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ECONOMIZATION OF EDUCATION
“Excellent. Needed. The arguments made for education in our times require a book like this
to understand what has been happening. People have uncritically accepted the new educational
goals. Joel Spring lifts the veil hiding dangerous educational trends. His cogent analysis points
out the powerful forces shaping educational policy today and which endanger both our system
of education and our democratic government. The book is timely.”
—David C. Berliner, Regents’ Professor Emeritus, Arizona State University, USA
“Spring’s work has been very valuable on globalization and education and this volume offers a
unique perspective relative to his prior work on the subject. I don’t know of another text that
focuses on the supranational organizations like this one does. A great introduction and overview,
and counterpoint to dominant economics of education texts.”
—Kenneth Saltman, University of Massachusetts Dartmouth, USA
In this timely, cogent analysis of trends and powerful forces shaping global educational policy
today, Joel Spring focuses on how economization is making economic growth and increased
productivity the main goals of schools, and the ways these goals are achieved—including
measuring educational policies by their costs and economic benefits, shaping family life to ensure
productive workers and high-achieving students, introducing entrepreneurship education
into curricula from preschool through higher education, and increasing the involvement of
economists in educational policy analysis. Close attention is given to the Organization for
Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), the World Bank, the World Economic
Forum, and multinational corporations, which, as advocates of economization, want schools to
focus on teaching hard and soft skills needed by the global labor market.
Economization raises questions about the effects of economically driven agendas for schools:
Will education policies advocated by global organizations and multinational businesses
corporatize and standardize human personalities and families? What type of global worker
is being sought by global organizations and multinational corporations? What education
programs are supported to educate the ideal global worker? What is the ideal family life for
economic growth and development? Detailing and analyzing the politics and motivations
driving economization, the book concludes with an assessment of the impacts of the
confluence of business interests, economic theories, governments, and educators.
Joel Spring is Professor at Queens College/City University of New York and the Gradu-
ate Center of the City University of New York, USA.
Sociocultural, Political, and Historical Studies in Education
Joel Spring, Editor
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m
For additional information on titles in the Sociocultural, Political, and Historical

Studies in Education series visit www.routledge.com/education.
ECONOMIZATION OF
EDUCATION
Human Capital, Global
Corporations, Skills-Based
Schooling
Joel Spring
First published 2015
by Routledge
711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017
and by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, OX14 4RN
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
© 2015 Taylor & Francis
The right of Joel Spring to be identified as author of this work has been
asserted by him in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright,
Designs and Patents Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced
or utilized in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other
means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and
recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without
permission in writing from the publishers.
Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks
or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and
explanation without intent to infringe.
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data
Spring, Joel H.
Economization of education : human capital, global corporations,
skills-based schooling/by Joel Spring.
pages cm
Includes bibliographical references and index.
1. Education—Economic aspects. 2. Corporatization—United States.
3. Human capital. 4. Educational sociology. 5. Education and globalization.
I. Title.
LC65.S66 2015
338.4c7374013—dc23
2014041455
ISBN: 978-1-138-84460-5 (hbk)

ISBN: 978-1-138-84461-2 (pbk)
ISBN: 978-1-315-73023-3 (ebk)
Typeset in Bembo
by Swales & Willis Ltd, Exeter, Devon, UK
CONTENTS
1SFGBDF xi
1 Economization and Corporatization of Education 1
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2 OECD: The Economization of Test Scores 30
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viii Contents
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3 Skills: The New Global Currency 55
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4 World Bank: “Our Dream Is a World Free of Poverty” 82
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Contents ix
5 The World Economic Forum: Partnerships and

Entrepreneurship Education for Global Businesses 105
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6 Economization of the Family and Childhood: Educating the
Corporate Personality 126
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7 The Confluence of Business Interests, Economic Theories,
Governments, and Educators: Go to School to Learn Job Skills 146
*OEFY 150
This page intentionally left blank
PREFACE
I began this book wondering why there are so many economists involved in
educational research and policy. I was startled by claims that test scores could
predict a country’s future economic growth and that skills were the new currency
of the global economy. In the US many schools had already adopted a skills-
based curriculum called the Common Core State Standards and globally schools
were being ranked by student performance on the Organization for Economic
Cooperation’s international test PISA. It didn’t make sense to me that policy-
makers would declare that investment in education would grow and improve an
economy when the up-and-down swings in the global economy are caused by
events other than the quality of schools.
I trace the influence of economic theories on education back to the 1940s and
1950s and the Chicago School of Economics. As I explain in Chapter 1, it was
this school of economic thought that promulgated theories about the economic
importance of human capital and the idea that education could grow the economy.
Using rational choice theory, some of these Chicago economists applied economic
theories to every aspect of human life. The ideas of the Chicago School of Eco-
nomics appeared in the early work of the Organization for Economic Cooperation
and Development (OECD), the World Bank and the World Economic Forum.
As explained in Chapter 2, the OECD was the first global organization to use
human capital economics to develop education policies and to call on nations
to invest in skills-based curricula. Their policy statements claim that investing in
education causes economic growth and reduces inequalities in income. However,
human capital economists don’t think school credentials and years-of-schooling
are accurate measurements of education’s economic impact. Consequently,
economists wanted to identify the skills learned in schools that contribute to
worker performance and economic growth. By the 1990s, OECD developed
xii Preface
PISA to measure skills related to employment and the world began to jump on
the skills-based education bandwagon.
As detailed in Chapter 3, surveys of global businesses indicated the hard and
soft skills wanted by employers. Hard skills refer primarily to literacy and math-
ematics along with specific skills for a particular occupation. Soft skills refer to
workers’ behaviors, such as conscientiousness, team work, and a work ethic.
Consequently, OECD initiated a survey of adult skills (PIAAC) and the World
Bank developed the Step Skills Measurement Program. These tests, combined
with PISA and the math and science test TIMSS, were to measure the quality of
a country’s human capital. This initiated a world Olympiad of test scores with
national schools ranked on a comparative scale.
As explained in Chapter 4, the World Bank adopted the human capital ideas
of the Chicago School of Economics and lent money to developing nations to
improve their schools as a means of stimulating the economy. The World Bank’s
policies also pressed for improved education to eliminate world poverty.
The World Economic Forum, discussed in Chapter 5, representing the world’s
richest corporations, readily pushed for a skills-based education. The previously
discussed tests were used in determining its Human Capital Report and Human
Capital Index as measures of the quality of a nation’s workforce. The World Eco-
nomic Forum advocated closer ties between businesses in formulating education
policies and introduced entrepreneurship education as another economic solu-
tion for poverty and income inequality while repeating the mantra that education
could grow the economy, end poverty, and reduce income inequalities.
Worried about families teaching the “right” soft skills for school success and
employment, some economists and sociologists turned their attention to fam-
ily interactions. Consequently, as described in Chapter 6, these economists and
sociologists advocated particular family structures to ensure the passing on of the
“right” soft skills. Their position is that if the family fails in this endeavor, then
preschool is to compensate. James Heckman, a Chicago School of Econom-
ics member, argued that preschools should be organized to teach the soft skills
needed for success in further schooling and employment.
Missing from work-oriented soft skills are those that might lead to struggles for
social justice and a pushing back against corporate control; soft skills such as com-
passion, altruism, and empathy. Reflecting the corporate-serving nature of their
arguments, Chicago economist Gary Becker argued that altruism makes fami-
lies efficient while selfishness makes markets efficient. The result is corporatized
schools and the economization of the behavior and attitudes of corporate workers.
Finally, in Chapter 7 I argue that these trends have resulted in an economization
of schools, families, and character development in which the ideal social interac-
tions within the family are to support the work of the breadwinners and prepare
children for success in school and later employment. This economization and cor-
poratization of families and schools is not a conspiracy but a confluence of interests
between global businesses, politicians, governments, and education policymakers.
1
ECONOMIZATION AND
CORPORATIZATION OF
EDUCATION
In his 1992 Nobel Prize acceptance lecture, economist Gary Becker said, “My
research uses the economic approach to analyze social issues that range beyond
those usually considered by economists.”1 The title of the lecture, “The Eco-
nomic Way of Looking at Life,” captured Becker’s pioneering work in applying
economic models to a host of social issues, including the family, crime, dis-
crimination, and, most importantly for this book, education. Becker’s 1964 book
Human Capital continues to influence governments and global policymaking
organizations with its message to invest in education to grow the economy.2
Becker was a member of what became known as the Chicago School of
Economics,i which included other Nobel Prize winners who applied economics
to education, such as Milton Friedman, Theodore Schultz, and James Heckman.
Associated with this group at the University of Chicago was sociologist James
Coleman who contributed theoretical frameworks on social capital and rational
choice to the economization of education.
Historically, human capital and the application of free market economics to
public education received their greatest support from the Chicago School. In fact,
ideas emanating from the Chicago School still infuse global education policies.
The global importance of the Chicago School is captured in the title of Johan
Van Overtveldt’s The Chicago School: How the University of Chicago Assembled the
Thinkers who Revolutionized Economics and Business.3 The Chicago School and its
followers not only revolutionized thinking about economics, but also global edu-
cation policies.
Economization refers to the increasing involvement of economists in edu-
cation research, the evaluation of the effectiveness of schools and family life
i. To be referred to in this chapter as the “Chicago School.”

2 Economization and Corporatization of Education
according to cost/benefit analyses, and the promotion of school choice in a

competitive marketplace. The Chicago School’s application of economic reason-
ing to everyday life results in measuring the contribution of family life and schools
to economic growth and productivity. This general attempt to apply economic
reasoning to all aspects of life is captured in the title of the 1997 publication of
Gary Becker’s popular Business Week columns, The Economics of Life: From Baseball
to Affirmative Action to Immigration, How Real-World Issues Affect Our Everyday Life.4
The application of choice or free market thinking to education can be attrib-
uted to the work of Becker’s mentor Milton Friedman. Friedman introduced
the ideas of school choice in a paper published in 1955 and then used the term
“vouchers” for funding school choice in his now famous 1962 book, Capitalism
and Freedom.5 Friedman contributed to Becker’s efforts, and that of other econo-
mists, to apply economic reasoning to everyday life. In a volume dedicated to
remembering the University of Chicago faculty, Becker described the influence
of Friedman’s teaching: “The emphasis in his course on applications of theory to
the real world set the tone of the department.”6
Becker and Friedman’s application of market principles to education had a
lasting impact on the language of education, introducing terms such as com-
petition, investment, consumer choice, for-profit schools, vouchers, economic
progress, and global free trade in educational services. Friedman advocated
school choice, vouchers, and for-profit education using economic phrases such
as “vocational training . . . increases economic productivity”;7 “schooling adds
to the economic value of the student”;8 “the ‘education industry’”;9 and “voca-
tional and professional schooling . . . is a form of investment in human capital
precisely analogous to investment in machinery, buildings.”10 Written for the
general public, Free to Choose: A Personal Statement, coauthored with his wife
Rose Friedman, refers to students as “consumers”;11 teachers as “producers”;12
colleges as “selling schooling”;13 colleges as producing and selling “monuments
and research”;14 higher education as improving “economic productivity of indi-
viduals”;15 and colleges providing an “incentive” to attend by offering an oppor-
tunity for “higher earnings.”16
Similar economic language applied to education can be found in the work of
the pioneer in human capital, economist Theodore Schultz. In his 1963 classic
work, The Economic Value of Education, he referred to schools as “firms” that “spe-
cialize in producing schooling.”17 He also called the educational establishment
“an industry” that makes “production” decisions.18 Schultz portrayed student
actions in economic terms: “Suppose, then, that all of the costs of schooling are
charged to the investment in the production capabilities of students.”19
Gary Becker would influence public views of education as an economic
enterprise by referring in his 1964 book Human Capital to schooling as “Invest-
ment in Human Capital” with estimates on “the money rate of return to college
and high-school education in the United States.”20 In Becker’s writings, as I
describe later, education becomes an investment that results in economic growth,
Economization and Corporatization of Education 3
increased productivity, higher incomes, decreased economic inequalities, and the

ending of poverty.
Human Capital, Free Markets, and Economization

An important part of the Chicago School’s tradition, as reflected in the work of
Friedman, Schultz, Becker, and Heckman, is the consideration of schooling as
an investment in human capital. For my purposes, I am using the definition of
human capital given in The Oxford Handbook of Human Capital: “The stock of
knowledge and skills that enables people to perform work that creates economic
value.”21
The concept of human capital can be traced back to Adam Smith’s The Wealth
of Nations (1776) when Smith wrote about a person’s talents as “a capital fixed
and realized, as it were, in his person.”22 After World War II, the Cold War
between the Soviet Union and the US pushed the concept of human capital to
the forefront. Almost immediately following WWII, US policymakers began to
worry about having the knowledge resources to win the military-technology race
with the Soviet Union. As a result, the National Science Foundation was created
in 1950 to ensure a supply of scientists, engineers, and mathematicians and to
sponsor research. In addition, national manpower planning was formally insti-
tuted with the passage of the 1951 Universal Military and Training Act requir-
ing military service for all men with deferments from military service for those
attending college and for those holding jobs considered important for national
defense. The purpose of college and occupational deferments from military ser-
vice was explained by Anna Rosenberg, the assistant secretary of the Depart-
ment of Defense, to the Senate Committee considering the legislation: “We
feel . . . that with our shortage of manpower it is essential that we make it up
in skills; that the skilled manpower, the scientific manpower, the highly trained
manpower is essential for the national interest.”23
As members of the Chicago School researched the effect of human capital
on the economy, the 1957 launching of Soviet Sputnik I created a demand by
many politicians for more scientists and engineers to keep pace with Soviet tech-
nological advances. Reacting to the Soviet accomplishments in space, President
Dwight Eisenhower said in 1957 that the problem facing the US was graduat-
ing more scientists and engineers to match the numbers that were graduating
from Soviet schools. Eisenhower asserted that “My scientific advisers place this
problem above all other immediate tasks of producing missiles . . . [we need] to
stimulate good-quality teaching of mathematics and science.”24 The result was
Congressional passage of the 1958 National Defense Education Act which pro-
vided funds to attract students into the fields of science, engineering, and math.25
The Cold War also sent a wave of anti-communism through public schools
and universities. The anti-Communist movement in universities favored econo-
mists advocating free markets and who relied on mathematical methods. Prior to
WWII, US economists tended to work from a variety of ideological positions.

Economic historian Craufurd Goodwin wrote about this transition: “It is dif-
ficult for the present-day academic economist, accustomed to teaching mainly
the . . . wonders of the free market system, to appreciate that not long ago this
discipline was widely feared as the seat of radicalism.”26
After WWII, university leaders were afraid to hire professors identified with
the political left, or even liberal intellectuals, who might be accused of being
Communist or Communist sympathizers. Consequently, universities favored
economists who espoused free market principles like those advocated by the
Chicago School. In addition, economists strove to be “scientific” so that they
could not be accused of ideological interpretations of the functioning of the
economy. The use of mathematics became central to economic research after
WWII because it appeared ideologically neutral. For instance, Gary Becker’s
research on human capital is punctuated with elaborate mathematical formulas.
However, as I will discuss, this did not result in completely objective conclusions
by Milton Friedman or Gary Becker or other economists of the period. As two
economic historians assert, “the tool-kit style of postwar economics . . . could be
used to disguise theoretical content and ideology to the outside world.”27
In public schools progressive education was labeled “Communist” and there
were calls for a return to the “basics.”28 Along with anti-Communism and a
desire to graduate more scientists and engineers, the post-WWII civil rights
movement struggled against school segregation laws. By the 1960s, the civil
rights movement focused increasingly on the issue of poverty along with racial
equality. A result was the War on Poverty program of President Lyndon B.
Johnson’s administration which stressed increased educational opportunities as
a solution to poverty. The War on Poverty contained human capital arguments
that investment in education would grow the economy, eliminate poverty, and
reduce income inequalities. The 1964 Annual Report of the Council of Eco-
nomic Advisers, “The Problem of Poverty in America,” claimed, “Equality of
Opportunity is the American dream, and universal education our noblest pledge
to realize it. But, for the children of the poor, education is a handicap race;
many are too ill motivated at home to learn in school [author’s emphasis].”29 This
statement foreshadowed the increasing concerns by economists with changing
family life to prepare children for school so that the economy would grow and
poverty would disappear.
Anti-Communism, fears generated by the military-technological race with the
Soviet Union, and concerns about poverty contributed to the dominant role in
education of the Chicago School’s ideas about free markets and human capital.
In 1961, Theodore Schultz noted the importance of human capital: “economists
have long known that people are an important part of the wealth of nations.”30
Shultz argued that people invested in themselves through education to improve
their job opportunities. In his 1964 book on human capital, Gary Becker asserted
that economic growth now depended on the knowledge, information, ideas,
skills, and health of the workforce. Investments in education, he argued, could

improve human capital which would contribute to economic growth.31
Human capital arguments contributed to thinking about education as primar-
ily an economic activity. Knowledge and skills learned in school were capital to
be utilized in economic activity. Workers with high levels of skills and knowledge
acquired through education and experience are enabled “to produce more with
the same inputs of land, machines, materials, and time than other workers with-
out those traits.”32 This line of reasoning resulted in calls for schools to teach the
knowledge and skills that increase economic growth and productivity. From a
cost/benefit perspective, the benefits from educational investments outweigh the
costs by increasing personal income and economic productivity and growth.
Global businesses and organizations representing their interests support the
idea of the human capital approach to education because, as I explain in more
detail throughout this volume, it emphasizes teaching skills needed in the work-
place. In this context, human capital goals for education trump other educational
goals, such as education for social justice, environmental improvement, political
participation, and citizenship training.
Corporatization of Education and Families

Economic education goals result in corporatization of future workers by attempt-
ing to shape their character traits, knowledge, and skills to meet the needs of the
global labor market and the desires of multinational corporations. In the context
of human capital, skills are divided into hard and soft with hard skills usually
referring to such things as literacy instruction and numeracy and soft skills to
character traits that will help the worker succeed in the workplace.
The corporatization of the global worker is accompanied by attempts to cor-
poratize the family so that family life ensures that workers in the family remain
productive and that their children are prepared to learn the hard and soft skills
needed to enhance their human capital and fit the employment needs of corpo-
rations. As I explain later in the book, the corporatization of the worker and the
family introduces another form of capital, namely social capital. Social capital,
in this context, refers to the contribution of social interactions to economic
growth and productivity. Applied to education, social capital refers to the teach-
ing of soft skills that will prepare the student for productive social interactions
within corporations. Applied to the family, social capital refers to the relation-
ships that affect the human capital of household members, particularly workers
and children. For those arguing education is important for economic growth
and employment, a dysfunctional family has a negative impact on a child’s suc-
cess in school and later employment, and reduces a child’s human capital. The
same argument can be extended to a child’s peer group. Will a child’s social rela-
tions contribute to school success and consequently increase economic growth
and productivity?
In the following section I will highlight the concept of the economization

and corporatization of education and the family by discussing a dystopian view of
the future. Then I will discuss the origins of the economization of education by
members of the Chicago School. The origin of the current global emphasis on
education for growing the economy and teaching skills needed by multinational
corporations can be found in the free market ideas and application of economics
to education and people’s behavior by the members of the Chicago School.
A Dystopian Vision of Corporate Control of Schools

and Family Life
Let us consider the most extreme example of corporatization of education and
family life before explicating the ideas underpinning economization, human cap-
ital, free markets, and for-profit schooling. This example will serve to highlight
the present direction of global education and will illustrate the potential out-
comes of educational economization. Patrick Flanery’s novel Fallen Land depicts
an imaginary global corporation called EKK that offers for-profit services cover-
ing all aspects of life including for-profit charter schools. The corporate offering
of for-profit charter schools illustrates free market ideas applied to education.
Also, EKK shows the potential of the free market to profit from every aspect of
human life. EKK sells services from conception “to death and disposal (crema-
tion, organ and tissue recycling, human remains management).”33 EKK’s cor-
porate divisions, besides their charter school division, offer for-profit services
including fertility and biotech, health care and medical subcontracting, charter
school administration, curriculum development, universities, employment and
employee relations, financial and assets management, security and incarceration,
immigration and detention centers, entertainment, travel, hotel and resort man-
agement, and old age care. In other words, all parts of a citizen’s life are objects
of profit.
Illustrating the attempt to align family actions with corporate productivity,
EKK provides its employees with a home protection system which monitors not
only for fire and burglary, but also uses surveillance cameras to ensure that family
life supports the productivity of adult workers and that their children are prepared
to learn the hard and soft skills needed to succeed in school and the corporate
workplace. In other words, family members are protected against family inter-
actions or behavior traits that might harm their ability to be efficient corporate
workers and students. The home protection system reports back to EKK any
household or individual behaviors detrimental to the good of corporate life.
Flanery describes this corporate control of family life:
Imagine wedding motion sensors to surveillance optics, so that technics

of a given security system work not just to identify intruders, but also and
not exclusively to monitor the health and wellbeing of the citizens it is
employed to protect. So . . . what then becomes possible is a holistic analy-

sis of domestic health, climate, spending, energy and food consumption,
sleep patterns, work patterns, brand preference, time allocation, interper-
sonal activity, hygiene, nutrition . . . [so] that people will . . . live better,
healthier, safer, more productive lives [author’s emphasis].34
Charter schools operated by EKK use monetary methods to instill corporate dis-
cipline. A newly hired employee is informed that he is expected to enroll his
child in the corporation’s for-profit charter school called the Pinwheel Academy.
The school’s guidance counselor explains to new students that it operates on a
system of disciplinary fines. Each student has an individualized account linked to
their fingerprints. Money deposited in the account by parents is used for lunch
and field trips, and for paying fines, such as $5 for being tardy to school, $25 for
every detention, and $40 a day for unexcused absences.35 Classrooms are tightly
controlled with surveillance cameras whirling overhead, students and teachers
wear uniforms, and students are not allowed to talk to each other during class
and bathroom breaks. For bathroom breaks, students stand next to their desks
and then leave the classroom in orderly lines. Row monitors observe students as
they return and enter the classroom in groups of five. Any talking on reentering
the classroom is, of course, fined. At lunch time, student fingerprints are scanned
and lunch costs are debited to their individual accounts. The lunchroom and play
areas are tightly controlled by security guards wearing hats with EKK’s corpo-
rate logo. When a fight breaks out on the playground, security guards use tasers
to separate students. Classroom lessons are conducted in the same authoritarian
manner.36
The Pinwheel Academy is Patrick Flanery’s vision of a charter school pre-
paring corporate workers through stringent methods of behavioral control. In
contrast, as I will explain later, surveys have found that global corporations want
workers to have soft skills related to teamwork. Teamwork is clearly absent from
Flanery’s dystopian charter school. Of course, the Pinwheel Academy only rep-
resents one novelist’s vision of the future.
The Rational Choice Paradigm and Economization

The rational choice paradigm is central to arguments by Milton Friedman for
freedom in the marketplace and education vouchers, and for Theodore Shultz
and Gary Becker’s theory of human capital. The assumption of the rational choice
paradigm is that humans act according to their calculation of costs and benefits.
This is a highly individualistic concept of humans. Group activity is considered
a result of people deciding that working with others is in their own self-interest.
As part of the economization of education, it is assumed that parents weigh cost
and benefits of spending money on their children’s education and that college
age students weigh the cost and benefits before investing in higher education.
Shultz called calculation of education investments, the “Arithmetic of Schooling

and Growth.”37
Prior to WWI and the influence of the Chicago School, two strands of thought
reflected the pluralism of ideas among economists. Some economists focused
on the public good with their work reflecting the social gospel movement and
socialist movements. Some economists wrote about social reform issues and how
government could act to improve the lives of all. There was also an efficiency
movement related to scientific management, in which some economists exam-
ined how businesses could become more productive.38
After WWII, economists concerned with promoting the public good, in contrast
to the individualism of the marketplace, were often accused of being Communists.
This was exemplified by William F. Buckley Jr.’s 1951 book God and Man at Yale:
The Superstitions of “Academic Freedom”, which criticized Yale’s economics depart-
ment for not stressing the importance of the individual over the collective good:
If the recent Yale graduate, who exposed himself to Yale economics during
his undergraduate years, exhibits enterprise, self-reliance, and independence,
it is only because he has turned his back upon his teachers and texts. It is
because he has not hearkened to those who assiduously disparage the individ-
ual, glorify the government, enshrine security, and discourage self-reliance.39
Buckley argued that the traditions of the Yale economics department were
leading to a decline of individual power and an increase of government power
“through extended social services, taxation, and regulation.40 The Chicago School
advocated the reduction of government’s role in all three of these government
functions as it took its stand against collectivism and Communism.
The rational choice paradigm appeared ideologically neutral and emphasized
individualism, consequently it escaped accusations of being Communist. Gary
Becker’s A Treatise on the Family provides an example of how economists used the
rational choice paradigm to evaluate education programs.41 Published in 1981,
Becker chided University of California psychologist Arthur Jensen for claiming
that compensatory education programs for so-called disadvantaged children fail
because of the low intelligence scores of African Americans. Becker didn’t disa-
gree with Jensen that compensatory education fails to achieve its objective but he
offered an alternative interpretation using rational choice paradigm with families
treated as individuals who weigh costs and benefits. Public expenditures on com-
pensatory education redistribute resources to some low-income children which,
Becker reasoned, “induces parents concerned with equity to redistribute time
and other expenditures away from these children toward other children or them-
selves.”42 In other words, families supposedly make a rational choice to decrease
money and attention spent on their children who are participating in compensa-
tory education because these children are having extra resources spent on them
by the government. In Becker’s words, “the main effect of the programs [com-
pensatory education] is probably a redistribution of family expenditures away
from their children [that are] participating . . . . What Jensen and others failed
to realize is that family time and other resources would be allocated away from
participating children to siblings and parents.”43
A reliance on the rational choice paradigm can obscure other factors that
might affect outcomes and create a myopic view of social phenomena. In the
case of the failure of compensatory education, Becker does qualify his conclusion
with the words “is probably.” However, Becker offers no data to show that, in
fact, families shift their resources to children not participating in compensatory
education programs. It often happens, as I will explain in later examples, that
those arguing from the rational choice paradigm interpret data without provid-
ing any evidence that their conclusions are true. A good example is my later
discussion of the use of income data to conclude that education and economic
growth will reduce inequalities in income. In the case of Becker’s interpretation
of the supposed failure of compensatory education, the focus is on family choices
without consideration of other possible issues, such as the government adminis-
tration of compensatory education programs, the social and economic conditions
of families being served, the quality of teachers and administrators, the condition
of schools offering the programs, etc.
The rational choice paradigm was criticized at a 1985 University of Chicago
conference bringing together economists and psychologists, with papers being
published in Rational Choice: The Contrast between Economics and Psychology.44 As
the reader can imagine, defining “rational” and “rationality” was an area of con-
tention with multiple interpretations being given. The editors of the volume
claim that the rational choice paradigm provides economics with a unified the-
ory lacking in psychology and that economists think about market level behav-
ior while psychologists are concerned with mental processes. Also, the editors
argued, economists focus on data and price-benefit relations, while psychologists
focus on the mental processing of data.45
To exemplify the differences between an economist using the rational choice
paradigm and psychologists, the editors of the 1985 Chicago conference papers
examined the statement, “There cannot be any money lying in the street, because
someone else would have picked it up already.” The editors write about this
statement,
For the economist operating within the rational choice paradigm this
statement can be taken to mean that, for all practical purposes, the world
behaves as if there were no money lying in the street. The psychologist,
however, has no reasons to accept this statement as a working hypothesis.
Instead, he or she would accept the possibility that some money may be
lying in the street and would consider it worth learning who finds it and
how.46
At the Chicago conference the most vocal critic of Gary Becker’s use of the
rational choice paradigm to evaluate the supposed failure of compensatory
education was fellow economist Herbert Simon. In his original analysis, Becker
had compared family reaction to compensatory education to public health pro-
grams. When public health programs are made available to families, families
spend less of their money on health matters. Becker used the findings on public
health programs to assert that families would do the same thing if public funds
were used for compensatory education. Herbert Simon criticized Becker’s lack of
evidence that families actually acted in this manner regarding compensatory edu-
cation programs. One should not apply the rational choice paradigm to predict
outcomes, Simon asserted, without having any actual proof that the prediction
is true.47
In another example, Simon criticized Becker for stating that “the major
cause of these changes [in family organization between the 1940s and 1980s] is
the growth in the earning power of women as the American economy devel-
oped.”48 Applying the rational choice paradigm, Becker argued that women
made a rational economic choice to enter the workforce because of rising wages
after WWII. As a result, women had fewer children (staying at home and not
earning money increases the cost of children) and divorce rates increased as
women became more economically independent. Becker concluded, “Greater
labor force participation of women would itself raise the earning power of
women and thereby reinforce the effects of economic development. Women
invest more in market skills [for instance improving their human capital through
education] and experiences when they spend a larger fraction of their time in
market activities.”49
Simon criticized Becker for relying only on income data to explain the increased
participation of women in the labor force. Simon contended that the reductionist
quality and narrowness of the rational choice paradigm results in not exploring
other possible causes rooted in changes in American history, culture, and industrial
organization. He argues that the true explanation for increased participation of
women in the labor force “will be obtained not by raising the sophistication of the
economic reasoning but only by painstaking examination of occupations in manu-
facturing and service industries and an even more difficult empirical examination
of changes in women’s attitudes about where they prefer to work.”50
Simon’s criticisms go to the heart of problems with the rational choice para-
digm, namely neglecting social, political, and historical contexts. As I explain
later, human capital studies of changes in income and education are interpreted
as resulting from individual calculations made over time. The lack of concern
about context in the rational choice paradigm is extremely important since early
human capital arguments relied on income data from the early twentieth century
to after WWII, which encompasses a period of two world wars and a major
world depression. Surely these events affected changes in income and education.
As I explain later, neglecting these historical changes human capital economists
distorted their conclusions, resulting in convincing others that investing in edu-
cation will create economic growth and reduce income inequalities.
Rational Choice, Milton Friedman, and Education

Vouchers
After completing his Ph.D. at Columbia University in 1946, Milton Friedman
joined the economics department at the University of Chicago where Frank
Knight had already opened the modern discussion of price theory in a 1933 book
on economic organization. Knight identified that a central problem of economic
systems was how decisions were made about what goods and services should be
produced and in what proportions. Knight identified two extremes in determin-
ing what goods and services to produce. On the one hand, decisions about pro-
duction could be centrally planned and, on the other hand, they could be made
by individual choice in a free market.51 In the context of a government-operated
school system, Friedman would contend that decisions about what knowledge
should be taught to students is determined by public officials, while in a competi-
tive education marketplace decisions would be made by consumers through the
exercise of individual choice.
Besides advocating for individual choice in a free market, Friedman used the
rational choice paradigm to predict that individuals will invest in their educa-
tion by taking out loans to attend college because they calculate that a college
education will increase their future incomes. Milton Friedman describes as a
rational decision for individuals to invest in their own human capital, including
schooling and job training, when it raises their productivity and they are then
“rewarded in a free enterprise society by receiving a higher return for . . . services
than . . . would otherwise be able to command.”52 Foreshadowing the future
reliance on student loans in contrast to government providing free higher educa-
tion, Friedman proposed in a 1962 publication that a lender advance a student
funds “needed to finance his training on condition that he agree to pay the lender
a specified fraction of his future earnings.”53
During the time Friedman made his proposal to turn public education over to
the forces of the marketplace, public education was in turmoil as the civil rights
movement struggled to end racial segregation. The 1954 US Supreme Court
decision Brown vs. the Board of Education ended legal segregation in Southern
schools. The civil rights movement reflected a belief that government should act
to protect the public good in contrast to individual choice in the marketplace.54
As I will explain, the 1954 school desegregation decision posed a problem for
Friedman because it highlighted how vouchers might lead to a continuation of
racial segregation through parental choice plans.
The reliance on government to protect the common good would become
part of the educational programs of the War on Poverty in the 1960s. By the
twenty-first century concern with the public good would mostly disappear in a
flood of educational legislation favoring charter schools, for-profit school manage-
ment companies, and investing in education to increase individual incomes, spur
economic growth, and reduce income inequalities. Discussions of education for
social justice, citizenship and environmental education, and improving social

conditions would be overwhelmed by demands that education focus on eco-
nomic growth and increasing incomes. Concerns about the social good would
almost disappear from the educational rhetoric of politicians.
Friedman’s commitment to letting market forces determine the production
of goods and services, such as education, was strengthened a year after joining
the Chicago faculty when he participated with Friedrich von Hayek in the first
meeting of the Mont Pelerin Society near Montreux, Switzerland in 1947 along
with 36 other scholars. The Mont Pelerin Society still promotes free market
economics and on its current website it shows a photo with the caption: “Milton
Friedman (in light coat and with hat, in the center) with friends in an excursion
at the first meeting of the Mont Pelerin Society in 1947.”55 The stated historical
purpose of the Mont Pelerin Society as given on its website is: “Its sole objective
was to facilitate an exchange of ideas between like-minded scholars in the hope
of strengthening the principles and practice of a free society and to study the workings,
virtues, and defects of market-oriented economic systems [author’s emphasis].”56
One of the founders of the Pelerin Society, Friedrich von Hayek, joined Mil-
ton Friedman on the University of Chicago faculty in 1950 as Professor of Social
and Moral Science on the Committee on Social Thought. According to the
historian of the Chicago School, Hayek was not hired by the economics depart-
ment because the members thought Hayek’s book The Road to Serfdom was “too
popular a work for a respectable scholar to perpetrate.”57 Originally published in
1944, The Road to Serfdom became a best seller and appeared in Reader’s Digest as
a condensed book. In 1945, Hayek did a lecture tour promoting the free market
ideas and anti-totalitarian message of the book. While Hayek and Friedman disa-
greed on the extent of the application of scientific methods to economics, they
shared a commitment to the free market.58
Reflecting his dislike for the totalitarianism of the Soviet Union and Nazi
Germany, Hayek engaged in a discussion of price theory by arguing that centrally
planned economies would eventually fail because of the difficulty of determin-
ing prices or the value of goods. According to Hayek, the value of goods in a
free market is determined by individual choices while in a centrally planned
economy it is determined by the interests of bureaucrats. What criterion is used
by a government bureaucracy? Hayek’s answer was that the inevitable criterion is
one that promotes the personal interests and advantages of bureaucracy mem-
bers. Bureaucrats and intellectuals supported by a bureaucracy, he argued, will
advance social theories that vindicate the continued existence and expansion of
the bureaucracy.59
Friedman also worried about government bureaucracies determining what
should be produced at what price. In Friedman’s proposed voucher system, what
is valued is determined by parental choice in a competitive marketplace. For
instance, how is value determined in education, particularly with the existence
of a monopolistic and bureaucratic public school system? In the rational choice
paradigm, individuals, including school officials, pursue their own self-interests.

In this framework, government bureaucrats determine what is valued in educa-
tion based on their self-interest.
Concern about schools being dominated by the interests of educational bureau-
crats was one reason Friedman proposed allowing parents to use a government
voucher for educational expenses to choose any approved public or private school
for their children. In his 1955 essay “The Role of Government in Education” and
his 1962 book Capitalism and Freedom,ii he argued that a government subsidy for
schools could be justified by “neighborhood effects,” where a lack of schooling by
one individual might have negative effects on others, such as unemployment and
crime. But, Friedman argued, this justification did not require “nationalization”
of education, by which he meant the “actual administration of educational institu-
tions by government.”60 The combination of government subsidy and adminis-
tration of schools results, he argued, in higher costs and lower quality education,
particularly for the poor who reside in low-income school districts.
Consequently, Friedman advocated government subsidies to support educa-
tional choice between public, private, and for-profit schools.61 In Capitalism and
Freedom, he argued that vouchers would allow low-income families to choose
schools of better quality than existed in public schools in low-income neighbor-
hoods. Friedman proposed that government vouchers could be used to pay for an
education at schools meeting minimum government standards. In explaining his
proposed voucher system, Friedman argued that parents would able to determine
the “value” of the educational services being provided.
A major reason for this kind of use of public money is the present system
of combining the administration of schools with their financing. The par-
ent who would prefer to see money used for better teachers and texts
rather than coaches and corridors has no way of expressing their prefer-
ence except by persuading a majority to change the mixture for all. This is
a special case of the general principle that a market permits each to satisfy his own
taste—effective proportional representation; whereas the political process imposes con-
formity [author’s emphasis].62
Important for Friedman’s argument was that vouchers could be used at for-profit
schools. Government vouchers for use at for-profit schools fit his model of an
educational marketplace and provided lasting justification for for-profit school-
ing. Friedman explained it this way:
ii. Friedman’s 1962 book Capitalism and Freedom contains the same arguments for school choice, in
some cases almost word for word, as his 1955 essay. As I will explain, missing from the 1962 volume
is Friedman’s justification for Southerners to choose segregation academies after the 1954 Supreme
Court decision making school segregation unconstitutional.
Governments could require a minimum level of schooling financed by

giving parents vouchers redeemable for a specified maximum sum per child
per year if spent on “approved” educational services. Parents would then
be free to spend this sum and any additional sum they themselves provided
on purchasing educational services from an “approved” institution of their
own choice. The educational services could be rendered by private enterprises
operated for profit, or by non-profit institutions [author’s emphasis].63
In the framework of economization, Friedman justified educational vouchers

as creating a free market for goods and services in which parents could select an
education for their children that they personally valued. Friedman’s goal was for
the marketplace and not bureaucrats to determine value or price of educational
goods and services. He also claimed that competition in the marketplace would
promote efficiency and thus reduce educational costs. These arguments all assume
rational choice on the part of parents where they decide the benefits and costs of
education provided by a particular school.
His 1955 essay on the role of government in education emphasized free-
dom of ideas as a justification for school choice. But, as I will explain, choice
and freedom of ideas might have negative “neighborhood effects” particularly
regarding racial attitudes. “Neighborhood effects” is Friedman’s justification
for government involvement in education. In his 1955 essay he stresses the
teaching of “common social values required for a stable society.”64 However,
he never specifies what these core values are. The closest he comes to identify-
ing them is in the statement: “there is considerable agreement, approximating
unanimity, on the appropriate content of an educational program for citizens
of a democracy—the three R’s cover the ground.”65 Under his school choice
proposal, the government would subsidize parents to choose a public or pri-
vate school that met government standards for teaching reading, writing, and
arithmetic.
In 1955, Friedman encountered a significant problem for his choice proposal
after the 1954 Supreme Court decision ending racial segregation of schools which
resulted in the growth of private white academies.66 In an almost full-page foot-
note in small font, Friedman wrote, “Essentially this proposal [school choice]—
public financing but private operation of education—has recently been suggested
in several southern states as a means of evading the Supreme Court ruling against
segregation . . . My initial reaction—and I venture to predict, that of most read-
ers—that this possible use of the proposal was a count against.”67 However, he
discounted his initial reaction on the principle of free speech. While stating that
he deplored segregation and racial prejudice, Friedman wrote, “it is not an appro-
priate function of the state to try to force individuals to act in accordance with
my—anyone else’s—views, whether about racial prejudice or the party to vote
for.”68 He argued that as long as schools are publicly operated then he would
choose forced nonsegregation over segregation.
Alluding to the existence of summer camps that were all Jewish, all Christian,
and some of mixed religions, Friedman asked, “Is it an appropriate function of
the state to prohibit the unmixed camps?”69 He argued that one could propagate
views that favored mixed camps while allowing for the existence of religiously
segregated summer camps. In this framework, he argued the government could
make funds available to parents to use “solely in segregated schools” or “solely
in nonsegregated schools.”70 He concluded, “The proposed plan is not there-
fore inconsistent with either forced segregation or forced nonsegregation. The
point is that it makes available a third alternative.”71 The third alternative to
requiring schools to be racially segregated or nonsegregated, as reflected in his
discussion of summer camps, was giving parents the choice of racially segregated
or racially mixed schools, while propagating views against racial segregation. In
other words, he proposed that government subsidies would allow parents, either
black or white, to choose a racially segregated school as long as the government
did not require segregation.
Gary Becker, Milton Friedman’s colleague at the University of Chicago and
former student, echoed Friedman’s call for education vouchers in his columns
in Business Week that appeared from the late 1980s into the late 1990s. Becker
would complain that public schools were making education too expensive: “The
average public school . . . spends over $5,000 per student per year. Yet many
parochial and other private schools provide better education with smaller expen-
ditures . . . A generous voucher system could cost only half of what is spent by
public schools.”72 In writing about a proposed voucher plan for California, Becker
stated, “this competition [between public and private schools] for students would
force public schools to become better.”73 Becker also echoed Friedman’s argu-
ment that vouchers would allow students to escape low-quality schools in low-
income neighborhoods: “Disadvantaged families cannot afford private-school
tuition and can seldom move to communities with better public schools. Usu-
ally they must accept whatever public schools are available, no matter how bad.
A voucher system would give these families some of the schooling alternatives
now open only to middle-class and rich families.”74 Reflecting on the goal of
his mentor to give parents an education that they valued, Becker wrote, “Some
30 years ago, Milton Friedman proposed a voucher system for schooling. Many
critics considered his proposal wild and impractical . . . Education vouchers now
seem rather tame compared with privatization of the postal system, prisons . . . A
voucher system for education is an idea whose time has finally come.”75
Theodore Schultz: The Economic Value of Education

Theodore Schultz’s 1963 interpretative essay on the economic value of educa-
tion relies on earlier works on educational economics. Reflecting the growing
economization of education, Shultz wrote, “The economic value of educa-
tion depends predominantly on the demand for and the supply of schooling
approached as an investment.”76 Using the data on the costs of schooling, school

attendance, and rates-of-return on investment in education, Schultz asserted that,
“As a source of economic growth, the additional schooling of the labor force
would appear to account for about one fifth of the growth in real national income
in the United States between 1929 and 1957 [author’s emphasis].”77
I emphasized the word “appear” in the above quote to indicate that Schultz
did not provide any data that proved that additional schooling increased eco-
nomic growth. He did provide data that the economy and schooling expanded
at the same time during the first half of the twentieth century, but provided no
proof of a causal relationship. In fact, and this is a problem in the work of other
economists I am considering, he never discusses the economic, social and politi-
cal changes that took place between 1929 and 1957. For instance, during the
1930s, unemployment of the depression years caused many youth to remain in
school and during these years the high school became a mass institution. After
WWII, fears of a postwar depression resulted in government funding of veterans
to enter college. In addition, there was a postwar economic boom as compared
to the lean years of the depression.78 Also, the 1951 military draft with exemp-
tions for college attendance prompted many men to go to college.79 None of
these events are considered by Schultz in his conclusion that education causes
economic growth.
In 2009, economist Andrew Hacker challenged this conclusion by offer-
ing another possible interpretation. What about the possibility that education
expanded because the economy grew in the early twentieth century rather than
expansion of education causing economic growth? Hacker offered this alternative
interpretation to highlight the questionable nature of human capital conclusions.
He did not offer any proof for either interpretation of historic income and educa-
tion data.80
In the early 1960s, Schultz claimed that economic interest in education was
“laying the foundations for an economic growth policy which assigns a major
role to schooling.”81 Schultz was correct about the future emphasis on education
as a contributor to economic growth.
Schultz’s reasoning that investment in education would reduce income ine-
quality was supported by the free market ideas of the Chicago School. Schultz
foreshadowed future policy by advancing the hypothesis that “changes in the
investment in human capital are a basic factor reducing the inequality in the
personal distribution of income.”82 He did not provide any proof to support this
statement, but relied on data from studies of the first half of the century. Dismiss-
ing government actions to reduce income inequalities, he wrote, “changes in
income transfers in progressive taxation, and changes in the distribution of pri-
vately owned wealth have been overrated as factors in altering the personal distri-
bution of income.”83 Policies that could be derived from Schultz’s book included
investing in education for economic growth and reducing income inequalities,
while cutting progressive and estate taxes.
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CHAPTER III
CRUSTACEA (CONTINUED): COPEPODA
Order II. Copepoda.
The Copepods are small Crustacea, composed typically of about sixteen

segments, in which the biramous type of limb predominates. They are
devoid of a carapace. Development proceeds gradually by the addition
posteriorly of segments to a Nauplius larval form. Paired compound eyes
are absent, except in Branchiura, the adult retaining the simple eye of the
Nauplius.
In a typical Copepod, such as Calanus hyperboreus (Fig. 25), we can
distinguish the following segments with their appendages: a
cephalothorax, carrying a pair of uniramous first antennae (1st Ant.); a
pair of biramous second antennae (2nd Ant.); mandibles (Md.) with biting
gnathobases and a palp, and a pair of foliaceous first maxillae (Mx.1). Two
pairs of appendages follow, which were looked upon as the two branches
of the second maxillae, but it is now certain that they represent two pairs
of appendages, which may be called second maxillae (Mx.2) and
maxillipedes (Mxp.) respectively. Behind these are five pairs of biramous
swimming feet, the first pair (Th.1) attached to the cephalothorax, the
succeeding four pairs to four distinct thoracic somites. Behind the thorax
is a clearly delimited abdomen composed of five segments, the first of
which (Abd.1) carries the genital opening, and the last a caudal furca.
The Copepods exhibit a great variety of structure, and their
classification is attended with great difficulties. Claus[36] based his
attempt at a natural classification on the character of the mouth and its
appendages, dividing the free-living and semi-parasitic forms as
Gnathostomata from the true parasites or Siphonostomata. This division,
although convenient, breaks down in many places, and it is clear that the
parasitic mode of life has been acquired more than once in the history of
Copepod evolution, while the free-living groups do not constitute a
natural assemblage.
Fig. 25.—Calanus hyperboreus, × 30. Abd1, First abdominal segment;
1st Ant, 2nd Ant, 1st and 2nd antennae; Md, mandible; Mx1, Mx2, 1st
and 2nd maxillae; Mxp, maxillipede; Th1, 1st thoracic appendage.
(After Giesbrecht.)
Giesbrecht has more recently[37] founded a classification of the free-

living pelagic Copepods upon the segmentation of the body and certain
secondary sexual characters, and he has hinted[38] that this scheme of
classification applies to the semi-parasitic and parasitic forms. Although
much detail remains to be worked out and the position of some families is
doubtful, Giesbrecht’s scheme is the most satisfactory that has hitherto
been suggested, and will be adopted in this chapter.
The peculiarity in structure of the Argulidae, a small group of
ectoparasites on fresh water fish, necessitates their separation from the
rest of the Copepods (Eucopepoda) as a separate Branch, Branchiura.
BRANCH I. EUCOPEPODA.
Sub-Order 1. Gymnoplea.
The division between the front and hind part of the body falls
immediately in front of the genital openings and behind the fifth thoracic
feet. The latter in the male are modified into an asymmetrical copulatory
organ.
TRIBE I. AMPHASCANDRIA.
The first antennae of the male are symmetrical, with highly-developed

sensory hairs.
Fam. Calanidae.—The Calanidae are exclusively marine Crustacea,
and form a common feature of the pelagic plankton in all parts of the
world. Some species of the genus Calanus often occur in vast shoals,
making the sea appear blood-red, and they furnish a most important
article of fish food. These swarms appear to consist chiefly of females, the
males being taken rarely, and only at certain seasons of the year. Some of
the Calanidae are animals of delicate and curious form, owing to the
development of plumed iridescent hairs from various parts of their body,
which may often exhibit a marked asymmetry, as in the species figured,
Calocalanus plumulosus (Fig. 26), from the Mediterranean.
Sars makes a curious
[39]
observation with regard to the
distribution of certain Calanidae.
He reports that along the whole
route of the “Fram,” species such
as Calanus hyperboreus and
Euchaeta norwegica were taken
at the surface, which, in the
Norwegian fjords, only occur at
depths of over 100 fathoms. He
suggests that the Norwegian
individuals, instead of migrating
northwards as the warmer
climate supervened, have sought
boreal conditions of temperature
by sinking into the deeper waters.
Fig. 26.—Calocalanus plumulosus, ×

15. (After Giesbrecht.)
TRIBE II.
HETERARTHRANDRIA.
The first antennae of the male are asymmetrical, one, usually the
right, being used as a clasping organ.
The males of the Centropagidae, Candacidae and Pontellidae,
besides possessing the asymmetrically modified thoracic limbs of the
fifth pair also exhibit a modification of one of the first antennae,
which is generally thickened in the middle, and has a peculiar joint in
it, or geniculation, which enables it to be flexed and so used as a
clasping organ for holding the female.
Fam. 1.—Centropagidae.—These Copepods are very common
in the pelagic plankton, and some of the species vie with the
Calanidae in plumed ornaments, e.g. Augaptilus filigerus, figured by
Giesbrecht in his monograph. The use of these ornaments, which are
possessed by so many pelagic Copepods, is entirely obscure.[40]
Certain of the Centropagidae live in fresh water. Thus Diaptomus is
an exclusively fresh-water genus, and forms a most important
constituent of lake-plankton; various species of Heterocope occur in
the great continental lakes, and certain Eurytemora go up the
estuaries of rivers into brackish water.
An excellent work on the fresh-water Copepods of Germany has
been written by Schmeil,[41] who gives analytical tables for
distinguishing various genera and species. The three fresh-water
families are the Centropagidae, Cyclopidae, and Harpacticidae (see
p. 62). The Centropagidae may be sharply distinguished from the
other fresh-water families by the following characters:—The
cephalothorax is distinctly separated from the abdomen; the first
antennae are long and composed of 24–25 segments, in the male
only a single antenna (generally the right) being geniculated and
used as a clasping organ. The fifth pair of limbs are not rudimentary;
a heart is present, and only one egg-sac is found in the female. The
second antennae are distinctly biramous.
Diaptomus.—The furcal processes are short, at most three times as
long as broad; endopodite of the first swimming appendage 2–
jointed, endopodites of succeeding legs 3–jointed.
Heterocope.—The furcal processes are short, at most twice as long
as broad; endopodites of all swimming legs 1–jointed.
Eurytemora.—The furcal processes are long, at least three and a
half times as long as broad; the endopodite of the first pair of legs
1–jointed, those of the other pairs 2–jointed.
It has been known for a long time that some of the marine
Copepods are phosphorescent, and, indeed, owing to their numbers
in the plankton, contribute very largely to bring about that liquid
illumination which will always excite the admiration of seafarers. In
northern seas the chief phosphorescent Copepods belong to
Metridia, a genus of the Centropagidae; but in the Bay of Naples
Giesbrecht[42] states that the phosphorescent species are the
following Centropagids: Pleuromma abdominale and P. gracile,
Leuckartia flavicornis and Heterochaeta papilligera; Oncaea
conifera is also phosphorescent. It is often stated that Sapphirina (p.
69) is phosphorescent, but its wonderful iridescent blue colour is
purely due to interference
colours, and has nothing to do
with phosphorescence.
Giesbrecht has observed that the
phosphorescence is due to a
substance secreted in special
skin-glands, which is jerked into
the water, and on coming into
contact with it emits a
phosphorescent glow. This
substance can be dried up
completely in a desiccated
specimen and yet preserve its
phosphorescent properties, the
essential condition for the actual
emission of light being contact
with water. Similarly, specimens
preserved in glycerine for a long
period will phosphoresce when
compressed in distilled water.
From this last experiment
Giesbrecht concludes that the
phosphorescence can hardly be
due to an oxidation process, but
the nature of the chemical
reaction remains obscure.
Fam. 2. Candacidae.—This
family comprises the single genus
Candace, with numerous species
distributed in the plankton of all
seas. Some species, e.g. C.
pectinata, Brady, have a
practically world-wide
distribution, this species being
recorded from the Shetlands and
from the Philippines.
Fam. 3. Pontellidae.—This is
a larger family also comprising
widely distributed species found
Fig. 27.—Dorsal view of Anomalocera
pattersoni, ♂, × 20. (After Sars.)in the marine plankton.
Anomalocera pattersoni (Fig. 27)
is one of the commonest elements in the plankton of the North Sea.
Sub-Order 2. Podoplea.
The boundary between the fore and hind part of the body falls in
front of the fifth thoracic segment. The appendages of the fifth
thoracic pair in the male are never modified as copulatory organs.
TRIBE I. AMPHARTHRANDRIA.
The first antennae in the male differ greatly from those in the
female, being often geniculated and acting as prehensile organs.
Fams. 1–2. Cyclopidae and Harpacticidae, and other allied
families, are purely free-living forms; they are not usually pelagic in
habit, but prefer creeping among algae in the littoral zone or on the
sea-bottom, or especially in tidal pools. Some genera are,
nevertheless, pelagic; e.g. Oithona among Cyclopidae; Setella,
Clytemnestra, and Aegisthus among Harpacticidae.
The sketch (Fig. 28) of Euterpe acutifrons ♀ , a species widely
distributed in the Mediterranean and northern seas, exhibits the
structure of a typical Harpacticid, while Fig. 29 shows the form of the
first antenna in the male.
Several fresh-water representatives of these free-living families
occur. The genus Cyclops (Cyclopidae) is exclusively fresh-water,
while many Harpacticidae go up into brackish waters: for example
on the Norfolk Broads, Mr. Robert Gurney has taken Tachidius
brevicornis, Müller, and T. littoralis, Poppe; Ophiocamptus
brevipes, Sars; Mesochra lilljeborgi, Boeck; Laophonte littorale, T.
and A. Scott; L. mohammed, Blanchard and Richard; and
Dactylopus tisboides, Claus.
Schmeil[43] gives the following scheme for identifying the fresh-
water Cyclopidae and Harpacticidae (see diagnosis of Centropagidae
on p. 59):—
Fam. 1. Cyclopidae.—The
cephalothorax is clearly separated
from the abdomen. The first
antennae of the female when bent
back do not stretch beyond the
cephalothorax; in the male both
of them are clasping organs. The
second antennae are without an
exopodite. The fifth pair of limbs
are rudimentary, there is no
heart, and the female carries two
egg-sacs.
Cyclops.—Numerous species, split
up according to segmentation of
rudimentary fifth pair of legs,
number of joints in antennae, etc.
Fam. 2. Harpacticidae.—
The cephalothorax is not clearly
separated from the abdomen. The
first antennae are short in both
sexes, both being clasping organs
in the male. The second antennae
have a rudimentary exopodite.
The fifth pair of limbs are
rudimentary and plate-shaped; a
heart is absent, and the egg-sacs
Fig. 28.—Euterpe acutifrons, ♀ , × 70. of the female may be one or two
Abd.1, 1st abdominal segment; Th.5, in number.
5th thoracic segment. (After
Giesbrecht.) 1. Ophiocamptus (Moraria).—Body
worm-shaped; first antennae of
female 7–jointed, rostrum
forming a broad plate.
2. Body not worm-shaped; first antennae of female 8–jointed,
rostrum short and sharp.
(a) Endopodites of all thoracic limbs 3–jointed. The first
antennae in female distinctly bent after the second joint.
Nitocra.
(b) Endopodite of at least
the fourth limb 2–jointed;
first antennae in female
not bent. Canthocamptus.
3. Ectinosoma.—Body as in
2, but first antennae are very
short, and the maxillipede
does not carry a terminal
hooked seta as in 1 and 2.
Fam. 3. Peltiidae.[44]—This is
an interesting family, allied to the
Harpacticidae, and includes
species with flattened bodies
somewhat resembling Isopods,
and a similar habit of rolling
themselves up into balls. No
parasitic forms are known,
though Sunaristes paguri on the
French and Scottish coasts is said
to live commensally with hermit-
crabs.
Fig. 29.—First antenna of Euterpe

We have now enumerated the acutifrons, ♂. (After Giesbrecht.)
chief families of free-living
Copepods; the rest are either true
parasites or else spend a part of their lives as such. A number of the
semi-parasitic and parasitic Copepods can be placed in the tribe
Ampharthrandria owing to the characters of their antennae; but it
must be remembered that many parasitic forms have given up using
the antennae as clasping organs; however, the sexual differences in
the antennae, and the fact that many of the species which have lost
the prehensile antennae in the male have near relations which
preserve it, enable us to proceed with some certainty. The adoption
of this classification necessitates our separating many families which
superficially may seem to resemble one another, e.g. the semi-
parasitic families Lichomolgidae and Ascidicolidae, and the
Dichelestiidae from the other fish-parasites; it also necessitates our
treating the presence of a sucking mouth as of secondary importance.
This characteristic must certainly, however, have been acquired more
than once in the history of the Copepods, for instance in the
Asterocheridae and in the fish-parasites, while it sometimes happens
that genera belonging to a typically Siphonostomatous group possess
a gnathostome, or biting mouth, e.g. Ratania among the
Asterocheridae. Again, it is impossible even if we use the character of
the mouth as a criterion to place together all the true parasites on
fishes in one natural group, because the Bomolochidae and
Chondracanthidae, which are otherwise closely similar to the rest of
the fish-parasites, possess no siphon. It seems plain, therefore, that
the parasitic habit has been acquired several times separately by
diverging stocks of free-swimming Copepods, and that it has resulted
in the formation of convergent structures.
Fam. 4. Monstrillidae.[45]—These are closely related to the
Harpacticidae. The members of this curious family are parasitic
during larval life and actively free-swimming when adult. There are
three genera, Monstrilla, Haemocera, and Thaumaleus. The best
known type is Haemocera danae (often described as Monstrilla
danae). In the adult state (Fig. 30) there are no mouth-parts; the
mouth is exceedingly small and leads into a very small stomach,
which ends blindly, while the whole body contains reserve food-
material in the form of brown oil-drops. The sole appendages on the
head are the first antennae; but on the thorax biramous feet are
present by means of which the animal can swim with great rapidity.
This anomalous organisation receives an explanation from the
remarkable development through which the larva passes. The larva is
liberated from the parent as a Nauplius with the structure shown in
Fig. 31; it does not possess an alimentary canal. It makes its way to a
specimen of the Serpulid worm, Salmacina dysteri, into the
epidermis of which it penetrates by movements of the antennae,
hanging on all the time by means of the hooks on the mandibles.
From the epidermis it passes through the muscles into the coelom of
the worm, and thence into the blood-vessels, usually coming to rest
in the ventral blood-vessel. As the Nauplius migrates, apparently by
amoeboid movements of the whole body, it loses all its appendages,
the eye degenerates, and the body is reduced to a minute ovoid mass
of cells, representing ectoderm and endo-mesoderm, surrounded by
a chitinous membrane (Fig. 32, A). Arrived in the ventral blood-
vessel it begins to grow, and the
first organ formed is a pair of
fleshy outgrowths representing
the second antennae (Fig. 32, B),
which act as a nutrient organ
intermediary between host and
parasite. The adult organs now
begin to be differentiated, as
shown in Fig. 32, C, from the
undifferentiated cellular elements
of the Nauplius, the future adult
organism being enclosed in a
spiny coat from which it escapes.
At this stage it occupies a large
part of its host’s body, lying in the
distended ventral blood-vessel,
and it escapes to the outside
world by rupturing the body-wall
of the worm, leaving behind it the
second antennae, which have
Fig. 30.—Haemocera danae, × 40. A, performed their function as a
Side view ♀ ; B, ventral view ♂ . Ant.1, kind of placenta. Malaquin, to
1st antenna; e, eye; ov, ovary; ovd, whom we owe this account,
oviduct; St, stomach; Th.1, 1st thoracic
appendage; Th.5, 5th thoracic segment;
makes the remarkable statement
vd, vas deferens. (After Malaquin.) that if two or three Monstrillid
Nauplii develop together in the
same host they are always males,
if only one it may be either male or female. The only parallel to this
extraordinary life-history is found in the Rhizocephala (see pp. 96–
99).
Fig. 31.—Free-swimming Nauplius
larva of Haemocera danae; Ant.1,
Ant.2, 1st and 2nd antennae; e, remains
of eye; Md, mandible. (After Malaquin.)
Fig. 32.—Later stages in the development of Haemocera danae.
Abd, Abdomen; Ant.1, Ant.2, 1st and 2nd antennae; ch, chitinous
investment; e, eye; Ect, ectoderm; En, endoderm; Mes,
mesoderm; Mes & en, mesoderm and endoderm; R, rostrum; St,
mouth and stomach; Th, thoracic appendages. (After Malaquin.)
Fam. 5. Ascidicolidae.[46]—
Although the members of this
family, which live
semiparasitically in the branchial
sac or the gut of Ascidians, betray
their Ampharthrandrian nature
by the sexual differences of their
first antennae, only two genera,
Notodelphys and Agnathaner,
possess true prehensile antennae.
According as the parasitism is
Fig. 33.—Side view of Doropygus
pulex, ♀ , × 106. Abd.1, 1st abdominal more or less complete, the buccal
segment; Ant.1, 1st antenna; b.p, appendages either retain their
brood-pouch; Th.1, 1st thoracic masticatory structure or else
appendage; Th.4, 4th thoracic segment. become reduced to mere organs
(After Canu.) of fixation. In Notodelphys both
sexes can swim actively and
retain normal mouth-parts; they live parasitically, or perhaps
commensally, in the branchial cavities of Simple or Compound
Ascidians, feeding on the particles swept into the respiratory
chamber of the host. They leave their host at will in search of a new
home, and are frequently taken in the plankton.
Doropygus (Fig. 33), a genus widely distributed in the North Sea
and Mediterranean, also inhabiting the branchial sac of Ascidians, is
more completely parasitic, and the female cannot swim actively.
Forms still more degraded by a parasitic habit are Ascidicola rosea
(especially abundant in the stomach of Ascidiella scabra at
Concarneau), in which the female has lost its segmentation, the
mouth-parts and thoracic legs being purely prehensile, and various
species of Enterocola, parasitic in the stomach of Compound
Ascidians, in which the female is a mere sac incapable of free motion,
while the male preserves its swimming powers and a general
Cyclops-form (Fig. 34). We have here the first instance of the
remarkable parallelism between the degree of parasitism and the
degree of sexual dimorphism, a parallelism which holds with great
regularity among the Copepoda, and can be also extended to other
classes of parasitic animals.
Fam. 6. Asterocheridae.[47]
—These forms retain the power of
swimming actively, and are very
little modified in outward
appearance by their parasitic
mode of life (Fig. 35), though they
possess a true siphon in which the
styliform mandibles work. The
siphon is formed by the upper
and lower lips, which are
produced into a tube with three
longitudinal ridges; in the outer
grooves are the mandibles, while
the inner groove forms the
sucking siphon (see transverse
section, Fig. 36). In Ratania,
however, there is no siphon. The
Fig. 34.—Enterocola fulgens. A, first antennae possess a great
Ventral view of ♀, × 35; B, side view of number of joints, and may be
♂ , × 106. Abd.1, 1st abdominal geniculated in the male
segment; Ant.1, Ant.2, 1st and 2nd (Cancerilla). The members of this
antennae; c.m, gland-cells; n, ventral family live as ectoparasites on
nerve-cord; og, oviducal gland; ov, various species of Echinoderms,
ovary; po, vagina; Th.1, 1st thoracic Sponges, and Ascidians, but they
appendage; Th.4, Th.5, 4th and 5th
thoracic segments. (After Canu.) frequently change their hosts, and
it appears that one and the same
species may indifferently suck the
juices of very various animals, and even of Algae. Cancerilla
tubulata, however, appears to live only on the Brittle Starfish,
Amphiura squamata.
Fam. 7. Dichelestiidae.—The males and females are similarly
parasitic, and the body in both is highly deformed, the segmentation
being suppressed and the thoracic limbs being produced into
formless fleshy lobes; they are placed among the Ampharthrandria
owing to sexual differences in the form of the first antennae. There is
a well-developed siphon in which the mandibular stylets work,
except in Lamproglena, parasitic on the gills of Cyprinoid fishes; the
succeeding mouth-parts are prehensile.
The majority of the species are
parasitic on the gills of various
fish (Dichelestium on the
[48]
Sturgeon, Lernanthropus on
Labrax lupus, Serranus scriba,
etc.), but Steuer[49] has recently
described a Dichelestiid
(Mytilicola) from the gut of
Mytilus galloprovincialis off
Trieste. This animal and
Lernanthropus are unique among
Crustacea through the possession
of a completely closed blood-
vascular system which contains a
red fluid; the older observers
believed this fluid to contain
haemoglobin, but Steuer, as the
result of careful analysis, denies
this. The parasite on the gills of
the Lobster, Nicothoe astaci,
possibly belongs here.
The inclusion of Nicothoe and
the Dichelestiidae among the Fig. 35.—Asterocheres violaceus, ♀ ,
Ampharthrandria rests on a with egg-sacs, × 57. (After Giesbrecht.)
somewhat slender basis; this
basis is afforded by the fact that
none of the parasitic Isokerandria have more than seven joints in the
first antennae, whereas Nicothoe and some of the Dichelestiidae[50]
have more numerous joints. In most of the Dichelestiidae, however,
the number of joints is less than seven and practically equal in the
two sexes.
Fig. 36.—Diagrammatic transverse
section through the distal part of the
siphon of Rhynchomyzon
purpurocinctum (Asterocheridae). Md,
mandible. (After Giesbrecht.)
TRIBE II. ISOKERANDRIA.
The first antennae are short, similar in the two sexes, and are
never used by the male as clasping organs. This function may be
subserved by the second maxillae.
Fams. Oncaeidae, Corycaeidae, Lichomolgidae, Ergasilidae,
Bomolochidae, Chondracanthidae, Philichthyidae,
Nereicolidae, Hersiliidae, Caligidae, Lernaeidae,
Lernaeopodidae, Choniostomatidae.
The families Oncaeidae and Corycaeidae contain pelagic forms of
flattened shape and great swimming powers, but the structure of the
mouth-parts in the Corycaeidae points to a semi-parasitic habit.
Fam. 1. Oncaeidae.—This family, including the genera Oncaea,
Pachysoma, etc., does not possess the elaborate eyes of the next
family, nor is the sexual dimorphism so marked.
Fam. 2. Corycaeidae.—These are distinguished from the
Oncaeidae, not only by their greater beauty, but also by the
possession of very elaborate eyes, which are furnished with two
lenses, one at each end of a fairly long tube. The females of
Sapphirina are occasionally found in the branchial cavity of Salps,
and their alimentary canal never contains solid particles, but is filled
with a fluid substance perhaps derived by suction from their prey. S.
opalina may occur in large shoals, when the wonderful iridescent
blue colour of the males makes the water sparkle as it were with a
sort of diurnal phosphorescence. The animal, however, despite the
opinion of the older observers, is not truly phosphorescent. It may be
that the ornamental nature of some of the males is correlated with
the presence of the curious visual organs, which are on the whole
better developed in the females than in the males. As in so many
pelagic Copepods, the body and limbs may bear plumed setae of
great elaboration and beautiful colour, e.g. Copilia vitrea (Fig. 37).
We now pass on to the rest of the parasitic Copepods,[51] which
probably belong to the tribe Isokerandria, and we meet with the
same variety of degrees of parasitism as in the Ampharthrandria,
often leading to very similar results.
Fig. 37.—Copilia vitrea (Corycaeidae), ♀, × 20. (After Giesbrecht.)
In the first seven families mentioned below there is no siphon. The

Lichomolgidae and Ergasilidae have not much departed from the
free-living forms just considered, retaining their segmentation,
though in the Ergasilidae the body may be somewhat distorted (Fig.
39). In both families the thoracic swimming feet are of normal
constitution.
Fam. 3. Lichomolgidae.[52]
—These are semi-parasitic in a
number of animals living on the
sea-bottom, such as Actinians,
Echinoderms, Annelids, Molluscs,
and Tunicates. Lichomolgus
agilis (Fig. 38) occurs in the
North Sea, Atlantic, and
Mediterranean, on the gills of
large species of the Nudibranch,
Doris, while L. albeus is found in
the peribranchial cavity and
cloaca of various Ascidians.
Sabelliphilus may infect the gills
of Annelids such as Sabella, and
is common at Liverpool.
Fam. 4. Ergasilidae.—
Thersites (Fig. 39) is parasitic on
the gills of various fishes, e.g. T.
gasterostei, which is common on
Gasterosteus aculeatus on the
French and North Sea coasts, and
may even be found on specimens
of the fish that have run up the
River Forth into fresh water. The
animal possesses claw-like
second antennae by which it
clings to its host.
Fig. 38.—Lichomolgus agilis, × 10.
Abd. 1, 1st abdominal segment; cpth,
cephalothorax; Th.1, 1st thoracic
segment; Th.5, 5th thoracic appendage.
(After Canu.)

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Economization of Education Human

Capital Global Corporations Skills

How Global Capital is Remaking International Education

Culture Transnational Education and Thinking Case

Deculturalization and the Struggle for Equality A Brief

Anthropologies of Education A Global Guide to

Business communication essentials a skills based

Leadership Skills for Maintenance Supervisors and

University Calculus Early Transcendentals Global

Back to the Future of Education Four OECD Scenarios for

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For additional information on titles in the Sociocultural, Political, and Historical

ISBN: 978-1-138-84460-5 (hbk)

5 The World Economic Forum: Partnerships and

i. To be referred to in this chapter as the “Chicago School.”

according to cost/benefit analyses, and the promotion of school choice in a

increased productivity, higher incomes, decreased economic inequalities, and the

Human Capital, Free Markets, and Economization

WWII, US economists tended to work from a variety of ideological positions.

skills, and health of the workforce. Investments in education, he argued, could

Corporatization of Education and Families

In the following section I will highlight the concept of the economization

A Dystopian Vision of Corporate Control of Schools

Imagine wedding motion sensors to surveillance optics, so that technics

employed to protect. So . . . what then becomes possible is a holistic analy-

The Rational Choice Paradigm and Economization

Shultz called calculation of education investments, the “Arithmetic of Schooling

Rational Choice, Milton Friedman, and Education

social justice, citizenship and environmental education, and improving social

paradigm, individuals, including school officials, pursue their own self-interests.

Governments could require a minimum level of schooling financed by

In the framework of economization, Friedman justified educational vouchers

Theodore Schultz: The Economic Value of Education

approached as an investment.”76 Using the data on the costs of schooling, school

Order II. Copepoda.

The Copepods are small Crustacea, composed typically of about sixteen

Giesbrecht has more recently[37] founded a classification of the free-

The first antennae of the male are symmetrical, with highly-developed

Fig. 26.—Calocalanus plumulosus, ×

Fig. 29.—First antenna of Euterpe

TRIBE II. ISOKERANDRIA.

In the first seven families mentioned below there is no siphon. The

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