Attending to the Big Picture: Mood and Global versus Local Processing of Visual

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Author(s): Karen Gasper and Gerald L. Clore
Source: Psychological Science, Vol. 13, No. 1 (Jan., 2002), pp. 34-40
Published by: Sage Publications, Inc. on behalf of the Association for Psychological Science
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 PSYCHOLOGICAL SCIENCE

Research Article

ATTENDING TO THE BIG PICTURE:

Mood and Global Versus Local Processing of Visual Information

Karen Gasper1 and Gerald L. Clore2

'The Pennsylvania State University and2 University of Virginia

Abstract - Two experiments employed image-based tasks to testThey

the found that participants in happy moods tended to rely on the ac-
hypothesis that happier moods promote a greater focus on the cessible
forest knowledge (i.e., the restaurant script) to organize and remem-
and sadder moods a greater focus on the trees. The hypothesis
berwas
the story more than individuals in sad moods did. Individuals in
based on the idea that in task situations, affective cues may be experi-
sad moods focused instead on the incoming information about specific
enced as task-relevant information, which then influences globalbehaviors.
ver- Presumably, these results were due to the ambient feelings
sus local attention. Using a serial-reproduction paradigm, Experiment
of mood being misattributed to the task and experienced as informa-
tioninabout the appropriateness of relying on accessible knowledge
1 showed that individuals in sad moods were less likely than those
happier moods to use an accessible global concept to guide attempts
(e.g., the script). In related research, this informational hypothesis was
to reproduce a drawing from memory. Experiment 2 investigated the by including conditions that made it clear that feelings were ir-
tested
relevant
same hypothesis by assessing the use of global and local attributes to to the task at hand. Under those conditions, mood effects
classify geometric figures. As predicted, individuals in sad moodswere
wereinvariably eliminated or reversed, implicating the information
less likely than those in happier moods to classify figures on thevalue of the affective cues as the critical factor in them. Such reversals
basis
of global features. have been found for the effects of mood both on judgment (e.g.,
Gasper & Clore, 1998, 2000; Schwarz & Clore, 1983) and on perfor-
mance (e.g., Dienes, 1996; Isbell, 1999; Sinclair, Mark, & Clore,
Feelings can influence the way people think about their world. Pos-
1994).
itive mood is associated with using stereotypes (Bodenhausen, Kramer,
An implication of this research that has not been previously tested
& Susser, 1994), scripts (Bless et al., 1996), and expectations (Isbell,
concerns the role of mood in global versus local processing. Research
1999), whereas negative mood is associated with greater accuracy
indicates that focusing on global rather than local stimuli is usually the
(Alloy, Abramson, & Viscusi, 1981), lower false positive recognition
dominant, accessible strategy. In visual perception research, Navon
(Bless et al., 1996), and resistance to heuristic error (Gasper, 1999).
(1977) showed that global features take precedence over local fea-
Sometimes these mood effects are viewed as biases in judgment or
tures, so that focusing on the forest is a more accessible strategy than
disruptions in processing. Increasingly, however, psychologists are
focusing on the trees. Similarly, Fiske and Taylor (1991) concluded
adopting a functional view of affect (e.g., Damasio, 1994; Forgas,
that attending to global, general information is a normative, and hence
1995; Salovey & Mayer, 1990). For example, the affect-as-informa-
accessible, strategy. If positive feelings are experienced more than
tion approach (Schwarz & Clore, 1983, 1988, 1996) sees affective
negative feelings as informing individuals that the accessible strategy
feelings as consciously accessible information from ongoing, noncon-
is sufficient, and the global strategy is generally highly accessible,
scious appraisals. Recent versions of this approach (e.g., Clore &
then positive feelings should foster more global processing than do
Gasper, 2000; Clore, Wyer, et al., 2001; Wyer, Clore, & Isbell, 1999)
negative feelings. A second reason to expect such a link comes from
also propose that in task situations, cues from happy and sad moods
action identification theory. Vallacher and Wegner (1987) showed that
may be experienced as information that promotes attention to global
after a success, individuals are likely to describe their actions in terms
and local information, respectively. In this article, we report two ex-
of general goals. And after encountering an obstacle, individuals are
periments investigating this lev els-of -focus hypothesis. Before elabo-
likely to describe their actions in terms of specific, detailed goals.
rating this hypothesis, we discuss the affect-as-information approach.
These findings also are consistent with the idea that positive affect
The general approach assumes that feelings guide processing when
promotes a more global focus than does negative affect. Therefore, the
they are experienced as information relevant to the task at hand. Al-
levels-of-focus hypothesis (Clore, Wyer, et al., 2001) proposes that af-
though positive feelings usually confer positive value and negative
fective feelings, when experienced as task-relevant information,
feelings confer negative value, the object of value depends on what is
should influence the extent to which information is processed at a glo-
in mind at the time. What is in mind during cognitive tasks may in-
bal versus local level. This general association between affect and
clude the beliefs, expectations, and inclinations that are most accessi-
level of focus also is implied by other formulations maintaining that
ble. If so, then on such tasks, affective feelings may be experienced as
positive moods should be associated with information integration
information about the value of such accessible information, with posi-
(Isen, 1987), with reliance on general as opposed to detailed informa-
tive affect promoting greater reliance on accessible information than
tion (Schwarz, 1990), and with the use of general knowledge struc-
negative affect does.
tures (Bless & Fiedler, 1995).
To test these ideas, Bless et al. (1996) examined mood effects on
We investigated the levels-of-focus hypothesis in two experiments
recognition memory for a story about a couple going out to dinner.
that involved visual information processing. The first experiment ex-
amined whether mood would play a role in one of Bartlett's classic
memory experiments. Using his method of serial reproduction, Bart-
Address correspondence to Karen Gasper, The Pennsylvania State Univer- lett (1932) found that global schemas were used to interpret and re-
sity, Department of Psychology, 437 Moore Building, University Park, PA construct previous experience. For example, he showed participants a
16802; e-mail: kxg20@psu.edu. drawing of an African shield, which they were later asked to draw

34 Copyright © 2002 American Psychological Society VOL. 1 3, NO. 1 , JANUARY 2002

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 PSYCHOLOGICAL SCIENCE

Karen Gasper and Gerald L. Clore

from memory. Their drawings were then shown to other participants,

and positive" and "sad and negative" they had felt writing their stories,
on These
who subsequently tried to reproduce them from memory. a scale repro-
ranging from 0 {not at all) to 7 {very).
Objective
ductions were then given to a third group to draw, and so ratings. Objective ratings of each drawing on five di-
on. Beneath
mensions
the original drawing (see Fig. 1) was written, "portrait were obtained from at least three trained raters who were
d'homme"
blind
("portrait of a man"). Bartlett found that over trials, the to condition.
drawings wereDrawings were randomized for rating. The ratings
gradually assimilated to the schema of a face, a globalused a scale made
concept from 0 {not at all) to 10 {exactly) and were highly reli-
accessible by the title of the picture. This task illustrates how
able. The global rated and the degree of agreement among raters
dimensions
information can guide processing and help reconstruct were as follows:
memory. (a) For the original dimension (a = .96), raters an-
Bart-
swered
lett's paradigm allowed us to study the relative emphasis thepeople
that question, "Overall, how much does the picture look like
give to global cognitive concepts and local perceptual details. If affect
the original picture?" (The raters compared the picture to the original
is experienced as information about one's initial orientation toFor
drawing.) (b) thethe face dimension (a = .98), the following ques-
tionson
task, then positive feelings should lead to a greater focus were
thez-scored
globaland averaged together: "How much does the pic-
schema than negative feelings do. Thus, reproductions ture
of this drawing
resemble a face?" "Does the picture contain an eyelike structure?"
should become increasingly facelike if participants and are"Does
in positive
the picture contain a mouthlike structure?" (c) For the title
moods because their attention will be guided by thedimension
global concept
(a = .99), the question was, "How close is the wording on
"portrait," but reproductions should look less facelikethe
if picture
participants
to the original wording?" (d) For the complexity dimension
(a = .88), raters
are in negative moods because their focus will be on perceptual answered, "How complex is the drawing?" (e) Fi-
details
of the drawing. nally, the pictures were organized by drawing groups, and each was
rated for the extent to which it looked like the drawing immediately
prior to it in the chain (the prior dimension; a = .93).
EXPERIMENT 1

Method Results

Participants The data were analyzed at the group level using a series of 2
(mood: happy vs. sad) X 6 (drawing position) analyses of variance
Fifty-six men, 5 1 women, and 1 respondent who did not indicate
(ANOVAs), with drawing position as a repeated measures variable.
his or her sex participated in the experiment for credit toward a course
requirement. Mood check

Materials and procedure The mood manipulation was effective. Participants felt more posi-
tive (Ms = 4.65 vs. 2.16), F(l, 16) = 32.25,/? < .001, and less nega-
After an introductory period, respondents wrote about a personal
tive (Ms = 1.61 vs. 4.70), F(l, 16) = 108.94,/? < .001, after writing
life event that had made them feel either "happy and positive" or about
"sad a happy event than after writing about a sad event.
and negative" (Schwarz & Clore, 1983). The purpose of asking for de-
scriptions of life events was disguised in a cover story about obtaining
Objective ratings
information about personality. After 9 min, the experimenter stopped
Analyses of the ratings made by coders showed that mood affected
the participants and told them that they were going to see a drawing
the drawings as predicted. Compared with individuals in sad moods,
and should "figure out what the picture is and what it means." Respon-
dents studied the drawing for 15 s, completed miscellaneous question-
those in happy moods organized their drawings in terms of the global
naires for 8 min (a delay), and then attempted to reproduceschematic
the concept suggested by the title (see Table 1). Their drawings
drawing from memory. were more likely to contain schema-relevant details, such as the title
Each session included 3 to 9 participants who were randomly(Ms
as- = 3.16 vs. 0.95), F(l, 16) = 5.79, /? < .05, and facial features
(Ms = 0.38 vs. -0.38), F(l, 16) = 4.39,/? = .05.
signed to one of 18 (9 happy, 9 sad) drawing chains. The experiment
was run until all 18 groups had at least 6 participants in them. The firstAcross the six reproductions in each group, the drawings generally
person in each group saw a drawing of an African shield with the lost
titledetails. They began to look less like the original, F(5, 80) = 31.28,
/? < .001; were less likely to contain the title, F(5, 80) = 19.43, p <
"portrait d'homme." In a later session, a person saw that first person's
.001; became less complex, F(5, 80) = 10.61, p < .001; and looked
attempt at a reproduction, and then in the next session the next person
more like the drawing preceding them, F(5, 80) = 2.99, p < .05.
saw that person's reproduction, and so on until there were six repro-
ductions, all in the same mood condition. As predicted, these trends differed by mood. Sad-mood drawings
became less facelike with successive reproductions, F(5, 80) = 3.68,
Subjective ratings. Without being able to refer to any of the draw-
p < .01, whereas happy-mood drawings did not, F < 1. Also, com-
ings, participants made several ratings of their drawings from memory
using a scale ranging from 0 {does not describe it) to 10 {perfectlypared
de- with happy-mood drawings, sad-mood drawings looked less like
scribes it). They rated how much their drawing looked like a the faceoriginal drawing (Ms = 2.59 vs. 4.37), F(l, 16) = 10.72,/? < .01,
(three items; a = .80), how well they recalled the title (two items; and
r = less like the immediately prior drawing in the chain (Ms = 6.40
.52), and whether the drawing was in an abstract or realistic style vs. 7.33), F(l, 16) = 8.28, p < .05. This finding was particularly true
near the beginnings of the chains; toward the ends of the chains, when
(three items; a = .60). Respondents also rated their drawing for how
drawings became simplified, the drawings of individuals in sad moods
well they had recalled the details, how difficult it had been to draw,
how close it was to the drawing that they had seen, and how manyshowed
de- an increasing tendency to resemble the immediately prior
drawings, F(5, 80) = 2.19,/? < .07 (see Table 1).
tails they had added and deleted. Finally, they were asked how "happy

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 PSYCHOLOGICAL SCIENCE

Mood and Global Versus Local Processing

Fig. 1. A sample of serial reproductions of a drawing from memory. From Remembering: A

Study in Experimental and Social Psychology, by F.C. Bartlett, 1932, pp. 175-176. Copyright
1932 by Cambridge University Press. Reprinted with permission.

Subjective ratings ings of details recalled and task difficulty were influenced only by
drawing position, F(5, 80) = 2.73, p < .05, and F(5, 80) = 6.35, p <
Participants' ratings of their own drawings produced similar re-
.01, respectively. The three ratings that reflected faithfulness of the re-
sults. Over trials, the drawings looked less like faces, F(5, 80) = 2.95, were also influenced only by drawing position: for simi-
productions
p < .01, and were less likely to contain a title, F(5, 80) = 16.1 to
larity 1, the
p < prior drawing, F(5, 80) = 5.82, p < .01; for details added,
.001. Planned contrasts revealed that the extent to which F(5,
the pictures
80) = 4.63, p < .01 ; and for details deleted, F(5, 80) = 7.22, p <
degraded depended on mood (see Table 1). As the number .01.of repro-
(See Table 2.)
ductions increased, sad-mood drawings lost their global features and
looked less facelike, F(5, 80) = 3.81, p < .01. In contrast, drawings of
Discussion
participants in happy moods retained the global features and facelike
appearance (F < 1). Also, sad participants were less likely than
Thishappy
experiment examined the effect of mood on memory for an
participants to recall the title that provided the schema (Ms = 3.67
abstract vs.
drawing that suggested a facial schema. Consistent with pre-
5.00), F(l, 16) = 5.23, p < .05. In general, mood influenced subjec-
dictions, the results indicate that compared with individuals in happier
tive ratings that were relevant to the global schema of the pictures
moods, those in sadder moods were less likely to rely on the global in-
formation
(face and title ratings) but not ratings relevant to the aschematic suggested by the title and form of the picture. Conse-
(i.e.,
style, all ps > .29) aspects of the pictures. quently, they drew pictures that were less like the original, less like a
Although mood influenced the content of the pictures, itface,
had and less likely to contain the title. Such differences were appar-
no ef-
ent in both
fects on reports of ability or motivation to reproduce the pictures. objective and subjective ratings and became greater in later
Rat-

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 PSYCHOLOGICAL SCIENCE

Karen Gasper and Gerald L. Clore

Table 1. Average objective and subjective ratings by mood and drawing position in Experiment 1

Drawing position
Rating dimension

and mood Overall 12 3 4 5 6 Significance

Objective ratings
Original
Happy 4.37** 6.55 4.99 4.23 4.09 3.19 2.99 ***
(1.96) (1.87) (1.99) (1.87) (0.89) (1.61) (1.24)
Sad 2.59 5.75 3.74 2.19 1.84 1.14 0.87 ***
(2.25) (2.13) (1.92) (1.51) (1.43) (1.02) (0.87)
Face
Happy 0.38* 0.43 0.39 0.31 0.42 0.46 0.27 n.s.
(0.85) (0.41) (0.63) (0.85) (0.99) (1.10) (1.11)
Sad -0.38 0.01 0.01 -0.44 -0.42 -0.77 -0.69 **
(0.94) (0.88) (0.92) (0.94) (1.00) (0.88) (0.95)
Title
Happy 3.16* 7.56 4.09 3.67 1.63 1.02 1.02 ***
(4.04) (4.30) (4.72) (4.15) (2.32) (2.09) (2.09)
Sad 0.95 5.14 0.33 0.19 0.00 0.00 0.00 ***
(2.57) (4.29) (1.00) (0.58) (0.00) (0.00) (0.00)
Prior
Happy 7.33** 6.55 6.63 7.44 7.57 7.98 7.82 n.s.
(1.62) (1.72) (1.85) (1.22) (1.48) (0.83) (2.15)
Sad 6.40 5.75 5.33 6.06 7.28 6.63 7.34 +
(1.83) (2.13) (1.54) (2.21) (1.34) (1.48) (1.60)

Subjective ratings
Face
Happy 5.50 ns 5.85 5.59 5.26 6.30 4.70 4.96 n.s.
(2.44) (2.42) (2.15) (2.13) (2.91) (2.64) (2.54)
Sad 4.78 5.67 6.37 5.89 4.07 3.30 3.37 **
(2.75) (2.34) (2.29) (1.97) (2.39) (3.66) (2.44)
Title
Happy 5.00* 8.00 5.89 5.33 4.33 3.83 2.61 ***
(3.04) (2.44) (1.45) (2.00) (3.69) (3.15) (2.43)
Sad 3.67 8.44 4.17 2.72 3.11 2.78 0.78 ***
(3.21) (1.33) (2.65) (2.54) (2.43) (2.55) (1.72)

Note. Standard deviations are in parentheses. The objective face ratings are based on z
significant main effect of mood. The last column indicates whether the planned compariso
is significant. Data for complexity and style are not shown because ratings on these dime
order.
+p < .10. *p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.

reproductions. Moreover, mood generally affected the content of the Ward, Achee, & Wyer, 1993) or that further processing is unnecessary
drawings, but not the complexity of the drawings or participants' be- (Clore, Schwarz, & Conway, 1994). Thus, compared with sadder moods,
liefs about their ability to reproduce the pictures. moods that are more positive might lead to reduced processing by de-
These results are consistent with the hypothesis that affective feel- creasing the capacity, the motivation, or the apparent necessity for fur-
ings influence the kind of information to which one attends (Clore, ther processing.
Gasper, & Garvin, 2001; Clore, Wyer, et al., 2001; Wyer et al., 1999). The current results are more consistent with hypotheses about glo-
However, there are alternative possible accounts. Most other explana- bal-local attention than with hypotheses about amount of processing.
tions assume that mood has its effects by influencing the amount of The results provide no evidence that sad affect elicited more extensive
processing. Capacity explanations assume that happy moods activate a processing than did positive affect. Participants in sadder moods did
larger network of associations than sad moods, thereby reducing the not have superior recall of the picture, produce more complex draw-
resources available for effortful processing (Mackie & Worth, 1989; ings, or demonstrate better overall performance than those in happier
Worth & Mackie, 1987). Motivational explanations assume that par- moods. In fact, their drawings looked less like the original than those
ticipants avoid expending effort on tasks that are not enjoyable in or- of happy participants.
der to maintain their currently happy state (Isen, 1987; Wegener, Petty, This pattern suggests that negative affect inhibited a global focus.
& Smith, 1995). Alternatively, the information provided by positive Consequently, sad participants did not use the global schema to help
affect may signal that one's goal has already been achieved (Martin, reconstruct the image. In contrast, more positive affective feelings re-

VOL. 1 3, NO. 1 , JANUARY 2002 37

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 PSYCHOLOGICAL SCIENCE

Mood and Global Versus Local Processing

Table 2. Average effect of drawing position on participants '

impressions about the task in Experiment 1

Drawing position

Rating dimension 12 3 4 5 6
Details recalled 2.28 2.83 2.78 3.17 3.72 3.11
(2.99) (3.47) (3.42) (4.08) (4.48) (2.31)
Difficulty 4.94 4.72 3.56 3.06 1.44 2.11
(2.31) (2.78) (2.23) (2.69) (1.58) (2.11)
Similarity to prior 5.44 5.83 6.78 7.72 7.89 7.94
drawing (1.95) (1.98) (2.02) (1.49) (2.05) (1.70)
Details added 2.56 3.06 1.72 1.44 0.67 1.39
(2.09) (1.83) (1.78) (1.46) (0.84) (1.85)
Details deleted 4.67 4.56 2.61 3.44 1.39 1.83
(1.85) (2.68) (1.54) (2.66) (1.33) (1.95)

Note. Standard deviations are in parentheses. On all these measures,

there was a significant effect for drawing position.

Fig. 2. Sample item from the global-local focus test (Kimch

Palmer, 1982, p. 526). Reprinted with the permission of R. Kimchi.

suited in a focus on global aspects, because participants relied on the

pled together led us to expect that the neutral-mood responses wo
title and form of the drawing as a guide. The stimuli that individuals
differ more from sad-mood responses than from happy-mood
focused on, however, also differed along a variety of other dimen-
sions. For instance, individuals in happy moods also focused on the
sponses.
lexical aspects more than those in sad moods, and perhaps this ex-
plains their apparent focus on global features. To rule out such alterna-Method
tive explanations, we conducted a second experiment that examined
Participants
whether the same pattern of results could be obtained with stimuli for
which the global and local aspects were more similar.
Thirty-one men and 38 women participated in the experiment for
Experiment 2 employed a task in which the same objects were
credit toward a requirement in their introductory psychology class.
sometimes the global and sometimes the local stimulus (Kimchi &
Palmer, 1982). Participants saw an overall shape (e.g., a triangle)
Materials and procedure
made up of smaller geometric figures (e.g., triangles). Their task was
to indicate which of two other figures (e.g., a square made of triangles
The mood-induction procedure was similar to that used in the first
or a triangle made of squares) was more similar to this target figure
experiment, but with the addition of the neutral-mood condition. In the
(see Fig. 2). To the extent that mood influences attention to global ver-
neutral condition, participants wrote about an "average, normal, typi-
sus local aspects of stimuli, individuals in sad moods should be less
cal weekday." After writing for 9 min, participants received the shape
likely than those in happier moods to match figures based on the over-
task. On each trial, they had to indicate which of two comparison fig-
all global shape of the target and more likely to match figures based on
ures was more similar to a target figure (see Kimchi & Palmer, 1982).
the smaller, local, constituent figures.
Each figure could be viewed from either a global or a local perspective
(see Fig. 2). Each object was either a square or a triangle (global form)
EXPERIMENT 2
made up of smaller squares or triangles (local forms).
In this experiment, we investigated the levels-of-focusFor
hypothesis
each of 24 trials, participants indicated whether a target figure
was
by asking participants to rate whether a target object was moresimilar
more similar to a group of objects that matched its global shape or
to a or
to an object that matched its global, but not local, aspects group
oneof objects that matched its local components. The global
that
matched its local, but not global, aspects. This task differed
forms from
fit intothat
a 32-mm square, and the local forms into either an 8-mm
square
in Experiment 1 in that it did not involve exerting effort or a 10-mm square. Analyses revealed that the sizes of the
to remember
the image. Also, because the global versus local role of stimuli did not influence the results. The forms were combined to
the geometric
make 12
figures was varied experimentally, that was the only attribute oncombinations
which that were presented twice, to counterbalance
the stimuli differed. whether the local match appeared on the right or the left.
We included a neutral-mood condition, in addition to happy- and
After the shape task, participants completed irrelevant tasks for
sad-mood conditions. The affect-as-information hypothesis
about 8predicts
min. Then they indicated the extent to which they were cur-
that positive affect promotes reliance on responses that are experiencing
rently accessible various feelings, using a scale ranging from 0 (not
or normative. Research suggests that people generally at tend to(extremely).
all) to 4 be in These ratings formed measures of positive af-
positive moods (Diener & Diener, 1996). Moreover, the fect
research indi-
(a = .89: happy, glad, joyous, excited, elated, pleasant, and en-
thusiastic)
cating that attention to global information is a dominant response andwas
negative affect (a = .84: unhappy, afraid, anxious, sad,
conducted on participants in neutral moods. These twounhappy,
findingsnervous,
cou- unpleasant, depressed, and frustrated). Respon-

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 PSYCHOLOGICAL SCIENCE

Karen Gasper and Gerald L. Clore

dents also rated how writing about the personal life event made
cus them the idea that the information provided by positive affe
supports
feel, on a scale ranging from 0 (very negative) to 10 (very positive).
tive cues, whether resting or manipulated positive affect, fosters glob
Additionally, they answered the following questions on aprocessing.
scale rang-
The results
ing from 0 (not at all) to 10 (always; 5 = half of the time): "When you are consistent with the levels-of-focus hypothesi
did the shape task, to what extent did you say that the shapes
(Clore, go to-
Gasper, & Garvin, 2001; Clore, Wyer, et al., 2001), which pr
poses
gether based on the overall similarity in the form of the that(awhen affect is experienced as task-relevant informatio
pictures
square of triangles goes with a square of squares)?" and "To what affect
positive ex- privileges global, category-level attention more than
tent did you match the shapes based on the individual doeselements in affect. In contrast, the results do not appear to refle
negative
them (a square of triangles goes with a triangle of triangles)?"
differing amounts of processing. The more extensive processing oft
assumed to be associated with sad mood should not have influenced
Results the classification of geometric figures (Experiment 2), nor the ten-
dency to inhibit incorporation of schematic information (Experiment
Mood-manipulation check 1). These data are consistent with previous research indicating that in
task situations, affect may provide information about the value of ac-
According to the self-reports, writing about the life event made in-
cessible beliefs and inclinations. Moreover, the results extend this
dividuals in the negative-mood condition feel less positive than those
logic to show that such affective information also influences global
in the positive- and neutral-mood conditions (Ms = 4.00 vs. 6.67 and
versus local visual processing.
6.05), F(l, 66) = 19.56, p < .001. The measures of positive and nega-
Supporting evidence for the informational interpretation of such
tive affect showed the same pattern. A 3 (mood) X 2 (valence of af-
processing effects comes from previous studies that manipulated the
fect) ANOVA, with valence of affect being a repeated measure,
apparent information value of the induced feelings (e.g., Dienes, 1996;
revealed that individuals in the positive- and neutral-mood conditions
Isbell, 1999; Sinclair et al., 1994). For example, Isbell (1999) showed
tended to report more positive than negative affect compared with
that individuals in happy moods used global stereotypes, whereas
those in the negative-mood condition (Mm = 0.29 and 0.69 vs. -0.19),
those in sad moods focused more on specific behaviors, when forming
F(l,66) = 3.29,p = .07.
impressions of a character in a story. However, when the true cause of
the participants' feelings was made salient before they read the story
Shape task (undermining the information value of their feelings), the effects of
mood were reversed, suggesting that the effects were mediated by the
The number of times that participants matched the shapes on the
apparent informativeness of mood-based feelings.
basis of their global form rather than their local details was calculated.
Although the current experiments are some of the first to illustrate
As predicted, individuals in negative moods were less likely than indi-
the effects of state affect on global versus local processing, similar re-
viduals in positive or neutral moods to use the global form as a basis
sults have been reported for trait affect. Basso, Schefft, Ris, and Dem-
for matching the objects (Ms = 1 1.76 vs. 15.88 and 15.35), F(l, 66) =
ber (1996) found that global classification was positively associated
4.05, p = .05. Participants' self-reports indicated that they also accu-
with trait happiness and optimism, and negatively correlated with trait
rately perceived the basis of their choices. Participants in sad moods
depression and anxiety. Derryberry and Reed (1998) also found that
reported basing their choices less on the global forms than did partici-
attention to local details was associated with trait anxiety in threat-ori-
pants in positive moods (Ms = 5.36 vs. 7.00), F(l, 66) = 3.52, p <
ented situations. Thus, situational and chronic affect might influence
.07. They also reported basing their choices more on the local details
these processes via similar mechanisms. The results suggest that posi-
than did individuals in positive moods (Ms = 4.88 vs. 3.08), F(l, 66) =
tive and negative affective cues make different, but perhaps equally
4.09, p<. 05.
important, contributions to information processing. For example, posi-
tive affect might elicit attention to the larger meaning of poetry, music,
GENERAL DISCUSSION
and art, whereas negative affect might focus attention on the meter of
These two experiments indicate that individuals in sad the moods
poetry, the
are rhythm of the music, and the texture of a brush stroke.
The findings
less likely to see the forest and more likely to see the trees suggest that one's perception of novel stimuli involves an
than indi-
interplayare
viduals in happier moods. Specifically, when affective feelings of both
ex- local and global attention that is guided by positive
and negative
perienced as task relevant, they appear to guide whether one adopts aaffective reactions.
global or a more local focus. Experiment 1 examined this issue by
varying mood in a replication of Bartlett's (1932) classic study of con- - This research was supported by National Science
Acknowledgments
structive memory. The details of an ambiguous drawingFoundation Grant SBR 96-01298, National Institute of Mental Health
were assimi-
Grant
lated to the global schema of a human face more by people inMH 50074, and a John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation
happier
Grant (32005-0) to the Center for Advanced Study in the Behavioral Sci-
than by those in sadder moods. This pattern was confirmed in a second
ences. We thank Margaret Kosman, Angela Scarpaci, Carrie Grady, Nerissa
experiment in which geometric figures were categorized Beltran,
by their Mattglo-
Gelsthorpe, Sarah Oschack, Adam Joncich, Irene Piven, Di-
bal shape more by people in manipulated and resting happy moods
ana Risotto, Sarah Riley, and Rachel Malis for assistance in data collection
than by those in sad moods. and coding.
It should be noted that participants in the neutral-mood condition
of Experiment 2 rated their mood as quite positive and showed a glo-
bal focus similar to that of participants in the positive-mood condition.
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