute periodically to
listen to these untutored orators of the plains. The statements and
promises uttered in the one instance are fully as reliable as those
listened to so breathlessly in the others. Regarding the raid made by
the Cheyennes and Arapahoes, it will be considered sufficient
perhaps when I base my statements upon the following “Report of an
interview between Colonel E. W. Wynkoop, United States Indian
Agent, and Little Rock, a Cheyenne chief, held at Fort Larned,
Kansas, August 19, 1868, in the presence of Lieutenant S. M.
Robbins, Seventh United States Cavalry, John S. Smith, United
States interpreter, and James Morrison, scout for Indian agency.”
Question by Colonel Wynkoop: “Six nights ago I spoke to you in
regard to depredations committed on the Saline. I told you to go and
find out by whom these depredations were committed and to bring
me straight news. What news do you bring?”
Little Rock: “I took your advice and went there. I am now here to
tell you all I know. This war party of Cheyennes which left the camp
of these tribes above the forks of Walnut creek about the 2d or 3d of
August, went out against the Pawnees, crossed the Smoky Hill about
Fort Hays, and thence proceeded to the Saline, where there were
ten lodges of Sioux in the Cheyenne camp when this war party left,
and about twenty men of them and four Arapahoes accompanied the
party. The Cheyennes numbered about two hundred; nearly all the
young men in the village went; Little Raven’s son was one of the four
Arapahoes. When the party reached the Saline they turned down the
stream, with the exception of twenty, who, being fearful of
depredations being committed against the whites by the party going
in the direction of the settlements, kept on north toward the
Pawnees. The main party continued down the Saline until they came
in sight of the settlement; they then camped there. A Cheyenne
named Oh-e-ah-mo-he-a, a brother of White Antelope, who was
killed at Sand Creek, and another named Red Nose, proceeded to
the first house; they afterwards returned to the camp and with them a
woman captive. The main party was surprised at this action, and
forcibly took possession of her, and returned her to her house. The
two Indians had outraged the woman before they brought her to the
camp. After the outrage had been committed, the parties left the
Saline and went north toward the settlement of the south fork of the
Solomon, where they were kindly received and fed by the white
people. They left the settlements on the south fork and proceeded
toward the settlements on the north fork. When in sight of these
settlements, they came upon a body of armed settlers, who fired
upon them; they avoided the party, went around them, and
approached a house some distance off. In the vicinity of the house
they came upon a white man alone upon the prairie. Big Head’s
D
son rode at him and knocked him down with a club. The Indian who
had committed the outrage upon the white woman, known as White
Antelope’s brother, then fired upon the white man without effect,
while the third Indian rode up and killed him. Soon after they killed a
white man, and, close by, a woman—all in the same settlement. At
the time these people were killed, the party was divided in feeling,
the majority being opposed to any outrages being committed; but
finding it useless to contend against these outrages being committed
without bringing on a strife among themselves, they gave way and all
went in together. They then went to another house in the same
settlement, and there killed two men and took two little girls
prisoners; this on the same day. After committing this last outrage
the party turned south toward the Saline, where they came upon a
body of mounted troops; the troops immediately charged the Indians,
and the pursuit was continued a long time. The Indians having the
two children, their horses becoming fatigued, dropped the children
without hurting them. Soon after the children were dropped the
pursuit ceased; but the Indians continued on up the Saline. A portion
of the Indians afterward returned to look for the children, but they
were unable to find them. After they had proceeded some distance
up the Saline, the party divided, the majority going north toward the
settlements on the Solomon, but thirty of them started toward their
village, supposed to be some distance northwest of Fort Larned.
Another small party returned to Black Kettle’s village, from which
E
party I got this information. I am fearful that before this time the
party that started north had committed a great many depredations.”
D
Afterward captured by my command and
killed in a difficulty with the guard at Fort Hays,
Kansas, in the summer of 1869.
E
Little Rock was a chief of Black Kettle’s band
of Cheyennes, and second in rank to Black
Kettle.
Question by Colonel Wynkoop: “Do you know the names of the

principal men of this party that committed the depredations, besides
White Antelope’s brother?”
Answer by Little Rock: “There were Medicine Arrow’s oldest son,
named Tall Wolf; Red Nose, who was one of the men who outraged
the woman, Big Head’s son named Porcupine Bear; and Sand Hill’s
brother, known as the Bear that Goes Ahead.”
Question by Colonel Wynkoop: “You told me your nation wants
peace; will you, in accordance with your treaty stipulations, deliver
up the men whom you have named as being the leaders of the party
who committed the outrages named?”
Answer by Little Rock: “I think that the only men who ought to
suffer and be responsible for these outrages are White Antelope’s
brother and Red Nose, the men who ravished the woman; and when
I return to the Cheyenne camp and assemble the chiefs and head
men, I think those two men will be delivered up to you.”
Question by Colonel Wynkoop: “I consider the whole party guilty;
but it being impossible to punish all of them, I hold the principal men,
whom you mentioned, responsible for all. They had no right to be led
and governed by two men. If no depredations had been committed
after the outrage on the woman, the two men whom you have
mentioned alone would have been guilty.”
Answer by Little Rock: “After your explanation I think your
demand for the men is right. I am willing to deliver them up, and will
go back to the tribe and use my best endeavors to have them
surrendered. I am but one man, and cannot answer for the entire
nation.”
Other questions and answers of similar import followed.
The terms of the interview between Colonel Wynkoop and Little
Rock were carefully noted down and transmitted regularly to his next
superior officer, Superintendent Murphy, who but a few days
previous, and within the same month, had officially reported to the
Indian Commissioner at Washington that peace and good will
reigned undisturbed between the Indians under his charge and the
whites. Even he, with his strong leaning toward the adoption of
morbid measures of a peaceful character, and his disinclination to
believe the Indians could meditate evil toward their white neighbors,
was forced, as his next letter shows, to alter his views.
Office Superintendent Indian Affairs, Atchison,

Kansas, August 22, 1868.
Sir: I have the honor herewith to transmit a letter of the 19th
inst. from Agent Wynkoop, enclosing report of a talk which he
had with Little Rock, a Cheyenne chief, whom he had sent to
ascertain the facts relative to the recent troubles on the Solomon
and Saline rivers, in this State. The agent’s letter and report are
full, and explain themselves. I fully concur in the views
expressed by the agent that the innocent Indians, who are trying
to keep, in good faith, their treaty pledges, be protected in the
manner indicated by him, while I earnestly recommend that the
Indians who have committed these gross outrages be turned
over to the military, and that they be severely punished. When I
reflect that at the very time these Indians were making such loud
professions of friendship at Larned, receiving their annuities,
etc., they were then contemplating and planning this campaign, I
can no longer have confidence in what they say or promise. War
is surely upon us, and in view of the importance of the case, I
earnestly recommend that Agent Wynkoop be furnished
promptly with the views of the Department, and that full
instructions be given him for his future action.
Very respectfully, your obedient
servant,
(Signed) Thomas Murphy, Superintendent Indian
Affairs.
Hon. C. E. Mix, Acting Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
Washington, D. C.
What were the recommendations of Agent Wynkoop referred to

in Mr. Murphy’s letter? They were as follows: “Let me take those
Indians whom I know to be guiltless and desirous of remaining at
peace, and locate them with their lodges and families at some good
place that I may select in the vicinity of this post (Larned); and let
those Indians be entirely subsisted by the Government until this
trouble is over, and be kept within certain bounds; and let me be
furnished with a small battalion of United States troops, for the
purpose of protecting them from their own people, and from being
forced by them into war; let those who refuse to respond to my call
and come within the bounds prescribed, be considered at war, and
let them be properly punished. By this means, if war takes place—
which I consider inevitable—we can be able to discriminate between
those who deserve punishment and those who do not; otherwise it
will be a matter of impossibility.”
This proposition seems, from its wording, to be not only a
feasible one, but based on principles of justice to all concerned, and
no doubt would be so interpreted by the theorizers on the Indian
question who study its merits from afar. Before acting upon Colonel
Wynkoop’s plan, it was in the regular order referred to General
Sherman, at that time commanding the Military Division of the
Missouri, in which the Indians referred to were located. His
indorsement in reply briefly disposed of the proposition by exposing
its absurdity:
Headquarters Military Division of the Missouri,

St. Louis, Missouri,
September 19, 1868.
I now regard the Cheyennes and Arapahoes at war, and that
it will be impossible for our troops to discriminate between the
well-disposed and the warlike parts of these bands, unless an
absolute separation be made. I prefer that the agents collect all
of the former and conduct them to their reservation within the
Indian territory south of Kansas, there to be provided for under
their supervision, say about old Fort Cobb. I cannot consent to
their being collected and held near Fort Larned. So long as
Agent Wynkoop remains at Fort Larned the vagabond part of the
Indians will cluster about him for support, and to beg of the
military. The vital part of these tribes are committing murders
and robberies from Kansas to Colorado, and it is an excess of
generosity on our part to be feeding and supplying the old,
young, and feeble, while their young men are at war.
I do not pretend to say what should be done with these, but
it will simplify our game of war, already complicated enough, by
removing them well away from our field of operations.
I have the honor to be, your obedient
servant,
(Signed) W. T. Sherman, Lieutenant-General,
commanding.
Again, on the 26th of the same month, General Sherman, in a

letter to General Schofield, then Secretary of War, writes: “The

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3) Which of the following statements about "open-perils" coverage is (are) true?

4) The exclusion of flood in a homeowners policy is an example of an

17) The primary purpose of coinsurance in property insurance is to

21) The purpose of other-insurance provisions is to

39) A special coverage policy is a policy that

Fort Larned, Kansas, August 10, 1868.

The italics are mine, but I desire to invite attention to the

This certainly reads well, and at Washington or further east

Question by Colonel Wynkoop: “Do you know the names of the

Office Superintendent Indian Affairs, Atchison,

What were the recommendations of Agent Wynkoop referred to

Headquarters Military Division of the Missouri,

Again, on the 26th of the same month, General Sherman, in a

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