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Geographies of Children and
Young People 2
Ruth Evans
Louise Holt Editors
Tracey Skelton Editor-in-Chief
Methodological
Approaches
Geographies of Children and Young People
Volume 2
Editor-in-Chief
Tracey Skelton
Department of Geography
National University of Singapore
Singapore, Singapore
Geographies of Children and Young People is a Major Reference Work comprising
12 volumes that pulls together the best international reflective and innovative
scholarship focusing on younger people. Volumes 1 and 2 establish and critically
engage with the theoretical, conceptual, and methodological groundings of this
geographical sub-discipline. Volumes 3–11 provide in depth thematic analysis of
key topical areas pertinent to children’s and young people’s lives: space, place and
environment; identities and subjectivities; families and peer groups; movement and
mobilities; politics and citizenship; global issues and change; play and well-being;
learning and labouring; conflict and peace. Volume 12 connects both academic,
policy, and practitioner based work around protection and provision.
Series Titles
1. Establishing Geographies of Children and Young People
2. Methodological Approaches
3. Space, Place, and Environment
4. Identities and Subjectivities
5. Families, Intergenerationality, and Peer Group Relations
6. Movement, Mobilities, and Journeys
7. Politics, Citizenship and Rights
8. Geographies of Global Issues: Change and Threat
9. Play and Recreation, Health and Wellbeing
10. Laboring and Learning
11. Conflict, Violence and Peace
12. Risk, Protection, Provision and Policy
Tracey Skelton
Editor-in-Chief
Methodological
Approaches
Editor-in-Chief
Tracey Skelton
Department of Geography
National University of Singapore
Singapore, Singapore
v
vi Series Preface
are often purportedly about reducing risk and offering protection but are also
associated with the control and containment of younger people, particularly spatially.
The chapters explore the ways in which policies at different scales affect children
and young people in terms of their access to space and their life chances.
This Series is an extremely rich, varied, and vibrant collection of work centered
on geographies of children and young people. Just as children and young people
bring vibrancy, diversity, and complexity to our worlds, so this MRW is designed to
showcase, deepen, and develop the geographic scholarship that captures, albeit
partially, the fascinating social heterogeneity and diverse spatialities of children’s
and young people’s lives.
Introduction
How to go about doing research with children and young people has presented many
challenges and generated much debate within the field of geographies of children
and young people. Since its inception as a field of enquiry, there have been three key
pillars around which critical geographies of children and young people coalesce: the
importance of children’s agency, that childhood is a socio-spatial construction, and
the need to include children’s voices in research. This general consensus underpins
the ways in which research with young people has been conducted within the field,
and these remain critical to methodological approaches. The emergence of the field
of geographies of children and youth has been tied to the new social studies of
childhood (Christiansen and James 2000; Punch 2002) and increasing interests in the
rights and participation of young people (Alderson 2001; Skelton 2007). As
Holloway (2015) points out, these were not the only points of origin of geographies
of children and youth. Participatory action research (Kindon et al. 2007), with its
roots in Participatory Rural Appraisal in the Global South, has also played a role in
influencing the methodological approaches and tools used to engage young people
as active participants in the research process. Similarly, feminist methodological
debates about ethical dilemmas and the positionality of the researcher have also
shaped how geographers research with young people (Scheyvens and Leslie 2000;
Morrow 2008). Nevertheless, the three central pillars outlined above, alongside
concerns about participation and ethics, permeate the methodological approaches
discussed in this volume.
The chapters in the volume demonstrate the range, creativity, reflexivity, and
diversity of methodological approaches in geographies of children and young
people. They present frank and honest accounts of how to engage young people in
theoretically informed and creative ways. The valuable insights presented in the
volume have potential resonances beyond the field of geographies of children and
youth to geographies and social sciences more generally, by presenting critical
evaluations and creative approaches. There is no reason why such a critical, reflec-
tive, and creative approach to methods and methodologies should not be used with a
ix
x Editorial: Geographies of Children and Young People. Methodological Approaches
range of participants, and this volume sets out what we, as a subdiscipline, can
contribute to geography and the broader social sciences in terms of lively methodolo-
gies. A key feature of geographies of children and young people is the astounding
diversity of spaces, places, and contexts in which young people’s lives are explored.
This volume demonstrates this diversity, which offers rich insights into methodo-
logical approaches. Often, the creative approaches discussed in the chapters arise
from methodological challenges posed by researching young people and young
people in specific contexts, such as in the past, young people on the move in various
ways, or young people living on the streets. A theme which permeates the chapters is
an endeavor to “go beyond” researching “with” children and young people to
encouraging children and young people to be equal partners, with equal rights. A
notion of transformation or transforming young people’s lives is also present in
many of the chapters. The chapters presented in the volume reflect the current state
of methodologies and methods in geographies of children and youth and provide a
timely and useful snapshot. There is an impressive array of approaches, tools, and
techniques.
The volume is divided into two sections. The first set of 11 chapters present
“Methodological Approaches,” an endeavor to survey the overall epistemological
and ontological approaches to research undertaken. The second set of nine chapters,
“Methods, Tools, and Techniques,” discuss in detail specific techniques and tools
which have been developed to conduct research with children and young people in
particular contexts. Of course, in many ways this is a clumsy and artificial division.
There are clearly many links between methodology and tools and techniques used,
and few of the chapters fit exclusively into one section or the other. However, readers
can expect from the first section a leaning towards methodological, epistemological,
and even ontological debate, whereas the chapters in the second section all provide
the reader with some useful tools and techniques to apply, try, and introduce as
options when working with young research partners, although this is not all they do.
Methodological Approaches
The first two chapters in this section throw out interesting methodological and
epistemological questions, from divergent perspectives. Priscilla Alderson’s chapter
presents a valuable insight into critical realism as an approach which can resolve
some of the central, epistemological tensions in social science, and therefore,
geographies of children and young people, between positivist and interpretive
approaches. Along with presenting a way of solving some enduring tensions and
dichotomies in social science, such as structure and agency, Alderson argues that
critical realism can serve as an approach which allows dialogue beyond academia
and beyond geographies of children and youth by producing research which may be
perceived to be “valid” across different academic perspectives and in the public and
policy-making arena.
In writing about the possibilities and pitfalls of autoethnography as an insight into
past childhoods, and an awareness of how our childhood memories remain an
Editorial: Geographies of Children and Young People. Methodological Approaches xi
embodied part of who we currently are, Peter Kraftl also raises some key epistemo-
logical questions about the nature of valid or valuable knowledge. His chapter
discusses ontological questions about the nature of childhood and indeed the
on-goingness of our childhood in our adult bodies. Kraftl confronts challenges
directed at the “validity” of autoethnography. He emphasizes that autoethnography
is a creative method and one which certainly does not produce replicable results
which can be validated. Kraftl usefully reminds us that claims for validity, objectiv-
ity, and so on emerge from particular, masculinist and contested positivist perspec-
tives. Kraftl emphasizes the potential of autoethnography to offer insights into the
relational geographies of age, citing Hopkins and Pain (2007).
The following chapters by Hughes and Cooper, and Ruth Evans, provide critical,
reflective, and honest accounts of the learning experiences involved in participatory
action research. They open the box of ethical and methodological complexities,
power-relations, and conflicts, which often go underreported in discussions of
participatory research. Hughes and Cooper detail their project with young people
living with Austerity in the UK, whereas Ruth Evans draws upon research in East
and West Africa. Collectively, these chapters emphasize the potential limits and
constraints on participatory video, when anonymity and confidentiality can be
compromised. Ruth Evans suggests that participatory dissemination can be a way
to bring together more and less powerful groups in “communities” in order to affect
social change. Both chapters give insights into how participants can participate fully
in all stages of the research, from inception to analysis and dissemination.
The chapter by Christina Ergler questions what it means to include primary
school aged children as active partners in all stages of the research process, which
is often heralded as the ideal approach. Drawing on her experience of a project in
which children became the researchers, she suggests an approach which engages
with children’s and young people’s own ways of knowing, capabilities, and prefer-
ences. Participation, Ergler argues, should be constantly negotiated and reframed
through children’s active involvement in deciding in which stages of research they
want to participate.
Reflecting that young people’s lives are characterized by mobility at smaller and
larger scales (Holt and Costello 2011), researchers have begun to develop mobile
methods. Three chapters in the volume detail researching with young people “on the
move.” Heli Ponto reflects on young people’s micro-movements around the city of
Helsinki, Daniela Sime considers how the voices and experiences of young migrants
can be more fully incorporated into academic debates, and Van Blerk, Shand, and
Shanahan explore the mobile geographies of young street people in Africa. Heli
Ponto moves the lens fully onto the specific ethical dilemmas of research on the
move. She suggests that the mobile research setting is unpredictable, and it is
relatively difficult to control or plan for ethical dilemmas that arise. Such situations
may include encountering people who threaten or make the child/young person feel
uncomfortable and the need for researchers to recognize and facilitate their right to
terminate the research encounter at any point, especially if the meeting is happening
at a distance from the child’s home or school.
xii Editorial: Geographies of Children and Young People. Methodological Approaches
Daniela Sime reflects upon ethical dilemmas of researching with migrant children
and young people who moved from Eastern Europe to Britain. Concerns of ethical
responsibility, access, and gatekeepers are discussed, along with the complex and
uncertain power-relations tied to gender, ethnicity, and language. Sime also points to
the importance of critical awareness of the ways in which migrant children’s lives are
tied to, constrained by, and contextualized within powerful broader familial and
community relations, themes which resonate with Evans’ chapter. Sime, like Evans,
and Hughes and Cooper, critically reflect upon the need to balance attempts to
encourage young people’s full participation in all elements of the project with ethical
concerns to protect anonymity, confidentiality, and an awareness of power relations
within “communities.”
Van Blerk, Shand, and Shanahan explore the methodological challenges of
employing young street people as researchers to maximize participation in all stages
of the research. They point to the spatial and temporary complexities of life on the
streets. They emphasize the need to research with young street people, whose
experiences are often outside of academic debate, as well as often being positioned
outside the decision-making process and enactment of policies.
By contrast to these methods “on the move,” the geographies of the children in
White and Tyrrell’s chapter, which discusses ethical and methodological concerns of
researching migrant children seeking asylum in Ireland, seem surprisingly static. The
fraught mobilities of their asylum journeys stand in sharp contrast to the seemingly
bounded place of the Direct Provision Centre. In amongst methodological and
ethical attempts to “listen to” children’s voices or “give voice” to children and
young people, White and Tyrrell emphasize the importance of interrogating silences,
which are often overlooked but are powerful and full of meaning and insight, as they
demonstrate through examples from their research.
Space, place, and the socio-spatial relations that characterize them also frame the
chapter by Samantha Punch and Elizabeth Graham, which discusses the methodo-
logical and ethical concerns of researching with children at home. In addition to
reflecting upon the methodological and ethical practicalities and challenges, such as
the ways in which interviews can be a forum for reproducing sibling rivalry or
support, the chapter details some pragmatic tools for use with young people in the
home, such as: interviews and task-based activities and group or individual
interviews.
The section ends with Sharon Bessell’s chapter, which focuses on the methodo-
logical, political, and ethical imperatives to foreground and preserve children’s
rights. Bessell argues that children’s rights agendas point to the importance of
preserving the rights and dignities of children and young people who participate in
research, rather than simply suggesting the right to be included in research. Detailing
some of the origins of rights-based research, this chapter also highlights how
academics outside of critical geographies and social studies of children and youth
continue to conduct research on children in ways that do not foreground their
capabilities as actors and can deny children their rights. The section ends with this
chapter, which is a salutary reminder of how much geographies and social studies of
children and young people have achieved but also how much still needs to be done to
Editorial: Geographies of Children and Young People. Methodological Approaches xiii
challenge the way children are conceptualized and positioned in research in many
academic disciplines.
One of the great strengths of this volume, arguably, is the honesty and reflexivity
with which authors discuss the practicalities of researching with young people. In the
second section of the volume, authors move on from discussing more methodolog-
ical concerns towards addressing the specific techniques and tools that can be used to
research young people’s lives. Taken as a whole, this section highlights the diversity
and creativity of methods developed to take seriously the endeavor to research with
rather than on children and young people. Most of the chapters in this section detail
methodological concerns along with a specific account of tools and techniques that
can be used for researching children and young people.
Multiple methods that seek to go “beyond the representational” and engage with
specific ways of knowing typify many of the chapters in this second section,
although authors frequently also consider how these can be used alongside more
traditional methods. In the first chapter of the section, Matej Blazek details the
development and use of participatory video as a technique to work in equal partner-
ship with young people. The chapter also reflects upon some ethical and political
dilemmas, many of which have resonance to the foregoing chapters, particularly
those by Ruth Evans, and Hughes and Cooper. In particular, he emphasizes the
careful role negotiation of the researcher as s/he moves from being a researcher to a
partner, a facilitator, and sometimes even a counsellor and community negotiator.
Similarly, Thomas Grant’s chapter develops a “tool-kit” of participatory methods,
aimed at helping researchers to develop participatory approaches and methods which
more fully engage with young people’s ways of knowing. He discusses specific
tools, ranging from Visual Techniques through Video and Film Techniques –
Participatory Video, Diagram Techniques, Mapping, Matrixes, Ranking, and Scor-
ing – Creative Techniques to Written Techniques. Grant reflects upon the potentials,
possibilities, and problems of all of these techniques.
Reflecting upon the challenges of conducting research with young disabled
people in Ghana, Stefanie Gregorius also provides a reflective account of a multiple
method approach. She assesses using Participant Observation, Life Story Interviews,
Focus Groups, Solicited Diaries, Participant-Directed Photography, and Participa-
tory Video. Her detailed account provides insight into both how to use the tools she
discusses and how to go about researching with groups who can be marginalized in
challenging contexts. Gregorius reminds us to ensure that the “different preferences
and varying abilities of young people with different impairments are taken into
account” and “a multi-method approach can be inclusive and empowering,”
highlighting that disabled young people are not a homogeneous group.
Farmer and Cepin reflect upon using visual methods to research mobility and
transnationalism with young people in Canadian school spaces, using “multisited
visual ethnography.” Specific techniques developed, which the authors describe as
xiv Editorial: Geographies of Children and Young People. Methodological Approaches
Concluding Thoughts
Louise Holt
Ruth Evans
References
We wish to thank all the authors, and the young people who were involved in their
research, for the insightful, reflective contributions which demonstrate the diverse,
innovative methodological approaches and research methods that underpin geogra-
phies of children and young people. Thanks also go to Tracey Skelton for her vision
and hard work in bringing together this collection of scholarship about geographies
of children and young people. We express grateful thanks to the Springer team for
their support, hard work and assistance in bringing this volume to fruition as an
essential component of the series.
xvii
Contents
xix
xx Contents
xxi
xxii About the Editors
xxiii
xxiv Editor-in-Chief
xxv
xxvi Contributors
Priscilla Alderson
Contents
1 Introduction: Problems in Social Science . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
2 Seven Contradictions Between Positivism and Interpretivism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
3 Toward Resolving the Contradictions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
3.1 Being and Knowing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
3.2 Social Science and Philosophy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
3.3 The Epistemic Fallacy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
3.4 The Possibility of Naturalism: Closed and Open Systems . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
3.5 Polyvalence and Depth Realism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
3.6 Structure and Agency, Natural Necessity, and Power . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12
3.7 Predicting the Future . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14
3.8 Absence, Change, and Emergence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
3.9 Macro- and Micro-levels in Research . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16
3.10 Four Planar Social Being . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16
3.11 MELD . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18
4 Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20
Abstract
There are several complications in the geographies of children and young people
and in all social science, including the following three questions:
How can we resolve disagreements and even contradictions between empirical,
evidence-based, factual, statistical research versus interpretive and social con-
structionist research into contingent beliefs, behaviors, and values?
How can we understand and respect each local culture and yet not fall into
mere description and cultural relativism?
P. Alderson (*)
Institute of Education, University College London, London, UK
e-mail: p.alderson@ioe.ac.uk
Keywords
Bodies • Change • Cities • Contradictions • Critical Realism • Economics •
Epistemology • Freedom • Ethics • Justice • Ontology • Politics • Rights
Natural scientists broadly agree with one another on their theories and methods.
Although there is much debate about the precise and rigorous use of methods and
about the validity of the findings, there is still major consensus about the following:
empirical research methods (based on evidence gained through the five senses),
positivism (proving hypotheses empirically), validity and the search for reliable
generalizable findings, fallibility (skeptically testing and retesting hypotheses),
technology (as the practical means of conducting and applying replicable scientific
research), and policy (it should be based on sound, unbiased scientific evidence).
Quantitative and statistical social researchers tend to accept these certainties. For
example, they may assume that standards in schools across the world can be verified
and compared accurately, as long as rigorous tests are precisely conducted with
each specific age group. An example is the Program for International Student
Assessment (PISA 2012) which tested a sample of 510,000 students selected
from 28 million 15-year-olds from 70 “economies” or countries. The students’
recorded replies are taken as direct and valid evidence of their learning, in stan-
dardized formats that are measured and compared. Hypotheses about which edu-
cational methods are most successful are tested and then retested regularly. The
global results, obtained through massive computerized programs, are taken to
support valid education policies. And these are implemented through new teaching
technologies and materials, both printed and virtual. Many materials are supplied
through multinational corporations, such as Rupert Murdoch’s HarperCollins.
Another random document with
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these attributed founders. So too, may be taken, the legend which
Ammianus Marcellinus records and approves,――that it was
founded by Sandan, a wealthy and eminent person from Ethiopia,
who at some early period not specified, is said to have built Tarsus. It
was however, at the earliest period that is definitely mentioned,
subject to the Assyrian empire; and afterwards fell under the
dominion of each of the sovranties which succeeded it, passing into
the hands of the Persian and of Alexander, as each in turn assumed
the lordship of the eastern world. While under the Persian sway, it is
commemorated by Xenophon as having been honored by the
presence of the younger Cyrus, when on his march through Asia to
wrest the empire from his brother. On this occasion, he entered this
region through the northern “gates of Cilicia,” and passed out
through the “gates of Syria,” a passage which is, in connection with
this event, very minutely described by the elegant historian of that
famous expedition.
Sardanapalus.――The fact of the foundation both of Tarsus and Anchialus by this
splendid but unfortunately extravagant monarch, the last of his line, is commemorated by
Arrian, who refers to the high authority of an inscription which records the event.
“Anchialus is said to have been founded by the king of Assyria, Sardanapalus. The
fortifications, in their magnitude and extent, still, in Arrian’s time, bore the character of
greatness, which the Assyrians appear singularly to have affected in works of the kind. A
monument, representing Sardanapalus, was found there, warranted by an inscription in
Assyrian characters, of course in the old Assyrian language, which the Greeks, whether well
or ill, interpreted thus: ‘Sardanapalus, son of Anacyndaraxes, in one day founded Anchialus
and Tarsus. Eat, drink, play: all other human joys are not worth a fillip.’ Supposing this
version nearly exact, (for Arrian says it was not quite so,) whether the purpose has not been
to invite to civil order a people disposed to turbulence, rather than to recommend
immoderate luxury, may perhaps reasonably be questioned. What, indeed, could be the
object of a king of Assyria in founding such towns in a country so distant from his capital,
and so divided from it by an immense extent of sandy desert and lofty mountains, and, still
more, how the inhabitants could be at once in circumstances to abandon themselves to the
intemperate joys which their prince has been supposed to have recommended, is not
obvious; but it may deserve observation that, in that line of coast, the southern of Lesser
Asia, ruins of cities, evidently of an age after Alexander, yet barely named in history, at this
day astonish the adventurous traveler by their magnificence and elegance.” (Mitford’s
Greece, Vol. IX. pp. 311, 312.)
Over the same route passed the conquering armies of the great
Alexander. At Issus, within the boundaries of Cilicia, he met, in their
mightiest array, the vast hosts of Darius, whom here vanquishing, he
thus decided the destiny of the world. Before this great battle, halting
to repose at Tarsus, he almost met his death, by imprudently bathing
in the classic Cydnus, whose waters were famed for their extreme
coldness. By a remarkable coincidence, the next conqueror of the
world, Julius Caesar, also rested at Tarsus for some days before his
great triumphs in Asia Minor. Cilicia had in the interval between
these two visits passed from the Macedonian to the Roman
dominion, being made a Roman province by Pompey, about sixty
years before Christ, at the time when all the kingdoms of Asia and
Syria were subjugated. After this it was visited by Cicero, at the time
of his triumphs over the cities of eastern Cilicia; and its classic
stream is still farther celebrated in immortal verse and prose, as the
scene where Marcus Antony met Cleopatra for the first time. It was
the Cydnus, down which she sailed in her splendid galley, to meet
the conqueror, who for her afterwards lost the empire of the world.
During all the civil wars which desolated the Roman empire through
a long course of years in that age, Tarsus steadily adhered to the
house of Caesar, first to the great Julius and afterwards to Augustus.
So remarkable was its attachment and devotion to the cause of
Julius, that when the assassin Cassius marched through Asia into
Syria to secure the dominion of the eastern world, he laid siege to
Tarsus, and having taken it, laid it waste with the most destructive
vengeance for its adherence to the fortunes of his murdered lord;
and such were its sufferings under these and subsequent calamities
in the same cause, that when Augustus was at last established in the
undivided empire of the world, he felt himself bound in honor and
gratitude, to bestow on the faithful citizens of Tarsus the most
remarkable favors. The city, having at the request of its inhabitants
received the new name of Juliopolis, as a testimony of their devotion
to the memory of their murdered patron, was lavishly honored with
almost every privilege which the imperial Augustus could bestow on
these most faithful adherents of his family. From the terms in which
his acts of generosity to them are recorded, it has been
inferred,――though not therein positively stated,――that he
conferred on it the rank and title of a Roman colony, or free city,
which must have given all its inhabitants the exalted privileges of
Roman citizens. This assertion has been disputed however, and
forms one of the most interesting topics in the life of the great
apostle, involving the inquiry as to the mode in which he obtained
that inviolable privilege, which, on more than one occasion, snatched
him from the clutches of tyrannical persecutors. Whether he held this
privilege in common with all the citizens of Tarsus, or inherited it as a
peculiar honor of his own family, is a question yet to be decided. But
whatever may have been the precise extent of the municipal favors
enjoyed by Tarsus, it is certain that it was an object of peculiar favor
to the imperial Caesars during a long succession of years, not only
before but after the apostle’s time, being crowned with repeated acts
of munificence by Augustus, Adrian, Caracalla and Heliogabalus, so
that through many centuries it was the most favored city in the
eastern division of the Roman empire.
The history of Cilicia since the apostolic age, is briefly this: It remained attached to the
eastern division of the Roman empire, until about A. D. 800, when it first fell under the
Muhammedan sway, being made part of the dominion of the Califs by Haroun Al Rashid. In
the thirteenth century it reverted to a Christian government, constituting a province of the
Armenian kingdom of Leo. About A. D. 1400, it fell under the sway of Bajazet II., Sultan of
the Ottoman empire, and is at present included in that empire,――most of it in a single
Turkish pashalic, under the name of Adana.
Roman citizens.――Witsius very fully discusses this point, as follows. (Witsius on the
Life of Paul § 1. ¶ V.)
“It is remarkable that though he was of Tarsus, he should say that he was a Roman
citizen, and that too by the right of birth: Acts xxii. 28. There has been some discussion
whether he enjoyed that privilege in common with all the Tarsans, or whether it was peculiar
to his family. Most interpreters firmly hold the former opinion. Beza remarks, ‘that he calls
himself a Roman, not by country, but by right of citizenship; since Tarsus had the privileges
of a Roman colony.’ He adds, ‘Mark Antony, the triumvir, presented the Tarsans with the
rights of citizens of Rome.’ Others, without number, bear the same testimony. Baronius
goes still farther,――contending that ‘Tarsus obtained from the Romans, the municipal
right,’ that is, the privileges of free-born citizens of Rome; understanding Paul’s expression
in Acts xxi. 39, to mean that he was a municeps of Tarsus, or a Tarsan with the freedom of
the city of Rome. Now the municipal towns, or free cities, had rights superior to those of
mere colonies; for the free-citizens were not only called Roman citizens as the colonists
were, but also, as Ulpian records, could share in all the honors and offices of Rome.
Moreover, the colonies had to live under the laws of the Romans, while the municipal towns
were allowed to act according their own ancient laws, and country usages. To account for
the distinction enjoyed by Tarsus, in being called a ‘municipium of Romans,’ the citizens are
said to have merited that honor, for having in the civil wars attached themselves first to
Julius Caesar, and afterwards to Octavius, in whose cause they suffered much. For so
attached was this city to the side of Caesar, that, as Dion Cassius records, their asked to
have their name changed from Tarsus to Juliopolis, in memory of Julius and in token of
good will to Augustus; and for that reason they were presented with the rights of a colony or
a municipium, and this general opinion is strengthened by the high testimony of Pliny and
Appian. On the other hand Heinsius and Grotius strongly urge that these things have been
too hastily asserted by the learned; for scarcely a passage can be found in the ancient
writers, where Tarsus is called a colony, or even a municipium. ‘And how could it be a
colony,’ asks Heinsius, ‘when writers on Roman law acknowledge but two in Cilicia? Ulpian
(Liber I. De censibus) says of the Roman colonies in Asia Minor, “there is in Bithynia the
colony of Apamea,――in Pontus, Sinope,――in Cilicia there are Selinus and Trajanopolis.”
But why does he pass over Tarsus or Juliopolis, if that had place among them?’ Baronius
proves it to have been a municipium, only from the Latin version of Acts, where that word is
used; though the term in the original Greek (πολιτης) means nothing more than the common
word, citizen, (as it is rendered in the English version.) Pliny also calls Tarsus not a colony,
nor a municipium, but a free city. (libera urbs.) Book V. chap xxvii. Appian in the first book of
the civil wars, says that Antony granted to the Tarsans freedom, but says nothing of the
rights of a municipium, or colony. Wherefore Grotius thinks that the only point established is,
that some one of the ancestors of Paul, in the civil wars between Augustus Caesar, and
Brutus and Cassius, and perhaps those between this Caesar and Antony, received the
grant of the privileges of a Roman citizen. Whence he concludes that Paul must have been
of an opulent family. These opinions of Grotius have received the approval of other eminent
commentators. These notions however, must be rejected as unsatisfactory; because,
though some writers have but slightly alluded to Tarsus as a free city, yet Dio Chrysostom,
(in Tarsica posteriore,) has enlarged upon it in a tone of high declamation. ‘Yours, men of
Tarsus, was the fortune to be first in this nation,――not only because you dwell in the
greatest city of Cilicia, and one which was a metropolis from the beginning,――but also
because the second Caesar was remarkably well-disposed and gracious towards you. For,
the misfortunes which befell the city in his cause, deservedly secured to you his kind regard,
and led him to make his benefits to you as conspicuous as the calamities brought upon you
for his sake. Therefore did Augustus confer on you everything that a man could on friends
and companions, with a view to outdo those who had shown him so great good-
will,――your land, laws, honors, the right of the river and of the neighboring sea.’ On which
words Heinsius observes in comment, that by land is doubtless meant that he secured to
them their own territory, free and undisturbed. By laws are meant such as relate to the
liberty usually granted to free towns. Honor plainly refers to the right of citizenship, as the
most exalted he could offer. The point then seems to be established, if this interpretation
holds good, and it is evidently a rational one. For when he had made up his mind to grant
high favors to a city, in return for such great merits, why, when it was in his power, should
Augustus fail to grant it the rights of Roman citizenship, which certainly had been often
granted to other cities on much slighter grounds? It would be strange indeed, if among the
exalted honors which Dio proclaims, that should not have been included. This appears to be
the drift, not only of Dio’s remarks, but also of Paul’s, who offers no other proof of his being
a Roman citizen, than that he was a Tarsan, and says nothing of it as a special immunity of
his own family, although some such explanation would otherwise have been necessary to
gain credit to his assertion. Whence it is concluded that it would be rash to pretend, contrary
to all historical testimony, any peculiar merits of the ancestors of Paul, towards the Romans,
which caused so great an honor to be conferred on a Jewish family.”
But from all these ample and grandiloquent statements of Dio Chrysostom, it by no
means follows that Tarsus had the privilege of Roman citizenship; and the conclusion of the
learned Witsius seems highly illogical. The very fact, that while Dio was panegyrizing Tarsus
in these high terms, and recounting all the favors which imperial beneficence had showered
upon it, he yet did not mention among these minutiae, the privilege of citizenship, is quite
conclusive against this view; for he would not, when thus seeking for all the particulars of its
eminence, have omitted the greatest honor and advantage which could be conferred on any
city by a Roman emperor, nor have left it vaguely to be inferred. Besides, there are
passages in the Acts of the Apostles which seem to be opposed to the view, that Tarsus
was thus privileged. In Acts xxi. 39, Paul is represented as distinctly stating to the tribune,
that he was “a citizen of Tarsus;” yet in xxii. 24, 25, it is said, that the tribune was about
proceeding, without scruple, to punish Paul with stripes, and was very much surprised
indeed, to learn that he was a Roman citizen, and evidently had no idea that a citizen of
Tarsus was, as a matter of course, endowed with Roman citizenship;――a fact, however,
with which a high Roman officer must have been acquainted, for there were few cities thus
privileged, and Tarsus was a very eminent city in a province adjoining Palestine, and not far
from the capital of Judea. And the subsequent passages of chap. xxii. represent him as very
slow indeed to believe it, after Paul’s distinct assertion.
Hemsen is very clear and satisfactory on this point, and presents the argument in a fair
light. See his note in his “Apostel Paulus” on pp. 1, 2. He refers also to a work not otherwise
known here;――John Ortwin Westenberg’s “Dissert. de jurisp. Paul. Apost.” Kuinoel in Act.
Apost. xvi. 37. discusses the question of citizenship.
“It ought not to seem very strange, that the ancestors of Paul should have settled in
Cilicia, rather than in the land of Israel. For although Cyrus gave the whole people of God
an opportunity of returning to their own country, yet many from each tribe preferred the new
country, in which they had been born and bred, to the old one, of which they had lost the
remembrance. Hence an immense multitude of Jews might be found in almost all the
dominions of the Persians, Greeks, Romans and Parthians; as alluded to in Acts ii. 9, 10.
But there were also other occasions and causes for the dispersion of the Jews. Ptolemy, the
Macedonian king of Egypt, having taken Jerusalem from the Syro-Macedonians, led away
many from the hill-country of Judea, from Samaria and Mount Gerizim, into Egypt, where he
made them settle; and after he had given them at Alexandria the rights of citizens in equal
privilege with the Macedonians, not a few of the rest, of their own accord, moved into Egypt,
allured partly by the richness of the land, and partly by the good will that Ptolemy had
shown towards their nation. Afterwards, Antiochus the Great, the Macedonian king of Syria,
about the thirtieth year of his reign, two hundred years before the Christian era, brought out
two thousand Jewish families from Babylonia, whom he sent into Phrygia and Lydia with the
most ample privileges, that they might hold to their duty the minds of the Greeks, who were
then inclining to revolt from his sway. These were from Asia Minor, spread abroad over the
surrounding countries, between the Mediterranean sea, the Euphrates and Mount Amanus,
on the frontiers of Cilicia. Besides, others afterwards, to escape the cruelty of Antiochus
Epiphanes, betook themselves to foreign lands, where, finding themselves well settled, they
and their descendants remained. Moreover, many, as Philo testifies, for the sake of trade, or
other advantages, of their own accord left the land of Israel for foreign countries: whence
almost the whole world was filled with colonies of Jews, as we see in the directions of some
of the general epistles, (James i. 1: 1 Peter i. 1.) Thus also Tarsus had its share of Jewish
inhabitants, among whom were the family of Paul.” (Witsius in Vita Pauli, § 1. ¶ v.)
Nor were the solid honors of this great Asian city, limited to the
mere favors of imperial patronage. Founded, or early enlarged by the
colonial enterprise of the most refined people of ancient times,
Tarsus, from its first beginning, shared in the glories of Helleno-Asian
civilization, under which philosophy, art, taste, commerce, and
warlike power attained in these colonies a highth before unequalled,
while Greece, the mother country, was still far back in the march of
improvement. In the Asian colonies arose the first schools of
philosophy, and there is hardly a city on the eastern coast of the
Aegean, but is consecrated by some glorious association with the
name of some Father of Grecian science. Thales, Anaxagoras,
Anaximander, and many others of the earliest philosophers, all
flourished in these Asian colonies; and on the Mediterranean coast,
within Cilicia itself, were the home and schools of Aratus and the
stoic Chrysippus. The city of Tarsus is commemorated by Strabo as
having in very early times attained great eminence in philosophy and
in all sorts of learning, so that “in science and art it surpassed the
fame even of Athens and Alexandria; and the citizens of Tarsus
themselves were distinguished for individual excellence in these
elevated pursuits. So great was the zeal of the men of that place for
philosophy, and for the rest of the circle of sciences, that they
excelled both Athens and Alexandria, and every other place which
can be mentioned, where there are schools and lectures of
philosophers.” Not borrowing the philosophic glory of their city
merely from the numbers of strangers who resorted thither to enjoy
the advantages of instruction there afforded, as is almost universally
the case in all the great seats of modern learning; but entering
themselves with zeal and enjoyment into their schools of science,
they made the name of Tarsus famous throughout the civilized
world, for the cultivation of knowledge and taste. Even to this day the
stranger pauses with admiration among the still splendid ruins of this
ancient city, and finds in her arches, columns and walls, and in her
chance-buried medals, the solid testimonies of her early glories in
art, taste and wealth. Well then might the great apostle recur with
patriotic pride to the glories of the city where he was born and
educated, challenging the regard of his military hearers for his native
place, by the sententious allusion to it, as “no mean city.”
“It appears on the testimony of Paul, (Acts xxi. 39,) that Tarsus was a city of no little
note, and it is described by other writers as the most illustrious city of all Cilicia; so much so
indeed, that the Tarsans traced their origin to Ionians and Argives, and a rank superior even
to these;――referring their antiquity of origin not merely to heroes, but even to demi-gods. It
was truly exalted, not only by its antiquity, situation, population and thriving trade, but by the
nobler pursuits of science and literature, which so flourished there, that according to Strabo
it was worthy to be ranked with Athens and Alexandria; and we know that Rome itself owed
its most celebrated professors to Tarsus.” (Witsius. § 1, ¶ iv.)
The testimony of Strabo is found in his Geography, book XIV. Cellarius (Geog. Ant.) is
very full on the geography of Cilicia, and may be advantageously consulted. Conder’s
Modern Traveler (Syria and Asia Minor 2.) gives a very full account of its ancient history, its
present condition, and its topography.
The present appearance of this ancient city must be a matter of great interest to the
reader of apostolic history; and it can not be more clearly given than in the simple narrative
of the enterprising Burckhardt, who wrote his journal on the very spot which he describes.
(Life of Burckhardt, prefixed to his travels in Nubia, pp. xv. xvi.)
“The road from our anchoring place to Tarsus crosses the above-mentioned plain in an
easterly direction: we passed several small rivulets which empty themselves into the sea,
and which, to judge from the size of their beds, swell in the rainy season to considerable
torrents. We had rode about an hour, when I saw at half an hour’s distance to the north of
our route, the ruins of a large castle, upon a hill of a regular shape in the plain; half an hour
further towards Tarsus, at an equal distance from our road, upon a second tumulus, were
ruins resembling the former; a third insulated hillock, close to which we passed midway of
our route, was over-grown with grass, without any ruins or traces of them. I did not see in
the whole plain any other elevations of ground but the three just mentioned. Not far from the
first ruins, stands in the plain an insulated column. Large groups of trees show from afar the
site of Tarsus. We passed a small river before we entered the town, larger than those we
had met on the road. The western outer gate of the town, through which we entered, is of
ancient structure; it is a fine arch, the interior vault of which is in perfect preservation: on the
outside are some remains of a sculptured frieze. I did not see any inscriptions. To the right
and left of this gateway are seen the ancient ruined walls of the city, which extended in this
direction farther than the town at present does. From the outer gateway, it is about four
hundred paces to the modern entrance of the city; the intermediate ground is filled up by a
burying ground on one side of the road, and several gardens with some miserable huts on
the other. * * * * The little I saw of Tarsus did not allow me to estimate its extent; the streets
through which I passed were all built of wood, and badly; some well furnished bazars, and a
large and handsome mosque in the vicinity of the Khan, make up the whole register of
curiosities which I am able to relate of Tarsus. Upon several maps Tarsus is marked as a
sea town: this is incorrect; the sea is above three miles distant from it. On our return home,
we started in a south-west direction, and passed, after two hours and a half’s march, Casal,
a large village, half a mile distant from the sea-shore, called the Port of Tarsus, because
vessels freighted for Tarsus usually come to anchor in its neighborhood. From thence
turning towards the west, we arrived at our ship at the end of two hours. The merchants of
Tarsus trade principally with the Syrian coast and Cyprus: imperial ships arrive there from
time to time, to load grain. The land trade is of very little consequence, as the caravans from
Smyrna arrive very seldom. There is no land communication at all between Tarsus and
Aleppo, which is at ten journeys (caravan traveling) distant from it. The road has been
rendered unsafe, especially in later times, by the depredations of Kutshuk Ali, a savage
rebel, who has established himself in the mountains to the north of Alexandretta. Tarsus is
governed by an Aga, who I have reason to believe is almost independent. The French have
an agent there, who is a rich Greek merchant.”
A fine instance of the value of the testimony of the Fathers on points where knowledge
of the Scriptures is involved, is found in the story by Jerome, who says that “Paul was born
at Gischali, a city of Judea,” (in Galilee,) “and that while he was a child, his parents, in the
time of the laying waste of their country by the Romans, removed to Tarsus, in Cilicia.” And
yet this most learned of the Fathers, the translator of the whole Bible into Latin, did not
know, it seems, that Paul himself most distinctly states in his speech to the Jewish mob,
(Acts xxii. 3,) that he was “born in Cilicia,” as the common translation has it;――in Greek,
γεγενημενος εν Κιλικια,――words which so far from allowing any such assertion as Jerome
makes, even imply that Paul, with Tristram Shandy-like particularity, would specify that he
was “begotten in Cilicia.” Jerome’s ridiculous blunder, Witsius, after exposing its
inconsistency with Jewish history, indignantly condemns, as “a most shameful falsehood,”
(putidissima fabula,) which is as hard a name as has been applied to anything in this book.
But if this blunder is so shameful in Jerome, what shall be said of the learned Fabricius,
who (Bibliotheca Graeca, IV. p. 795,) copies this story from Jerome as authentic history,
without a note of comment, and without being aware that it most positively contradicts the
direct assertion of Paul? And this blunder too is passed over by all the great critical
commentators of Fabricius, in Harles’s great edition. Keil, Kuinoel, Harles, Gurlitt, and
others equally great, who revised all this, are involved in the discredit of the blunder. “Non
omnes omnia.”
The parents of Saul were Jews, and his father at least, was of the
tribe of Benjamin. In some of those numerous emigrations from
Judea which took place either by compulsion or by the voluntary
enterprise of the people, at various times after the Assyrian
conquest, the ancestors of Saul had left their father-land, for the
fertile plains of Cilicia, where, under the patronizing government of
some of the Syro-Macedonian kings, they found a much more
profitable home than in the comparatively uncommercial land of
Israel. On some one of these occasions, probably during the
emigration under Antiochus the Great, the ancestors of Saul had
settled in Tarsus, and during the period intervening between this
emigration and the birth of Saul, the family seems to have
maintained or acquired a very respectable rank, and some property.
From the distinct information which we have that Saul was a free-
born Roman citizen, it is manifest that his parents must also have
possessed that right; for it has already been abundantly shown that it
was not common to the citizens of Tarsus, but must have been a
peculiar privilege of his family. After the subjugation of Cilicia, (sixty-
two years before Christ,) when the province passed from the Syrian
to the Roman sway, the family were in some way brought under the
favorable notice of the new lords of the eastern world, and were
honored with the high privilege of Roman citizenship, an honor which
could not have been imparted to any one low either in birth or
wealth. The precise nature of the service performed by them, that
produced such a magnificent reward, it is impossible to determine;
but that this must have been the reason, it is very natural to
suppose. But whatever may have been the extent of the favors
enjoyed by the parents of Saul, from the kindness of their heathen
rulers, they were not thereby led to neglect the institutions of their
fathers,――but even in a strange land, observed the Mosaic law with
peculiar strictness; for Saul himself plainly asserts that his father was
a Pharisee, and therefore he must have been bound by the rigid
observances of that sect, to a blameless deportment, as far as the
Mosaic law required. Born of such parents, the destined apostle at
his birth was made the subject of the minute Mosaic rituals.
“Circumcised the eighth day,” he then received the name of Saul, a
name connected with some glorious and some mournful
associations in the ancient Jewish history, and probably suggested
to the parents on this occasion, by a reference to its signification, for
Hebrew names were often thus applied, expressing some
circumstance connected with the child; and in this name more
particularly, some such meaning might be expected, since,
historically, it must have been a word of rather evil omen. The
original Hebrew means “desired,” “asked for,” and hence it has been
rather fancifully, but not unreasonably conjectured that he was an
oldest son, and particularly desired by his expecting parents, who
were, like the whole Jewish race, very earnest to have a son to
perpetuate their name,――a wish however, by no means peculiar to
the Israelites.
The name Saul is in Hebrew, שאולthe regular noun from the passive Kal participle of שאל
(sha-al and sha-el) “ask for,” “beg,” “request;” and the name therefore means “asked for,” or
“requested,” which affords ground for Neander’s curious conjecture, above given.
his trade.
“In the education of their son, the parents of Saul thought it their duty according to the
fashion of their nation, not only to train his mind in the higher pursuits of a liberal education,
but also to accustom his hands to some useful trade. As we learn from Acts xviii. 3, ‘he was
by trade a tent-maker,’ occupying the intervals of his study-hours with that kind of work. For
it is well established that this was the usual habit of the most eminent Jewish scholars, who
adopted it as much for the sake of avoiding sloth and idleness, as with a view to provide for
their own support. The Jews used to sum up the duties of parents in a sort of proverb, that
‘they should circumcise their son, redeem him, (Leviticus chapter xxvii.) teach him the law
and a trade, and look out a wife for him.’ And indeed the importance of some business of
this kind was so much felt, that a saying is recorded of one of the most eminent of their
Rabbins, that ‘he who neglects to teach his son a trade, does the same as to bring him up
to be a thief.’ Hence it is that the wisest Hebrews held it an honor to take their surnames
from their trades; as Rabbins Nahum and Meir, the scriveners or book writers,” (a business
corresponding to that of printers in these times,) “Rabbi Johanan the shoemaker, Rabbi
Juda the baker, and Rabbi Jose the currier or tanner. How trifling then is the sneer of some
scoffers who have said that Paul was nothing but a stitcher of skins, and thence conclude
that he was a man of the lowest class of the populace.” (Witsius § I. ¶ 12.)
The trade which the parents of Saul selected for their son, is
described in the sacred apostolic history as that of a “tent-maker.” A
reference to the local history of his native province throws great light
on this account. In the wild mountains of Cilicia, which everywhere
begin to rise from the plains, at a distance of seven or eight miles
from the coast, anciently ranged a peculiar species of long-haired
goats, so well known by name throughout the Grecian world, for their
rough and shaggy aspect, that the name of “Cilician goat” became a
proverbial expression, to signify a rough, ill-bred fellow, and occurs in
this sense in the classic writers. From the hair of these, the Cilicians
manufactured a thick, coarse cloth,――somewhat resembling the
similar product of the camel’s hair,――which, from the country where
the cloth was made, and where the raw material was produced, was
called cilicium or cilicia, and under this name it is very often
mentioned, both by Grecian and Roman authors. The peculiar
strength and incorruptibility of this cloth was so well known, that it
was considered as one of the most desirable articles for several very
important purposes, both in war and navigation, being the best
material for the sails of vessels, as well as for military tents. But it
was principally used by the Nomadic Arabs of the neighboring
deserts of Syria, who, ranging from Amanus and the sea, to the
Euphrates, and beyond, found the tents manufactured from this stout
cloth, so durable and convenient, that they depended on the
Cilicians to furnish them with the material of their moveable homes;
and over all the east, the cilicium was in great demand, for
shepherd’s tents. A passage from Pliny forms a splendid illustration
of this interesting little point. “The wandering tribes, (Nomades,) and
the tribes who plunder the Chaldeans, are bordered by Scenites,
(tent-dwellers,) who are themselves also wanderers, but take their
name from their tents, which they raise of Cilician cloth, wherever
inclination leads them.” This was therefore an article of national
industry among the Cilicians, and afforded in its manufacture,
profitable employment to a great number of workmen, who were
occupied, not in large establishments like the great manufactories of
modern European nations, but, according to the invariable mode in
eastern countries, each one by himself, or at most with one or two
companions. Saul, however, seems to have been occupied only with
the concluding part of the manufacture, which was the making up of
the cloth into the articles for which it was so well fitted by its strength,
closeness and durability. He was a maker of tents of Cilician camlet,
or goat’s-hair cloth,――a business which, in its character and
implements, more resembled that of a sail-maker than any other
common trade in this country. The details of the work must have
consisted in cutting the camlet of the shape required for each part of
the tent, and sewing it together into the large pieces, which were
then ready to be transported, and to form, when hung on tent-poles,
the habitations of the desert-wanderers.
This illustration of Saul’s trade is from Hug’s Introduction, Vol. II. note on § 85, pp. 328,
329, original, § 80, pp. 335, 336, translation. On the manufacture of this cloth, see Gloss.
Basil, sub voc. Κιλικιος τραγος, &c. “Cilician goat,――a rough fellow;――for there are such
goats in Cilicia; whence also, things made of their hair are called cilicia.” He quotes also
Hesychius, Suidas, and Salmasius in Solinum, p. 347. As to the use of the cloths in war and
navigation, he refers to Vegetius, De re milit. IV. 6, and Servius in Georgica III. 312.――The
passage in Pliny, showing their use by the Nomadic tribes of Syria and Mesopotamia for
shepherd’s tents, is in his Natural History, VI. 28. “Nomadas infestatoresque Chaldaeorum,
Scenitae claudunt, et ipsi vagi, sed a tabernaculis cognominati quae ciliciis metantur, ubi
libuit.” The reading of this passage which I have adopted is from the Leyden Hackian edition
of Pliny, which differs slightly from that followed by Hug, as the critical will perceive. Hemsen
quotes this note almost verbatim from Hug. (Hemsen’s “Apostel Paulus,” page 4.)
The particular species or variety of goat, which is thus described as anciently inhabiting
the mountains of Cilicia, can not now be distinctly ascertained, because no scientific traveler
has ever made observations on the animals of that region, owing to the many difficulties in
the way of any exploration of Asia Minor, under the barbarous Ottoman sway. Neither
Griffith’s Cuvier nor Turton’s Linnaeus contains any reference to Cilicia, as inhabited by any
species or variety of the genus Capra. The nearest approach to certainty, that can be made
with so few data, is the reasonable conjecture that the Cilician goat was a variety of the
species Capra Aegagrus, to which the common domestic goat belongs, and which includes
several remarkable varieties,――at least six being well ascertained. There are few of my
readers, probably, who are not familiar with the descriptions and pictures of the famous
Angora goat, which is one of these varieties, and is well-known for its long, soft, silky hair,
which is to this day used in the manufacture of a sort of camlet, in the place where it is
found, which is Angora and the region around it, from the Halys to the Sangarius. This tract
of country is in Asia Minor, only three or four hundred miles north of Cilicia, and therefore at
once suggests the probability of the Cilician goat being something very much like the
Angora goat. (See Modern Traveler, III. p. 339.) On the other side of Cilicia also, in Syria,
there is an equally remarkable variety of the goat, with similar long, silky hair, used for the
same manufacture. Now Cilicia, being directly on the shortest route from Angora to Syria,
and half-way between both, might very naturally be supposed to have another variety of the
Capra Aegagrus, between the Angoran and the Syrian variety, and resembling both in the
common characteristic of long shaggy or silky hair; and there can be no reasonable doubt
that future scientific observation will show that the Cilician goat forms another well-marked
variety of this widely diffused species, which, wherever it inhabits the mountains of the
warm regions of Asia, always furnishes this beautiful product, of which we have another
splendid and familiar specimen in the Tibet and Cashmere goats, whose fleeces are worth
more than their weight in gold. The hair of the Syrian and Cilician goats, however, is of a
much coarser character, producing a much coarser and stouter fibre for the cloth.
On the subject of Paul’s trade, the learned and usually accurate Michaelis was led into a
very great error, by taking up too hastily a conjecture founded on a misapprehension of the
meaning given by Julius Pollux, in his Onomasticon, on the word σκηνοποιος (skenopoios,)
which is the word used in Acts xiii. 3, to designate the trade of Saul and Aquilas. Pollux
mentions that in the language of the old Grecian comedy, σκηνοποιος was equivalent to
μηχανοποιος, (mechanopoios,) which Michaelis very erroneously takes in the sense of “a
maker of mechanical instruments,” and this he therefore maintains to have been the trade of
Saul and Aquilas. But it is capable of the most satisfactory proof, that Julius Pollux used the
words here merely in the technical sense of theatrical preparation,――the first meaning
simply “a scene-maker,” and the second “a constructor of theatrical machinery,”――both
terms, of course, naturally applied to the same artist. (Michaelis, Introduction, IV. xxiii. 2. pp.
183‒186. Marsh’s translation.――Hug, II. § 85, original; § 80, translation.)
The Fathers also made similar blunders about the nature of Saul’s trade. They call him
σκυτοτομος, (skutotomos,) “a skin-cutter,” as well as σκηνορραφος, “a tent-maker.” This was
because they were entirely ignorant of the material used for the manufacture of tents; for,
living themselves in the civilized regions of Greece, Italy, &c. they knew nothing of the
habitations of the Nomadic tent-dwellers. Chrysostom in particular, calls him “one who
worked in skins.”
Fabricius gives some valuable illustrations of this point. (Bibliotheca Graeca, IV. p. 795,
bb.) He quotes Cotelerius, (ad. Apost. Const. II. 63,) Erasmus, &c. (ad Acts xviii. 3,) and
Schurzfleisch, (in diss. de Paulo, &c.) who brings sundry passages from Dio Chrysostom
and Libanius, to prove that there were many in Cilicia who worked in leather, as he says; in
support of which he quotes Martial, (epigraph xiv. 114,) alluding to “udones cilicii,” or “cilician
cloaks,” (used to keep off rain, as water-proof,)――not knowing that this word, cilicium, was
the name of a very close and stout cloth, from the goat’s hair, equally valuable as a covering
for a single person, and for the habitation of a whole family. In short, Martial’s passage
shows that the Cilician camlet was used like the modern camlet,――for cloaks. Fabricius
himself seems to make no account of this leather notion of Schurzfleisch; for immediately
after, he states (what I can not find on any other authority) that “even at this day, as late
books of travels testify, variegated cloths are exported from Cilicia.” This is certainly true of
Angora in Asia Minor, north-west of Cilicia, (Modern Traveler, III. p. 339,) and may be true of
Cilicia itself. Fabricius notices 2 Corinthians v. 1: and xii. 9, as containing figures drawn from
Saul’s trade.
his education.
his teacher.
At the feet of this Gamaliel, then, was Saul brought up. (Acts xxii. 3.) It has been
observed on this passage, by learned commentators, that this expression refers to the
fashion followed by students, of sitting and lying down on the ground or on mats, at the feet
of their teacher, who sat by himself on a higher place. And indeed so many are the traces of
this fashion among the recorded labors of the Hebrews, that it does not seem possible to
call it in question. The labors of Scaliger in his “Elenchus Trihaeresii,” have brought to light
many illustrations of the point; besides which another is offered in a well-known passage
from פרקי אבותPirke Aboth, or “Fragments of the Fathers.” Speaking of the wise, it is said,
“Make thyself dusty in the dust of their feet,”――――הוי מתאבק בעפר רגליהםmeaning that the
young student is to be a diligent hearer at the feet of the wise;――thus raising a truly
“learned dust,” if the figure may be so minutely carried out. The same thing is farther
illustrated by a passage which Buxtorf has given in his Lexicon of the Talmud, in the portion
entitled ( ברכיתBerachoth,) “ מנעו בניכם מן ההגיון והושיבום בין ברכי תלמידי חכמיםTake away your
sons from the study of the Bible, and make them sit between the knees of the disciples of
the wise;” which is equivalent to a recommendation of oral, as superior to written instruction.
The same principle, of varying the mode in which the mind receives knowledge, is
recognized in modern systems of education, with a view to avoid the self-conceit and
intolerant pride which solitary study is apt to engender, as well as because, from the living
voice of the teacher, the young scholar learns in that practical, simple mode which is most
valuable and efficient, as it is that, in which alone all his knowledge of the living and
speaking world must be obtained. It should be observed, however, that Buxtorf seems to
have understood this passage rather differently from Witsius, whose construction is followed
in the translation given above. Buxtorf, following the ordinary meaning of ( הגיבןheg-yon,)
seems to prefer the sense of “meditation.” He rejects the common translation――“study of
the Bible,” as altogether irreligious. “In hoc sensu, praeceptum impium est.” He says that
other Glosses of the passage give it the meaning of “boyish talk,” (garritu puerorum.) But
this is a sense perfectly contradictory to all usage of the word, and was evidently invented
only to avoid the seemingly irreligious character of the literal version. But why may not all
difficulties be removed by a reference to the primary signification, which is “solitary
meditation,” in opposition to “instruction by others?”
We have in the gospel history itself, also, the instance of Mary. (Luke x. 39.) The
passage in Mark iii. 32, “The multitude sat down around him,” farther illustrates this usage.
There is an old Hebrew tradition, mentioned with great reverence by Maimonides, to this
effect. “From the days of Moses down to Rabban Gamaliel, they always studied the law,
standing; but after Rabban Gamaliel was dead, weakness descended on the world, and
they studied the law, sitting.” (Witsius.)
Jerusalem was the seat of what may be called the great Jewish
University. The Rabbins or teachers, united in themselves, not
merely the sources of Biblical and theological learning, but also the
whole system of instruction in that civil law, by which their nation
were still allowed to be governed, with only some slight exceptions
as to the right of punishment. There was no distinction, in short,
between the professions of divinity and law, the Rabbins being
teachers of the whole Mosaic system, and those who entered on a
course of study under them, aiming at the knowledge of both those
departments of learning, which, throughout the western nations, are
now kept, for the most part, entirely distinct. Saul was therefore a
student both of theology and law, and entered himself as a hearer of
the lectures of one, who may, in modern phrase, be styled the most
eminent professor in the great Hebrew university of Jerusalem. From
him he learned the law and the Jewish traditional doctrines, as
illustrated and perfected by the Fathers of the ♦Pharisaic order. His
steady energy and resolute activity were here all made available to
the very complete attainment of the mysteries of knowledge; and the
success with which he prosecuted his studies may be best
appreciated by a minute examination of his writings, which
everywhere exhibit indubitable marks of a deep and critical
knowledge of all the details of Jewish theology and law. He shows
himself to have been deeply versed in all the standard modes of
explaining the Scriptures among the Hebrews,――by
allegory,――typology, accommodation and tradition. Yet though thus
ardently drinking the streams of Biblical knowledge from this great
fountain-head, he seems to have been very far from imbibing the
mild and merciful spirit of his great teacher, as it had been so
eminently displayed in his sage decision on the trial of the apostles.
The acquisition of knowledge, even under such an instructor, was, in
Saul, attended with the somewhat common evils to which a young
mind rapidly advanced in dogmatical learning, is naturally
liable,――a bitter, denunciatory intolerance of any opinions contrary
to his own,――a spiteful feeling towards all doctrinal opponents, and
a disposition to punish speculative errors as actual crimes. All these
common faults were very remarkably developed in Saul, by that
uncommon harshness and fierceness by which he was so strongly
characterized; and his worst feelings broke out with all their fury
against the rising heretics, who, without any regular education, were
assuming the office of religious teachers, and were understood to be
seducing the people from their allegiance and due respect to the
qualified scholars of the law. The occasion on which these dark
religious passions first exhibited themselves in decided action
against the Christians, was the murder of Stephen, of which the
details have already been fully given in that part of the Life of Peter
which is connected with it. Of those who engaged in the previous
disputes with the proto-martyr, the members of the Cilician
synagogue are mentioned among others; and with these Saul would
very naturally be numbered; for, residing at a great distance from his
native province, he would with pleasure seek the company of those