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Advances in Immigrant Family Research
Series Editor: Susan S. Chuang

Derya Güngör
Dagmar Strohmeier Editors

Contextualizing
Immigrant and
Refugee Resilience
Cultural and Acculturation Perspectives
Advances in Immigrant Family Research

Series Editor
Susan S. Chuang
Department of Family Relations and Applied Nutrition, University of Guelph,
Guelph, ON, Canada

More information about this series at http://www.springer.com/series/8807

Derya Güngör • Dagmar Strohmeier
Editors

Contextualizing Immigrant
and Refugee Resilience
Cultural and Acculturation Perspectives
Editors
Derya Güngör Dagmar Strohmeier
Center of Social and Cultural Pyschology School of Medical Engineering
University of Leuven and Applied Social Sciences
Leuven, Belgium University of Applied Sciences
Upper Austria
Linz, Austria

ISSN 2625-364X     ISSN 2625-3666 (electronic)

Advances in Immigrant Family Research
ISBN 978-3-030-42302-5    ISBN 978-3-030-42303-2 (eBook)
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-42303-2

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020

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To Kris and Kaylan De Bruyn, my rocks
To my migrant mother (Anneme) and all
migrant mothers, so resilient
Derya Güngör
To Amela, Edvana, Ilknur, and Kolë with love
and respect
To my immigrant students who made me
understand what resilience really means
Dagmar Strohmeier
Acknowledgments

The editors express their thanks to Dr. Filiz Kunuroglu for contributing to the review
process.

vii
Contents

  1 Contextualizing Immigrant and Refugee Resilience:

Cultural and Acculturative Perspectives ����������������������������������������������    1
Derya Güngör and Dagmar Strohmeier

Part I Integrative Theoretical Perspectives

to Immigrant Youth Resilience
  2 Immigrant Youth Resilience: Integrating
Developmental and Cultural Perspectives ��������������������������������������������   11
Frosso Motti-Stefanidi and Ann S. Masten
  3 Developmental Tasks and Immigrant Adolescent’s Adaptation����������   33
Philipp Jugert and Peter F. Titzmann
  4 Why Do Some Immigrant Children and Youth
Do Well in School Whereas Others Fail?: Current State
of Knowledge and Directions for Future Research������������������������������   51
Metin Özdemir and Sevgi Bayram Özdemir

Part II Theoretically Informed Empirical Perspectives

to Immigrant and Refugee Resilience
  5 Receiving Population Appraisal as Potential Risk
or Resilience for Immigrant Adaptation:
The Threat-­Benefit Model ����������������������������������������������������������������������   75
Sophie D. Walsh and Eugene Tartakovsky
  6 The Role of Discrimination, Acculturation,
and Ethnic Identity in Predicting Psychosocial
Functioning of Turkish Immigrant Youth����������������������������������������������   99
Aysun Doğan and Dagmar Strohmeier

ix
x Contents

  7 Positive Adjustment Among Internal Migrants:

Acculturative Risks and Resources�������������������������������������������������������� 123
Derya Güngör
  8 The Role of Hope to Construct a New Life: Experiences
of Syrian and Iraqian Asylum Seekers�������������������������������������������������� 143
Aylin Demirli Yıldız
  9 Conceptualizing Refugee Resilience Across Multiple Contexts���������� 163
Jaime Spatrisano, Rebecca Volino Robinson,
Gloria D. Eldridge, and Rosellen M. Rosich

Part III Promotive and Preventive Approaches

10 Using Basic and Applied Research on Risk and Resilience
to Inform Preventive Interventions for Immigrant Youth�������������������� 185
Steven M. Kogan and Sophie D. Walsh
11 Inclusion in Multicultural Classrooms in Norwegian Schools:
A Resilience Perspective�������������������������������������������������������������������������� 205
Svein Erik Nergaard, Hildegunn Fandrem,
Hanne Jahnsen, and Kirsti Tveitereid
12 Fostering Cross-Cultural Friendships with the ViSC
Anti-bullying Program���������������������������������������������������������������������������� 227
Dagmar Strohmeier, Elisabeth Stefanek, Takuya Yanagida,
and Olga Solomontos-Kountouri

Index������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 247
About the Editors

Derya Güngör is a social and cross-cultural psychologist with research interests

spanning from cultural differences in self-identity and parenting styles to psychology
of acculturation and migration. She received her PhD in Social Psychology from
Ankara University in Turkey and worked as a researcher and lecturer in Turkey (psy-
chology departments of Ankara University and Yasar University), Belgium (Center for
Social and Cultural Psychology at the University of Leuven), the Netherlands (European
Research Centre on Migration and Ethnic Relations (ERCOMER) in Utrecht
University), and the USA (Eunice Kennedy Shriver National Institute of Child Health
and Human Development). In 2007, she was awarded a 3-year Marie Curie Outgoing
International Fellowship by the European Commission 6th Framework Programme for
the project “Parenting in migration.” From 2015 to 2018, she worked as an associate
professor of Social Psychology in Yasar University in Turkey. Dr. Güngör continues her
studies as a research affiliate at the Center for Social and Cultural Psychology at the
University of Leuven and serves in the editorial boards of international journals, includ-
ing Self and Identity and International Journal of Intercultural Relations.

Dagmar Strohmeier is professor at the University of Applied Sciences Upper

Austria, Linz, in Austria and professor II at the Norwegian Centre for Learning
Environment and Behavioural Research in Education at the University of Stavanger
in Norway. She received a PhD (2006), the venia legendi in Psychology (2014), from
the University of Vienna in Austria. She studies peer relations in children and youth
with a cross-cultural and cross-national perspective and a special focus on immigrant
youth. She has developed, implemented, and evaluated a program to foster social and
intercultural competences in schools (ViSC program) that has been implemented in
Austria, Cyprus, Romania, Turkey, and Kosovo. She was the principal investigator of
the EU-funded project “Europe 2038” and examined young people’s engagement
with the European Union in seven countries (www.europe2038.eu). Her research
was awarded by the University of Applied Sciences in 2011 (Researcher of the Year)
and the Bank Austria Main Award for the Support of Innovative Research in 2009.
Her teaching was awarded by the Köck Stiftung in 2010. She is president elect of the
European Association for Developmental Psychology (www.eadp.info).

xi
About the Authors

Aysun Doğan is an associate professor of Developmental Psychology and the

director of the Child and Adolescent Research Lab at Ege University, İzmir, Turkey.
She received a BSc in Psychology at METU, Turkey, and PhD in Applied
Developmental Psychology at Claremont Graduate University, California, USA. Dr.
Doğan ran numerous national and international research projects focusing on ado-
lescents’ risk-taking behaviors, friendship relations of young adults, immigrant
children’s psychological well-being, and adolescent-parent relations. Her current
research interests include well-being of refugee children and adolescents, bullying,
victimization, friendship relations, and preventive intervention programs.

Gloria D. Eldridge holds the rank of professor of Psychology at the University of

Alaska Anchorage (UAA). She has a PhD in Clinical Psychology from the University
of Manitoba. Currently, she is coordinator of the MS in Clinical Psychology at
UAA. Her research focuses on the ethical and institutional challenges of conducting
research in criminal justice settings.

Hildegunn Fandrem is a professor in Education and holds a position as a profes-

sor at the Norwegian Centre for Learning Environment and Behavioural Research
in Education, University of Stavanger, Norway. Her main topic of interest is diver-
sity and inclusion, inclusion of immigrant students in particular. She received her
PhD, which concerns social and emotional adaptation among immigrant adolescent,
in 2009. She is currently the vice-chair of the European COST network on migra-
tion, inclusion and bullying in schools.

Hanne Jahnsen is an associate professor in Education and holds a position as an

associate professor at the Norwegian Centre for Learning Environment and
Behavioural Research in Education, University of Stavanger, Norway. The main
topics for her work and research have been social competence, bullying, and prob-
lem behavior among pupils in secondary school. She has also experience working
in the field with complex cases among adolescents in school. She has contributed to
several investigations and reports on these topics in a national context.

xiii
xiv About the Authors

Steven M. Kogan is a professor of Human Development and Family Science at the

University of Georgia in the USA. Dr. Kogan’s research focuses on the prevention
of substance use and high-risk sexual behavior among African-American youth and
immigrant youth of color in Israel. His research involves identifying individual and
contextual factors that protect youth and young adults from high-risk behavior and
translating these findings into efficacious, ecologically appropriate prevention
programs.

Philipp Jugert is professor of Intercultural Psychology, Migration and Integration,

at the University of Duisburg-Essen, Germany. His major research interests include
social development in the context of ethnic diversity, group processes and inter-
group relations, and civic engagement. His research focuses on person-by-context
interactions, and he likes to use longitudinal methods, including social network
analysis.

Ann S. Masten regents professor of Child Development at the University of

Minnesota, studies risk and resilience in development, focusing on children fac-
ing homelessness, war, disaster, migration, and other adversities. She is a past
president of the Society for Research in Child Development and the Developmental
Division of the American Psychological Association (APA). A recipient of APA’s
Bronfenbrenner Award for Lifetime Contribution to Developmental Psychology,
she has published more than 200 scholarly works, including the book Ordinary
Magic: Resilience in Development. She offers a MOOC on Coursera entitled
“Resilience in Children Exposed to Trauma, Disaster and War: Global
Perspectives.”

Frosso Motti-Stefanidi is professor of Psychology at the National and Kapodistrian

University of Athens (NKUA), Greece. She studies immigrant youth adaptation
from a resilience perspective. She is author of over 150 papers and chapters in jour-
nals and edited books in Greek and English and of 2 books in Greek. She is recipient
of the Distinguished International Alumni Award from the College of Education and
Human Development of the University of Minnesota and a fellow of the Association
for Psychological Science. She has served as president of the European Association
for Developmental Psychology and of the European Association of Personality
Psychology. She is currently serving on the Governing Council of the Society for
Research in Child Development.

Svein Erik Nergaard is an associate professor at the Norwegian Center for

Learning Environment and Behavioural Research, University of Stavanger. He has
worked in the field of school development for a long time, and his important contri-
bution concerns especially questions regarding different groups of pupils who are at
risk of being marginalized. Key question in his work has been how schools as social
systems can include all pupils and avoid unintended negative effects, for example,
through special education. He has contributed in several international projects in the
organization European Agency for Special Needs and Inclusive Education.
About the Authors xv

Metin Özdemir is an associate professor of Psychology at the School of Law,

Psychology, and Social Work, Örebro University, Sweden. He received his doctoral
degree in Community and Applied Social Psychology at the University of Maryland,
Baltimore County, in 2009. His research focuses on (1) processes and conditions
that may explain adolescents’ adjustment in school and leisure activities, (2) pro-
moting adjustment and integration of immigrant youth, and (3) effectiveness of pre-
ventive interventions for youth and families.

Sevgi Bayram Özdemir is senior lecturer in Psychology at the School of Law,

Psychology, and Social Work, Örebro University, Sweden. Her research interests
include (1) understanding the roles of family and school context in the development
of positive and negative interethnic relationships among youth with diverse ethnic
and cultural background and (2) identifying risk and protective factors within fam-
ily, peer, and school settings toward the psychosocial and academic adjustment of
youth in immigrant families.

Rebecca Volino Robinson licensed clinical psychologist, holds a doctoral degree

in Clinical-Community Psychology, with a Rural and Indigenous Emphasis, from
the University of Alaska Anchorage. Dr. Robinson has extensive experience work-
ing with adults and communities with histories of complex trauma and problems
associated with this history including substance misuse, infectious, and chronic dis-
ease. She currently works as a clinical psychologist within the Alaska Tribal
Health System.

Rosellen M. Rosich holds the rank of professor emerita of Psychology at the

University of Alaska Anchorage (UAA). She has a PhD in Life-Span Developmental
Psychology and has advanced training in gerontology. Currently, she is the director
of UAA Center for Human Development, College of Health, and Co-PI of the
Geriatric Interdisciplinary Leadership Development Program funded by the US
Department of Health and Human Services Health Resources and Service
Administration under the Geriatric Workforce Enhancement Program.

Olga Solomontos-Kountouri is an associate professor of Developmental

Psychology and head of Research and International Relations at the Theological
School of the Church of Cyprus. Her main research area covers the developmental
psychology of adolescents concerning identity, delinquency, and bullying. She
coordinates and actively participates in the research team for the implementation of
educational intervention programs for young prisoners, such as ELMIP. In coopera-
tion with the Ministry of Education and Culture, the Theological School of the
Church of Cyprus, and professor Dagmar Strohmeier, she has been implementing
the Viennese Social Competence Program (ViSC) in secondary schools in Cyprus
since 2012. In the context of ViSC and Comenius Regio Partnership programs, she
has trained hundreds of teachers and thousands of students on intervention
approaches and action plans to prevent school bullying. She is an elected member in
the Committee of the European Association for Research on Adolescence (EARA)
and a member of the Cyprus Prison Council.
xvi About the Authors

Jaime Spatrisano received a doctorate in Clinical-Community Psychology with a

Rural and Indigenous Emphasis from the University of Alaska Anchorage. Clinically,
she specializes in working with historically marginalized populations and those
who have experienced trauma (e.g., indigenous people, gender-diverse individuals,
sexual orientation minorities, veterans, and refugees). Dr. Spatrisano’s research
interests include using community-based participatory research, exploring the
impacts of microaggressions, and giving voice to LGBTQ+ and other minority
communities. She is currently working as a clinical psychologist at the Cook Inlet
Tribal Council in an inpatient program for those experiencing co-occurring mental
health and substance use concerns.

Elisabeth Stefanek is a research associate at pro mente research in Vienna and

Klagenfurt in Austria. She is mainly responsible for the evaluation of services for
children and youth with mental health and family-related problems offered by the
nongovernment organization “pro mente: Children, Youth and Families.” Before,
she was a research associate at the University of Applied Sciences Upper Austria
and had a senior lecturer position at the Faculty of Psychology, University of Vienna.
She received her PhD in Psychology in 2012 from the University of Vienna in
Austria. Besides her evaluation expertise, she studies intercultural peer relations and
mental health in children and youth.

Eugene (Evgeny) Tartakovsky is an associate professor at the Tel-Aviv University

School of Social Work. Prof. Tartakovsky received an MA in Clinical Psychology
from the Hebrew University in Jerusalem and a PhD from the School of Social Work
at Ben-Gurion University in Beersheba. Before joining Tel-Aviv University, he
worked as a psychologist in an adolescent immigration program at the Israeli Ministry
of Education and as a coordinator of children and family programs in the American
Jewish Joint Distribution Committee. He has published over 50 articles and book
chapters and has presented his works extensively at international conferences. He is
the editor of two books: one on community psychology and another on immigration.
Prof. Tartakovsky consults governmental and non-governmental organizations on
issues related to immigration and integration of immigrants and ethnic minorities.

Peter F. Titzmann is professor for Developmental Psychology at the Leibniz

University Hannover, Germany. In his research, he investigates the interplay
between normative development and migration-related adaptation among adoles-
cents with immigrant backgrounds. He studied this interplay in developmental out-
comes, such as acculturative stress, delinquency, family interactions, autonomy, and
self-efficacy.

Kirsti Tveitereid is an assistant professor in Cultural Studies at the Norwegian

Centre for Learning Environment and Behavioural Research in Education (NSLA),
University of Stavanger, Norway. Her main topic is inclusion and integration of
immigrant parents and their children in schools and kindergartens in Norway. Her
focus in the field is knowledge about migration and cultural sensitivity.
About the Authors xvii

Sophie D. Walsh is an associate professor in the Department of Criminology at

Bar Ilan University and a practicing clinical psychologist. Her research focuses on
mechanisms of risk and resilience among immigrant adolescents, in particular in
relationship to their involvement in substance use, delinquency, and violence. She
has a particular interest in parental and social resilience mechanisms which can
work to protect immigrant adolescents from the effects of multiple stressors. She
has published over 70 peer-reviewed articles and book chapters.

Aylin Demirli Yıldız received her PhD degree from the Doctorate Program of
Guidance and Psychological Counseling, Middle East Technical University, and is
currently an associate professor in the Faculty of Education, Program of Guidance
and Psychological Counseling, Baskent University, Ankara, Turkey. Dr. Demirli
Yıldız’s research interests include maladaptive schemas and interpersonal relations,
attachment process and family, crisis and trauma, posttraumatic processes, and
migration. She has written journal articles on hope, migration, perceived parenting
styles, crisis, trauma, school counseling, and early maladaptive schemas. She
received a Postgraduate Fellowship from the Scientific and Technological Research
Council of Turkey.
Chapter 1
Contextualizing Immigrant and Refugee
Resilience: Cultural and Acculturative
Perspectives

Derya Güngör and Dagmar Strohmeier

In 2017, 260 million people have been living as foreign-born immigrants world-
wide. Together with people who moved within their own nation, every seventh per-
son changed the place of residence and therefore is a national or international
migrant (United Nations, International Migration Report 2018). In the age of
“super-diversity” (Titzmann & Jugert, 2019; Vertovec, 2007) characterized by
highly diversified migration flows, receiving societies get more and more culturally
heterogeneous. Immigrants are not a monolithic group, because they differ in many
aspects, e.g., their legal status, country of origin, or length of stay. Adding to this
complexity, receiving societies also differ in terms of their policies and ideologies
regarding “integration”, how experienced, willing, and ready they are to integrate
immigrants. To capture this heterogeneity, contextualized studies as in this book are
needed to better understand pre-conditions, processes, and outcomes of adaptation
of different groups of immigrants living in increasingly “super-diverse” societies.
This book aims to contribute to a better understanding of the complexity of
immigrant and refugee resilience by collecting 12 theoretical, empirical, and
intervention-­based studies. When people move, their cultural context, hence the
meaning system surrounding them, also changes. Realizing cultural differences in
understanding the self, relationships, and the world and learning new ways of exis-
tence lie at the heart of the adjustment of both immigrants and the members of the
receiving society (Sam & Berry, 2010). All chapters collected for this book unpack

D. Güngör (*)
Center for Social and Cultural Psychology, University of Leuven, Leuven, Belgium
e-mail: derya.gungor@kuleuven.be
D. Strohmeier
School of Medical Engineering and Applied Social Sciences, University of Applied
Sciences Upper Austria, Linz, Austria
e-mail: Dagmar.Strohmeier@fh-linz.at

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 1

D. Güngör, D. Strohmeier (eds.), Contextualizing Immigrant and Refugee
Resilience, Advances in Immigrant Family Research,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-42303-2_1
2 D. Güngör and D. Strohmeier

the role of culture and acculturation from a developmental or social psychological

perspective.
Migration, whether forced or voluntary, permanent or temporary, documented or
undocumented, can be both a challenging and empowering experience for national
and international immigrants. Challenges arise from interrupted life courses, loss of
social support and status, unpredictability of the future, broken family ties, struc-
tural barriers for social and economic integration, homesickness, discrimination,
and identity confusion, all of which require major personal and collective effort to
overcome. Given the prevalence of heightened mental health problems of immi-
grants, psychologists have typically focused on identifying vulnerabilities, patholo-
gies, losses, conflicts, and many other problematic aspects of immigrant and refugee
adjustment. As a result, the default mode of psychological research has been the
examination of psychological barriers that complicate the adjustment process and
undermine the integration of immigrants in academic, work, and other intercultural
spheres. However, a focus on problems and vulnerabilities is limited given that
many immigrants and refugees do well, even thrive, when they are able to navigate
to or negotiate for relevant resources (Ungar, 2008). Therefore, more research is
needed on resources, processes, strengths, competencies that empower immigrants
and refugees, and the qualities of their socio-ecologies that facilitate their good
adjustment.
Contrary to the deficit perspective, a resilience perspective sheds light on pro-
cesses causing average or good adaptation despite having faced adversities (Masten,
2014). There are many different definitions of resilience (Southwick, Bonanno,
Masten, Panter-Brick, & Yehuda, 2014), but basically, resilience is an inferred
capacity when observing a positive or average outcome despite the presence of risks
and high odds for psychopathology (Masten, 2014). Importantly, a resilience per-
spective acknowledges the role of context, or the quality of exchange between indi-
viduals and their settings that are mutually beneficial and conducive to positive
outcomes (Lerner, 2006). This relational or contextual nature of resilience is evident
when different adjustment outcomes are observed among individuals who are
exposed to the same risks. Person x context interactions also explain why the same
prevention or intervention attempts result in different outcomes in different con-
texts. Thus, a resilience framework provides a unique theoretical perspective in
understanding the conditions and processes for positive outcomes before, during,
and after migration. A socio-ecological understanding of resilience, therefore,
focusses on the qualities of dynamic and interacting socio-ecological systems. The
assumption is that when facing adversities, the locus of change does not reside in
either the individual or the environment alone, but in the processes by which envi-
ronments provide meaningful resources that are accessible by individuals (Ungar,
2011). Outcomes at the individual level are understood as results of interactive
adaptive processes caused by individual-level and system-level capacities.
Whereas resilience is an outcome of immigrants’ interaction with their social
ecology (family, school, neighborhood, community), the role of culture in resilience
has been typically ignored. Some resilience researchers have proposed ways of inte-
grating culture as a key social ecology that determines the paths and processes of
1 Contextualizing Immigrant and Refugee Resilience 3

resilience (e.g., Panter-Brick & Eggerman, 2012; Ungar, 2008). However, the appli-
cations of these perspectives to immigrant and refugee resilience are rare (Arrington
& Wilson, 2000; Castro & Murray, 2010). Extant studies tend to focus on culture
solely in terms of what immigrants bring with them, such as cultural identities based
on ethnicity or religion, fostering the assumption that resilience lies in certain attri-
butes of individuals. However, research on the role of ethnic identity is far from
conclusive. For example, while a strong co-ethnic identification emerged as a mean-
ingful contributor to resilience among various groups of immigrant youth (e.g.,
Costigan, Koryzma, Hua, & Chance, 2010), it was also found to be a risk factor for
depression among undocumented Latino/a immigrants (e.g., Cobb, Xie, Meca,
Schwartz, 2017). Similarly, immigrant generations were found to be variably at risk
in the United States and Europe, leading to doubts for the generalizability of a well-
known “immigrant paradox” (i.e., attenuated health advantage in successive genera-
tions) outside the United States (Motti-Stefanidi & Coll, 2018). These striking
differences between immigrant groups call for specific attention to contextualizing
resilience by unpacking the reciprocal relations between individuals and their
immediate and larger sociocultural environments.
To this end, the chapters of this book provide theoretical and empirical insights
for various systematic ways of applying cultural and acculturation perspectives to
resilience in different immigrant and refugee groups and their receiving communi-
ties. Each chapter delineates the role of cultural contexts, cultural meanings, or
cultural participation in various positive outcomes in the face of risks and challenges.
The book contains three sections consisting of integrative theoretical perspec-
tives, theory-based empirical studies, and promotive applications that contextualize
immigrant and refugee resilience. Part I presents recent and novel theoretical
approaches that relate immigrant children and youth resilience to its sociocultural
context and acculturation. Part II consists of quantitative and qualitative studies on
various immigrant and refugee groups and generations. Part III contains examples
of promotive and preventive approaches to enhance resilience.
Part I presents integrative theoretical perspectives on immigrant children and
youth resilience in various life spheres. The resilience models presented in this sec-
tion aim to disentangle age-related, cultural, and acculturative challenges and iden-
tify assets and resources toward positive adaptation. In Chapter 2, Frosso
Motti-Stefanidi and Ann S. Masten provide an integrated cultural and developmen-
tal science approach to analyse the resilience of immigrants. Development always
emerges from interactions of individuals with their contexts. The authors argue that
culture is an integral part of defining and understanding resilience, because the cri-
teria for evaluating positive adaptation and for defining adversities are grounded in
cultural, historical, and developmental contexts. Furthermore, immigrant youth live
and grow in the context of at least two cultures. The encounter of different sociocul-
tural groups brings cultural change in both immigrant and non-immigrant individu-
als, even though the acculturation changes may be greater for immigrants. The
chapter discusses the core concepts and principles of a developmental resilience
framework, examines the role of culture in resilience, and examines the role of
4 D. Güngör and D. Strohmeier

acculturation in the ­conceptualization of immigrant youth resilience and presents an

integrative conceptual framework.
In Chapter 3, Philipp Jugert and Peter F. Titzmann present an integrative review
of empirical findings on the impact of acculturation on the mastering of develop-
mental tasks among immigrant youth. Developmental tasks describe societal expec-
tations about milestones that should be reached by individuals in specific life phases.
Because developmental tasks are tied to societal expectations, they are influenced
by sociocultural changes across historical periods and differ between sociocultural
groups. For each of the eight developmental tasks suggested by Simpson (2001), the
authors review empirical evidence on how acculturative challenges hamper or foster
the successful attainment of these normative developmental tasks among immigrant
youth. The authors demonstrate that all eight developmental tasks are affected by
immigration or minority-related experiences and call for more carefully designed
comparative future research to gain an even deeper understanding between the inter-
play of development and acculturation in the adolescent years.
Metin Özdemir and Sevgi Bayram Özdemir introduce a novel four-fold classifi-
cation of adjustment outcomes and provide a literature review on educational out-
comes of immigrant children and youth in Chapter 4. In their conceptual model,
four groups of adjusted individuals are distinguished based on the interaction
between risk conditions and the nature of adjustment outcomes. Individuals who
display positive adaptation in high-risk conditions are resilient, individuals who
display positive adaptation in low-risk conditions are competent, individuals who
display poor adaptation in high-­risk conditions are vulnerable, and individuals who
display poor adaptation in low-­risk conditions are fragile. The literature review
demonstrates that the vast majority of studies conducted on different indicators of
educational outcomes of immigrant children and youth such as academic perfor-
mance or psychological school adjustment did not consider different subgroups of
(mal)adjusted youth, but usually compared the mean levels of different outcomes
between (different groups of) immigrant and non-immigrant youth. The authors
demonstrate that the mean-level comparison approach is biased against immigrant
youth, because it neglects the existing heterogeneity within immigrant youth and
recommend person-oriented approaches of data analyses in future studies.
Part II contains theoretically informed empirical perspectives on immigrant and
refugee resilience. In Chapter 5, Sophie D. Walsh and Eugene Tartakovsky focus on
the attitudes of the host population towards immigrants and introduce a threat-benefit
model of appraisal of immigrant groups. The model proposes that local populations
appraise immigrant groups as representing a number of different threats and benefits
that vary according to the characteristics of the immigrant group, the receiving soci-
ety, and the value preference of the individual doing the appraisal. The authors sug-
gest that the positive appraisal of immigrants and the ability of a host population to
promote immigrants’ rights and welfare represent a form of societal resilience. Based
on the findings from two empirical studies, the chapter demonstrates that the host
population’s appraisals of certain immigrant groups are associated with their behav-
ioural and emotional responses towards these immigrant groups.
1 Contextualizing Immigrant and Refugee Resilience 5

In Chapter 6, Aysun Doğan and Dagmar Strohmeier examine different aspects of

psychosocial functioning among Turkish immigrant youth living in Austria apply-
ing a risk and resilience developmental perspective. Analyses revealed that early
adolescents had lower levels of psychosocial functioning compared to middle ado-
lescents, and second-­generation immigrants had higher levels of self-esteem com-
pared to first-­generation immigrants. Different forms of discrimination experiences
and different acculturation variables predicted the four aspects of psychosocial
functioning. High proficiency in German language and older age were the most
consistent protective factors, while high levels of discrimination by peers was the
most consistent risk factor for psychosocial functioning. Implications for educa-
tional practices and policies are discussed.
In Chapter 7, Derya Güngör examines the predictors of psychological and socio-
cultural adjustment among Turkish internal migrants who searched for a better life,
education, work, security, and solace in a metropolitan city of Turkey. It was hypoth-
esized that perceived dissimilarity between one’s culture of origin and the culture of
the new city and involuntary migration would be risk factors for psychological and
sociocultural adjustment, while individual, relational, communal, and cultural
resources would be protective factors. The analyses largely confirmed these hypoth-
eses. Cultural distance and involuntary migration predicted less positive adjustment.
Cultural and communal resources, but not individual and relational resources,
emerged as protective factors against these risks. The author discusses the theoreti-
cal implications of these findings for acculturation research and the psychology of
migration.
In Chapter 8, Aylin Demirli Yildiz unravels the processes underlying involuntary
migration by analyzing narrations of Syrian and Iraqian asylum seekers’ pre-war,
war, and post-­war period experiences. Qualitative data analysis revealed that hope
and resilience were the underlying processes for asylum seekers to cope with life
challenges in restricted environments and were the sources for their strength and
motivation. Five phases of the migration process characterized by a series of goals
and individual pathways were identified in the narratives. Understanding these goals,
pathways, and sources of strength of asylum seekers within restricted contexts can
guide social workers, counselors, and other professionals to enhance the efficacy of
their practice, inform policy development and form the basis for future research.
In Chapter 9, Jaime Spatrisano, Rebecca Volino Robinson, Gloria D. Eldridge,
and Rosellen M. Rosich elaborate an ecological resilience framework and examine
the resilience of Nepali speaking Bhutanese refugees living in the United States.
Qualitative interviews with refugees about life in Bhutan (pre-flight), refugee camps
in Nepal (flight) and the United States (post-flight) were conducted. Analyses
revealed a holistic interconnected and consistent view of well-being (i.e., psycho-
logical, physical, social, and spiritual). Importantly, the analyses revealed that the
processes for regaining well-being despite adversity were context-dependent (e.g.,
Bhutan - assimilate into mainstream culture; refugee camps - work illegally for
basic needs; United States - learn and follow laws). In conclusion, this study sup-
ports the ­conceptualization of resilience as resulting from a combination of indi-
vidual and situational factors that embody cultural, contextual, and process variables.
6 D. Güngör and D. Strohmeier

Part III introduces examples of promotive and preventive approaches to foster

resilience for immigrant youth. In Chapter 10, Steven M. Kogan and Sophie
D. Walsh outline the main ideas of prevention science, give an empirical overview
of prevention needs of immigrant youth, and present a heuristic framework for
intervention that is tailored to the needs of immigrant youth. The heuristic frame-
work specifies the protective processes on the community, family, peer, and intrap-
ersonal level that are associated with positive youth development. The authors
demonstrate the utility of this heuristic framework by describing the adaptations of
a family skills program to suit the needs of immigrant youth. The chapter closes
with prevention recommendations for program providers and program developers.
In Chapter 11, Svein E. Nergaard, Hildegunn Fandrem, Hanne Jahnsen, and
Kirsti Tveitereid investigate how different indicators of inclusion are experienced
and emphasized in multicultural classrooms in Norway. A resilience perspective
was adopted because immigrant pupils may be in a more vulnerable situation com-
pared to their native peers in terms of feeling included in a class. A thematic analysis
showed that although most youth described their classrooms as safe and secure, the
feeling of membership in a subgroup seemed to be stronger than the feeling of
membership in the class, especially among the immigrant youth. Acceptance of
diversity seemed to be the norm; however, diversity did not seem to be appreciated,
encouraged or used in teacher practices aiming to increase feelings of inclusion.
The authors discussed these results in relation to the vision of inclusive education,
which posited that all pupils should learn together as a class community.
Finally, in Chapter 12, Dagmar Strohmeier, Elisabeth Stefanek, Takuya Yanagida,
and Olga Solomontos-­Kountouri examined whether the implementation of a whole
school anti-bullying program was able to increase cross-cultural friendships among
non-immigrant and immigrant youth. The social competence project was imple-
mented over a period of 1 year and structured to foster the cross-cultural friendship
potential in the classes by utilizing equal status, common goals, cooperation, and
authority support. Controlling for several class-level variables, multilevel growth
modelling revealed no program effects regarding reciprocal same-cultural friend-
ship preferences. However, a buffer effect on unilateral same cultural friendship
preferences among Turkish immigrant youth was found. The value of real-world
teacher-led contact interventions to foster cross-cultural friendships was discussed.
In summary, this volume brings together researchers from different parts of the
world who shed light on the conditions, processes, and contexts of the resilience of
different groups of immigrants and refugees. The chapters provide evidence that it
is important to take the cultural contexts and acculturative pathways into account
when studying and promoting resilience. The book aims to develop an awareness of
the importance of the migration context in providing and facilitating meaningful
resources as well as of the resources of immigrants and refugees that are otherwise
being overlooked, ignored, or undervalued by the dominant non-immigrant groups
researchers, and policy makers. Identifying and mobilizing these resources to
enhance immigrants’ and refugees’ resilience do not only advance the scientific
knowledge, they also contribute to the well-being and welfare of the societies as a
whole. Therefore, it is our ultimate hope that this book will help academics, stu-
1 Contextualizing Immigrant and Refugee Resilience 7

dents, policymakers, and service providers to gain insight on the culturally deter-
mined dynamics underlying resilience and, eventually, form a building block in
understanding what it takes to create a resilient society and community in an
increasingly globalizing and interacting world.

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Cobb, C. L., Xie, D., Meca, A., & Schwartz, S. J. (2017). Acculturation, discrimination, and
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 Part I
Integrative Theoretical Perspectives to
Immigrant Youth Resilience
Chapter 2
Immigrant Youth Resilience: Integrating
Developmental and Cultural Perspectives

Frosso Motti-Stefanidi and Ann S. Masten

Millions of young people reside in countries different from those where they or their
parents were born. Their families may have migrated voluntarily to seek a better
future or they may have been forcibly displaced by war and atrocities. Increasing,
often unprecedented, rates of immigration are changing the face of receiving societ-
ies, with ethnic diversity becoming the rule rather than the exception in most
Western countries. Public opinion has not always been positive in light of these
changes, which can be accompanied by economic and political conflicts. In Europe,
additionally, recent terrorist attacks have fueled heated public debates over immi-
gration and diversity (Motti-Stefanidi & Salmela-Aro, 2018).
According to the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development, a
key barometer of how well immigrants are integrated in receiving societies is the
adaptive success of their children (OECD, 2012). This observation is particularly
important because positive adaptation in childhood and adolescence is a harbinger
of future adaptation, and failure to adapt early in life may have negative and possi-
bly cascading consequences for the future (Huebner et al., 2016; Masten, 2014b).
Thus, positive adaptation of young immigrants is consequential for the future suc-
cess and well-being of both immigrants and receiving societies (Motti-Stefanidi &
Salmela-Aro, 2018).
Substantial diversity in immigrant youth adaptation has been observed, with
many young immigrants following positive developmental pathways, whereas oth-
ers fare less well (García Coll & Marks, 2012; Motti-Stefanidi & Masten, 2017;

F. Motti-Stefanidi (*)
Department of Psychology, School of Philosophy, National and Kapodistrian
University of Athens, Athens, Greece
e-mail: frmotti@psych.uoa.gr
A. S. Masten
Institute of Child Development, University of Minnesota, Minneapolis, MN, USA
e-mail: amasten@umn.edu

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 11

D. Güngör, D. Strohmeier (eds.), Contextualizing Immigrant and Refugee
Resilience, Advances in Immigrant Family Research,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-42303-2_2
12 F. Motti-Stefanidi and A. S. Masten

Suárez-Orozco, Abo-Zena, & Marks, 2015; Suárez-Orozco, Motti-Stefanidi, Marks,

& Katsiaficas, 2018). To explain individual and group differences in the quality of
adaptation among immigrant youth, it is important to acknowledge that immigrant
children, like all children, are developing organisms, and that development always
emerges from interactions of individuals with their contexts. Cognitive, affective,
and social developmental processes, as well as normative developmental contexts,
such as family, school, and peer group, all play a role in their adaptation and devel-
opment (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006). Furthermore, immigrant youth live and
grow in the context of at least two cultures. The encounter of different ethnic groups
in the course of migration brings cultural change in both immigrant and nonimmi-
grant individuals, even though these acculturation changes may be greater for immi-
grants (Berry & Sam, 2016). Consequently, acculturation is a significant influence
on the quality of adaptation of immigrant youth. In addition, immigrant youth face
unique contextual influences not faced by their nonimmigrant peers, including dis-
crimination and prejudice. As a result, explaining variation in immigrant youth
adaptation requires integration of developmental, acculturative, and social psycho-
logical perspectives (Motti-Stefanidi, Berry, Chryssochoou, Sam, & Phinney, 2012).
In this chapter, we address the question, “Who among immigrant youth do well
and why?” Immigrant youth in this chapter refer to individuals who migrated them-
selves (first generation) or who were born in the receiving country to immigrant
parents (second generation). Our approach is grounded in a developmental resil-
ience framework that integrates acculturation and social psychological perspectives
(Motti-Stefanidi, 2018; Motti-Stefanidi, Berry, et al., 2012; Motti-Stefanidi &
Masten, 2017; Suárez-Orozco et al., 2018).
The chapter includes four sections. First, we discuss core concepts and principles
of a developmental resilience framework to set the stage for organizing extant sci-
entific evidence examining immigrant youth adaptation. Second, we examine the
role of culture in resilience. The third section examines the role of acculturation in
the conceptualization of immigrant youth resilience. The fourth section presents an
integrative conceptual framework for describing and understanding group and indi-
vidual differences in immigrant youth adaptation, integrating acculturation and
social psychological perspectives into the developmental resilience framework.

Developmental Resilience Framework

Resilience science is a close “cousin” of developmental psychopathology, with

many intertwined roots and common perspectives (Masten & Kalstabakken, 2018).
Both perspectives study normative adaptation as well as deviations from the norm,
viewing divergent pathways as mutually informative (Cicchetti & Rogosch, 1996).
The full range of functioning among individuals exposed to adversity are studied,
aiming to understand processes leading to positive adaptation and mental health, as
well as problematic pathways.
2 Conceptualization of Immigrant Youth Resilience 13

Resilience is manifested in observable pathways and patterns of positive adapta-

tion during or following significant risk or adversity (Masten, 2014b). In contempo-
rary resilience science, from a developmental systems perspective, resilience refers
to the capacity for adapting effectively to significant challenges (Masten, 2018a).
Individuals draw on complex internal, relational, and external resources and adap-
tive tools to counter adversity and adapt in response to disturbances, yielding resis-
tance, recovery, or transformation. Resilience is a dynamic process because
individuals, their relationships, and their environments are always changing. It is
not a trait, although there are characteristics of individuals that support positive
adaptation under many circumstances, such as good problem-solving skills and
self-regulation. The capacity of an individual to respond effectively to a challenge
will depend on the nature of the challenge, its developmental timing, and protective
processes embedded in the organism, relationships with other people, and external
systems.
Two basic judgments are required to identify manifested resilience or infer resil-
ience capacity in an individual: (a) whether the individual is functioning or adapting
adequately well, by some explicit criteria and, (b) whether there is currently or has
been a serious threat to the adaptive function or development of the individual (i.e.,
adversity, risks, stress; Masten, 2014b). If a young person clearly has experienced
adversity and subsequently shows what is judged to be positive adaptation, then it is
reasonable to infer that resilience (i.e., capacity for adaptation to this adversity) was
present and made this possible, even if the processes are not well understood. In the
absence of a challenge, when many resources and established protections are clearly
available (and measurable), then it would be reasonable to expect the individual to
manifest resilience when challenged, but that is not a certainty until it actually hap-
pens. Resilience refers to available capacity for responding well to challenges,
whereas manifested resilience refers to the adaptive outcomes (e.g., well-being,
school success) that resilience makes possible. Typically, we infer resilience from
its manifestations in successful adaptation during or following adversity.
Successful human adaptation can be judged on the basis of different criteria,
ranging from happiness or health to academic or work achievement. A key index of
positive adaptation in children and youth is how well they are doing with respect to
age-salient developmental tasks (Masten, 2014b). These tasks reflect the expecta-
tions and standards for behavior and achievement that parents, teachers, and society
set for them, and that they themselves usually come to share. Developmental tasks
can be organized in broad domains, such as individual development, relationships
with parents, teachers, and peers, and functioning in the proximal environment and
in the broader social world (Sroufe, Egeland, Carlson, & Collins, 2005). Positive
adaptation with respect to developmental tasks may be judged based on external
behavior, such as success in school, having close friends/being accepted (and not
rejected) by peers, exhibiting positive conduct, civic engagement, or on internal
adaptation, such as development of self-control, of a cohesive and integrated sense
of identity, and an increasing individuation and independence from parents (e.g.,
Motti-Stefanidi & Masten, 2017). Success in meeting these developmental expecta-
tions and standards for behavior and achievement does not require that children
14 F. Motti-Stefanidi and A. S. Masten

exhibit “ideal” effectiveness, but rather that they are doing “adequately well” (OK)
with respect to developmental tasks (Masten, Narayan, Silverman, & Osofsky, 2015).
The second criterion for inferring resilience is that the individual has experi-
enced threat, trauma, or negative life events which predict higher rates of problem-
atic and undesirable outcomes (Masten, 2014b). Without the presence of risk,
positive adaptation is not necessarily a manifestation of resilience, although it is a
sign of competence. In resilience science, a wide range of risks and threats to adap-
tation and development have been studied, including sociodemographic risk indices
(e.g., low SES, immigrant status, single parent family), exposure to traumatic and
stressful experiences (e.g., maltreatment, discrimination, community violence, war,
natural disasters), or biological markers of risk (e.g., low birth weight, physical ill-
ness). It was noted early in the literature on risk in development that adverse condi-
tions and events often pile up in the lives of children, with evidence of a dose–response
relationships between level of cumulative risk and indicators of worse outcomes in
multiple domains of function or achievement (Obradović, Shaffer, & Masten, 2012).
An important goal of resilience research is to explain why some individuals do
well while others falter in the context of high cumulative risk or exposure to a spe-
cific adversity. Two major categories of resilience factors have been described: pro-
motive factors and protective factors (Masten, 2014b). Promotive factors, directly
associated with better outcomes regardless of risk level (Sameroff, 2000), are also
referred to as assets, resources, compensatory factors, or social and human capital.
They promote positive adaptation both in high- and low-risk conditions. Protective
factors, on the other hand, show greater importance when risk or adversity is high,
reflecting interaction effects; they appear to moderate or buffer against risk (Rutter,
1987). The expected positive link between the protective factor and adaptation is
either more pronounced or only present when risk is high. Some factors fit both
categories. Good parenting, for example, promotes positive development at any risk
level but also has particularly important roles among high-risk children (Masten,
2014b; Masten & Palmer, 2019).
Resilience factors reflect processes that can be studied at multiple levels of con-
text and analysis (Luthar, Crossman, & Small, 2015; Masten & Cicchetti, 2016;
Ungar, 2012). Research is underway to identify resilience processes within and
across different levels of analysis and function, including neurobiology (e.g., epi-
genetic, stress regulation, brain plasticity), behavior (e.g., self-control, problem-­
solving skills), social systems (e.g., caregiving, perceived social support), and other
key systems important to the lives of young people and their families, such as edu-
cation, health care, religion, public safety, and both governmental and nongovern-
mental systems (Masten, 2018b; Masten & Cicchetti, 2015; Ungar, 2018). For
example, interventions to improve the quality of caregiving by parents or foster
caregivers (social level) has effects on the stress regulation system of young chil-
dren (biological level); results are congruent with biological embedding of protec-
tion and cascade effects across levels (see Masten & Palmer, 2019).
Core principles of developmental systems theory guide the study of resilience as
well as developmental psychopathology (Cicchetti & Rogosch, 1996; Masten &
Cicchetti, 2016). Three principles are of particular relevance to this chapter. First,
2 Conceptualization of Immigrant Youth Resilience 15

individual development is coherent, and adaptive functioning shows continuity over

time (Sroufe et al., 2005). The coherence of individual development is reflected in
the observation that the way developmental tasks of an earlier stage are negotiated
prepared individuals for the developmental tasks of the future. Accomplishing ear-
lier developmental tasks increases the probability of subsequent successful adapta-
tion, and, as a result, promotes continuity in adaptive functioning. Indeed, one of the
reasons that parents and communities take note of developmental task achievements
is because they know that competence in these tasks are a harbinger of future com-
petence and success (Obradović et al., 2012).
The argument that adaptive functioning shows continuity over time, however,
does not preclude the possibility for change. According to a second principle, called
multifinality, individuals with similar levels or quality of adaptation at an earlier
point may follow different developmental trajectories over time (Cicchetti &
Rogosch, 1996). Both risks and resources for positive adaptation and development
stem from interactions of the individuals (genetic and hormonal systems, personal-
ity, and cognition) with the proximal environment (e.g., family and school systems)
and distal ecology (e.g., governmental or societal systems) in which their life is
embedded (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006).
A third principle emphasizes the role of children themselves in this process.
Children are active agents and processors in their own experiences and thus shape
their own development (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006). They are expected to
exert their human agency, influencing the course of their own development, within
the opportunities and constraints of historical and social circumstances.

The Role of Culture in Resilience

Early research on resilience in children was studied primarily in North America and
Great Britain, with limited attention to cultural issues (Luthar et al., 2015; Masten
& Cichetti, 2016). Culture is a socially interactive process of construction including
shared activity between its members in the form of cultural practices and shared
meaning expressed as cultural interpretation (Greenfield, Keller, Fuligni, &
Maynard, 2003). In multiple ways, however, culture was always present, implicitly,
in every aspect of a resilience framework, from the criteria of adaptation identified
as developmental tasks or desirable adjustment to the conceptualizations of assets
and protective processes. It is, thus, an integral part of defining and understanding
the phenomenon of resilience (Motti-Stefanidi, 2018).
The criteria for evaluating positive adaptation are always grounded in cultural
and historical, as well as developmental, contexts (Masten, 2014b; McCormick,
Kuo, & Masten, 2011; Theron, Liebenberg, & Ungar, 2015). What is considered
desirable behavior and accomplishments varies over the course of development,
historical time, and culture. For example, the salience of these developmental tasks
has varied across historical and developmental time, as well as cultures: learning to
hunt or to weave; going to school; learning to read; or working outside the home.
16 F. Motti-Stefanidi and A. S. Masten

Similarly, cultural perspectives influence what is viewed as a risk factor and also
the interpretation of adversity. For example, some kinds of trauma may be viewed
as worse for one gender than another, because of cultural perspectives on the experi-
ence. Thus, research on child soldiers and other victims of war has found that young
girls in multiple cultures experience more stigma from rape trauma than young boys
(Masten et al., 2015).
Culture also profoundly shapes the form and practices of fundamental protective
influences, including parenting, faith, or social support. Diverse studies from around
the world have implicated a broad set of such protective factors in human resilience
(Masten, 2001) and these continue to be corroborated (Masten & Cicchetti, 2016).
These include close relationships, problem-solving skills, self-regulation, self-­
efficacy, hope, and belief that life has meaning. Masten (2001) suggested that these
represent powerful human adaptive systems and capabilities that evolved in biologi-
cal and cultural evolution because they promote adaptation and survival under
diverse circumstances. Yet the actual behaviors practiced by loving and effective
parents or recognized as good self-regulation and thus encouraged by families and
communities in their socialization practices can vary widely. Similarly, different
religions embody protective influences in their spiritual beliefs and practices, social
supports, and rituals for coping with the challenges of life (Crawford, Wright, &
Masten, 2006).
Additionally, cultures can provide unique protective practices and beliefs that
convey resilience (Masten, 2014a, 2014b). The unique traditions of diverse human
cultures undoubtedly encompass a wealth of strategies and practices passed down
from generation to generation intended implicitly or explicitly to support the resil-
ience of individuals and families over the life course (Greenfield, Suzuki, &
Rothstein-Fisch, 2006). Until recently, however, the rich array of such protective
beliefs and traditions have been the province of cultural anthropologists rather than
resilience scientists.
Over the past two decades, research on the role of culture in resilience has surged.
Ungar (2012) proposed a social ecological model of resilience that stresses the role
of culture and context. Ungar and colleagues founded the Resilience Research
Centre in Halifax which has played a leading role in facilitating international
research and conferences on the role of culture in resilience (Theron et al., 2015).
This group has generated a considerable body of quantitative and qualitative data,
both expanding and challenging traditional resilience models.
Other evidence of this shift to consider the cultural aspect more deeply in resil-
ience science can be found in recent theory, research, reviews, and conferences
(Masten, 2014a, 2018b). The World Bank sponsored a book that reviewed, through
the lens of a resilience developmental framework, international evidence on the
effect of global economic recessions on youth’s adaptation, development, and men-
tal health (Lundberg & Wuermli, 2012). Similarly, cross-cultural studies, conducted
primarily in North America and Europe and focusing on immigrant youth accultura-
tion and development, also contributed to our understanding of resilience in cultural
context (García Coll & Marks, 2012; Motti-Stefanidi, Berry, et al., 2012; Motti-­
Stefanidi & Masten, 2017; Suárez-Orozco et al., 2015; Suárez-Orozco et al., 2018).
2 Conceptualization of Immigrant Youth Resilience 17

Culture also guided interventions based on resilience models. Interventions to

improve parenting have had success across cultures, particularly when the programs
are adapted to the cultural context. For example, the Oregon Model of Parent
Management Training has shown efficacy in multiple studies and diverse cultures
(Forgatch & Gewirtz, 2017). The Incredible Years program developed by Webster-­
Stratton (1987) and colleagues has been adapted for other cultures, with growing
evidence of efficacy (Leijten, Raaijmakers, Orobio de Castro, van den Ban, &
Matthys, 2017). Similarly, humanitarian agencies that intervene in diverse cultures
and countries have increasingly adopted a resilience framework with a cultural lens
(Masten, 2014a). Some agencies aim to stimulate child survival and thriving (Black
et al., 2017; Britto, Engle, & Super, 2013) while others promote recovery from war
or aim to support refugees of war and other disasters (e.g., Panter-Brick et al., 2017).
There is growing recognition that humanitarian interventions must be culturally
sensitive and grounded.

The Role of Acculturation in Immigrant Youth Resilience

Migration brings individuals of different cultures into contact. The concept of accul-
turation refers to cultural changes that result from this contact (Berry & Sam, 2016).
However, often migrants move to cultures that prioritize different values and pro-
mote different behavioral repertoires in their children, compared to their culture of
origin (Bornstein, 2017; Greenfield et al., 2003; Kağitçibași, 2012). Immigrants’
cultures of origin in recent decades often have a more collectivistic orientation,
emphasizing the well-being of a collective, such as connection to the family, orien-
tation toward the larger group, respect, and obedience (Greenfield et al., 2003;
Kağitçibași, 2012). The needs of the individual in such cultural models are less
important. The boundaries of the self in these cultures tend to overlap with those of
close others and the development of a heteronomous-related self is the key develop-
mental goal (Kağitçibași, 2012). The preferred endpoint of development in the col-
lectivistic model is a mature, non-questioning, respectful, obedient, caring, polite
adult who is embedded in a network of relationships and responsibilities to others
(Greenfield et al., 2006).
In contrast, the cultures of receiving societies often have a more individualistic
orientation. They tend to prioritize values promoting self-enhancement, such as per-
sonal choice (vs. obligation) in social relationships, intrinsic motivation (being
internally driven to achieve one’s goals), self-esteem (feeling good about oneself as
key to positive outcomes), and reaching one’s full potential (Greenfield et al., 2003;
Kağitçibași, 2012). The self in these cultures is clearly bounded and separate from
others, and the development of an autonomous-separate self is an important devel-
opmental goal (Kağitçibași, 2012). The preferred endpoint of development in the
individualistic model is an independent, autonomous, self-fulfilled, self-reliant
adult, who is assertive, competitive, and decisive.
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
 parte,
no me espantara á mí
serme enemigo
el cielo, tierra, Amor y la
Fortuna.

Después de haber la pastora

suavemente cantado, soltando la
rienda al amargo y doloroso
llanto, derramó tanta abundancia
de lágrimas y dió tan tristes
gemidos, que por ellos y por las
palabras que dijo, conoscíeron
ser la causa de su dolor un
engaño cruel de su sospechoso
marido. Pero por certificarse
mejor de quién era y de la causa
de su passión, entraron donde
ella estaba y la hallaron metida en
un sombrío que la espessura de
los ramos había compuesto,
assentada sobre la menuda
hierba junto á una alegre
fuentecilla, que de entre unas
matas graciosamente saliendo
por gran parte del bosquecillo, por
diversos caminos iba corriendo.
Saludáronla con mucha cortesía,
y ella aunque tuvo pesar que
impidiessen su llanto, pero
juzgando por la vista ser pastores
de merescimiento, no recibió
mucha pena, esperando con ellos
tener agradable compañía, y ansí
les dijo: Después que de mi cruel
esposo fuí sin razón
desamparada, no me acuerdo,
pastores, haber recebido contento
que de gran parte iguale con el
que tuve de veros. Tanto que,
aunque el continuo dolor me
obliga á hacer perpetuo llanto, lo
dejaré por agora un rato, para
gozar de vuestra apacible y
discreta conversación. A esto
respondió Marcelio: Nunca yo
vea consolado mi tormento, si no
me pesa tanto del tuyo, como se
puede encarescer, y lo mesmo
puedes creer de la hermosa
Diana, que ves en mi compañía.
Oyendo entonces la pastora el
nombre de Diana, corriendo con
grande alegría la abrazó,
haciéndole mil caricias y fiestas,
porque mucho tiempo había que
deseaba conoscella, por la
relación que tenía de su
hermosura y discreción. Diana
estuvo espantada de verse
acariciada de una pastora no
conoscida; mas todavía le
respondía con iguales cortesías, y
deseando saber quién era, le dijo:
Los aventajados favores que me
heciste, juntamente con la lástima
que tengo de tu mal, hacen que
desee conoscerte; por esso
decláranos, pastora, tu nombre, y
cuéntanos tu pena, que después
de contada verás nuestros
corazones ayudarte á pasalla y
nuestros ojos á lamentar por ella.
La pastora entonces se escusó
con sus graciosas palabras de
emprender el cuento de su
desdicha; pero en fin,
importunada se volvió á sentar
sobre la hierba, y comenzó assí:
Por relación de la pastora
Selvagia, que era natural de mi
aldea, y en la tuya, hermosa
Diana, está casada con el pastor
Sylvano, creo que serás
informada del nombre de la
desdichada Ismenia, que su
desventura te está contando. Yo
tengo por cierto que ella en tu
aldea contó largamente cómo yo
en el templo de Minerva, en el
reyno de Lusitanos, arrebozada la
engañé, y cómo con mi proprio
engaño quedé burlada. Habrá
contado también cómo por
vengarme del traydor Alanio, que
enamorado della á mí me había
puesto en olvido, fingí querer bien
á Montano, su mortal enemigo, y
cómo este fingido amor, con el
conoscimiento que tuve de su
perfección, salió tan verdadero,
que á causa dél estoy en las
fatigas de que me quejo. Pues
passando adelante en la historia
de mi vida, sabréis que como el
padre de Montano, nombrado
Fileno, viniesse algunas veces á
casa de mi padre, á causa de
ciertos negocios que tenía con él
sobre una compañía de ganados,
y me viesse allí, aunque era algo
viejo, se enamoró de mí de tal
suerte, que andaba hecho loco.
Mil veces me importunaba, cada
día sus dolores me decía; mas
nada le aprovechó para que le
quisiesse escuchar, ni tener
cuenta con sus palabras. Porque
aunque tuviera más perfección y
menos años de los que tenía, no
olvidara yo por él á su hijo
Montano, cuyo amor me tenía
captiva. No sabía el viejo el amor
que Montano me tenía, porque le
era hijo tan obediente y temeroso,
que escusó todo lo possible que
no tuviesse noticia dello,
temiendo ser por él con ásperas
palabras castigado. Ni tampoco
sabía Montano la locura de su
padre, porque él por mejor
castigar y reprender los errores
del hijo se guardaba mucho de
mostrar que tenía semejantes y
aun mayores faltas. Pero nunca
dejaba el enamorado viejo de
fatigarme con sus
importunaciones que le quisiesse
tomar por marido. Decíame dos
mil requiebros, hacíame grandes
ofrescimientos, prometíame
muchos vestidos y joyas y
enviábame muchas cartas,
pretendiendo con ello vencer mi
propósito y ablandar mi condición.
Era pastor que en su tiempo
había sido señalado en todas las
habilidades pastoriles, muy bien
hablado, avisado y entendido. Y
porque mejor lo creáis, quiero
deciros una carta que una vez me
escribió, la cual, aunque no mudó
mi intención, me contentó en
estremo, y decía ansí:

CARTA DE FILENO Á
ISMENIA
Pastora, el amor fué parte
que por su pena decirte,
tenga culpa en escrebirte
quien no la tiene en amarte.
Mas si á ti fuere molesta
mi carta, ten por muy cierto
que á mí me tiene ya muerto
el temor de la respuesta.

Mil veces cuenta te di

del tormento que me das,
y no me pagas con más
de con burlarte de mí.
Te ríes á boca llena
de verme amando morir,
yo alegre en verte reir,
aunque ríes de mi pena.

Y ansí el mal, en que me hallo,

pienso, quando miro en ello,
que porque huelgas de
vello,
no has querido remediallo.
Pero mal remedio veo,
y esperarle será en vano,
pues mi vida está en tu
mano
y mi muerte en tu deseo.

Vite estar, pastora, un día

cabe el Duero caudaloso,
dando con el gesto hermoso
á todo el campo alegría.
Sobre el cayado inclinada
en la campaña desierta,
con la cerviz descubierta
y hasta el codo remangada.

Pues decir que un corazón,

puesto que de mármol
fuera,
no te amara, si te viera,
es simpleza y sinrazón.
Por esso en ver tu valor,
sin tener descanso un poco,
vine á ser de amores loco
y á ser muerto de dolor.

Si dices que ando perdido,

siendo enamorado y viejo,
deja de darme consejo,
que yo remedio te pido.
Porque tanto en bien quererte
no pretendo haber errado,
como en haberme tardado
tanto tiempo á conoscerte.
Muy bien sé que viejo estó,
pero á más mal me condena
ver que no tenga mi pena
tantos años como yo.
Porque quisiera quererte
dende el día que nascí,
como después que te vi
 he de amarte hasta la
muerte.

No te espante verme cano,

que á nadie es justo quitar
el merescido lugar,
por ser venido temprano.
Y aunque mi valor excedes,
no paresce buen consejo
que por ser soldado viejo
pierda un hombre las
mercedes.

Los edificios humanos,

cuantos más modernos son,
no tienen comparación
con los antiguos Romanos.
Y en las cosas de primor,
gala, asseo y valentía,
suelen decir cada día:
lo passado es lo mejor.

No me dió amor su tristeza

hasta agora, porque vió
que en un viejo, como yo,
suele haber mayor firmeza.
Firme estoy, desconocida,
para siempre te querer,
y viejo para no ser
querido en toda mi vida.

Los mancebos que más

quieren,
falsos y doblados van,
porque más vivos están,
cuando más dicen que
mueren.
Y su mudable afición,
es segura libertad,
es gala, y no voluntad,
es costumbre, y no passión.

No hayas miedo que yo sea

como el mancebo amador,
que en recebir un favor
lo sabe toda la aldea.
Que aunque reciba trescientos
he de ser en los amores
tan piedra en callar favores
como en padescer
tormentos.

Mas según te veo estar

puesta en hacerme morir,
mucho habrá para sufrir
y poco para callar.
Que el mayor favor que aquí,
pastora, pretendo hacer,
es morir por no tener
mayores quejas de ti.

Tiempo, amigo de dolores,

sólo á ti quiero inculparte,
pues quien tiene en ti más
parte
menos vale en los amores.
Tarde amé cosa tan bella,
y es muy justo que pues yo
no nascí, cuando nasció,
en dolor muera por ella.

Si yo en tu tiempo viniera,
pastora, no me faltara
conque á ti te contentara
 y aun favores recibiera.
Que en apacible tañer,
y en el gracioso bailar
los mejores del lugar
tomaban mi parescer.

Pues en cantar no me espanto

de Amphion el escogido,
pues mejores que él han
sido
confundidos con mi canto.
Aro muy grande comarca,
y en montes proprios y
extraños
pascen muy grandes
rebaños
almagrados de mi marca.

¿Mas qué vale, ¡ay, cruda

suerte!
lo que es, ni lo que ha sido
al sepultado en olvido
y entregado á dura muerte?
Pero valga para hacer
más blanda tu condición,
viendo que tu perfección
al fin dejará de ser.

Dura estás como las peñas,

mas quizá en la vieja edad
no tendrás la libertad
conque agora me desdeñas.
Porque, toma tal venganza
de vosotras el Amor,
que entonces os da dolor
cuando os falta la
esperanza.
Estas y otras muchas cartas y
canciones me envió, las cuales, si
tanto me movieran como me
contentaban, él se tuuiera por
dichoso y yo quedara mal casada.
Mas ninguna cosa era bastante á
borrar de mi corazón la imagen
del amado Montano, el cual,
según mostraba, respondió á mi
voluntad con iguales obras y
palabras. En esta alegre vida
passamos algunos años, hasta
que nos paresció dar
cumplimiento á nuestro descanso
con honesto y casto matrimonio.
Y aunque quiso Montano antes de
casar conmigo dar razón dello á
su padre, por lo que como buen
hijo tenía obligación de hacer;
pero como yo le dije que su padre
no venía bien en ello, á causa de
la locura que tenía de casarse
conmigo, por esso, teniendo más
cuenta con el contento de su vida
que con la obediencia de su
padre, sin dalle razón, cerró mi
desdichado matrimonio. Esto se
hizo con voluntad de mi padre, en
cuya casa se hicieron por ello
grandes fiestas, bailes, juegos y
tan grandes regocijos, que fueron
nombrados por todas las aldeas
vecinas y apartadas. Cuando el
enamorado viejo supo que su
propio hijo le había salteado sus
amores, se volvió tan frenético
contra él y contra mí, que á
entrambos aborresció como la
misma muerte, y nunca más nos
quiso ver. Por otra parte, una
pastora de aquella aldea,
nombrada Felisarda, que moría
de amores de Montano, la cual él,
por quererme bien á mí, y por ser
ella no muy joven ni bien
acondicionada, la había
desechado, cuando vido á
Montano casado conmigo, vino á
perderse de dolor. De manera que
con nuestro casamiento nos
ganamos dos mortales enemigos.
El maldito viejo, por tener ocasión
de desheredar el hijo, determinó
casarse con mujer hermosa y
joven á fin de haber hijos en ella.
Mas aunque era muy rico, de
todas las pastoras de mi lugar fué
desdeñado, si no fué de
Felisarda, que por tener
oportunidad y manera de gozar
deshonestamente de mi Montano,
cuyos amores tenía frescos en la
memoria, se casó con el viejo
Fileno. Casada ya con él,
entendió luego por muchas
formas en requerir mi esposo
Montano por medio de una criada
nombrada Silveria, enviándole á
decir que si condescendía á su
voluntad le alcanzaría perdón de
su padre, y haciéndole otros
muchos y muy grandes
ofrescimientos. Mas nada pudo
bastar á corromper su ánimo ni á
pervertir su intención. Pues como
Felisarda se viese tan
menospreciada, vino á tenerle á
Montano una ira mortal, y trabajó
luego en indignar más á su padre
contra él, y no contenta con esto,
imaginó una traición muy grande.
Con promessas, fiestas, dádivas y
grandes caricias, pervirtió de tal
manera el ánimo de Silveria, que
fué contenta de hacer cuanto ella
le mandasse, aunque fuesse
contra Montano, con quien ella
tenía mucha cuenta, por el tiempo
que había servido en casa de su
padre. Las dos secretamente
concertaron lo que se había de
hacer y el punto que había de
ejecutarse; y luego salió un día
Silveria de la aldea, y viniendo á
una floresta orilla de Duero,
donde Montano apascentaba sus
ovejas, le habló muy
secretamente, y muy turbada,
como quien trata un caso muy
importante, le dijo: ¡Ay, Montano
amigo! cuán sabio fuiste en
despreciar los amores de tu
maligna madrastra, que aunque
yo á ellos te movía, era por pura
importunación. Mas agora que sé
lo que passa, no será ella
bastante para hacerme mensajera
de sus deshonestidades. Yo he
sabido della algunas cosas que
tocan en lo vivo, y tales que si tú
las supiesses, aunque tu padre es
contigo tan cruel, no dejarías de
poner la vida por su honra. No te
digo más en esto, porque sé que
eres tan discreto y avisado, que
no son menester contigo muchas
palabras ni razones. Montano á
esto quedó atónito y tuvo
sospecha de alguna
deshonestidad de su madrastra.
Pero por ser claramente
informado, rogó á Silveria le
contasse abiertamente lo que
sabía. Ella se hizo de rogar,
mostrando no querer descubrir
cosa tan secreta, pero al fin,
declarando lo que Montano le
preguntaba, y lo que ella mesma
decirle quería, le explicó una
fabricada y bien compuesta
mentira, diciendo deste modo: Por
ser cosa que tanto importa á tu
honra y á la de Fileno, mi amo,
saber lo que yo sé, te lo diré muy
claramente, confiando que á
nadie dirás que yo he descubierto
este secreto. Has de saber que
Felisarda tu madrastra hace
traición á tu padre con un pastor,
cuyo nombre no te diré, pues está
en tu mano conoscerle. Porque si
quisieres venir esta noche, y
entrar por donde yo te guiare,
hallarás la traidora con el adúltero
en casa del mesmo Fileno. Ansí
lo tienen concertado, porque
Fileno ha de ir esta tarde á dormir
en su majada por negocios que
allí se le ofrescen, y no ha de
volver hasta mañana á medio día.
Por esso apercíbete muy bien, y
ven á las once de la noche
conmigo, que yo te entraré en
parte donde podrás fácilmente
hacer lo que conviene á la honra
de tu padre, y aun por medio
desto alcanzar que te perdone.
Esto dijo Silveria tan
encarescidamente y con tanta
dissimulación, que Montano
determinó de ponerse en
cualquier peligro, por tomar
venganza de quien tal deshonra
hacía á Fileno, su padre. Y ansí la
traidora Silveria contenta del
engaño que de consejo de
Felisarda había urdido, se volvió á
su casa, donde dió razón á
Felisarda, su señora, de lo que
dejaba concertado. Ya la escura
noche había extendido su
tenebroso velo, cuando venido
Montano á la aldea tomó un
puñal, que heredó del pastor
Palemón, su tío, y al punto de las
once se fué á casa de Fileno, su
padre, donde Silveria ya le
estaba esperando, como estaba
ordenado. ¡Oh, traición nunca
vista! ¡Oh, maldad nunca
pensada! Tomóle ella por la
mano, y subiendo muy queda una
escalera, le llevó á una puerta de
una cámara, donde Fileno, su
padre, y su madrastra Felisarda
estaban acostados, y cuando le
tuvo allí, le dijo: Agora estás,
Montano, en el lugar donde has
de señalar el ánimo y esfuerzo
que semejante caso requiere;
entra en essa cámara, que en ella
hallarás tu madrastra acostada
con el adúltero. Dicho esto, se fue
de allí huyendo á más andar.
Montano engañado de la alevosia
de Silveria, dando crédito á sus
palabras, esforzando el ánimo y
sacando el puñal de la vaina, con
un empujón abriendo la puerta de
la cámara, mostrando una furia
extraña, entró en ella diciendo á
grandes voces: ¡Aquí has de
morir, traidor, á mis manos, aquí
te han de hacer mal provecho los
amores de Felisarda! Y diciendo
esto furioso y turbado, sin
conoscer quién era el hombre que
estaba en la cama, pensando
herir al adúltero, alzó el brazo
para dar de puñaladas á su
padre. Mas quiso la ventura que
el viejo con la lumbre que allí
tenía, conosciendo su hijo, y
pensando que por habelle con
palabra y obras tan mal tratado, le
quería matar, alzándose presto de
la cama, con las manos plegadas
le dijo: ¡Oh, hijo mío! ¿qué
crueldad te mueve á ser verdugo
de tu padre? vuelve en tu seso,
por Dios, y no derrames agora mi
sangre, ni des fin á mi vida; que si
yo contigo usé de algunas
asperezas, aquí de rodillas te pido
perdón por todas ellas, con
propósito de ser para contigo de
hoy adelante el más blando y
benigno padre de todo el mundo.
Montano entonces, cuando
conosció el engaño que se le
había hecho y el peligro en que
había venido de dar muerte á su
mesmo padre, se quedó allí tan
pasmado, que el ánimo y los
brazos se le cayeron y el puñal se
le salió de las manos sin sentirlo.
De atónito no pudo ni supo hablar
palabra, sino que corrido y
confuso se salió de la cámara;
íbase también de la casa aterrado
de la traición que Silveria le había
hecho y de la que él hiciera, si no
fuera tan venturoso. Felisarda,
como estaba advertida de lo que
había de suceder, en ver entrar á
Montano, saltó de la cama y se
metió en otra cámara que estaba
más adentro, y cerrando tras sí la
puerta, se asseguró de la furia de
su alnado. Mas cuando se vió
fuera del peligro, por estar
Montano fuera de la casa,
volviendo donde Fileno temblando
aún del pasado peligro estaba,
incitando el padre contra el hijo, y
levantándome á mí falso
testimonio, á grandes voces decía
ansí: Bien conoscerás agora,
Fileno, el hijo que tienes, y sabrás
si es verdad lo que yo de sus
malas inclinaciones muchas
veces te dije. ¡Oh, cruel, oh
traidor Montano! ¿cómo el cielo
no te confunde? ¿cómo la tierra
no te traga? ¿cómo las fieras no
te despedazan? ¿cómo los
hombres no te persiguen? Maldito
sea tu casamiento, maldita tu
desobediencia, malditos tus
amores, maldita tu Ismenia, pues
te ha traido á usar de tan bestial
crueza y á cometer tan horrendo
pecado. ¿No castigaste, traidor, al
pastor Alanio, que con tu mujer
Ismenia á pesar y deshonra tuya
deshonestamente trata, y á quien
ella quiere más que á ti, y has
querido dar muerte á tu padre,
que con tu vida y honra ha tenido
tanta cuenta? ¿Por haberte
aconsejado le has querido matar?
¡Ay, triste padre! ¡ay, desdichadas
canas! ¡ay, angustiada senectud!
¿qué yerro tan grande cometiste,
para que quisiesse matarte tu
proprio hijo? ¿aquel que tú
engendraste, aquel que tú
regalaste, aquel por quien mil
trabajos padesciste? Esfuerza
agora tu corazón, cesse agora el
amor paternal, dése lugar á la
justicia, hágase el debido castigo;
que si quien hizo tan nefanda
crueldad no recibe la merescida
pena, los desobedientes hijos no
quedarán atemorizados, y el tuyo,
con efecto, vendrá después de
pocos días á darte de su mano
cumplida muerte. El congojado
Fileno, con el pecho
sobresaltado y temeroso, oyendo
las voces de su mujer y
considerando la traición del hijo,
rescibió tan grande enojo, que,
tomando el puñal que á Montano,
como dije, se le había caído,
luego en la mañana saliendo á la
plaza, convocó la justicia y los
principales hombres de la aldea, y
cuando fueron todos juntos, con
muchas lágrimas y sollozos les
dijo desta manera: A Dios pongo
por testigo, señalados pastores,
que me lastima y aflige tanto lo
que quiero deciros, que tengo
miedo que el alma no se me salga
tras habello dicho. No me tenga
nadie por cruel, porque saco á la
plaza las maldades de mi hijo;
que por ser ellas tan extrañas y
no tener remedio para castigarlas,
os quiero dar razón dellas, porque
veáis lo que conviene hacer para
darle á él la justa pena y á los
otros hijos provechoso ejemplo.
Muy bien sabéis con qué regalos
le crié, con qué amor le traté, qué
habilidades le enseñé, qué
trabajos por él padescí, qué
consejos le di, con cuánta
blandura le castigué. Casóse á mi
pesar con la pastora Ismenia, y
porque dello le reprendí, en lugar
de vengarse del pastor Alanio,
que con la dicha Ismenia, su
mujer, como toda la aldea sabe,
trata deshonestamente, volvió su
furia contra mí y me ha querido
dar la muerte. La noche passada
tuvo maneras para entrar en la
cámara, donde yo con mi
Felisarda dormía, y con este
puñal desnudo quiso matarme, y
lo hiciera, sino que Dios le cortó
las fuerzas y le atajó el poder de
tal manera, que medio tonto y
pasmado se fué de allí sin
efectuar su dañado intento,
dejando el puñal en mi cámara.
Esto es lo que verdaderamente
passa, como mejor de mi querida
mujer podréis ser informados.
Mas porque tengo por muy cierto
que Montano, mi hijo, no hubiera
cometido tal traición contra su
padre, si de su mujer Ismenia no
fuera aconsejado, os ruego que
miréis lo que en esto so debe
hacer, para que mi hijo de su
atrevimiento quede castigado, y la
falsa Ismenia, ansí por el consejo
que dió á su marido, como por la
deshonestidad y amores que
tiene con Alanio, resciba digna
pena. Aún no había Fileno
acabado su razón, cuando se
movió entre la gente tan gran
alboroto, que paresció hundirse
toda la aldea. Alteráronse los
ánimos de todos los pastores y
pastoras, y concibieron ira mortal
contra Montano. Unos decían que
fuesse apedreado, otros que en la
mayor profundidad de Duero
fuesse echado, otros que á las
hambrientas fieras fuesse
entregado, y en fin, no hubo allí
persona que contra él no se
embravesciesse. Moviólos
también mucho á todos lo que
Fileno de mi vida falsamente les
había dicho; pero tanta ira tenían
por el negocio de Montano, que
no pensaron mucho en el mío.
Cuando Montano supo la relación
que su padre públicamente había
hecho y el alboroto y conjuración
que contra él había movido, cayó
en grande desesperación. Y
allende desto sabiendo lo que su
padre delante de todos contra mí
había dicho, rescibió tanto dolor,
que más grave no se puede
imaginar. De aquí nasció todo mi
mal, esta fué la causa de mi
perdición y aquí tuvieron principio
mis dolores. Porque mi querido
Montano, como sabía que yo en
otro tienpo había amado y sido
querida de Alanio, sabiendo que
muchas veces reviven y se
renuevan los muertos y olvidados
amores, y viendo que Alanio, á
quien yo por él había aborrescido,
andaba siempre enamorado de
mí, haciéndome importunas
fiestas, sospechó por todo esto