Public Policy in Als MND Care An International Perspective 1St Ed Edition Robert H Blank All Chapter
Public Policy in Als MND Care An International Perspective 1St Ed Edition Robert H Blank All Chapter
Public Policy in Als MND Care An International Perspective 1St Ed Edition Robert H Blank All Chapter
Edited by
Robert H. Blank · Jerome E. Kurent · David Oliver
Public Policy in ALS/MND Care
Robert H. Blank
Jerome E. Kurent • David Oliver
Editors
Public Policy in
ALS/MND Care
An International Perspective
Editors
Robert H. Blank Jerome E. Kurent
University of Canterbury, Medical University of South Carolina
Christchurch, New Zealand Charleston, SC, USA
David Oliver
University of Kent
Canterbury, UK
© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer
Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2021
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Foreword
v
vi FOREWORD
References
Mitsumoto, H., M. Bromberg, W. Johnston, R. Tandan et al. (2005). Promoting
excellence in end-of-life care in ALS. Amyotrophic Lateral Sclerosis and
Frontotemporal Degeneration 6 (3): 145–54.
Sherman, A.V., A.K. Gubitz, A. Al-Chalabi, R. Bedlack et al. (2013). Infrastructure
resources for clinical research in amyotrophic lateral sclerosis. Amyotrophic
Lateral Sclerosis and Frontotemporal Degeneration 14 (Suppl 1): 53–61.
Chad, D.A., S. Bidichandani, L. Bruijn, J.D. Capra et al. (2013). Funding agencies
and disease organizations: Resources and recommendations to facilitate ALS
clinical research. Amyotrophic Lateral Sclerosis and Frontotemporal Degeneration
14 (Suppl 1): 62–66.
Preface
ix
x PREFACE
xi
xii CONTENTS
xv
xvi NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS
decisions for care and quality of life. Her teaching work is in convening
and delivering healthcare safety and quality and research units for the
Master of Health Service Management, and supervision of PhD students.
Wendy S. Johnston is Professor Medicine in the Division of Neurology
at the Faculty of Medicine and Dentistry at the University of Alberta,
Edmonton, Canada. As Medical Director of the University of Alberta
Amyotrophic Lateral Sclerosis Programme she leads a multidisciplinary
team dedicated to the care of patients with ALS and other motor neuron
diseases. Her research encompasses both qualitative research in ALS as
well as an active investigational drug trial programme. She serves on the
Board of ALS Canada and is past-Chair of the Canadian ALS Clinical
Research network.
Imen Kacem is the director of the ALS center in Department of
Neurology at Razi University Hospital. She is member in the ALS research
project and related syndromes in tropical zone (TROPALS). She won the
International Scholarship Award of the American Academy of
Neurology in 2017. She authored and co-authored many papers and
book chapters about ALS and CMT, such as Epidemiology of ALS and
Clinical Features of ALS in Africa.
Aqdas Kazi MBBS, MRCP, CCST (Palliative Medicine), is a consultant
in Palliative Medicine at Shifa International Hospital, Islamabad. After
MRCP and completion of four years of Specialized Registrar train-
ing, she received the Certificate of Completion of Specialized Training
in Palliative Medicine from the Royal College of the Physicians of the
UK. After working at Singapore General Hospital with the hospital
based palliative care team, she established the Palliative Care Unit at
Shifa and is the lead for Home Based Palliative care. She teaches
medical staff and has been an active advocate for Palliative Care at the
national level.
Satish Khadilkar is one of the first few Indian neurologists to pursue the
subspecialty of neuromuscular disorders, nationally and internationally.
He has been involved with a new clinical sign, sarcoglycanopathies and
dysferlinopathies and the gene in calpainopahties. He has over 130 publi-
cations to his credit and has written six and edited one book on neurology.
He has been trustee and secretary of the Muscular Dystrophy Society and
National Vice President of Multiple Sclerosis Society of India. He was the
xxii NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS
xxix
List of Tables
xxxi
CHAPTER 1
Abstract This chapter outlines the framework and goals of this cross-
national study of amyotrophic lateral sclerosis/motor neuron disease
(ALS/MND) policy. It also describes the key features of ALS/MND and
discusses criteria and associated challenges in making the diagnosis and the
importance of excluding ALS/MND mimics. Epidemiology, genetics and
possible environmental risk factors for ALS/MND are reviewed.
Management of symptoms, challenges confronting caregivers, including
access to palliative care and hospice during the end-of-life, and the broad
range of ethical issues surrounding ALS/MND care are highlighted. This
chapter examines the often-ignored public policy context and the impor-
tance of cultural and religious factors in understanding policy differences
which exist across countries. Finally, this chapter introduces the countries
J. E. Kurent
Medical University of South Carolina, Charleston, SC, USA
e-mail: kurentje@musc.edu
D. Oliver
University of Kent, Canterbury, UK
e-mail: drdjoliver@gmail.com
R. H. Blank (*)
University of Canterbury, Christchurch, New Zealand
e-mail: rblank24601@hotmail.com
selected for this study and summarizes the key topics of importance the
authors were asked to address in their chapters.
Introduction
Incurable progressive neurological disorders cause immense pain and suf-
fering for their victims and their families. The associated huge economic
and indirect costs to society are often difficult to calculate. A rapidly grow-
ing aging population in many regions of the world is strongly associated
with the increased incidence of neurodegenerative disease and has major
public policy implications. Amyotrophic lateral sclerosis/motor neuron
disease (ALS/MND) may be the prime example of a devastating rapidly
progressive neurodegenerative disease for which there is no cure or signifi-
cant disease-modifying therapy. Although there are three approved drugs
used for the treatment of ALS/MND, their benefits are limited, and most
other treatment options are limited primarily to symptom management.
There is a clear need for effective public policy and research focused on
ensuring optimal clinical care of patients with ALS/MND and provision
of adequate supportive services. Increased research funding focused on an
enhanced understanding of the etiology(ies) and pathophysiology of
ALS/MND and mechanisms of motor neuron cell death is expected to
lead to development of additional disease-modifying agents and ultimately
to a cure. There is also the potential that insights gained from the study of
ALS/MND may provide clues to other enigmatic neurodegenerative dis-
eases, including dementia, that plague our societies.
A primary goal of this book is to develop a compendium of public
policy summaries representative of many different countries across the
globe. It discusses a range of ALS/MND policy elements and perspectives
while providing a framework for understanding ALS/MND as it affects
patients and their families, professional caregivers and researchers. The
book should be of interest to those involved in health care policy and pub-
lic health as well as for ALS clinicians including neurologists, nurses, nurse
practitioners, allied health professionals and physicians’ assistants involved
in the complex range of issues related to ALS/MND. Additional stake-
holders who should find this book of interest include social workers, ALS
clinic coordinators and administrators and members of ALS and MND
1 INTRODUCTION TO PUBLIC POLICY OF ALS/MND 3
What Is ALS/MND?
ALS is a progressive fatal neuromuscular disease first described by Charcot
in 1869 which primarily affects spinal cord and brainstem motor neurons
and the upper motor neuron system. ALS may be regarded as a syndrome
rather than a specific disease entity. There is increasing evidence of wider
neuronal involvement, including the frontal lobes, and cortical and sub-
cortical regions (Westeneng et al. 2016). ALS is also known as Lou
Gehrig’s disease in the United States, named after the famous major league
baseball player who succumbed to this illness in 1941, whereas in the
United Kingdom, motor neuron disease is used to designate ALS. Within
the classification ICD-9 (code 335.2), the term motor neuron disease is
also indistinguishable from ALS. It has been suggested that the term
motor neuron diseases be used to include both ALS and its clinical sub-
types. Thus, ALS/MND as used here encompasses:
Spinal cord pathology that causes spinal cord and/or nerve root compression
(myeloradiculopathy) includes but is not limited to cervical spondylosis and meningioma
Autoimmune neuropathies—including multifocal motor neuropathy
Spinobulbar muscular atrophy (Kennedy’s disease)
Multiple sclerosis
Hereditary spastic paraplegia
Benign fasciculation syndrome
Myopathies—inclusion body myositis
Diabetic amyotrophy
Thyrotoxicosis
Hyperparathyroidism
As illustrated in Table 1.1, there are many conditions that can mimic
ALS/MND. A second independent opinion from a neuromuscular spe-
cialist having special expertise in ALS/MND is often requested by the first
neurologist suspecting ALS/MND in order to confirm the diagnosis of
what many consider to be a “death sentence.” Muscle biopsy and spinal
fluid examination are not considered necessary for routine evaluation of
patients suspected of having ALS/MND, but they may be helpful in diag-
nosing a suspected alternative condition or ALS mimic.
Criteria have been developed to assist with the diagnosis and manage-
ment of ALS. These include the modified El Escorial criteria (Brooks et al.
2000), which are particularly relevant when considering clinical drug tri-
als. The criteria suggest that for a diagnosis of ALS/MND, there should
be progressive upper and lower motor neuron deficits in at least one limb
or region of the human body (meeting the revised El Escorial criteria for
possible ALS) or lower motor neuron deficits as defined by clinical exami-
nation (one region) and/or by EMG in two body regions (defined as
bulbar, cervical, thoracic, lumbosacral). There must be progressive
changes, fasciculations and near normal motor nerve conduction and no
sensory abnormalities. There should be no abnormalities of the sensory
nervous system, no impairment of the visual or autonomic nervous system
and no sphincter involvement.
The Awaji criteria were subsequently developed and are based on the
expanded role of the electrophysiological diagnosis of ALS/MND (Chen
et al. 2010; Costa et al. 2012). Electromyography is a critical component
6 J. E. KURENT ET AL.
Epidemiology of ALS/MND
The incidence of ALS/MND across the world is unclear. A systematic
review suggests that the incidence in Europe is 2–3/100,000 with a prev-
alence of 5–7/100,000 population (Chio et al. 2013), while the incidence
of ALS in the United States is approximately 3–5/100,000. It is unclear if
the differences across countries relate to the design of studies, the ability
of patients to receive medical attention or differences in defining
ALS/MND.
Although considered a rare disease, the incidence of ALS/MND is
approximately one-half that of multiple sclerosis (MS). However, public
perception and general awareness of MS is much greater than that of
ALS/MND primarily due to the marked contrast in life expectancy for
victims of these two disorders. Although patients with MS face a reduction
in life expectancy of seven to twelve years (Magyari and Sorensen 2019),
most patients with ALS/MND will not survive more than three to five
years after diagnosis. The incidence of ALS/MND in the non-Caucasian
population and individuals of mixed ethnicity is considered less than
whites of European ancestry.
In the Western Pacific the incidence of ALS among the indigenous
Chamorros in Guam had occurred at rates 50 to 100 times that noted
elsewhere around the world (Armon 2013). ALS often co-existed with
Parkinson-dementia complex. The incidence of Guamanian ALS has dra-
matically dropped since World War II, and it is suspected that dietary tox-
ins present in cycad seed, which were used as a primary source of dietary
flour, along with a possible genetic predisposition, may have been at least
in part responsible for this phenomenon. Genetic susceptibility may have
contributed to an increased incidence of ALS in the Kii Peninsula of Japan,
which also represents a well-known, but poorly understood, ALS cluster.
1 INTRODUCTION TO PUBLIC POLICY OF ALS/MND 7
Genetics of ALS/MND
The genetics of ALS/MND has become increasingly complex. The first
ALS gene mutation—SOD1—was reported in 1993 (Rosen et al. 1993).
There are now more than twenty different genes known to cause ALS. The
majority of familial ALS is transmitted as a Mendelian autosomal domi-
nant gene, but penetrance may be incomplete. The most common
genes are:
conflicts and wars dating back to World War II. Numerous factors related
to military service have been considered, but without demonstrating a
direct causal link to ALS. These factors include burning oil fields, as in
Iraq, multiple immunizations, concussion and other physical and emo-
tional stressors, as well as nerve toxin antidotes, such as pyridostigmine.
Italian soccer players have also experienced a significantly increased risk of
developing ALS, but for unknown reasons. Occasional clustering of
patients with ALS/MND has been reported, suggesting possible common
environmental exposures, but with inconclusive findings.
Management of Symptoms
Multidisciplinary ALS clinics are considered the gold standard for provid-
ing comprehensive care (NICE 2016; Miller et al. 2009) and are widely
accessible through most of North America, the United Kingdom, Europe
and many countries around the globe. Their implementation has been
associated with improved quality of life and possibly extension of the natu-
ral history of ALS/MND (Aridegbe et al. 2013; Rooney et al. 2015). The
ALS Functional Rating Scale-Revised (ALS-FRS-R) is a tool routinely uti-
lized in multidisciplinary clinics to monitor overall clinical status of the
patient and is a reliable measure of clinical progression and loss of function
(Cedarbaum et al. 1999). Numerous excellent resources are available to
guide the clinical management of patients with ALS/MND (Miller et al.
1999; Miller et al. 2009; Bedlack and Mitsumoto 2013).
Most patients with ALS/MND will die of respiratory failure secondary
to weakness and atrophy of diaphragmatic and accessory muscles of respi-
ration. Patients will experience a wide range of disabling symptoms over
the course of their illness including dyspnea, weakness and atrophy, muscle
cramps, dysarthria, dysphagia, weight loss, pathological laughter and cry-
ing (pseudobulbar affect), drooling, pain, sleep disturbance and constipa-
tion (see Table 1.2). Multidisciplinary ALS clinics provide a wide range of
professional expertise required to assist with management of these symp-
toms while providing comprehensive care for the patient and support for
family caregivers.
10 J. E. KURENT ET AL.
Table 1.4 Triggers for initiating discussion about end-of-life issues in ALS/MND
• The patient or family asks, or “opens the door,” for end-of-life information and/or
possible interventions
• Severe psychological and/or social or spiritual distress or suffering
• Pain or other symptoms requiring higher than normal dosages of medications
• Dysphagia requiring a feeding tube
• Dyspnea or symptoms of hypoventilation, usually with reduced forced vital capacity
of 50 percent or less
• Loss of function in two body regions (bulbar, arms or legs)
Clinical Trials
ALS/MND clinical trials offer hope for patients, and many are eager to
participate. Clinical trial participation should be strongly encouraged.
Although most patients appear to fully understand that participation in
clinical trials will most likely not be of direct benefit to them, it is impor-
tant that they have this clear understanding prior to enrollment in the
interest of truth-telling and informed consent.
Genetic Testing
The genetics of ALS/MND have provided critical insights into molecular
mechanisms of motor neuron cell damage and death and offer hope that
meaningful therapies focused on specific gene defects can be developed.
Availability of genetic testing for ALS/MND varies greatly around the
world. There are numerous medical-ethical dilemmas arising from the
availability of genetic testing for ALS/MND. Continued acquisition of
1 INTRODUCTION TO PUBLIC POLICY OF ALS/MND 15
Language: English
—IT S—
JOSEPH M. WALSH,
AUTHOR OF
PHILADELPHIA:
HENRY T. COATES & CO.
COPYRIGHTED, 1892,
BY
JOSEPH M. WALSH.
Chapter Page
I. Early History 9-28
E A R LY H I S TO RY.
The history of Tea is intimately bound up with that of China, that is,
so far as the Western world is concerned, its production and
consumption being for centuries confined to that country. But, having
within the past two centuries become known and almost
indispensable as an article of diet in every civilized country of the
globe, it cannot but prove interesting to inquire into the progress,
properties and effects of a commodity which could have induced so
large a portion of mankind to abandon so many other articles of diet
in its favor, as well as the results of its present enormous
consumption.
Although now to be found in a wild state in the mountain-ranges of
Assam, and in a state of cultivation through a wide range from India
to Japan, the original country of Tea is not definitely known, but from
the fact of its being in use in China from the earliest times it is
commonly attributed to that country. Yet though claimed to have
been known in China long anterior to the Christian era, and even
said to have been mentioned in the Sao-Pao, published 2700 B. C.,
and also in the Rye, 600 B. C., the exact date or manner of its first
discovery and use in that country is still in doubt. One writer claims
that the famous herb was cultivated and classified in China 2000 B.
C., almost as completely as it is to-day, and that it was used as a
means of promoting amity between Eastern monarchs and
potentates at this early period. Chin-Nung, a celebrated scholar and
philosopher, who existed long before Confucius, is claimed to have
said of it: “Tea is better than wine, for it leadeth not to intoxication,
neither does it cause a man to say foolish things and repent thereof
in his sober moments. It is better than water, for it doth not carry
disease; neither doth it act as a poison, as doth water when the wells
contain foul and rotten matter,” and Confucius admonishes his
followers to: “Be good and courteous to all, even to the stranger from
other lands. If he say unto thee that he thirsteth give unto him a cup
of warm Tea without money and without price.”
A Chinese legend ascribes its first discovery to one Darma, a
missionary, famed throughout the East for his religious zeal, who, in
order to set an example of piety to his followers, imposed on himself
various privations, among which was that of forswearing sleep. After
some days and nights passed in this austere manner, he was
overcome and involuntarily fell into a deep slumber, on awakening
from which he was so distressed at having violated his vow, and in
order to prevent a repetition of allowing “tired eyelids to rest on tired
eyes,” he cut off the offending portions and flung them to the ground.
On returning the next day, he discovered that they had undergone a
strange metamorphosis, becoming changed into a shrub, the like of
which had never been seen before. Plucking some of the leaves and
chewing them he found his spirits singularly exhilarated, and his
former vigor so much restored that he immediately recommended
the newly discovered boon to his disciples.
Tradition, on the other hand, never at a loss for some marvelous
story, but with more plausibility, claims that the use of Tea was first
discovered accidentally in China by some Buddhist priests, who,
unable to use the brackish water near their temple, steeped in it the
leaves of a shrub, growing in the vicinity, with the intention of
correcting its unpleasant properties. The experiment was so
successful that they informed the inhabitants of their discovery,
subsequently cultivating the plant extensively for that express
purpose. While another record attributes its first discovery about
2737 B. C. to the aforementioned Chin-Nung, to whom all agricultural
and medicinal knowledge is traced in China. In replenishing a fire
made of the branches of the Tea plant, some of the leaves fell into
the vessel in which he was boiling water for his evening meal. Upon
using it he found it to be so exciting and exhilarating in its effects that
he continued to use it; imparting the knowledge thus gained to
others, its use soon spread throughout the country.
These accounts connected with the first discovery of the Tea plant in
China are purely fabulous, and it is not until we come down to the
fourth century of the Christian era that we can trace any positive
allusion to it by a Chinese writer. But, as the early history of nearly
every other ancient discovery is more or less vitiated by fable, we
ought not to be any more fastidious or less indulgent towards the
marvelous in the discovery of Tea than we are towards that of fire,
iron, glass or coffee. The main facts may be true, though the details
be incorrect; and, though the accidental discovery of fire may not
have been made by Suy-Jin in the manner claimed, yet it probably
was communicated originally by the friction of two sticks. Nor may it
be strictly correct to state that Fuh-he made the accidental discovery
of iron by the burning of wood on brown earth any more than the
Phœnicians discovered the making of glass by burning green wood
on sand, yet it is not improbable that some such accidental
processes first led to these discoveries. Thus, also, considerable
allowances are to be deducted from the scientific discoveries of
Chin-Nung in botany, when we read of his having, in one day,
discovered no less than seventy different species of plants that were
poisonous and seventy others that were antidotes against their
baneful effects.
According to some Chinese authorities, the Tea plant was first
introduced into their country from Corea as late as the fourth century
of the present era, from whence it is said to have been carried to
Japan in the ninth. Others again maintaining that it is undoubtedly
indigenous to China, being originally discovered on the hills of those
provinces, where it now grows so abundantly, no date, however,
being named. While the Japanese, to whom the plant is as valuable
as it is to the Chinese, state that both countries obtained it
simultaneously from Corea, about A. D. 828. This latter claim not
being sustained by any proof whatever—Von Siebold, to the contrary
—who, relying on the statements of certain Japanese writers to this
effect, argues in support of their assertions, the improbability of
which is unconsciously admitted by Von Siebold himself when he
observes “that in the southern provinces of Japan the tea plant is
abundant on the plains, but as the traveler advances towards the
mountains it disappears,” hence inferring that it is an exotic. The
converse of this theory holding good of China, a like inference tends
to but confirm their claim that with them the plant is indigenous. That
the Japanese did not originally obtain the plant from Corea but from
China is abundantly proven by the Japanese themselves, many of
whom admit that it was first introduced to their country from China
about the middle of the ninth century. In support of this
acknowledgment it is interesting to note, as confirming the Chinese
origin of tea, that there is still standing at Uji, not far from Osaka, a
temple erected on what is said to have been the first tea plantation
established in Japan, sacred to the traditions of the Japanese and in
honor of the Chinese who first introduced the tea plant into the Island
empire. Another more authentic account states that the Tea-seed
was brought to Japan from China by the Buddhist priest Mi-yoye,
about the beginning of the thirteenth century, and first planted in the
southern island of Kiusiu, from whence its cultivation soon spread
throughout that country.
Some English writers go so far as to claim that Assam, in India, is
the original country of tea, from the fact that a species has been
discovered there in a wild state as well as in the slopes of the
Himalaya mountains. But though found in both a wild and cultivated
state in many countries of the East at the present time, all its
Western traditions point to China, and to China only, as the original
country of Tea, and that the plant is native and indigenous to that
country is indisputably beyond question.
It was not known to the Greeks or Romans in any form; and that it
could not have been known in India in very early times is inferred
from the fact that no reference to the plant or its product is to be
found in the Sanscrit. But that the plant and its use, not only as an
agreeable and exhilarating beverage, but as an article of traffic
worthy of other nations, must have been known to the Chinese as
early as the first century of the Christian era, the following extract
from an ancient work entitled the “Periplous of the Erythræan Sea,”
may serve to prove. The author, usually supposed to be Arryan, after
describing “a city called Thinæ,” proceeds to narrate a yearly
mercantile journey to the vicinity of “a certain people called Sesatæi,
of short stature, broad faces, and flat noses”—evidently natives of
China—adds “that the articles they bring for traffic outwardly
resemble vine leaves, being wrapped in mats, which they leave
behind them on their departure to their own country in the interior.
From these mats the Thinæ pick out a haulm, called petros, from
which they draw the fibre and stalks; spreading out the leaves, they
double and make them up into balls, passing the fibre through them,
in which form they take the name of Malabathrum, and under this
name they are brought into India by those who so prepare them.”
Under any interpretation this account sounds like a remote, obscure
and confused story. Still one of the authors of the able “Historical
Account of China,” published in 1836, has ventured to identify this
Malabathrum of the Thinæ with the Tea of the Chinese. Vossius
Vincent and other authors, while admitting the difficulty of
understanding why it should be carried from Arracan to China, and
from China back to India, unhesitatingly assert that Malabathrum
was nothing more than the Betel-leaf, so widely used in the East at
the time as a masticatory. Horace mentions Malabathrum, but only
as an ointment. Pliny refers to it both in that sense and as a
medicine. Dioscorides describing it as a masticatory only. While the
author of the “Historical Account” prefers to consider the passage in
the Periplous as a very clumsy description of a process not
intelligently understood by the describer, but as agreeing far better
with the manipulation of Tea than with that of the Betel-leaf, and his
conjecture, unsupported as it is, merits citation if only for its
originality.
The first positive reference to Tea is that by Kieu-lung in the fourth
century, who not only describes the plant, but also the process of
preparing it, of which the following is a free and condensed
translation: “On a slow fire set a tripod, whose color and texture
show its long use, and fill it with clear snow-water. Boil it as long as
would be sufficient to turn cray-fish red, and throw it upon the
delicate leaves of choice Tea. Let it remain as long as the vapor
arises in a cloud and only a thin mist floats on the surface. Then at
your ease drink the precious liquor so prepared, which will chase
away the five causes of sorrow. You can taste and feel, but not
describe the state of repose produced by a beverage thus prepared.”
It is again mentioned by Lo-yu, a learned Chinese, who lived during
the dynasty of Tang, in 618, who became quite enthusiastic in its
praise, claiming that “It tempers the spirits, harmonizes the mind,
dispels lassitude and relieves fatigue, awakens thought and clears
the perceptive faculties,” and according to the Kiang-moo, an
historical epitome, an impost duty was levied on Tea as early as 782
by the Emperor Te-Tsing, and continued to the present day.
McPherson, in his “History of European Commerce with India,”
states that Tea is mentioned as the usual beverage of the Chinese
by Solieman, an Arabian merchant, who wrote an account of his
travels in the East about the year 850. By the close of the ninth
century, however, Tea was found in general use among the Chinese,
the tax upon it at that time being a source of considerable revenue
as recorded by Abuzeid-el-Hazen, an Arabian traveler cited by
Renaudot in a translation of his work. There is also independent
evidence furnished by two other Arabian travelers in a narrative of
their wanderings during the latter half of the ninth century, admitting
their statements to be trustworthy as to the general use of Tea as a
beverage among the Chinese at that period. Moorish travelers
appear to have introduced it into Mohammedan countries early in the
tenth century, and other travelers in China in the seventeenth give
most extravagant accounts of its virtues, which appears to have
been in very general use throughout the greater part of Asia at that
time.
Father de Rhodes, a Jesuit missionary, who entered China in 1633,
states that “the use of Tea is common throughout the East, and
begins, I perceive, to be known in Europe. It is in all the world to be
found only in two provinces of China, where the gathering of it
occupies the people as the vintage does us.” Adding that he found it
in his own case to be an instantaneous remedy for headache, and
when compelled to sit up all night to hear confessions its use saved
him from drowsiness and fatigue. Adam Olearius, describing the
travels of an embassy to Persia in 1631, says of the Persians: “They
are great frequenters of taverns, called Tzai Chattai, where they
drink Thea or Cha, which the Tartars bring from China, and to which
they assign extravagant qualities, imagining that it alone will keep a
man in perfect health, and are sure to treat all who visit them to this
drink at all hours.” These strong expressions as to the use of Tea,
applying as they do to a period not later than 1640, are sufficient to
prove that the ordinary accounts place the introduction of that
beverage as regards Europe, particularly the Continent, as too late.