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Touchstones for
Deterritorializing
Socioecological Learning
The Anthropocene, Posthumanism and
Common Worlds as Creative Milieux
Edited by Amy Cutter-Mackenzie-Knowles
Alexandra Lasczik · Judith Wilks
Marianne Logan · Angela Turner
Wendy Boyd
Touchstones for Deterritorializing
Socioecological Learning
“This important book comes as daily news cycles consistently report “cata-
strophic” events in Earth’s new geostory—the Anthropocene. Amy Cutter-
Mackenzie-Knowles and her team of editors gather leading educational thinkers
to contemplate an uncertain future. In the face of epochal change they assert
that we will not adapt by using old habits of mind and old ways of being. As
touchstones, the anthropocene, posthumanism and common worlds guide edu-
cators into a creative learning milieu: examining new relationships with Earth;
permeating boundaries that separate human and more-than-human worlds;
moving beyond stewardship ethics; enacting flatter more equitable ways of
being; developing new forms of literacy to decode today’s world. A vital book for
our times.”
—Professor Emeritus Bob Jickling, Lakehead University, Canada
“Often we come across terms that challenge us to re-think the touchstone ideas
that shape how we can live, think, and be in the world. Terms such as Anthropocene
and Posthumanism are some of the more illuminating and perplexing of our
contemporary world. Having a text that explores these terms set in the contexts
of teaching and learning in our social and ecological challenges has to be useful
and instructive for those who want to re-think (and deterritorialise) the learning
opportunities we frame for our students and ourselves. Thank you to the authors
for coalescing around these obligatory and unpalatable ideas to help us find
intentional acts of resistance and ways towards respecting the interrelationship
of all things.”
—Dr Peta White, Faculty of Education, Deakin University, Australia
Amy Cutter-Mackenzie-Knowles
Alexandra Lasczik • Judith Wilks
Marianne Logan
Angela Turner • Wendy Boyd
Editors
Touchstones for
Deterritorializing
Socioecological
Learning
The Anthropocene, Posthumanism
and Common Worlds as Creative
Milieux
Editors
Amy Cutter-Mackenzie-Knowles Alexandra Lasczik
School of Education, Sustainability, School of Education, Sustainability,
Environment and the Arts in Education Environment and the Arts in Education
(SEAE) Research Cluster (SEAE) Research Cluster
Southern Cross University Southern Cross University
Bilinga, QLD, Australia Bilinga, QLD, Australia
This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG.
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
Foreword
delearning as the editors phrase it) that have led to the onset of the
Anthropocene, or an analysis of the lived experience of learners in institu-
tions beset with tensions between creativity and compliance. There is dis-
cussion of the essential characteristics of the socioecological learner and
how this challenges dominant beliefs about voice, authority, decision-
making. Provocative discussion of Big History, collaborative arts and the
learner as activist will challenge the reader to consider antidisciplinary
boundaries and how to foster more relational approaches and community
connections. But the real power of the book, I feel, is when we gather
these collective provocations, visions and discussions into a larger, coher-
ent and louder pedagogy of hope.
We cannot return to the dawn of the Holocene when, it is argued,
humans first began to live apart from nature as they begun the domestica-
tion of crops and stock. We cannot even return to unmake the steam
engine and curtail the radical trajectory that it launched. But the message
that this book makes most clear is that we can, from today, seek more
ethical relations with our fellow inhabitants on this beautiful, but trou-
bled, planet. Touchstones for Deterritorializing Socioecological Learning will
help us dissemble a human-centric education and raise a new pedagogy
of dwelling with the more than human world – with other species and
the rocks, oceans, ecosystems and atmosphere which we call Earth – our
only home.
ix
Contents
xi
xii Contents
Index281
Contributors
Marilyn Ahearn recently graduated with her PhD from Southern Cross
University. Her PhD research focused on the impact of teaching Big
History in primary schooling and the extent to which it inform children’s
environmental values. Her child-framed research has implications for
primary education in the nesting of Big History and sustainability into
an inquiry-learning framework. Marilyn is experienced in primary edu-
cation, including roles on school leadership teams and in environmental
education initiatives. She advocates transdisciplinary, socioecological
learning that encompasses sustainability, the Big History story and chil-
dren’s wonder of the universe.
spaces around the world, and his research has been published in the
International Journal of Education Through Art, the Australian Journal of
Environmental Education, the International Journal of Qualitative Studies
in Education, and Multi-Disciplinary Research in the Arts. He recently
edited a book section entitled ‘Ecological Aesthetics and the Learning
Environment’ for the International Research Handbook on Childhoodnature
(Springer).
Cook University because she loves rainforests and reefs. Hilary is an exec-
utive editor of the Journal of Environmental Education, a member of the
international advisory board for the Australian Journal of Environmental
Education, and a life member of the Australian Association for
Environmental Education (AAEE). She has coordinated and taught
undergraduate and postgraduate subjects in science education, pedagogy,
education for sustainability and research education.
xxv
xxvi List of Figures
xxix
1
Touchstones for Deterritorializing
the Socioecological Learner
Abstract The opening chapter of this book orients the reader through
the introduction of the concept of the socioecological learner. In so doing
the chapter clears the ground through a diffractive untangling of the
The founder of the Order of the Garter did well when he thought of
the “Milites pauperes,” and having created a fraternity for wealthy
and noble cavaliers, created one also for the same number of “poor
knights, infirm of body, indigent and decayed,” who should be
maintained for the honor of God and St. George, continually serve
God in their devotions, and have no further heavy duty, after the
days of bustle and battle, than to pray for the prosperity of all living
knights of the Garter, and for the repose of the souls of all those who
were dead. It was resolved that none but really poor knights should
belong to the fraternity, whether named, as was their privilege, by a
companion of the noble order, or by the sovereign, as came at last to
be exclusively the case. If a poor knight had the misfortune to
become the possessor of property of any sort realizing twenty
pounds per annum, he became at once disqualified for
companionship. Even in very early times, his position, with house,
board, and various aids, spiritual and bodily, was worth more than
this.
To be an alms knight, as Ashmole calls each member, implied no
degradation whatever; quite the contrary. Each poor but worthy
gentleman was placed on a level with the residentiary canons of
Windsor. Like these, they received twelvepence each, every day that
they attended service in the chapel, or abode in the College, with a
honorarium of forty shillings annually for small necessaries. Their
daily presence at chapel was compulsory, except good and lawful
reason could be shown for the contrary. The old knights were not
only required to be at service, but at high mass, the masses of the
Virgin Mary, as also at Vespers and Complins—from the beginning to
the end. They earned their twelvepence honestly, but nevertheless
the ecclesiastical corporation charged with the payment, often did
what such corporations, of course, have never tried to do since the
Reformation—namely, cheat those who ought to have been
recipients of their due. Dire were the discussions between the poor
(and pertinacious) knights, and the dean, canons, and treasurers of
the College. It required a mitred Archbishop of York and Lord
Chancellor of England to settle the dispute, and a very high opinion
does it afford us of the good practical sense of Church and Chancery
in the days of Henry VI., when we find that the eminent individual
with the double office not only came to a happy conclusion rapidly,
and ordered all arrears to be paid to the poor knights, but decreed
that the income of the treasurer should be altogether stopped, until
full satisfaction was rendered to the “milites pauper.” For the sake of
such Chancery practice one would almost consent to take the
Church with it.
But not only did the lesser officials of that Church cheat the veteran
knights of their pay, but their itching palm inflicted other wrong. It was
the fitting custom to divide the fines, levied upon absentees from
public worship, among the more habitually devout brethren.
Gradually, however, the dean and canons appropriated these
moneys to themselves, so that the less godly the knights were, the
richer were the dean and canons. Further, many dying noblemen
had bequeathed very valuable legacies to the College and poor
fraternity of veterans. These the business-like ecclesiastics had
devoted to their own entire profit; and it required stringent command
from king and bishop, in the reign of Richard II., before they would
admit the military legatees even to a share in the bequest.
Not, indeed, that the stout old veterans were always blameless.
Good living and few cares made “fast men” of some of them. There
were especially two in the reign last named, who created very
considerable scandal. These were a certain Sir Thomas Tawne and
Sir John Breton. They were married men, but the foolish old fellows
performed homage to vessels of iniquity, placed by them on the
domestic altar. In other words, they were by far too civil to a couple
of hussies with red faces and short kirtles, and that—not that such
circumstance rendered the matter worse—before the eyes of their
faithful and legitimate wives. The bishop was horror-stricken, no
doubt, and the exemplary ecclesiastics of the College were enjoined
to remonstrate, reprove, and, if amendment did not follow, to expel
the offenders.
Sir Thomas, I presume, heeded the remonstrance and submitted to
live more decorously, for nothing more is said of him. Jolly Sir John
was more difficult to deal with. He too may have dismissed Cicely
and made his peace with poor Lady Breton, but the rollicking old
knight kept the College in an uproar, nevertheless. He resumed
attendance at chapel, indeed, but he did this after a fashion of his
own. He would walk slowly in the procession of red-mantled brethren
on their way to service, so as to obstruct those who were in the rear,
or he would walk in a ridiculous manner, so as to rouse unseemly
laughter. I am afraid that old Sir John was a very sad dog, and,
however the other old gentleman may have behaved, he was really a
godless fellow. Witness the fact that, on getting into chapel, when he
retired to pray, he forthwith fell asleep, and could, or would, hardly
keep his eyes open, even at the sacrament at the altar.
After all, there was a gayer old fellow than Sir John Breton among
the poor knights. One Sir Emanuel Cloue is spoken of who appears
to have been a very Don Giovanni among the silly maids and merry
wives of Windsor. He was for ever with his eye on a petticoat and his
hand on a tankard; and what with love and spiced canary, he could
never sit still at mass, but was addicted to running about among the
congregation. It would puzzle St. George himself to tell all the
nonsense he talked on these occasions.
When we read how the bishop suggested that the King and Council
should discover a remedy to check the rollicking career of Sir
Edmund, we are at first perplexed to make out why the cure was not
assigned to the religious officials. The fact, however, is that they
were as bad as, or worse than, the knights. They too were as often
to be detected with their lips on the brim of a goblet, or on the cheek
of a damsel. There was Canon Lorying. He was addicted to hawking,
hunting, and jollification; and the threat of dismissal, without chance
of reinstalment, was had recourse to, before the canon ceased to
make breaches in decorum. The vicars were as bad as the canons.
The qualifications ascribed to them of being “inflated and wanton,”
sufficiently describe by what sins these very reverend gentlemen
were beset. They showed no reverence for the frolicsome canons,
as might have been expected; and if both parties united in exhibiting
as little veneration for the dean, the reason, doubtless, lay in the
circumstance that the dean, as the bishop remarked, was remiss,
simple, and negligent, himself. He was worse than this. He not only
allowed the documents connected with the Order to go to decay, or
be lost, but he would not pay the vicars their salaries till he was
compelled to do so by high authority. The dean, in short, was a sorry
knave; he even embezzled the fees paid when a vicar occupied a
new stall, and which were intended to be appropriated to the general
profit of the chapter, and pocketed the entire proceeds for his own
personal profit and enjoyment. The canons again made short work of
prayers and masses, devoting only an hour each day for the whole.
This arrangement may not have displeased the more devout among
the knights; and the canons defied the bishop to point out anything in
the statutes by which they were prevented from effecting this
abbreviation of their service, and earning their shilling easily. Of this
ecclesiastical irregularity the bishop, curiously enough, solicited the
state to pronounce its condemnation; and an order from King and
Council was deemed a good remedy for priests of loose thoughts
and practices. A matter of more moment was submitted to the
jurisdiction of meaner authority. Thus, when one of the vicars, John
Chichester, was “scandalized respecting the wife of Thomas Swift”
(which is a very pretty way of putting his offence), the matter was left
to the correction of the dean, who was himself censurable, if not
under censure—for remissness, negligence, stupidity, and fraud. The
dean’s frauds were carried on to that extent that a legacy of £200
made to the brotherhood of poor knights, having come to the
decanal hands, and the dean not having accounted for the same,
compulsion was put on him to render such account; and that
appears to be all the penalty he ever paid for his knavery. Where the
priests were of such kidney, we need not wonder that the knights
observed in the dirty and much-encumbered cloisters, the
licentiousness which was once common to men in the camp.
Churchmen and knights went on in their old courses, notwithstanding
the interference of inquisitors. Alterations were made in the statutes,
to meet the evil; some knights solicited incorporation among
themselves, separate from the Church authorities; but this and other
remedies were vainly applied.
In the reign of Henry VIII. the resident knights were not all military
men. Some of them were eminent persons, who, it is thought,
withdrew from the world and joined the brotherhood, out of devotion.
Thus there was Sir Robert Champlayne, who had been a right lusty
knight, indeed, and who proved himself so again, after he returned
once more to active life. Among the laymen, admitted to be poor
knights, were Hulme, formerly Clarencieux King-at-arms; Carly, the
King’s physician: Mewtes, the King’s secretary for the French
language; and Westley, who was made second baron of the
Exchequer in 1509.
The order appears to have fallen into hopeless confusion, but Henry
VIII., who performed many good acts, notwithstanding his evil deeds
and propensities, bequeathed lands, the profits whereof (£600) were
to be employed in the maintenance of “Thirteen Poor Knights.” Each
was to have a shilling a day, and their governor, three pounds, six
and eightpence, additional yearly. Houses were built for these
knights on the south side of the lower ward of the castle, where they
are still situated, at a cost of nearly £3000. A white cloth-gown and a
red cloth-mantle, appropriately decorated, were also assigned to
each knight. King James doubled the pecuniary allowance, and
made it payable in the Exchequer, quarterly.
Charles I. intended to increase the number of knights to their original
complement. He did not proceed beyond the intention. Two of his
subjects, however, themselves knights, Sir Peter La Maire and Sir
Francis Crane, left lands which supplied funds for the support of five
additional knights.
Cromwell took especial care that no knight should reside at Windsor,
who was hostile to his government; and he was as careful that no
preacher should hold forth there, who was not more friendly to the
commonwealth than to monarchy.
At this period, and for a hundred years before this, there was not a
man of real knight’s degree belonging to the order, nor has there
since been down to the present time. In 1724 the benevolent Mr.
Travers bequeathed property to be applied to the maintenance of
Seven Naval Knights. It is scarcely credible, but it is the fact, that
seventy years elapsed before our law, which then hung a poor
wretch for robbing to the amount of forty shillings, let loose the funds
to be appropriated according to the will of the testator, and under
sanction of the sovereign. What counsellors and attorneys fattened
upon the costs, meantime, it is not now of importance to inquire. In
1796, thirteen superannuated or disabled lieutenants of men-of-war,
officers of that rank being alone eligible under Mr. Travers’s will,
were duly provided for. The naval knights, all unmarried, have
residences and sixty pounds per annum each, in addition to their
half-pay. The sum of ten shillings, weekly, is deducted from the
“several allowances, to keep a constant table.”
The Military and Naval Knights—for the term “Poor” was dropped, by
order of William IV.—no longer wear the mantle, as in former times;
but costumes significant of their profession and their rank therein.
There are twenty-five of them, one less than their original number,
and they live in harmony with each other and the Church. The
ecclesiastical corporation has nothing to do with their funds, and
these unmarried naval knights do not disturb the slumbers of a single
Mr. Brook within the liberty of Windsor.
In concluding this division, let me add a word touching the
KNIGHTS OF THE BATH.
There was no more gallant cavalier in his day than Geoffrey, Earl of
Anjou. He was as meek as he was gallant. In testimony of his
humility he assumed a sprig of the broom plant (planta genista) for
his device, and thereby he gave the name of Plantagenet to the long
and illustrious line.
If his bravery raised him in the esteem of women, his softness of
spirit earned for him some ridicule. Matilda, the “imperially perverse,”
laughed outright when her sire proposed she should accept the hand
of Geoffrey of Anjou. “He is so like a girl,” said Matilda. “There is not
a more lion-hearted knight in all Christendom,” replied the king.
“There is none certainly so sheep-faced,” retorted the arrogant