Full Chapter Chemistry For Csec Second Edition Anne Tindale PDF
Full Chapter Chemistry For Csec Second Edition Anne Tindale PDF
Full Chapter Chemistry For Csec Second Edition Anne Tindale PDF
Anne Tindale
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Chemistry
for
®
CSEC
Anne Tindale
Elizabeth Ritchie
Dianne Luttig
Sarah Chapman
Jennifer Murray
Anna Bowman
s s er P
ytisrevinU
dr o f x O
I N C LU D E S
fo
CD
t r aP
2nd Edition
Chemistry
for
®
CSEC
Anne Tindale
2nd Edition
Elizabeth Ritchie
Dianne Luttig
Sarah Chapman
Jennifer Murray
Anna Bowman
1
3
Text © Anne Tindale, Elizabeth Ritchie, Dianne Luttig, Sarah Chapman 2014
You must not circulate this work in any other form and you must
Data available
978-1-4085-2503-6
10 9 8 7
Acknowledgements
Thanks are due to Anna Bowman and Jennifer Murray for their contributions in the
Photo credits: Alamy/Helene Rogers 2.2.2, /Photoshot Holdings Ltd 20.5.6; Anne
Tindale 1.1.2, 1.2.10a, 1.2.10b, 1.2.9, 1.3.2, 2.1.3c, 2.2.3b, 2.5.2, 2.5.3, 5.5.4a, 8.1.1b, 8.1.5,
8.2.1, 8.4.2, 8.4.8, 9.1.2, 9.3.1, 9.3.2a, 9.3.2b, 15.1.9, 16.1.4, 16.2.12a, 16.2.12b, 17.1.2, 17.3.1,
18.3.1, 18.3.2, 18.3.4, 18.3.5, 19.2.1, 20.4.3, 20.6.1, 21.2.2, 22.2.2; Corbis 20.4.1; Corel (NT)
4.4.2; Corel 340 (NT) 5.5.4b; Corel 501 (NT) 20.4.2; Fotolia 20.5.3; Greg Evans
15.3.8; James Lauritz/Digital Vision C (NT) 18.3.7; Leslie Garland Picture Gallery/
Andrew Lambert 4.4.1c; Martyn Chillmaid 1.1.3, 2.2.1a, 17.2.2, 20.5.1, 21.1.4; Mike
van der Volk 2.2.1b, 2.2.3a, 2.5.1, 10.5.2, 16.1.5, 17.1.1, 17.1.3, 18.3.3, 18.3.8, 20.4.4, 20.4.5;
PA Photos 4.4.1a, /Shirley Bhadur/AP 14.1.4; Sandy Marshall 20.3.4; Science Photo
Library/Andrew Lambert Photography 6.1.2, 8.1.1a, 8.4.6, 17.2.1, 22.1.1, /Astrid and
/Maximilian Stock Ltd 4.4.1b, /Pascal Goetgheluck 3.3.2, /Sue Baker 20.5.2; Shawn
copyright holders before publication this has not been possible in all
this work.
Contents
Key concepts 86
A1 States of matter 2
equations 89
t heor y of matter 4
Key concepts 99
Key concepts 14
A2.3 Solubility 22
solutions 108
sugar cane 30
Key concepts 32
A3 Atomic structure 34
an atom 37
Key concepts 44
introduction 156
table 51
Key concepts 62
iii
Contents
A11.2 Factors affecting rates of reaction 202 C18.1 The reactivity of metals 294
Practice exam-style questions 210 C18.3 Uses of metals and t heir alloys 302
A12.2 Calculating energy changes 217 C19 Metals in living systems and the
of gases 321
B14.1 Sources and extraction of
iv
Introduction
grasp impor tant concepts, and for you as a teacher to manage your
topics in Section A, Chapters 13–16 cover topics in Section B, and
concepts.
in’ on t he key concepts. Impor tant denitions and laws which you
All impor tant denitions and laws which t he students are expected
must be able to quote are given in Key fact boxes. Each chapter also
to be able to quote are given in ‘Key fact’ boxes for students to clearly
includes Did you know? boxes which contain facts to stimulate
(SBA) skills.
Each chapter is broken down into several clearly dened units. and ‘Exam tip’ boxes containing valuable tips to prepare students for
The learning objectives for each unit are clearly given at t he t heir examination appear t hroughout t he text.
beginning of t he unit so t hat you can see what you are expected to
clearly see what t hey are expected to master in t he unit. These relate
covered in t he unit. Revision questions are provided at t he end of each unit which are
t he Data Analysis question toget her wit h t hree practice questions for
provides you wit h det ails about t he Data Analysis question you
allocations for you to practise. There is also a section whic h gives Chemistr y for CSEC® adopts a practical approach wherever possible.
you infor mation about what is required from you in ter ms of Each practical activity begins wit h a suggestion indicating how t he
School-Ba sed Assessment (SBA). It is extremely impor t ant t hat activity may be used as a basis for SBA. The table which follows t he
you read t his section before you embark on your two-year course SBA section provides t he location in t he book of t he activities which
1
Section A
States of matter
A1
be able to:
useful
matter
Matter
idea t hat matter consisted of par ticles. He asked t his question: ‘f you cut
a piece of matter, for example, a piece of gold, in half and t hen cut it in
half again, how many cuts will you have to make before you can cut it no
fur t her?’ Democr itus t hought t hat it ended at some point, t he smallest bits
Exam tip
✔
of matter, and t hat t hese smallest bits of matter, or particles , would be t he
It is important that you know the basic building bloc k s of matter. Today scientists have added to Democr itus’
definitions of key terms used in idea and now descr ibe matter and its proper ties using t he par ticulate t heor y
The particulate theory of matter states t hat all matter is made of par ticles.
Key fact
! proper ties of matter and also t he differences between t he t hree states of matter.
Key fact
!
● t here are spaces between t he par ticles
particles.
The par ticulate t heor y of matter can be used to explain many physical
phenomena t hat we obser ve in our ever yday lives. Examples of some of t hese
2
States of matter The particulate nature of matter
● The difference in density of solids, liquids and gases, e.g. why pebbles
● How cooling a liquid can cause it to change into a solid, e.g. when water
● Why a smell can move t hroughout a room, e.g. when chicken is fr ying,
● Surface tension in liquids, e.g. cer tain insects can ‘walk’ on water. Figure 1.1.2 Pebbles sink in water
States of matter
Matter can exist in various forms or states. The t hree states of matter t hat are
t he most common are t he solid, liquid and gaseous states. The difference
Par ticles in t he solid state have t he least amount of energy, t hey simply
vibrate in t heir xed position and t hey are packed closely toget her. Par ticles
in t he liquid state have medium amounts of energy, t hey move about slowly
and t hey have small spaces between t hem. Par ticles in t he gaseous state have
t he greatest amount of energy, t hey move about rapidly and t hey have large
spaces between t hem. You will study t his in greater detail in Unit 1.3.
par ticles and matter can change from one physical state to anot her by
its chemical composition, for example, water as a solid, i.e. ice, has exactly
Summary questions
water, the purple colour spreads throughout the water. What features
evidence for?
particles?
3
Evidence for the particulate theory of matter States of matter
of matter ver y useful because it allows t hem to explain t he physical proper ties
suppor t t heir ideas. There are simple practical activities involving d iffusion
of matter
Diffusion
demonstrate diffusion and
osmosis
We have all had experience of being aware of a smell, whet her it is walking
of matter are in constant motion and will move from a region of higher
Key fact
distributed.
You will be supplied with a straw, a beaker containing distilled water and a
Method
1 Place the straw vertically in the beaker of water until it touches the
2 Drop the crystal of potassium manganate( VII) into the straw without
3 Very carefully remove the straw trying to disturb the water as little as
possible.
Exam tip
✔ the water.
5 Leave the beaker and observe after a few days. Note that the purple
It is very important when answering
colour has spread throughout all the water in the beaker. What
questions in tests or examinations to
minute cr ystal par ticles slowly separate from each ot her and diffuse into t he
spaces between t he water par ticles. This continues until all t he par ticles have
to arrive at a conclusion.
separated from t he cr ystal and have diffused between t he water par ticles.
4
States of matter Evidence for the particulate theory of matter
straw
beaker
of water
potassium
purple colour throughout
manganate(VII)
crystal
spaces between
diffuse into the spaces
potassium
packed closely
manganate(VII)
together
crystal
Method
2 Soak separate pieces of cotton wool in concentrated ammonia solution and concentrated hydrochloric acid and
4 Allow time for the ammonia and hydrogen chloride vapours to diffuse. Observe any changes.
solution gives off a gas called ammonia gas and t he hydrochloric acid gives
off a gas called hydrogen chlor ide gas. The ammonia and hydrogen chloride
par ticles diffuse t hrough t he air in t he glass tube towards each ot her. When
t he par ticles meet, t hey collide and react to form a white solid known
glass tube.
5
Evidence for the particulate theory of matter States of matter
hydrochloric acid
as a chemical equation where (g) and (s) indicate t he state of t he chemicals
in ammonia
hydrogen chloride par ticles. Therefore, t he ammonia par ticles move much
Figure 1.2.4 Ammonia and hydrogen
chloride gas diffuse towards each other faster t hrough t he air t han t he hydrogen chloride par ticles.
hydrochloric acid
of matter:
in ammonia
par ticles must have moved towards each ot her to form t he white ring.
● There are spaces between par ticles – t here must have been spaces
Osmosis
region wit h a lot of water molecules to a region wit h fewer water molecules.
Key fact
!
A differentially permeable membrane is a membrane t hat allows some
substances to pass t hrough but not ot hers. You may also nd t he membrane
Osmosis is the movement of water
of water molecules, e.g. a dilute membrane t hat surrounds biological cells is differentially permeable.
are able to pass t hrough t hese pores. However, t he par ticles of many
t hrough. When two solutions, e.g. sucrose solutions, which have different
molecules, however, do not move because t hey are unable to pass t hrough
sucrose molecule
cannot pass
through the
differentially permeable
membrane
water molecule
diffuses through
the differentially
permeable
membrane
solution solution
6
States of matter Evidence for the particulate theory of matter
You will be supplied with a piece of green paw-paw (the experiment may be done with potato or yam), one beaker
lled with distilled water and one beaker lled with concentrated sodium chloride solution.
Method
1 Cut the piece of green paw-paw into six strips of equal length.
3 Place three of the strips into the beaker containing distilled water and place the other three strips into the beaker
5 Remove the strips from the beakers. Feel the strips and take note of the texture of each strip.
7 Explain why the paw-paw strips placed in distilled water become more rigid and have increased in length
(consider the direction in which the water molecules move, from the paw-paw into the distilled water or from the
8 Explain why the paw-paw strips placed in concentrated sodium chloride solution become oppy and softer and
decrease in length (consider the direction in which the water molecules move, from the paw-paw into the sodium
chloride solution or from the sodium chloride solution into the paw-paw).
distilled
water
concentrated
beaker
sodium
chloride
paw-paw
Figure 1.2.7 Paw-paw strips in
solution
strips
concentrated sodium
Figure 1.2.8 After a while the strips in water increase in length and those in
Water can pass t hrough t he cell membranes, eit her into or out of t he cells:
● Distilled water has a higher water content (or lower sodium chloride water. This lowers the amount of
concentration) than the paw-paw cells, therefore water moves into the cells water in your blood and osmosis
osmosis, resulting in t he paw-paw strip becoming shor ter and sof ter.
7
Evidence for the particulate theory of matter States of matter
Slugs and snails, being herbivores, are serious garden pests which ravage
many of our precious plants. The skin of t hese pests is a lot more permeable
t han t he skin of most ot her animals. This means t hat t hey need to keep
t hem to dehydrate and die. We make use of t hese facts to control slugs and
a concentrated solution. This causes water inside t heir bodies to move out
and into t he solution by osmosis. f t he slugs and snails lose more water t han
ot h sodium chloride and sugar are used to preser ve food items, e.g. meat,
sh, fr uits and vegetables. We are all familiar wit h salt sh, salt pork,
cr ystallised fr uits, guava jelly and glacé cherries. ot h salt and sugar work in
● They withdraw water from the cells of the food items by osmosis. This
makes the water unavailable for the chemical reactions in cells which cause
decay. Without these reactions occurring, the food items do not decay.
● They also wit hdraw water from t he microorganisms t hat bring about
decay, e.g. bacteria and fungi. This prevents t hese organisms from
(a) (b)
Figure 1.2.10 (a) Salt sh and (b) crystallised fruits are examples of preserved food items
8
States of matter The three states of matter
Summary questions
1 For each of the experiments described below, state the feature(s) of the
hydrochloric acid are opened and placed next to each other, a white
4 When a 5.0 cm long raw potato chip was placed in water and left for
30 minutes, its length was found to have increased to 5.5 cm. Use your
b to preserve sh.
Objectives
A1.3 The three states of matter
You have lear nt already t hat matter exists in t hree st ates: solid, liquid be able to:
and gas. The t hree st ates of matter have noticeable differences in t heir
physical proper ties. Physic al properties are c haracter istics t hat can be
point and boiling point are all examples of physical proper ties. The
particles
Table 1.3.1 summarises t he physical proper ties of t he t hree states of matter properties of the three states of
and t he arrangement of par ticles in t he t hree states. matter in terms of energy and
particles
● Solids have a xed shape because t heir par ticles are arranged in a regular
● explain the changes of
way and t hey are unable to move out of t heir xed positions.
state in terms of energy and
● Solids have a xed volume and are ver y difcult to compress because arrangement of particles
t heir par ticles are packed ver y closely toget her and cannot be pushed ● understand melting,
● Liquids ow because t heir par ticles are able to move past each ot her.
sublimation
● Liquids can be compressed slightly because t heir par ticles have small
t heir par ticles move freely and rapidly. They have only weak forces of
attraction between t hem, t herefore t hey spread out to ll any available
space.
● Gases are easy to compress because t heir par ticles have large spaces
9
The three states of matter States of matter
Shape and volume Solids have a fixed Liquids do not have Gases do not have a
container it is in.
Density Most solids have a high The density of liquids is Gases have a low
density of solids.
Compressibility Solids are very difficult Liquids can be Gases are easy to
is applied.
Arrangement of the The particles are The particles are The particles are
together, usually in a and have small spaces and have large spaces
Forces of attraction The particles have The forces of attraction The particles have
between the particles very strong forces of between the particles very weak forces of
particles of a solid.
Energy and movement Particles in a solid have Particles in a liquid have Particles in a gas have
of the particles very small amounts more kinetic energy large amounts of kinetic
particles vibrate in their The particles move move about freely and
Arrangement of
particles
Changing state
?
Matter can be changed from one state to anot her by heating or cooling.
to compress. An average sized order to change water into ice we need to put t he water into t he freezer, i.e.
SCUBA diving tank holds about we need to remove heat energy. hanging t he state of a substance wit hout
add heat
freezes condenses
sublimates
sublimates
10
States of matter The three states of matter
Melting
Key fact
When a solid is heated, t he par ticles gain kinetic energy and begin to vibrate !
forces of attraction between t hem and t hey move more freely and fur t her
apar t forming a liquid, i.e. t he solid melts. The temperature remains constant
changes into a liquid.
while t he solid is melting because all t he heat energy being supplied is used to
Evaporation
leave t he liquid and become a vapour. These par ticles are said to evaporate.
The par ticles t hat leave t he liquid take lots of energy wit h t hem, leading to a
cooling of t he liquid.
Boiling
When a liquid is heated its temperature eventually reaches a cer tain point
water. This makes our skin feel
where it star ts to boil. At t his point t he liquid par ticles have gained enough even colder than when we sweat.
kinetic energy and star ted to move fast enough to change into a gas bot h
wit hin t he liquid and at its surface. The temperature remains constant
Key fact
Exam tip
place only at t he surface of t he liquid.
✔
and begin to move more slowly. The forces of attraction between t he par ticles
property of each, using the word
become stronger causing t he par ticles to move closer toget her forming a
‘whereas’ to link the two. Do not
Freezing
Key fact
!
and begin to move more slowly. The forces of attraction between t he par ticles
become stronger causing t he par ticles to move even closer toget her forming
a solid, i.e. t he liquid freezes. The temperature at which t his occurs is called
t he freezing point
point, e.g. water has a melting point and a freezing point of 0 °.
Sublimation
addition of a small amount of heat can cause t he solid to change directly into
a gas, wit hout passing t hrough t he liquid state. f t he gas is t hen cooled it will
11
The three states of matter States of matter
dioxide (known as ‘dr y ice’), ammonium chloride and napht halene. Mot h
balls or camphor balls are made of napht halene. Solid air fresheners also
(a)
cotton wool
est tube
iodine vapour
You will be supplied with a test tube, a small iodine crystal, a piece of
Method
1 Place the iodine crystal into the test tube and place the cotton wool into
2 Hold the test tube with tongs at a 45° angle and heat the bottom of
the tube in the ame of a Bunsen burner until all the iodine crystal has
Bunsen burner
sublimed.
iodine crystals During the experiment illustrated in Figure 1.3.3, as the iodine cr ystal is
heated, it sublimes and forms purple iodine vapour which diffuses up the test
tube. The top of the tube is much cooler and when the vapour reaches the top,
it sublimes back to a solid, forming a ring of iodine cr ystals around the inside
Figure 1.3.3 Iodine sublimes (a) when
on a graph against time, a heating curve is obtained. The heating cur ve for
12
States of matter The three states of matter
continues. These happen when t here is a change of state. The rst change of
melting point of t he substance until all t he substance has melted, e.g. for
water t his is 0 °. The second change of state is where boiling occurs and t he
140
)C°(
120
gas and liquid
boiling point
100
erutarepme
80
60
liquid
40
20
melting point
0
20 solid (ice)
40
against time, a cooling curve is obtained. The cooling cur ve for water is
140
gas (steam)
)C°(
120
gas and liquid
boiling point
100
erutarepme
80
liquid
60
40
20
T
melting point
0
solid
20
40
Like heating cur ves, cooling cur ves have two horizontal sections. The rst is
where t he state changes from gas to liquid and t he second is where it changes
Summary questions
what is required.
Liquid to gas
Gas to liquid
Liquid to solid
Solid to gas
13
The three states of matter States of matter
Key concepts
● Matter is dened as anyt hing t hat has mass and occupies space.
par ticles.
t heor y of matter.
distributed.
● The principles of osmosis are used to control garden pests wit h sodium
chloride and preser ve food items wit h sodium chloride and sugar.
● The energy and arrangement of par ticles in solids, liquids and gases
● Matter can change from solid to liquid to gas wit h t he addition of heat.
● Matter can change from gas to liquid to solid wit h t he removal of heat.
● The names given to t he processes which cause t he change from one state
sublimation.
cooling of t he liquid.
14
States of matter Practice exam-style questions
Multiple-choice questions
ii) Explain t he reason for your obser vations.
(4 marks)
1 Which of t he following provide(s) evidence t hat matter
(1 mark)
Osmosis
A , and
D only
80
70
)C°(
60
50
erutarepme
C have large spaces between t hem
40
30
T
A t he par ticles in a liquid can move more freely t han
10
t hose in a gas
10
a liquid
20
A melting
B evaporation
C condensation
D boiling.
melts. (3 marks)
A Aluminium chloride, iodine, carbon dioxide.
X at 15 °. (2 marks)
D Aluminium sulfate, carbon dioxide, napht halene.
Total 15 marks
Structured question
glass beaker
differentially permeable membrane
ii) a cr ystal of potassium chloride has a ver y denite
shape. (2 marks)
Total 15 marks
of matter
15
A2 Mixtures and their separation
be able to:
an element, a compound and a know how to separate some of these mixtures into their
mixture
of drinking water.
compounds and mixtures
a homogeneous and a
heterogeneous mixture.
A2.1 Elements, compounds and mixtures
Matter can be classied into two main groups: pure substances and mixtures.
physical means.
● Their proper ties are variable since t heir components retain t heir own,
Pure substances can be fur t her classied into elements and compounds.
matter
pure
mixtures
substances
elements compounds
homogeneous heterogeneous
mixtures mixtures
Pure substances
● a constant density.
16
Mixtures and their separation Elements, compounds and mixtures
determined. Any impurities in a pure substance will usually lower its melting Did you know?
?
point and cause it to melt over a wider temperature range. mpurities will
Paper chromatography (Unit 2.4) may also be used. f a substance is pure it is spread on the roads to melt the
Method
2 Place an inverted closed end capillary tube into the test tube with the
4 Half ll a 250 cm beaker with oil and place the above test tube
assembly in the oil bath so that the surface of the water in the test tube
thermometer
6 Remove the heat source and observe the stream of bubbles. When the
last bubble emerges from the capillary tube, record the temperature.
stirring rod
7 Reheat the oil bath and repeat the cooling process twice more.
test tube
Record the temperature reading after each trial and average all three
beaker
distilled water or
the water.
heat
9 What conclusion can you draw about the boiling points of pure water
point of a liquid
Key fact
!
Elements
means.
17
Elements, compounds and mixtures Mixtures and their separation
Examples of elements are iron (Fe), which is composed of only iron atoms,
Compounds
Key fact
! Compounds are composed of more than one kind of atom. These atoms
are combined toget her chemically, t hey are always present in t he same
proportions and in such a way that combined, e.g. t he chemical formula of water is H O.
2
sodium and chlorine in a ratio of 1 : 1 and met hane (CH ), which is composed
4
The proper ties of a compound are xed and are different from t he proper ties
hydrogen and oxygen are bot h gases at room temperature, however, water
is a liquid.
Mixtures
Key fact
!
Mixtures are composed of two or more substances which are not chemically
A mixture consists of two or more combined, t herefore t heir components can be separated by physical
component par ts are not in a xed ratio and t hey retain t heir own, individual
mixture.
Examples of homogeneous mixtures are air, salt dissolved in water and metal
Heterogeneous mixtures
can be distinguished from each ot her, alt hough not always wit h t he naked
(a)
muddy water.
The diagrams in Figure 2.1.4 show how elements, compounds and mixtures
(c)
(b)
● f t here are two or more kinds of atoms joined toget her in t he same ratio,
t hen it is a mixture.
water is an example of a mixture.
18
Mixtures and their separation Solutions, suspensions and colloids
A B C D E F
Summary questions
2 What is a compound?
Solutions, suspensions and colloids form par t of our ever yday lives. For
be able to:
example, sea water is a solution, muddy water is a suspension and milk and
Solutions
solutions
A solution is a homogeneous mixture. The major component of a solution ● distinguish between a solution,
is known as t he solvent and t he minor component is known as t he solute. a suspension and a colloid
Some solutions may contain more t han one solute, e.g. sea water. The solute ● describe some of the
and solvent can be gases, liquids or solids. When a gas or a solid dissolves in distinguishing properties of a
a liquid, t he liquid is always t he solvent, e.g. in a mixture of salt in water, solution, a suspension and a
!
gas liquid soda water carbon dioxide in water
A solution is a homogeneous
usually a liquid.
gas gas air oxygen, water vapour, argon and carbon dioxide in nitrogen
19
Solutions, suspensions and colloids Mixtures and their separation
Suspensions
(a) (b)
Key fact
!
Examples of suspensions
A suspension is a heterogeneous
in a gas.
example of a suspension
Colloids
The par ticles in a colloid cannot be seen even wit h a microscope, and if lef t
undisturbed t hey do not settle. The proper ties of a colloid are inter mediate
Key fact
A colloid is a heterogeneous
● Fog and aerosol sprays in air are colloids of a liquid dispersed in a gas,
The dispersed particles are smaller
larger than those of a solution. ● Milk and mayonnaise are colloids of a liquid dispersed in a liquid, also
known as emulsions.
● Gelatine and jelly are colloids of a solid dispersed in a liquid, also known
as gels.
Particle size very small (less than one nanometre greater than that of a solution but they large enough so that they are visible
in diameter) are not visible to the naked eye (between to the naked eye (greater than
separated by filtration?
Transmission of light transmits light appearing transparent will scatter light does not transmit light; it is opaque
20
Mixtures and their separation Solutions, suspensions and colloids
a colloid
You will be supplied with two beakers, a lter funnel held in a retort stand,
(a)
lter paper, distilled water, calcium hydroxide powder, copper( II) sulfate
and gelatine.
Method
2 Place a large spatula full of calcium hydroxide powder into the water and
mix vigorously.
3 Hold the mixture up to the light and look through it. Is it transparent or
opaque?
(b)
4 Place the lter paper in the lter funnel and place the second beaker below
Figure 2.2.3 (a) Milk and
it. Filter half the mixture. Could you separate the components by ltering? (b) mayonnaise are examples of colloids
5 Leave the other half of the mixture for two hours. Does the mixture
settle out?
6 Using your answers from points 3, 4 and 5, decide whether the mixture
7 Repeat the experiment with the copper( II) sulfate and gelatine, making
sure that you stir each of the mixtures until there is no longer any solid Figure 2.2.4 A comparison of the size
suspensions
Summary questions
a mayonnaise
c fog
d white vinegar.
21
Solubility Mixtures and their separation
how muc h sodium c hlor ide can dissolve in 10 cm of water at a par ticular
solution is
temperature on solubility
any more solute is added to t he solvent, t he solute will remain in solid for m
curve
given temperature.
solubility curve.
Key fact
given temperature.
This means t hat as t he temperature increases, a greater mass of solute
Key fact
which is saturated at one temperature is cooled, cr ystals of t he solute will
!
form since less of t he solute can dissolve at a lower temperature.
You learnt earlier in t his unit t hat solubility in water is usually measured as
which contains as much solute
as can be dissolved at a given t he mass of solute which will saturate 100 g of water. The unit for solubility
temperature, in the presence of is g per 100 g water . However, it is not practical to weigh 100 g of water.
undissolved solute.
n determining solubility of a solute in water in t he laborator y, we make
−3
3 3
70 This means t hat 100 g of water has a volume of 100 cm , and it is easy to
50
40
known as a solubility curve . The solubility cur ve for potassium chlorate(V),
g(
30
KClO , is shown in Figure 2.3.1.
ytilibuloS
20
Looking at t he solubility cur ve in Figure 2.3.1, you can see t hat t he solubility
10
Solubility cur ves such as t his can be used to obtain various useful pieces of
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100
graph.
against temperature
Example
Exam tip
✔
the same.
22
Mixtures and their separation Solubility
Example
● The mass of solute t hat would cr ystallise out of a saturated solution if its
temperature is decreased.
Example
of water 25 g 7 g 18 g
is increased.
Example
of water 38 g 10 g 28 g
28
____
100
a given temperature.
Example
chlorate(V) at 74 °C?
100
____
32
23
Another random document with
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degraded, and that the true prescription to elevate, reform, and
purify the public service is to prevent the clerks from being removed
out of their places in the Departments. This brotherhood has not
been hitherto very largely re-enforced from the Democracy. If there
has been an original civil-service reformer who has deserted from the
ranks of the Democracy, history does not record his name. It has
been left to the party to which I belong to afford conspicuous and
shining illustrations of that class of political thinkers who are never
quite sure that they are supporting a party unless they are reviling
the candidates and denouncing its platform, who are not positive
that they are standing erect unless they are leaning over backward,
and whose idea of reforming the organization in which they profess
to be classified is to combine with its adversaries and vote for
candidates who openly spurn their professions and depreciate the
stock in trade which they denominate their principles. Standing on
the corners of the streets, enlarging the borders of their phylacteries,
they loudly advertise their perfections, thanking God that they are
not as other men, even these Republicans and Democrats; they
traffic with both to ascertain which they can most profitably betray.
Mr. President, the neuter gender is not popular either in nature or
society. “Male and female created He them.” But there is a third sex,
if that can sex be called which sex has none, resulting sometimes
from a cruel caprice of nature, at others from accident or malevolent
design, possessing the vices of both and the virtues of neither;
effeminate without being masculine or feminine; unable either to
beget or to bear; possessing neither fecundity nor virility; endowed
with the contempt of men and the derision of women, and doomed to
sterility, isolation, and extinction. But they have two recognized
functions. They sing falsetto, and they are usually selected as the
guardians of the seraglios of Oriental despots.
And thus to pass from the illustration to the fact, these political
epicenes, without pride of ancestry or hope of posterity, chant in
shrill falsetto their songs of praise of non-partisanship and civil-
service reform, and apparently have been selected as the harmless
custodians of the conscience of the national Executive.
Sir, I am not disposed to impugn the good faith, the patriotism, the
sincerity, the many unusual traits and faculties of the President of
the United States. He is the sphinx of American politics. It is said
that he is a fatalist; that he regards himself as the child of fate—the
man of destiny; and that he places devout and implicit reliance upon
the guiding influence of his star. Certainly, whether he be a very
great man or a very small man, he is a very extraordinary man. His
career forbids any other conclusion.
The Democratic party was not wanting when its convention
assembled at Chicago in many renowned and illustrious characters;
men who had led the forlorn hope in its darkest and most desperate
days; men for whose character and achievements, for whose fame
and history, not only that organization but the country had the
profoundest admiration and respect. There was Thurman, and
Bayard, and Hendricks, and Tilden, and McDonald, and others
perhaps not less worthy and hardly less illustrious, upon whom the
mantle of that great distinction might have fallen; but the man at the
mature age of thirty-five abandoned a liberal and honored profession
to become the sheriff of Erie, without known opinions and destitute
of experience or training in public affairs, outstripped them all in the
race of ambition; and when but little more than a year ago he entered
this Chamber as the President elect of the United States, he
encountered the curious scrutiny of an audience to whom he was a
stranger in feature as in fame; a stranger to the leaders of his own
party as well as to the representatives of all the nations of the earth
who had assembled to witness the gorgeous pageant of his
inauguration.
Sir, the career of Napoleon was sudden, startling, and dramatic.
There have been many soldiers of fortune who have sprung at one
bound from obscurity to fame, but no illustration of the caprices of
destiny so brilliant and bewildering is recorded in history as the
elevation of Grover Cleveland to the Chief Magistracy of sixty
millions of people.
If when he was inaugurated he had determined that the functions
of Government should be exercised by officers selected from his own
party the nation would have been content; but he did not so
determine, and herein and hereon is founded the justification that
the majority of the Senate can satisfactorily use and employ in
demanding that no action shall be had in connection with these
suspensions from office until there has been satisfactory assurances
that injustice has not been done. If it were understood that these
suspensions and removals were made for political reasons the
country would be content, the Republican majority in the Senate
would be content. But what is the attitude? Ever since his
inauguration and for many months before, by many utterances,
official and private, in repeated declarations never challenged, Mr.
Cleveland announced that he would not so administer this
Government. At the very outset, in his letter of acceptance, he
denounced the doctrine of partisan changes in the patronage, and
through all of his political manifestoes down to the present time he
has repeated these assurances with emphatic and unchanging
monotony.
He has declared that there should be no changes in office, where
the incumbents were competent and qualified, for political reasons,
but that they should be permitted to serve their terms. Like those
who were grinding at the mill, one has been taken and another has
been left. Some Republicans have been suspended and others have
been retained. What is the irresistible inference? What is the logic of
the events, except that, in view of what the President has declared,
every man who is suspended is suspended for cause, and not for
political reasons? It is not possible to suspect the President of
duplicity and treacherous deception.
For the purpose of illustration, let me call the attention of the
Senate and through the Senate the attention of the country, which is
to judge of this matter, to the basis on which this inquiry proceeds. I
read from the letter of Grover Cleveland, dated Albany, August 19,
1884, accepting the nomination for the Presidency of the United
States. He says:
The people pay the wages of the public employés, and they are entitled to the fair
and honest work which the money thus paid should command. It is the duty of
those intrusted with the management of their affairs to see that such public service
is forthcoming. The selection and retention of subordinates in Government
employment should depend upon their ascertained fitness and the value of their
work, and they should be neither expected nor allowed to do questionable party
service.
There is another utterance in this document to which I might
properly allude further on, but which appears to me to be so
significant that I will read it now. It has a singular fitness in
connection with this subject that we have been discussing. Speaking
of honest administration, he says,
I believe that the public temper is such that the voters of the land are prepared to
support the party which gives the best promise of administering the Government
in the honest, simple, and plain manner which is consistent with its character and
purposes.
And now:
They have learned that mystery and concealment in the management of their
affairs cover tricks and betrayal.
Yes, they have learned that mystery in the administration of the
patronage of the Government, by the concealment from the people of
the documents and papers that bear upon the character and conduct
of officials suspended and those that are appointed, cover tricks and
betrayal. “I thank thee for that word.” A “Daniel” has “come to
judgment.” No more pertinent and pungent commentary upon the
facts of the present situation could be formulated than that which
Grover Cleveland uttered before his foot was upon the threshold, that
mystery and concealment in the management of the affairs of the
people covered tricks and betrayal. There are tricks and somebody
has been betrayed.
Again, on the 20th day of December, 1884, after the election, some
of the contingent of Republican deserters who elected Mr. Cleveland
to the Presidency, becoming apprehensive that there might be
trouble about their thirty pieces of silver, formulated their
uneasiness in words and addressed him a letter calling his attention
to the professions upon which he had been elected and demanding
further guarantee. To that letter, on the 25th day of December, 1884,
Mr. Cleveland replied, and from that reply I select certain
paragraphs, not being willing to tax the patience of the Senate or
waste my own strength in reading what is not strictly material.
I regard myself pledged to this—
That is, to this practical reform in the civil service, this refusal to
turn out competent and qualified officials and put in Democrats—
because my conception of true Democratic faith and public duty requires that
this and all other statutes should be in good faith and without evasion enforced,
and because, in many utterances made prior to my election as President, approved
by the party to which I belong and which I have no disposition to disclaim, I have
in effect promised the people that this should be done.
Not his party, but the people, Republican as well as Democrats.
Then he proceeds to castigate the Democratic party:
I am not unmindful of the fact to which you refer that many of our citizens fear
that the recent party change in the national Executive may demonstrate that the
abuses which have grown up in the civil service are ineradicable. I know that they
are deeply rooted, and that the spoils system has been supposed to be intimately
related to success in the maintenance of party organization, and I am not sure that
all those who profess to be the friends of this reform will stand firmly among its
advocates when they find it obstructing their way to patronage and place.
He goes on thus, and this is a most significant promise and pledge:
There is a class of Government positions which are not within the letter of the
civil-service statute but which are so disconnected with the policy of an
administration that the removal therefrom of present incumbents, in my opinion,
should not be made during the terms for which they were appointed solely on
partisan grounds, and for the purpose of putting in their places those who are in
political accord with the appointing power—
And then follows that celebrated definition which lifted the lid
from the box of Pandora—
but many men holding such positions have forfeited all just claim to retention
because they have used their places for party purposes in disregard of their duty to
the people, and because, instead of being decent public servants, they have proved
themselves offensive partisans and unscrupulous manipulators of local party
management.
The letter closes with this somewhat frigid assurance of
consolation to the Democratic party.
If I were addressing none but party friends, I should deem it entirely proper to
remind them—
That is, party friends—
that though the coming administration is to be Democratic—
Strictly Democratic—
a due regard for the people’s interest does not permit faithful party work to be
always rewarded by appointment to office, and to say to them that while
Democrats may expect a proper consideration, selections for office not embraced
within the civil-service rules will be based upon sufficient inquiry as to fitness,
instituted by those charged with that duty, rather than upon persistent importunity
or self-solicited recommendations on behalf of candidates for appointment.
“Here endeth the first lesson!” This was in the year 1884. I now
come to the declaration of 1885. Just as the Democratic State
convention which nominated the present governor of New York for
the position that he now holds, was about to assemble at Saratoga on
the 24th, I think, of September, the President gave out for
publication the letter of resignation of Dorman B. Eaton, a civil-
service commissioner, which was dated July 28, 1885, and
accompanied it with a letter of his own accepting that resignation
which was dated September 11, 1885. It was alleged in Democratic
newspapers that the President held back these letters in order to give
publicity to his reply at that time for effect upon the convention, and
it was remarked that it had caused a panic among the Democracy.
His letter is dated, as I said, September 11, 1885, and I will read a few
paragraphs showing his opinion of the Democratic party and the
course that they had pursued in attempting to force him off the civil-
service reform platform. After some rather glittering platitudes in
regard to the work accomplished by Mr. Eaton, he proceeds:
A reasonable toleration for old prejudices, a graceful recognition of every aid, a
sensible utilization of every instrumentality that promises assistance and a
constant effort to demonstrate the advantages of the new order of things, are the
means by which this reform movement will in the future be further advanced, the
opposition.
Now, this is an epithet to which I desire to call particular attention
—
The opposition of incorrigible spoilsmen rendered ineffectual and the cause
placed upon a sure foundation.
But not content with applying his scourge to the “incorrigible
spoilsmen” of the Democratic party, the President took occasion to
express his opinion in rather picturesque language of another class of
politicians that had somewhat afflicted him, and to whom he was
under bonds:
It is a source of congratulation that there are so many friends of civil-service
reform marshaled on the practical side of the question; and that the number is not
greater of those who profess friendliness for the cause, and yet, mischievously and
with supercilious self-righteousness, discredit every effort not in exact accord with
their attenuated ideas, decry with carping criticism the labor of those actually in
the field of reform, and ignoring the conditions which bound and qualify every
struggle for a radical improvement in the affairs of government, demand complete
and immediate perfection.
“Supercilious self-righteousness, attenuated ideas, and carping
criticism,” can not be regarded as complimentary phrases when
applied to the apostles of this new evangel of political reformation.
He continues—
I believe in civil-service reform and its application in the most practicable form
attainable, among other reasons, because it opens the door for the rich and the
poor alike to a participation in public place-holding. And I hope the time is at hand
when all our people will see the advantage of a reliance for such an opportunity
upon merit and fitness, instead of a dependence upon the caprice or selfish interest
of those who impudently—
To whom does he refer?—
who impudently stand between the people and the machinery of the
Government.
You will agree with me, I think, that the support which has been given to the
present administration in its efforts to preserve and advance this reform by a party
restored to power after an exclusion for many years from participation in the
places attached to the public service, confronted with a new system precluding the
redistribution of such places in its interest, called upon to surrender advantages
which a perverted partisanship had taught the American people belonged to
success, and perturbed with the suspicion, always raised in such an emergency,
that their rights in the conduct of this reform had not been scrupulously regarded,
should receive due acknowledgment and should confirm our belief that there is a
sentiment among the people better than a desire to hold office, and a patriotic
impulse upon which may safely rest the integrity of our institutions and the
strength and perpetuity of our Government.
The first official utterances of President Cleveland upon the 4th of
March, 1885, renewed the assurance that had been given. He
declared:
The people demand reform in the administration of the Government and the
application of business principles to business affairs. As a means to this end civil-
service reform should be in good faith enforced. Our citizens have the right to
protection from the incompetency of public employés who hold their places solely
as the reward of partisan service, and from the corrupting influences of those who
promise and the vicious who expect such rewards. And those who worthily seek
public employment have the right to insist that merit and competency shall be
recognized instead of party subserviency or the surrender of honest political belief.
How this system, thus inaugurated, this amphibious plan of
distributing the patronage of the country among his own partisans
and at the same time insisting upon the enforcement of civil-service
reform doctrines practically resulted finds its first illustration in the
celebrated circular of the Postmaster-General that was issued on the
29th of April, 1885. I do not propose to defile my observations by
reading that document. I allude to it for the purpose of saying that a
more thoroughly degraded, loathsome, execrable and detestable
utterance never was made by any public official of any political
persuasion in any country, or in any age. It was an invitation to every
libeller, every anonymous slanderer, every scurrilous defamer, to
sluice the feculent sewage of communities through the Post-Office
Department, with the assurance that, without any intimation or
information to the person aspersed, incumbents should be removed
and Democratic partisans appointed. I offered a resolution on the
4th of this month calling on the Postmaster-General for information
as to the number of removals of fourth-class postmasters, not
requiring confirmation by the Senate, between the 4th day of March,
1885, and that date. It was a simple proposition. It required nothing
but an inspection of the official register and a computation of
numbers. No names were required and no dates. There was a simple
question of arithmetic to ascertain the number of removals of fourth-
class postmasters not included in the list sent to the Senate by the
President, the salary being less than $1,000. Eighteen days elapsed.
There seemed to be some reluctance on the part of the Department
to comply with that request, and I thereupon offered a supplemental
resolution, which was adopted by the Senate, asking the Postmaster-
General to advise us whether that first resolution had been received,
and, if so, why it was not answered, and when a reply might be
expected.
On the second day following an answer came down. It does not
include the number of places that were filled where there had been
resignations. It does not include the list of those appointed where
there had been vacancies from death or any other cause; but simply
those who had been removed without cause and without hearing in
the space of the first twelve months of this administration pledged to
non-partisanship and civil-service reform. The number foots up
8,635. Eighty-six hundred and thirty-five removals of fourth-class
postmasters under an administration pledged by repeated utterances
not to remove except for cause, making an average, counting three
hundred and thirteen working days in that year, of twenty-eight
every day; and, counting seven hours as a day’s work, four removals
every hour, or at the rate of one for every fifteen minutes of time
from the 4th day of March, 1885, until the 4th of March, 1886. And
that is civil-service reform! That is non-partisanship in the
administration of this Government! That is exercising public office as
a public trust!
Mr. Cockrell. How many of these fourth-class postmasters are
there?
Mr. Ingalls. I do not know.
Mr. Cockrell. About fifty-one thousand, are there not?
Mr. Ingalls. It makes no difference how many; they did the best
they could, and angels could do more. I see that the Senator from
Missouri is impatient; he is anxious that the axe should fall more
rapidly.
The President pro tempore. The Senator from Kansas will pause
a moment. It is the duty of the Chair to inform the occupants of the
galleries that the rules of the Senate forbid any expression of
approbation or disapprobation. It will be the painful duty of the
Chair to enforce that rule, if it is insisted upon.
Mr. Ingalls. I hope the Senator from Missouri will curb his
impatience and restrain his impetuosity. The Postmaster-General
will get through if you only give him time.
Mr. Cockrell. He will get through in four years at this rate.
Mr. Ingalls. One every fifteen minutes!
Mr. Cockrell. Fifty-one thousand is the number of fourth-class
postmasters, I believe, and only eight thousand in a year have been
removed.
Mr. Ingalls. Only one every fifteen minutes! How often do you
expect them to be removed? He has done the best he could. And this
does not include the number of those who resigned; this does not
include any except those who have been removed. To the Senator
from Missouri rising in his seat, impatient at the dilatory
procrastination of the Post-Office Department in not casting out
more Republican postmasters, I say this does not include all.
Undoubtedly many more than eighty-six hundred and thirty-five
have fallen beneath the axe of the Department or have been filled by
partisans of the party in power as a reward for efficient and faithful
party service in consequence of the retirement of thousands of
patriotic Republicans: and when the Senator from Missouri attempts
to convey the impression here that out of fifty-one thousand fourth-
class postmasters only eighty-six hundred and thirty-five have been
changed during this past year he is entirely outside the record. It is to
be observed that this is but a single Department. How many have
gone out of the State department, how many have gone out of the
Interior department, how many out of the Army and Navy
departments, and out of that illuminated Department of Justice, and
out of the Treasury, of course is entirely unknown, and probably will
always remain unknown till the secrets of earth are revealed at the
last day. They are carefully concealed; there are no lists furnished to
the press for publication. Therefore I trust that the friends of the
administration will be consoled, that the complaints which have been
so frequent hitherto of the want of activity on the part of the
administration in finding places for their friends will be tempered by
the consideration that they have done the best they could in the time
at their disposal.
Mr. President, the list of official utterances is not yet complete. On
the first day of this session President Cleveland again repeated his
declaration that the civil service was to be divorced from
partisanship, and he took occasion to inflict some more castigation
upon those who were endeavoring to force him off the civil-service
platform which he had declared he intended to occupy. This was his
language:
Lay siege to the patronage of Government, engrossing the time of public officers
with their importunities, spreading abroad the contagion of their disappointment,
and filling the air with the tumult of their discontent.
Rather florid, rather oriental phrase, but in its exactness
mathematical; a demonstration in geometry could not be more
explicit and satisfactory than that description by President Cleveland
of the occupation and the lamentations of the Democratic party. It
will bear repetition.
Lay siege to the patronage of Government, engrossing the time of public officers
with their importunities, spreading abroad the contagion of their disappointment,
and filling the air with the tumult of their discontent.
A besieging, importunate, contagious, tumultuous, discontented
organization.
There is more to the same effect in this document that I should like
to read, but time does not serve, nor is it material, because there are
other independent utterances to which I must pass; and I do this for
the purpose of showing the consistent and persistent adhesion of the
President of the United States to the declarations with which he
started out when he commenced to administer the Government.
On the 30th day of January, 1886, the ordinary avenues of
communication with the public being inaccessible, President
Cleveland availed himself of the interviewer, and in the Boston
Herald was printed a long letter detailing in quotations a
conversation with President Cleveland, the many points of which will
be found below. This was after this controversy, if you call it so,
between the President and Senate, had begun to develop and there
were some indications of approaching misunderstanding or
disagreement:
He next spoke of his position toward the Senate in the matter of confirmations to
office. He said it gave him some anxiety, for the Senate had been a good while in
disclosing what it meant to do. “They seem”—
He says plaintively—
“to distrust me,” said he, “if I am to accept what I hear from others. But I hear
nothing from them. They have not called upon me for information or for
documents.”
That complaint no longer exists.
“I have tried”—
He says—
“to deal honorably and favorably by them. My purpose was announced at the
beginning of my administration. I meant then to adhere to it. I have never changed
it. I do not mean to change it in the future. It seems to me unjust and ungenerous
in them”—
That is, in the Senate—
“unjust and ungenerous in them to suspect that I do. If I had not meant to
adhere to my policy it would have been foolish in me to begin it. I should have
escaped much in refusing to begin it. It is not at all pleasant for me to disappoint,
and I fear sometimes to offend, my party friends. Nothing but a sense of duty has
brought me to this step. Why run all this risk and incur this hard feeling only in the
end to retreat? It seems to me it would have been as impolitic as it is wrong. No; I
have tried to be true to my own pledges and the pledges of my party. We both
promised to divorce the offices of the country from being used for party service. I
have held to my promise, and I mean to hold to it.”
Then there was an answer to a question propounded by the
interviewer, in which he defines his relation toward offensive
partisanship in the Democratic party:
“I did not propose to hold party service in the past in the Democratic ranks as
against a man. On the contrary, it gave him a strong, equitable claim to office. He
had been excluded for twenty-four years because he was a Democrat. He should be
remembered for the same reason when a Democratic administration came into
power, provided he was a competent man for the position to be filled. What I
understand by civil-service reform, as I am carrying it out, is that the office-holders
shall be divorced from politics while they fill their positions under this
government. That rule I have meant to stand by.” I asked him if he was aware of
any deviation from it among his appointees. “If there has been any,” said he, “it has
not been called to my attention.” I suggested that some such charge had been made
in New York. He said he did not believe that there was any foundation for it, and
that it was well known there that his wishes were that the office-holders should
attend to the duties of their positions, and interfere neither with candidates nor
election contests.
And here comes in the significant statement bearing upon the duty
of Republicans in connection with these suspensions and removals
from office:
“My removals from office, such as are made,” said he, “are made for cause. It
would be absurd for me to undertake to give the country my reasons in all cases,
because it would be impracticable. When I have removed a Republican for political
reasons or for any other reasons, I would apply the same rule to my own party. I
think the Republican Senators should be just enough to believe this of me. They
ought to appreciate that I am trying to do my duty. Why they should continue to
distrust me I do not see. They do not come to me either personally or by committee
to get an understanding of my attitude, or to obtain explanations on points of
action to which they object. They stand off and question the sincerity of my
purposes.”
The eight thousand six hundred and thirty-five fourth-class
postmasters and the six hundred and forty-three suspensions before
the Senate and the thousands of changes in other departments “are
made for cause,” not for political reasons merely; but to give those
who have been so removed the opportunity to explain or defend
themselves would be “absurd” and “impracticable.”
But this is not all. Later in the winter the Civil Service Commission
was reorganized, and in a newspaper printed in this city appeared a
statement alleged to be “personal” and included in quotation marks,
and which it is commonly reported was in the handwriting of the
President.
I cannot rid myself—
He said, after speaking about the personnel of the Civil Service
Commission—
I cannot rid myself of the idea that this civil-service reform is something
intended to do practical good and not a mere sentiment invented for the purpose of
affording opportunity to ventilate high-sounding notions and fine phrases.
He alludes to the action of the Civil-Service Commission about a
weigher in the city of Brooklyn, and says:
When the Civil Service Commission consulted with me as to the status of Mr.
Sterling and the true construction of the rule bearing upon that subject, I agreed
with them in their second opinion that the position of weigher was subject to an
examination, and that it should be filled by one who by means of a proper
examination under the law proved himself competent and eligible. But it seemed to
me that the good of the service required that the person to be appointed should be
possessed of certain traits and qualifications which no theoretical examination
would develop. One having in charge two or three hundred men of the class with
which a weigher has to deal should possess personal courage, energy, decision and
firmness of character. It is entirely certain that the possession of such
qualifications could not in the least be determined by the result of an examination
organized for the purpose of testing an applicant’s knowledge and education.
And he closes:
No cause can gain by injustice or by a twisting of its purposes to suit particular
tastes. And when a result is fairly reached through the proper operation of methods
adopted to further a reform, it should be accepted—especially by the friends of the
movement. They should not permit those of whom they require submission to say,
with any semblance of truth, that they themselves submit only when the result
accords with their views.
This closes the public declarations of the President of the United
States upon the views which he entertains as to the method and
plans and system upon which the public service is to be conducted
under his administration. There are some interesting details as to the
practical effects and results of the effort of the administration to
purify the public service, which I would be glad if I had time to refer
to, but I believe I will forbear. I can only say that it seems from an
inspection of the record as if the cry “put the rascals out” had been
changed in effect to “put the rascals in.” Of course Mr. President, no
party is exempt from accidents, no organization has a monopoly
either of good men or of bad men, and in calling attention to the
results of civil-service reform as applied to this administration, I
should be insincere if I were to assume that such results had followed
from any predetermined purpose to put bad men into office.
We heard a great deal during the campaign about the corruptions,
profligacy, misdeeds, and maladministration of Republican officials.
I can only say that in view of what has occurred under this
administration, if I were inclined to be uncharitable I could with
entire propriety say that while the Republican party was in power it
endeavored whenever it detected crime anywhere to punish it; but
one of the practical results of Democratic administration has been
the reverse, and that is to place in office a very large number of
admitted and convicted felons. I have before me a selection from
which I will, I believe, in support of this view of the case, give a law
extract, stating in advance that these compilations are made from
Democratic newspapers which, of course, is a mitigation of the
slander, though it does not necessarily destroy its credibility.
Mr. ——, of Baltimore, who was made an Indian inspector in 1885,
had been involved in notorious election frauds and was condemned
by the civil-service reform Independents of Maryland as a
companion of Higgins, as a ballot-box stuffer, and a professional
gambler.
The postmaster at Sioux City, Iowa, was convicted and sentenced
in Dakota for violation of the pension laws. The man who was
removed to make a place for this eminent civil-service reformer had
eight months yet to serve, and there was no complaint against him
even to the extent that he was an offensive partisan.
Mr. Holmes, a postmaster in Mississippi, had been involved in
notorious election-fraud scandals.
Mr. Shannon, appointed postmaster at Meriden, Miss., was the
editor of the Mercury newspaper, which after President Grant’s
death contained a rabid editorial attacking the General’s character;
and he had been indicted in the United States court for “unlawfully
and criminally conspiring with many others for the evasion of the
civil rights law.”
In Rhode Island a Democratic postmaster was appointed who had
been in the preceding three months arrested nine times for violation
of the liquor law.
In Pennsylvania a man was appointed in the Philadelphia Mint
who openly confessed to writing a forged letter from Neal Dow to be
used in influencing the German vote in the State of Ohio the
preceding year.
There have been some strange things done in Maine. I almost
hesitate to quote this, but if I am wrong the Senators from that State
will undoubtedly correct me. It is alleged that the postmaster in the
town of Lincolnville was at the time of his appointment actually in
the Portland jail, where he was serving a term for a misdemeanor.
An agent by the name of Judd, who was appointed in the Bureau of
Labor Statistics, was, upon inquiry as to the fact whether he had
been a horse-thief and served in the penitentiary, suspended from
office. The writer states that the only ground for supposing that he
was not a horse thief arose from the fact that they do not put men in
the penitentiary for stealing horses out West: that if he was alive it
was a reasonable, natural conclusion that he had not stolen any
horses. Nobody denied the penitentiary.
A gentleman named Richard Board, of Kentucky, was appointed in
July, on the recommendation of Comptroller Durham, clerk in the
railway mail service and assigned to duty in New Mexico. This is
under the Postmaster-General, who found leisure between removing
postmasters every fifteen minutes to appoint this man in another
branch of the service where he incautiously mentioned to his friends
something about his previous history, and it appeared that he had
been three times arrested in Cincinnati for obtaining money under
false pretenses, that he had been twice arrested for stealing in
Kentucky, and once in Texas—a variegated and diversified career.
“No pent up Utica” contracted his powers. He had stolen in three
states. His father was a very wealthy man in high standing who had
spent a great deal of money to protect his son, and through him he
secured the endorsement of Comptroller Durham, and after he had
been in service for a few weeks he committed a number of robberies,
stole $163 from the money order service, and at the date of this
communication was lying in jail at Santa Fé awaiting trial.
The Senator from Indiana [Mr. Voorhees] yesterday took
occasion to advert with somewhat of animated hilarity to the
suggestion of the Senator from Iowa about the evolutionary
condition of the Democratic party, and dwelt with considerable
unction upon a term that the Senator from Iowa had applied to the
Democracy in his very able and interesting speech: “a protoplasmic”
cell, and the Senator then proceeded to give us the definition of the
term as it appears in the dictionaries, and suggested that if those
facts had been known at the time when the canvass was pending Mr.
Cleveland would undoubtedly have been counted out in New York.
The Senator from Iowa might have gone further in his application
of the doctrine of evolution with much propriety. Geology teaches us
that in the process of being upward from the protoplasmic cell,
through one form of existence to another there are intermediary and
connecting stages, in which the creature bears some resemblance to
the state from which it has emerged and some to the state to which it
is proceeding. History is stratified politics; every stratum is
fossiliferous; and I am inclined to think that the political geologist of
the future in his antiquarian researches between the triassic series of
1880 and the cretaceous series of 1888 as he inspects the jurassic
Democratic strata of 1884 will find some curious illustrations of the
doctrine of political evolution.
In the transition from the fish to the bird there is an anomalous
animal, long since extinct, named by the geologists the pterodactyl,
or the winged reptile, a lizard with feathers upon its paws and
plumes upon its tail. A political system which illustrates in its
practical operations the appointment by the same administration of
Eugene Higgins and Dorman B. Eaton can properly be regarded as in
the transition epoch and characterized as the pterodactyl of politics.
It is, like that animal, equally adapted to waddling and dabbling in
the slime and mud of partisan politics and soaring aloft with
discordant cries into the glittering and opalescent empyrean of civil-
service reform.
The President closes his recent message to the Senate in this
language:
The pledges I have made were made to the people, and to them I am responsible
for the manner in which they have been redeemed. I am not responsible to the
Senate and I am unwilling to submit my actions and official conduct to them for
judgment.
There are no grounds for an allegation that the fear of being found false to my
professions influences me in declining to submit to the demands of the Senate. I
have not constantly refused to suspend officials, and thus incurred the displeasure
of political friends, and yet willfully broken faith with the people for the sake of
being false to them.
Neither the discontent of party friends nor the allurements constantly offered of
confirmation of appointees conditioned upon the avowal that suspensions have
been made on party grounds alone, nor the threat proposed in the resolution now
before the Senate that no confirmations will be made unless the demands of that
body be complied with, are sufficient to discourage or deter me from following in
the way which I am convinced leads to better government for the people.
He is not responsible to the Senate, nor is the Senate responsible
to him; both are alike responsible to the people. But in the cases at
bar we are compelled to inquire, in justice to the people, whether
those pledges have been redeemed, or whether they have been
broken, violated, and disregarded. Had the patronage of the
Government, within proper limits, been turned over for its exercise
to the party intrusted with power by a majority of the people there
could have been no complaint, but upon the assurances that I have
read, the declaration was made that in every case where an
incumbent was competent and qualified he should remain in office
till the expiration of his term.
When, therefore, some were suspended and others were left, what
is the irresistible inference, after the declarations of the President,
except that these persons were suspended for cause either affecting
their personal integrity or their official administration? Upon the
ground, then, of personal justice, if no other, we are entitled to know
whether wrong has been done by the accusations that have been filed
in the Departments, so that we may protect those who are unable to
defend themselves from injustice and defamation.
But there is another reason, and to me a still more convincing
reason, why we should be advised in the case of these suspensions
what are the papers, the official documents, and the reports on the
files of the departments affecting the administration of these offices,
and that is this: under the tenure-of-office act, every official
suspended is reinstated by the provisions of section 1768 of the
Revised Statutes, if the Senate adjourns without confirming the
designated person, and continues to exercise and discharge the
duties of that office, until he is again suspended by the President.
Therefore, in acting upon these cases we have a double duty to
perform; in the first place, to decide whether the person suspended
was properly suspended, and in the next place, whether he is a
competent person to be restored to office under and by virtue of the
operation of the statute under which he was suspended. If he is not a
competent person then he ought not to be restored, and we cannot
determine whether he is competent and qualified and fit to discharge
the duties of that office until we have the official declarations and
statements upon which the action of the President was based.
Since this debate began, there are indications that the President
has become convinced that his position is untenable, and that he has
concluded to yield to the reasonable requests of the Senate and
relieve suspended officials from the otherwise inevitable imputations
upon their conduct and character. I find the following
correspondence in one of the metropolitan journals, which if
authentic relieves the relation between the President and the Senate
of the principal restraint:
Committee on Finance, United States Senate, March 17, 1886.
Dear Sir: Will you please advise the Committee on Finance whether or not there
are any papers or charges on file reflecting against the official or moral character of
——, late collector of internal revenue for the first district of ——, suspended?
If there are any such papers or charges will you please communicate their nature
and character to the committee?
Respectfully, yours,
D. MANNING, Secretary.