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 Índice

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The Project Gutenberg eBook of Domestic
annals of Scotland
 This ebook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United
States and most other parts of the world at no cost and with
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eBook.

Title: Domestic annals of Scotland

from the revolution to the rebellion of 1745

Author: Robert Chambers

Release date: November 29, 2023 [eBook #72262]

Language: English

Original publication: Edinburgh: W. & R. Chambers, 1861

Credits: Richard Tonsing, Susan Skinner, and the Online

Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net
(This file was produced from images generously made
available by The Internet Archive)

*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK DOMESTIC

ANNALS OF SCOTLAND ***
Transcriber’s Note:
New original cover art included with this eBook is
granted to the public domain.

CANONGATE TOLBOOTH.
 DOMESTIC

ANNALS OF SCOTLAND

From the Revolution to the Rebellion of 1745.

By ROBERT CHAMBERS,
F.R.S.E., F.S.A.Sc., &c.

Bargarran House.
W. & R. CHAMBERS, EDINBURGH AND LONDON.

MDCCCLXI.
 Edinburgh:
Printed by W. and R. Chambers.
 PREFACE.

The Domestic Annals of Scotland from the Reformation to

the Revolution having experienced a favourable reception from the
public, I have been induced to add a volume containing similar
details with regard to the ensuing half-century. This is in many
respects an interesting period of the history of Scotland. It is
essentially a time of transition—transition from harsh and despotic
to constitutional government; from religious intolerance and severity
of manners to milder views and the love of elegance and amusement;
from pride, idleness, and poverty, to industrious courses and the
development of the natural resources of the country. At the same
time, the tendency to the wreaking out of the wilder passions of the
individual is found gradually giving place to respect for law. We see,
as it were, the dawn of our present social state, streaked with the
lingering romance of earlier ages. On these considerations, I am
hopeful that the present volume will be pronounced in no respect a
falling off in contrast with the former two.
It will be found that the plan and manner of treatment pursued in
the two earlier volumes are followed here. My object has still been to
trace the moral and economic progress of Scotland through the
medium of domestic incidents—whatever of the national life is
overlooked in ordinary history; allowing the tale in every case to be
told as much as possible in contemporary language. It is a plan
necessarily subordinating the author to his subject, almost to the
extent of neutralising all opinion and sentiment on his part; yet,
feeling the value of the self-painting words of these dead and gone
generations—so quaint, so unstudied, so true—so corrective in their
genuineness of the glozing idolatries which are apt to arise among
descendants and party representatives—I become easily reconciled to
the restricted character of the task. If the present and future
generations shall be in any measure enabled by these volumes to
draw from the errors and misjudgments of the past a lesson as to
what is really honourable and profitable for a people, the tenuis
labor will not have been undergone in vain.
Edinburgh, January 1861.
 CONTENTS.

PAGE
REIGN OF WILLIAM AND MARY: 1689–1694, 1
REIGN OF WILLIAM III.: 1695–1702, 107
REIGN OF QUEEN ANNE: 1702–1714, 257
REIGN OF GEORGE I.: 1714–1727, 389
REIGN OF GEORGE II.: 1727–1748, 535
APPENDIX, 619
INDEX, 627
 Illustrations.

Frontispiece—CANONGATE TOLBOOTH, EDINBURGH.

Vignette—BARGARRAN HOUSE.
PAGE
THE BASS, 106
AFRICAN COMPANY’S HOUSE AT BRISTO PORT, 123
EDINBURGH,
PORTRAIT OF DR PITCAIRN, 224
MACPHERSON’S SWORD, 234
HOUSE OF LORD ADVOCATE STEUART, 256
DRESSES OF THE PEOPLE OF SCOTLAND, 1676, 270
BARGARRAN COAT OF ARMS, 511
LADY PLAYING ON SPINET, 574
OLD TOLBOOTH, EDINBURGH, 638
 DOMESTIC
ANNALS OF SCOTLAND.

REIGN OF WILLIAM AND MARY: 1689–1694.

Our narrative takes up the political story of Scotland at the crisis of

the Revolution, when, King James having fled in terror to France, his
nephew and daughter, the Prince and Princess of Orange, were
proclaimed king and queen as William and Mary, and when the
Episcopacy established at the Restoration, after a struggling and
unhonoured existence of twenty-eight years, gave way to the present
more popular Presbyterian Church. It has been seen how the
populace of the west rabbled out the alien clergy established among
them; how, notwithstanding the gallant insurrection of my Lord
Dundee in the Highlands, and the holding out of Edinburgh Castle by
the Duke of Gordon, the new government quickly gained an
ascendency. It was a great change for Scotland. Men who had lately
been in danger of their lives for conscience’ sake, or starving in
foreign lands, were now at the head of affairs—the Earl of Melville,
Secretary of State; Crawford, President of Parliament; Argyle
restored to title and lands, and a privy-councillor; Dalrymple of Stair,
Hume of Marchmont, Steuart of Goodtrees, and many other exiles,
come back from Holland to resume prominent positions in the public
service at home—while the instruments of the late unhappy
government were either captives under suspicion, or living terror-
struck at their country-houses. Common sort of people, who had last
year been skulking in mosses from Claverhouse’s dragoons, were
now marshalled in a regiment, and planted as a watch on the Perth
and Forfar gentry. There were new figures in the Privy Council, and
none of them ecclesiastical. There was a wholly new set of senators
on the bench of the Court of Session. It looked like the sudden shift
of scenes in a pantomime, rather than a series of ordinary
occurrences.
Almost as a necessary consequence of the Revolution, a war with
France commenced in May 1689. Part of the operations took place in
Ireland, where James II., assisted with troops by King Louis, and
supported by the Catholic population, continued to exercise
sovereignty till his defeat at the Boyne (July 1, 1690). The
subjugation of Ireland to the new government was not completed till
the surrender of Limerick and other fortified places by treaty
(October 3, 1691). Long before this time, the Jacobite movement in
Scotland had come to a close by the dispersion of the Highlanders at
Cromdale (April 1690). A fortress and garrison were then planted at
Inverlochy (Fort William), in order to keep the ill-affected clans
Cameron, Macdonald, and others, in check. At the same time, the
Earl of Breadalbane was intrusted with the sum of twelve thousand
pounds, with which he undertook to purchase the pacification of the
Highlands. In 1691, there were still some chiefs in rebellion, and a
threat was held out that they would be visited with the utmost
severities if they did not take the oaths to the government before the
1st of January next. This led to the massacre of the Macdonalds of
Glencoe (February 13, 1692), an affair which has left a sad shade
upon the memory of King William.
In Scotland, it gradually became apparent that, though the late
changes had diffused a general sense of relief, and put state control
more in accordance with the feelings of the bulk of the people, there
was a large enough exception to embarrass and endanger the new
order of things. There certainly was a much larger minority
favourable to Episcopacy than was at first supposed; whole provinces
in the north, and a majority of the upper classes everywhere,
continued to adhere to it. A very large portion of the nobility and
gentry maintained an attachment to the ex-king, or, like the bishops,
scrupled to break old oaths in order to take new. Even amongst those
who had assisted in the Revolution, there were some who, either
from disappointment of personal ambition, or a recovery from
temporary fears, soon became its enemies. Feelings of a very natural
kind assisted in keeping alive the interest of King James. It was by a
nephew (and son-in-law) and a daughter that he had been displaced.
A frightful calumny had assisted in his downfall. According to the
ideas of that age, in losing a crown he had been deprived of a
birthright. If he had been guilty of some illegal doings, there might
be some consideration for his age. Anyhow, his infant son was
innocent; why punish him for the acts of his father? These
considerations fully appear as giving point and strength to the
Jacobite feeling which soon began to take a definite form in the
country. The government was thus forced into severities, which again
acted to its disadvantage; and thus it happened that, for some years
after the deliverance of Scotland from arbitrary power, we have to
contemplate a style of administration in which arbitrary power and
all its abuses were not a little conspicuous.
In the very first session of the parliament (summer of 1689), there
was a formidable opposition to the government, headed chiefly by
politicians who had been disappointed of places. The discontents of
these persons ripened early next year into a plot for the restoration of
the ex-king. It gives a sad view of human consistency, that a leading
conspirator was Sir James Montgomery of Skelmorley, who was one
of the three commissioners sent by the Convention in spring to offer
the crown to William and Mary. The affair ended in Montgomery, the
Earl of Annandale, and Lord Ross, informing against each other, in
order to escape punishment. Montgomery had to flee to the
continent, where he soon after died in poverty. The offences of the
rest were overlooked.
Amongst the events of this period, the ecclesiastical proceedings
bear a prominent place—efforts of statesmen for moderate measures
in the General Assembly—debates on church-patronage and oaths of
allegiance—tramplings out of old and rebellious Episcopacy; but the
details must be sought for elsewhere.[1] During 1693, there were great
alarms about invasion from France, and the forcible restoration of
the deposed king; and some considerable severities were
consequently practised on disaffected persons. By the death of the
queen (December 28, 1694), William was left in the position of sole
monarch of these realms.

The first emotions of the multitude on 1688. Nov.

attaining confidence that the Prince of
Orange would be able to maintain his ground, and that the reigning
monarch would be brought low, that the Protestant religion would be
safe, and that perhaps there would be good times again for those who
loved the Presbyterian cause, were, of course, very enthusiastic. So
early as the close of November, the populace of Edinburgh began to
call out ‘No pope, No papist,’ as they walked the streets, even when
passing places where guards were stationed. The students, too,
whose pope-burning enthusiasm had been sternly dealt with eight
years back, now broke out of all bounds, and had a merry cremation
of the pontiff’s effigy at the cross, ending with its being ‘blown up
with art four stories high.’ This, however, was looked upon as a hasty
business, wanting in the proper solemnity; 1688.
so, two days after, they went to the law-
court in the Parliament Close, and there subjected his Holiness to a
mock-trial, and condemned him to be burned ceremoniously on
Christmas Day, doubtless meaning by the selection of the time to
pass an additional slight upon the religion over which they were now
triumphing.
On the appointed day, the students had a solemn muster to
execute the sentence. Arranged in bands according to their standing,
each band with a captain, they marched, sword in hand, to the cross,
preceded by the janitor of the college, carrying the mace, and having
a band of hautbois also before them. There, in presence of the
magistrates and some of the Privy Council, they solemnly burned the
effigy, while a huge multitude looked on delighted.[2]
There were similar doings in other parts of the country; but I select
only those of one place, as a specimen of the whole, and sufficient to
shew the feeling of the time.
A Protestant town-council being elected 1689. Jan. 11.
at Aberdeen, the boys of the Marischal
College resolved to celebrate the occasion with a burlesque Pope’s
Procession. They first thought proper to write to the new
magistrates, protesting that their design was not ‘tumultuary,’
neither did they intend to ‘injure the persons or goods of any.’ The
ceremonial reminds us slightly of some of the scenes in Lyndsay’s
Satire of the Three Estates. Starting from the college-gate at four in
the afternoon, there first went a company of men carrying links, six
abreast; next, the janitor of the college, with the college-mace,
preceding six judges in scarlet robes. Next marched four fifers
playing; then, in succession, four priests, four Jesuits, four popish
bishops, and four cardinals, all in their robes; then a Jesuit in
embroidered robes, carrying a great cross. Last came the pope,
carried in his state-chair, in scarlet robes lined with ermine, his triple
crown on his head, and his keys on his arm; distributing pardons and
indulgences as he moved along.
Being arrived at the market-cross, the pope placed himself on a
theatre, where a dialogue took place between him and a cardinal,
expressing the pretensions commonly attributed to the head of the
Catholic Church, and announcing a doom to all heretics. In the midst
of the conference, Father Peter, the ex-king’s confessor, entered with
a letter understood to convey intelligence of the late disastrous
changes in London; whereupon his holiness 1689.
fell into a swoon, and the devil came
forward, as to help him. The programme anticipates that this would
be hailed as a merry sight by the people. But better remained. The
pope, on recovering, began to vomit ‘plots, daggers, indulgences, and
the blood of martyrs,’ the devil holding his head all the time. The
devil then tried in rhyme to comfort him, proposing that he should
take refuge with the king of France; to which, however, he professed
great aversion, as derogatory to his dignity; whereupon the devil
appeared to lose patience, and attempted to throw his friend into the
fire. But this he was prevented from doing by the entry of one
ordering that the pope should be subjected to a regular trial.
The pontiff was then arraigned before the judges as guilty of high
treason against Omnipotence, in as far as he had usurped many of its
privileges, besides advancing many blasphemous doctrines. ‘The
court adduced sufficient proofs by the canons of the church, bulls,
pardons, and indulgences, lying in process;’ and he was therefore
pronounced guilty, and ordered to be immediately taken to the
public place of execution, and burned to ashes, his blood to be
attainted, and his honours to be blotted out of all records. The
procession was then formed once more, and the sentence was read
from the cross; after which ‘his holiness was taken away from the
theatre, and the sentence put in execution against him. During the
time of his burning, the spectators were entertained with fireworks
and some other divertisements.
‘After all was ended, the Trinity Church bell—which was the only
church in Scotland taken from the Protestants and given to the
papists, wherein they actually had their service—was rung all the
night.’[3]

Patrick Walker relates,[4] with great Mar. 14.

relish, the close of the political existence of
the unhappy episcopate of Scotland, amidst the tumults attending
the sitting of the Convention at Edinburgh, during the process of
settling the crown on William and Mary. For a day or two after this
representative body sat down, several bishops attended, as a part of
the parliamentary constitution of the country, and by turns took the
duty of saying prayers. The last who did so, the Bishop of Dunkeld,
spoke pathetically of the exiled king as the 1689.
man for whom they had often watered their
couches, and thus provoked from the impetuous Montgomery of
Skelmorley a jest at their expense which will not bear repetition.
They were ‘put out with disdain and contempt,’ while some of the
members expressed a wish that the ‘honest lads’ knew of it, ‘for then
they would not win away with hale gowns.’ And so Patrick goes on
with the triumph of a vulgar mind, describing how they ‘gathered
together with pale faces, and stood in a cloud in the Parliament
Close. James Wilson, Robert Neilson, Francis Hislop, and myself
were standing close by them. Francis Hislop with force thrust Robert
Neilson upon them; their heads went hard upon one another. But
there being so many enemies in the city, fretting and gnashing their
teeth, waiting for an occasion to raise a mob, where undoubtedly
blood would have been shed; and we having laid down conclusions
among ourselves to guard against giving the least occasion to all
mobs; kept us from tearing off their gowns.
‘Their graceless graces went quickly off; and neither bishop nor
curate was seen in the streets; this was a surprising change not to be
forgotten. Some of us would have been rejoiced more than in great
sums, to see these bishops sent legally down the Bow, that they
might have found the weight of their tails in a tow, to dry their hose-
soles, that they might know what hanging was; they having been
active for themselves, and the main instigators to all the mischiefs,
cruelties, and bloodshed of that time, wherein the streets of
Edinburgh, and other places of the land, did run with the innocent,
precious, dear blood of the Lord’s people.’
A more chivalric adversary might have, after all, found something
to admire in these poor prelates, who permitted themselves to be so
degraded, purely in consequence of their reverence for an oath, while
many good Presbyterians were making little of such scruples. On the
other hand, a more enlightened bench of bishops might have seen
that the political status which they now forfeited had all along been a
worldly distinction working against the success of spiritual objects,
and might thus have had some comfortable re-assurances for the
future, as they ‘stood in a cloud in the Parliament Close,’ to receive
the concussion of Robert Neilson pushed on by Francis Hislop.
Since Christmas of the past year, there had been constant mob-
action against the Episcopal clergy, especially in the western shires,
about three hundred having been rudely expelled or forced to flee for
safety of their lives. On the rebound of such 1689.
a spring, nothing else was to be expected;
perhaps there is even some force in the defence usually put forward
for the zealous Presbyterians on this occasion, that their violences
towards those obnoxious functionaries were less than might have
been expected. I do not therefore deem it necessary to go into ‘the
Case of the present Afflicted Clergy,’[5] or to call attention to the
similar case of the faithful professors of the Edinburgh University,
expelled by a commission in the autumn of 1690. There is, however,
one anecdote exemplifying Christian feeling on this occasion, which
it must be pleasant to all to keep in green remembrance. ‘The last
Episcopal clergyman of the parish of Glenorchy, Mr David Lindsay,
was ordered to surrender his charge to a Presbyterian minister then
appointed by the Duke [Earl] of Argyle. When the new clergyman
reached the parish to take possession of his living, not an individual
would speak to him [public feeling on the change of church being
here different] except Mr Lindsay, who received him kindly. On
Sunday, the new clergyman went to church, accompanied by his
predecessor. The whole population of the district were assembled,
but they would not enter the church. No person spoke to the new
minister, nor was there the least noise or violence till he attempted to
enter the church, when he was surrounded by twelve men fully
armed, who told him he must accompany them; and, disregarding all
Mr Lindsay’s prayers and entreaties, they ordered the piper to play
the march of death, and marched away the minister to the confines
of the parish. Here they made him swear on the Bible that he would
never return, or attempt to disturb Mr Lindsay. He kept his oath. The
synod of Argyle were highly incensed at this violation of their
authority; but seeing that the people were fully determined to resist,
no further attempt was made, and Mr Lindsay lived thirty years
afterwards, and died Episcopal minister of Glenorchy, loved and
revered by his flock.’[6]

A little incident connected with the Apr.

accession of King William and Queen Mary
was reported to Wodrow as ‘beyond all question.’ When the
magistrates of Jedburgh were met at their market-cross to proclaim
the new sovereigns, and drink their healths, a Jacobite chanced to
pass by. A bailie asked him if he would 1689.
drink the king’s health; to which he
answered no, but he was willing to take a glass of the wine. They
handed him a little round glass full of wine; and he said: ‘As surely as
this glass will break, I drink confusion to him, and the restoration of
our sovereign and his heir;’ then threw away the glass, which
alighted on the tolbooth stair, and rolled down unbroken. The bailie
ran and picked up the glass, took them all to witness how it was quite
whole, and then dropping some wax into the bottom, impressed his
seal upon it, as an authentication of what he deemed little less than a
miracle.
Mr William Veitch happening to relate this incident in Edinburgh,
it came to the ears of the king and queen’s commissioner, the Earl of
Crawford, who immediately took measures for obtaining the glass
from Jedburgh, and ‘sent it up with ane attested account to King
William.’[7]