STRANGERS AND SOJOURNERS

RELIGIOUS COMMUNITIES IN THE DIASPORA

GERRIE TER HAAR

(EDITOR)

PEETERS

1991\
Cover design by Diel Castelijn.

CONTENTS

Gerrie 'fER HAAR, Strangers and sojourners: an introduction. .. 1

Johannes TROMP, The ancient Jewish diaspora: some linguistic and

sociological observations. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 13

Gerrie 'fER HAAR, The African diaspora in Europe: some import-

ant themes and issues . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 37

Karel VAN DER TOORN, Near Eastern communities in the diaspora

before 587 BCE. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 59
GEORGETOWN UNIVERSITY
LIBRARIES Lucinda DIRVEN, The Palmyrene diaspora in East and West: a
Syrian community in the diaspora in the Roman period . .. 77
~OClll 4 1999 Martin BAUMANN, Sustaining 'little Indias': Hindu diasporas in
Europe. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 95

Nathal DESSING, The circumcision of Muslim boys in the Nether-

lands: how change occurs in a diaspora . . . . . . 133

Gerrie TER HAAR, African Christians in the Netherlands. 153

Patrick KAULOMBE, Black Christianity in Britain . . . . 173

John BEYA, The francophone presence in Britain revisited: an

analytical approach to French-speaking African congrega-
tions in Greater London. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 195

Ameie ADAMAVI-AHO EKuE, ... And how can I sing the Lord's
song in a strange land? A reinterpretation of the religious
experience of women of the African diaspora in Europe with
© 1998, Peeters, Bondgenotenlaan 153. B-3000 Leuven special reference to Germany. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 221

ISBN 90-42Q-0663-4 The Authors 235

D. I QQH/0602/2K I
Index. . . . 237
All rl.htl I'II'rvod.
 THE PALMYRENE DIASPORA IN EAST AND WEST
a Syrian community in the diaspora in the Roman period

Lucinda DIRVEN

The tenn diaspora originated in Jewish circles and is nonnally associ-

ated with Jewish and Christian groups. The present contribution seeks to
demonstrate that the phenomenon of diaspora is also an issue in antique
religions. It will be argued in the following pages that the religious
behaviour of pagani migrants in Late Antiquity was just as complex and
dynamic as that of migrants today. Studying the religious behaviour of
pagan communities therefore contributes to the understanding of the
phenomenon. In this article I intend to exemplify the phenomenon of
diaspora communities in the Roman period by means of a case study of
migrants from Palmyra, a city in the Syrian desert.

The Palmyrene diaspora

Although there are strong resemblances between pagan groups and Jew-
ish and Christian communities living in the diaspora, it is important to
stress that there is a crucial difference which is bound to have influenced
the religious attitude of both the migrants and the outsiders. Contrary to
the Jewish and Christian faith, ancient pagan religions were polytheistic.
Polytheistic religions tend to be inclusive. Consequently their adherents
are by and large more tolerant towards other religious notions than advo-
cates of monotheistic belief systems. This was definitely the case in the
period under discussion. The Roman Empire was renowned for its reli-
gious diversity and tolerance. Moreover, it was far more easy for mem-
bers of a polytheistic religion to take part in the religious life of their
new-found community than it was for members of monotheistic reli-
gions. Thus, from a purely religious point of view, we may expect that
pagan migrants assimilated more easily with the religion of their new
environment than Jews and Christians did. However, as I hope to illus-
trate by means of the Palmyrene diaspora, a people's religious behaviour
was not solely detennined by religious motives.

I Used aN II technicill tenn commonly applied to non-JewiHh and non-Christian groups

in antiquity.
78 LUCINDA DIRVEN THE PALMYRENE DIASPORA IN EAST AND WEST 79

In the first three centuries of the common era (CE) inhabitants of tion, number, age and profession, the distance from their native coun-
Palmyra voluntarily left their hometown and settled as merchants in the try, the degree of contact with their land of origin, and so forth. The
Roman West and Parthian East, or served as soldiers along the frontiers modem situation can be taken as a warning not to characterise religion
of the Roman Empire. In their new residences they formed small groups in antiquity too generally, and urges us to study the social context
that held on to the religious traditions of their native city and kept in of religious phenomena. The current interpretation of the religion of
touch with their fellow citizens in Palmyra. At the present state of Palmyrene migrants does not reckon with these factors. Palmyrene reli-
research it is generally assumed that the religion of Palmyrene migrants gion is pictured as static and invariable. This suggests that it is not
was conservative and mirrored the religious situation in Palmyra. 2 It is dependent upon the environment, the time and the social position of
assumed that Palmyrene deities which were popular among the expatri- the expatriates.
ates were simply the most popular gods in their city of origin. Palmyrene Compared to contemporary religious movements, information on
expatriates supposedly held on to their native traditions in order to main- ancient religious communities is extremely scarce. Many of the above
tain their identity. In the following I aim to show that there is good rea- mentioned questions cannot be answered. However, within the field of
son to modify this prevailing opinion. the study of ancient religions, the religion of Palmyrene expatriates pro-
The presumed conservative attitude is at least partly due to the nature vides an excellent opportunity for a study along social lines. Palmyrene
of the sources that stand at our disposal. Most of our information stems migrants can be divided into two distinct social groups, tradesmen and
from inscriptions. Palmyrenes can be identified as such on the basis of soldiers. By comparing the religious testimonies of these two parties, we
distinctive Palmyrene features; the use of the Palmyrene script, charac- can assess if, and if so to what extent, the social position of Palmyrene
teristic Palmyrene personal names, and typical Palmyrene deities. migrants influenced their religion.
Palmyrenes that assimilated with their new environment disappear from Palmyrenes have been identified in a variety of cultures; they lived
our sight. Once this assimilation is complete, and their origin is no in cities in the Roman West as well as the Parthian East. This enables
longer of any importance to them, these people stop constituting a dias- us to study the possible influence of various cultural environments on
pora. As a consequence, this group is of no interest for the present their religion. They have also been found in a wide geographical area.
research. Of great importance, but very difficult to identify, are those They lived in places at a great distance from Palmyra, such as Rome,
people who hold on to their own beliefs but also take part in the reli- as well as in cities in the vicinity of the oasis. Consequently we can
gious life of their environment. For example, it is likely that a Latin study the possible influence of geographical distance on the religion
inscription dedicated to a specific Palmyrene god was made by a of the migrants. An unusual rich source of information on Palmyrene
Palmyrene, even if the dedicant has a Latin name. However, once this migrants is provided by Dura-Europos, a city situated on the left bank
individual dedicates his inscription to a Roman god, he can no longer of the Euphrates about 200 kilometres to the east of Palmyra. The
be recognised as such. As a consequence, Palmyrenes with typical history of the Palmyrene community in this city covers almost three
Palmyrene behaviour dominate the picture. On the basis of this material centuries, from 32 BCE until 256 CEo Both groups, tradesmen and
it is simply impossible to arrive at an accurate reconstruction of the reli- soldiers are known to have lived here. Last but not least, we are com-
gion of Palmyrene migrants. paratively well informed about the religious situation in Palmyra
Studies into the religious behaviour of modem diaspora commu- itself.
nities show their religious behaviour to be far more dynamic and com- A study of the religion in the place of origin provides the starting
plicated than the supposed conservative attitude of the Palmyrene point for every study of the religion of groups living in the diaspora.
community. The religion of modem migrants is influenced by many After all, it is only by means of this situation that we can assess if, and
factors, like the duration and intention of their stay, their social posi- if so, to what extent, the religion of expatriates changes. I will therefore
start with a description of the religious situation in Palmyra. Subse-
I H.J.W. Drijvcrs, 'Dic Deu Syriu und undcrc Nyrischc OUlIhcitcn im Imperium
quently the religion of Palmyrene merchants and Palmyrene soldiers will
Romlnum', VI, orl,IIIrlll.YI·h, R,lIlllllnrn 1m RIJm,,.rril'h (cd. M. VcrmllNercn), l,cidcn:
Brill, IQM I: 242 Ind 2'2·4. be discussed.
80 LUCINDA DIRVEN THE PALMYRENE DlASPORA IN EAST AND WEST 81

Palmyrene history and culture Palmyra, it is more appropriate to speak of a culture which is distinct-
ively Palmyrene. The inhabitants of Palmyra adopted elements of dif-
Palmyra is located in the Syrian desert halfway between the coast and the ferent origin, but they reinterpreted them and fitted them into their own
Euphrates river, and owes its existence to the source the Efca. Settlement culture. This culture is already a mixture in itself, for the population of
in the oasis can be traced back to the second millennium BCE, but Palmyra consisted of groups of different origin which settled in the oasis
almost all our information stems from the first three centuries of the during the course of its history. Most of these groups were of Aramaic
common era. 3 As a result of the caravan trade the city developed from an or Arab descent and each of them had its own cultural and religious tra-
average oasis settlement into a sparkling Graeco-Roman city. At the end ditions.
of the third century CE the famous Palmyrene queen Zenobia revolted The most prominent feature of Palmyrene inscriptions dated in the
against her Roman overlords and conquered large parts of the Eastern first century CE is the use of kinship terminology to denote social rela-
Roman Empire. Eventually, however, the Palmyrene army was defeated tions. As in many tribal societies, the Palmyrene notion of patrilineal
by the Roman emperor Aurelian, whose troops conquered Palmyra in descent is a relative one and changes with actual social arrangements.s
272 CEo The city never again rose to its former power and returned to Kinship terminology is used primarily to denote closeness, not actual
what it had always been, an insignificant outpost in the Syrian desert. In natural descent. In the first century CE tribes functioned as an interme-
recent years Palmyra regained some of its former splendour, due to the diary between groups or families and the city. Representatives of all
increasing number of tourists who come to visit its impressive ruins. Palmyrene tribes constituted the political body of the city, the 'assembly
The rise of Palmyra in the first century CE coincides with the active of all the Palmyrenes', from which in tum were chosen the municipal
Roman involvement in the city. Palmyra was situated on the eastmost functionaries. In the course of time Palmyra developed from a confeder-
border of the Roman Empire and functioned as an intermediary between ation of tribes into a Graeco-Roman city. During the reign of Nero (54-
the Roman Empire in the West and the Parthian Empire in the East. In 68 CE) the city was artificially split up in four quarters, a well-known
those days Rome and Parthia were sworn enemies and Palmyra interme- feature of Graeco-Roman cities throughout the Roman Empire. Each
diated politically, but first and foremost economically. The oasis is situ- quarter was indicated by the name of one of the leading Palmyrene
ated on the shortest route from the Syrian coast to important trading cen- tribes. In addition each quarter was assigned an extant sanctuary.6 At the
tres in Mesopotamia. The Palmyrenes organised caravans and supplied same time a city council consisting of representatives of the four tribes
the Romans with goods from the East. The caravans first crossed the
desert to the Euphrates river. They reached the river at Dura-Europos, a 5 'Tribe' and 'tribal society' are highly biased notions in anthropological research, for

city which was ruled by the Parthians until 165 CEo Here they embarked both have been frequently used to describe 'primitive' and static societies. Palmyrene sociely
was neither, and I do not use these terms in that sense. For a discussion of the history of these
and sailed to various cities in southern Babylonia, where they possessed concepts in Near Eastern studies, see D.F. Eickelrnan, The Middle East: An anthropological
trading centres. We know of Palmyrene merchants living in Dura-Euro- approach, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, 1989 (2nd. ed.): 126-150. My primary motive to hold
pos and places further south, like Vologesias and Spasinou Charax. It is on to these terms is that the word 'tribe' (Greek phyle, Palmyrene pluf) is used in Palmyrene
inscriptions by way of self-identification. It is difficult to define its meaning exactly, but it
this trade that made the city wealthy, and Palmyra has therefore justly clearly resembles contemporary use of the term in Middle Eastern societies. Nowadays, the
been called a caravan city.4 term is used in a variety of ways by the native population. Apparently, its meaning depends
Because of its location and economic function Palmyra was a meeting on the context in which it is used, viz. how people wish to apply it. We may assume that the
same holds true for its meaning in antiquity. Instead of abandoning the notion, I therefore
point between East and West. This resulted in a culture and a religion propose to retain it, and opt for recovering its precise meaning.
which has often been labelled syncretistic. Although it is possible to 6 The four sanctuaries are listed by two inscriptions, dated in 132 CE and 145 CE

detect the origin of some of the elements that make up the culture of respectively. See D. R. Hillers & E. Cussini, Palmyrene Aramaic Texts, London: John
Hopkins. 1996 (henceforth abbreviated PAD, no. 0197, from the temple of Baalshamin,
lind H. J. W. DrijverN. 'Greek and Aramllic in Palmyrene inscriptions'. Studia Aramaica.
~ The best general introduction 10 Palmyra iN Htill J. Stllrcky lind M. Gllwlikowski, .ISS. suppl. 4 (1995). 34·K. pI. II. from the temple of Allat. The four trihes lire referred to
P"lmy,,: Edillon rtvut tlllURmtnl«'t dt,f nouvtllta d«'coUvtrlt,f, Purls: Librairie d'Am6ri'lue in three other inNcriptionN: PAT nOH. 2769 (171 CE): 1063 (19K CE): 137K (199 ('E). The
ct d'Orlcnl, I(,I"~, four tribe" and Iheir NancluarieN lire diNcuNHed by O. Schlumherller, 'leN '1Ulltrc tribuH de
4 M, RUllovlr.of'l'. ""rQVWI C/tl",: 1',,,", Jmll/h, I'lllmyrll, I)UI''', Oxford 1(,132, Pilimyre', Syr/", 1(,171, 4": 12"·:n.
82 LUCINDA DIRVEN THE PALMYRENE DIASPORA IN EAST AND WEST 83

replaced the 'assembly of all the Palmyrenes'. Thus the four tribes are a religion of the city. The various groups which settled in Palmyra in the
combination of an artificially created urban tribe and a tribe in the tradi- course of time all introduced their ancestral gods. The result was a great
tional sense.? In due time tribal connotations became blurred and even- religious diversity. The pantheon of Palmyra comprised at least sixty
tually only the municipal connotation remained. Stating that you deities, which reflect a variety of traditions. Most function as the ances-
belonged to one of the four tribes or that you were an inhabitant of tral deities of individuals and families, and apart from their name little is
Palmyra, were two ways of saying the same thing. 8 known about them. In tum, the families and their deities assembled in
Palmyra's international commerce exceeded the tribal boundaries tribal sanctuaries. The tutelary deities of these sanctuaries were consid-
within the oasis and hence was a major incentive for the political unifi- ered to be deities of the entire tribe. Most important were the sanctuaries
cation of the tribes. The only Palmyrene inscription testifying to a joint administered by the four tribes of the city; the sanctuaries of Allat and
action of two Palmyrene tribes dates from the year 21 CE and records Baalshamin, that of Aglibol and Malakbel, of Atargatis and of Arsu. In
that the members of the Bene Komare and the Bene Mattabol erected a tum the representatives of these tribes and their accompanying deities
honorary statue for a member of the Bene Komare because 'he had been assembled in the city temple, the temple of Bel. A second cult devoid of
their chief and had made peace between them'.9 It is known that both tribal connotations is that of the god Iarhibol at the source the Efca.
tribes were involved in the caravan trade at this time, and this must have The sanctuary dedicated to the god Bel was doubtless the most impor-
incited them to join forces. 10 Although the majority of the caravans were tant temple of Palmyra, as its impressive ruins that still stand today
organised by private persons, Palmyra'S commerce was not a tribal clearly show. This temple was constructed in the first century CE and
affair. The communal enterprise of at least some of the Palmyrene cara- replaced an older sanctuary about which little is known. Material dated
vans can be deduced from two inscriptions that refer to 'the caravan of from before the common era suggests that the temple which preceded
all the Palmyrenes' .11 It may be inferred from the fact that statues of the final temple was used by a congregation of Palmyrene tribes for the
prominent Palmyrene merchants were erected in the temple of Bel as cult of their ancestral deities headed by Bel. 14 In the first century CE the
well as in the sanctuaries of the four tribes, that the caravans benefitted old sanctuary was replaced by the temple that still stands today.15 From
the city as a whole. Furthermore, Palmyrene merchants living in trading the start, the cult of the new temple was organised along inter-tribal
centres in the East hardly ever identified themselves by means of their lines. This is apparent from the background of the people contributing to
tribe but acted collectively.12 its rebuilding. Whereas most temples in Palmyra were created with the
assets of prominent members of a particular tribe, individuals belonging
Palmyrene religion to different Palmyrene tribes contributed to the construction of the tem-
ple of Bel. I6 It is equally significant that these beneficiaries were hon-
Palmyra's social organisation is reflected in the religious configuration oured by institutions representing the community of Palmyra.
of the oasis.13 In ascending order of inclusion we may discern the reli- The construction of Bel's temple was a gradual process which cov-
gion of the individual and his family, the religion of the tribe, and the ered a period of about a century. I? During this period the temple changed

7 On the development of tribes in an urban society: M. Sartre, 'Tribus et clans dans Ie 14 M. Gawlikowski, Le temple palmyrtinien: Etude d'epigraphie et de topographie
Hawran antique', Syria, 1982,59: 77-91. historique, Warszawa: Editions scientifiques de Pologne, 1973: 53-66.
8 Schlumberger, 'Les quatre tribus', 1971: 126. 15 H. Seyrig, R. Amy & E. Will, Le temple de Bel a Palmyre, 2 Vols., (BAH 83) Paris
9 PAT no. 0261 (21 CE). 1975.
\0 The brother of the honoured person was praised by the tradesmen living in Babylon 16 Apart from PAT nos. 0270 and 1353, which refer to contributions of members of
in 24 CE: PAT no. 1352. A member of the Bene Mattabol was honoured by the the Bene Mattabol and the Bene Komare, the following inscriptions mention contribu-
Palmyrenes and Greeks living in Seleucia in 19 CE: PAT no. 0270. tions to the construction of the temple: PAT no. 0269 (51 CE); Cantineau, Tadmorea I:
II H. J. W. Drijvers, 'Greek and Aramaic in Palmyrene Inscriptions', Studia Ara- 176-7, no. 2b (74 CE); PAT no. 0260 (175 CE) and PAT no. 1370 (218 CE).
mail-a, ISS, .fuppl. 4, 199~: 34·8, pI. II (l4~ CE), and PAT no. 1366 (before 88 CE). 17 It bas long been assumed that the temple was completed in 32 CE, when the haikla
12 PAT no. 0263 (108 CE) iN the only exception to thiN rule. (cult niche) waN consecrated tn Bel, larhibol and Aglibol. Conse4uently, it was assumed
1.1 Por I aeneral dlNcuN.lon of Palmyrene religion, Mee: M. OawlikowAki, 'I.eM dieux that it WIIM conMtructed within the Nhort period of uhout I~ yearN. In a recently publiNhed
de Palmy,..', ANRW II, I YVO, III, 2: 2f10S·3K, Mtudy the Illte M. Pletrl.ykowMkl convincingly point. out that the bulldln» proce •• of the
84 LUCINDA DIRVEN THE PALMYRENE DIASPORA IN EAST AND WEST 85

from a confederate into a municipal sanctuary. Whereas before the com- a deity involved with the community as a whole - a function which in
mon era a great variety of deities were worshipped in the sanctuary, the all probability resulted from the vital importance of the Efca for Palmyra
cult in the later temple centred upon Bel and his divine associates, who - the sanctuary of Aglibol and Malakbel was administered by an import-
were considered the gods of the city. It is noteworthy that this develop- ant Palmyrene tribe, the Bene Komare. 20 Despite Aglibol' s tribal back-
ment coincides with a similar development in the organisation of ground, it is clear that the god had no tribal quality when he functioned
Palmyra's civic life. The development of both the religious and the as Bel's associate in the temple of Bel.
social organisation of the oasis during the first century CE testifies to the Before the temple of Bel was rebuilt, Aglibol was still considered a
development of Palmyra into a Graeco-Roman city. This change coin- tribal deity.21 It appears that the Bene Komare managed to tum their
cides with the active involvement of Rome in the city's affairs, and the ancestral god into a deity worshipped by the entire popUlation when the
rise of the Palmyrene caravan trade. temple of Bel was rebuilt. This is partly explained by the prominent
In 32 CE the main cult niche of the temple of Bel was consecrated to position of this tribe in Palmyra in the first half of the first century CEo
Bel, Iarhibol and Aglibol. 18 Both the composition and the meaning of At this early date several of its members are known to have played a
this compilation are inextricably connected with the cult of the new tem- prominent role in the Palmyrene trade with the East. Their commercial
ple. Apart from Bel, Iarhibol and Aglibol hardly ever appear as a pair. interests involved political activities as well, for they played a prominent
Consequently the group is adequately typified as the triad of Bel. 19 Bel role in the process that led to the political unification of the Palmyrene
is the main deity of the sanctuary, whereas Iarhibol and Aglibol are best tribes. As was noted above, a Palmyrene inscription from the year 21 CE
characterised as Bel's attendants, who are associated with him in order records that the members of the Bene Komare and the Bene Mattabol
to exemplify his supremacy. Figurative representations picture Iarhibol erected a honorary statue for a member of the Bene Komare because 'he
as a sun god, whereas Aglibol is a lunar deity. In their capacity as the had been their chief and had made peace between them'. 22 Several mem-
sun and the moon respectively, Iarhibol flanks Bel to the right whereas bers of the Bene Komare contributed extensively to the construction of
Aglibol accompanies Bel to the left. The sun and the moon on either side the new temple of Bel. Moreover, the individual who consecrated the
of Bel illustrate Bel's dominance over these luminary bodies and thereby northern thalamos (cult niche) to Bel, Iarhibol and Aglibol in 32 CE,
allude to the cosmic supremacy of this god. was a member of the Bene Komare.
The triad of Bel may be characterised as a formation which con- Around 50 CE a second cult niche was added to the cella, the inner
sciously exceeded the tribal boundaries within the city. Both Iarhibol and chamber of the temple of Bel. In view of the important cultic function
Aglibol were worshipped separately in sanctuaries which functioned of chambers of this sort, this annex probably testifies to a development
next to the temple of Bel. Iarhibol was worshipped in a sanctuary located in the cultic organisation of the temple. A recently published inscription
at the source the Efca, whereas Aglibol was venerated alongside the god that was found in the temple of Allat shows that the cult in the temple of
Malakbel in a temple which is known from Palmyrene inscriptions as the Bel did indeed change. The text dates from the year 137 CE and com-
'Sacred Wood'. Both are among the oldest and most prominent sanctu- memorates the donation of a golden basin to Bel, Iarhibol, Aglibol and
aries in the city. However, whereas Iarhibol emerges from the sources as Astarte. 23 It may be inferred from this inscription that the goddess

cella in fact covered about a century. See M. Pietrzykowski, Adyta Swiqtyn Palmyrenskich. 20 For a discussion of this sanctuary see Milik, Dedicaces faites par des dieux, (Paris:
With a French summary by M. GawliKowski: 'Les adytons des temples palmyreniens: Librairie orientaliste Paul Gauthner, 1972), 1-9; Gawlikowski, Le temple palmyrenien,
fonne et fonction', Warszawa 1997: 119-35, esp. 132-3. 1973: 49-50.
18 PAT no. 1347 (45 CE). 21 This may be inferred from the dedicatory inscription of the temple in the necropo-
19 This hypothesis was first introduced by H. Seyrig, 'Hierarchie des divinites de lis in Dura-Europos. One of the dedicants of the temple identifies himself as a member of
Palmyre', Syria. 1932, 13: 190-5, and has since then he accepted by all subsequent schol- the Bene Komare, the trihe in charge of the sanctuary of Aglibol and Malakbel. The fact
Ilrs with Ihe exceplion of Gawlikowski. 'Les dieux de Palmyre', 1990: 2611 and 2625. It that hc dedicated Ihe temple with a member from another tribe resulted in a choice for
is however ljueslionuble whelher the concept of Ihe Iriad uf Bel hus to he abolished as deities devoid of Iribal connotlltions. Clearly Aglibol was not yet in this position. See for
(JllwllkowNki NUllllcNIN. Providcd Ihlll Ihe NII-clllled Irilld iN nul exclusive and does nol II discussion of this inscription helow, p. !N-YO.
cllvcr Ihc cntlre cull of Ihc Icmplc, wc may hllid lin III Ihe definition. On Ihe IINNllCilllilln 11 PAT no. 02t11.

of AltlU10 wllh tho Ihroe .nd. H. holow, p, Sf!, )I II. J. W. UrijvcrN, 'InNcripllolIN from AIIOt'N Nllnclullry, AHAM, 199~. 7: 109-119.
86 LUCINDA DIRVEN THE PALMYRENE DIASPORA IN EAST AND WEST 87

Astarte likewise was the object of a cult in Bel's temple. In alllikeli- which was dedicated to them, the 'Sacred Wood'.29 The second relief,
hood she was Bel's female companion. 24 Since the goddess is not yet on the reverse of this beam, pictures a procession of a donkey and a
mentioned in the inscription which commemorates the consecration of camel followed by veiled women. Most likely this scene should be iden-
the northern cult niche, it is reasonable to suppose that the newly built tified as the arrival of the Arab goddess Allat in Palmyra around the
niche centred upon Astarte's Cult. 25 middle of the fIrst century BCE. 30 The sanctuary dedicated to this god-
Like Aglibol, the cult of Astarte was most probably closely affiliated dess was excavated several years ago in the western quarter of Palmyra.
with a particular tribe. Analogous to Aglibol, Astarte lost her tribal con- The third and final relief represents the battle of one deity on a chariot
notations and obtained a municipal significance when she was associ- and another riding a horse, with an ophidian (sea) monster. In a recent
ated with Bel in his temple. A fragmentary inscription dating from the article I have identified this scene as the battle of Bel and Nabu with
first half of the first century CE that was found in the temple of Bel Tiamat, the Babylonian chaos-monster, and proposed to relate it to the
mentions Aglibol and Gad Tadmor, the tutelary deity of the city.26 The sanctuary of the god Nabu. 31 The temple dedicated to this originally
list of deities named in this inscription is incomplete. It probably has to Babylonian deity was found in the proximity of Bel's temple.
be complemented with Bel and Iarhibol. 27 The inscription thus associ- The three reliefs are only a fragment of the reliefs which originally
ates the tutelary deity of Palmyra with the triad of Bel. Like Gad Tad- decorated the peristyle of Bel's temple. It can safely be assumed that
mor, Astarte is associated with Bel, Iarhibol and Aglibol. It is therefore other Palmyrene temples were represented there as well. Thus, the con-
likely that Gad Tadmor must be identified as the goddess Astarte. 28 The cept that the temple of Bel was the temple of all the Palmyrenes is made
fact that the most important goddess venerated in the temple of Bel explicit by representing the important tribal sanctuaries of the town
functioned as the protective deity of the entire city attests to the outspo- round the cella of the great god.
ken civic character of the cult of Palmyra's main temple.
Around 80 CE, during the third and final period of its construction, Palmyrene tradesmen
the cella of Bel's temple was placed upon a high podium and sur-
rounded by a colonnade, a so-called peristyle. Several of the beams Palmyrene merchants settled in the Parthian East as well as in the
which supported its roof have been preserved. They are sculptured on Roman West. Information on their religion is provided by inscriptions
both sides and picture religious events. At least three of these reliefs are from Palmyra and inscriptions and archaeological remains which were
related to important Palmyrene sanctuaries. One relief, representing two found in the colonies. PaImyrene inscriptions are our sole source of
deities shaking hands above an altar packed with fruit, can be identified information on Palmyrene colonies in Mesopotamia proper, for no
as a representation of the couple Aglibol and Malakbel in the sanctuary archaeological remains testifying to their presence have been found here.
Important complementary information is provided by the city of Dura-
24 As has frequently been suggested in the past; see Gawlikowski, 'Les dieux de
Europos. Although this town is situated only about 200 kilometres to the
Palmyre', 1990: 2623, for literary references.
25 Seyrig et al., Le temple de Bel, 1975: 242, suggest that the southern cult niche 29 Seyrig, 'Bas-reliefs monumentaux du temple de Bel it Palmyre', Syria, 1934, 15:
housed the couch of Astarte. A fragmentary Greek inscription from Bel's temple, PAT 173-8, pI. XII; H.J. W. Drijvers, The religion of Palmyra. (Iconography of Religions XV,
no. 0269, dated in 51 CE, commemorates the donation of various cult implements to the 15) Leiden, 1976, pI. IV, 1; Seyrig, Le temple de Bel, 1975: 86. pI. 42, 2 and 43, 1. Alb.
temple of Bel by a certain Mokimu, the son of Ogeilu, alias Hokaissu, of the Bene Zabid- 89; Gawlikowski, 'Dieux de Palmyre,' 1990: 2615, fig. 6.
bol. Among the gifts is a cushion for what probably has to be restored as 'the couch of 30 Seyrig, 'Bas-reliefs monumentaux', 1934: 159-65, pI. XIX; R. Dussaud, La pene-
the adyton'. See Gawlikowski, Le temple palmyrenien, 1973: 69-70. The couch is in all tration des arabes en Syrie avant tislam, Paris, 1955: 113-7, fig. 28; Schlumberger, 'Les
likelihood Astarte's; the bed of the goddess is represented on a well-known Palmyrene quatre tribus', 1971: 128-33; Drijvers, The religion of Palmyra, 1976, pI. V; Seyrig, Le
tessera (a small clay tablet), RTP no 124; face a mentions Bel, face b Astarte and pictures temple de Bel, 1975: 89-90, pI. 42, Album 91 and 143; Gawlikowski, 'Les dieux de
a couch and a bird, most probably a dove. Palmyre', 1990: 2614. See for the proposed interpretation of the relief and references to
26 PAT no, 2767 (n.d.), For the restitution, see Gawlikowski, Le temple palmyrenien, earlier literature: L. Dirven. 'The arrival of the goddess Allat in Palmyra', Mesopotamia
1973: 60, 1998 (fonhcoming).
21 Milik, IUdicu('es, 1972: 2H9·90; M, OawlikowHki, 'Le tlldmo~en', Syria, 1974. )1 L. Dirven, 'The exaltation of Nab(): II revision of the relief depicting the bailIe
~I: 97, agBinHt TiamBt from the temple of Bel in Palmyra', Oil' Wt'lt dt'of Orltntof, 1997, 2H: 96·
I. A. """ already RUllo_ted by Mlllk. Dldl,'of'." 1972: 171·2. 116,
88 LUCINDA DIRVEN THE PALMYRENE DIASPORA IN EAST AND WEST 89

east of Palmyra, it was a halting post on the route of the Palmyrene car- which have been found closer by, in Palmyra's hinterland and in Dura-
avans to the East, and was ruled by the Parthians like the remainder of Europos, the triad of Bel is frequently associated with the tutelary deities
Mesopotamia. 32 In addition there exists some material which testifies to of other important Palmyrene sanctuaries, like Astarte, Arsu, Allat, Baal-
the presence of Palmyrene merchants in the West of the Roman Empire, shamin and Malakbel. Whereas the triad clearly refers to Palmyra's
notably in Rome itself. municipal temple, the associates are related to Palmyra's tribal sanctuar-
There are plenty of Palmyrene inscriptions which testify to the exist- ies. Thus these monuments combine civic and tribal religion in a way
ence of Palmyrene trading colonies in Mesopotamian cities. The majority that reminds one of the decoration of the peristyle surrounding Bel's
consists of inscriptions in which Palmyrene tradesmen from a particular cella in Palmyra.
city honour the organisers of the caravans. They provide no information The best explanation for the preference of Palmyrene merchants for
on the religion in these Palmyrene trading colonies. However, there are their city god is provided by an inscription originating from Dura-Euro-
two inscriptions that shed some light upon the religious preferences of pos. In 32 BCE two Palmyrenes of different tribes dedicated a shrine to
these expatriates, though not in the colonies themselves. Both have been Bel and Iarhibo1. 35 The two were most likely merchants, for they
found in the temple of Bel, and were dedicated by Palmyrene tradesmen founded their sanctuary on the plateau outside the walls of the fortified
stationed in the Mesopotamian cities Babylonia and Seleucia on the Tigris. city.36 This is substantiated by their joint dedication. As stated above, the
They are dated in 19 and 24 CE respectively, and honour two individuals rise of the international trade incited the Palmyrene tribes to join
for their contribution to the construction of Bel's new temple. 33 Conspic- forces. 37 The fact that individuals belonging to different tribes made a
uously, they are the oldest inscriptions that refer to the construction of joint religious dedication is unique. In Palmyra, religious dedications
Bel's new temple, as well as the first testimonies to Palmyra's commercial were invariably made by members of the same tribe. One of the dedi-
relationships with the East. The honoured people were obviously involved cants of the temple in the necropolis identifies himself as a member of
in trading activities and doubtless acquired their wealth by this means. As the Bene Komare. In Palmyra this tribe was in charge of the sanctuary
for the merchants living in the colonies, it may be inferred from these dedicated to Aglibol and Malakbe1. 38 Apparently then, this individual
inscriptions that they had an interest in Bel's new temple. preferred Bel and Iarhibol to his ancestral deities. This is explained by
The preference of Palmyrene merchants for their city god is confrrmed
by the religious testimonies of Palmyrene merchants that have been 35 PAT no. 1067.
found abroad. Among Palmyrene merchants Bel was the most popular 36 Various attempts have been made to explain the extraordinary location of this
Palmyrene god. Bel either occurs alone or together with his associates shrine. It is most plausible to assume that the extra-mural location of the sanctuary is
Iarhibol and Aglibol. The triad of Bel appears especially popular in far related to the economic position of its visitors. The best clue in this respect is provided by
the ground plan of the temple. The sanctuary has an enclosure at its back which contains
away places, such as Rome and the island of COS.34 On monuments a cistern. From this it may be inferred that the temple formed part of a complex intended
as a resting place for animals and their attendants. Resting places for animals were nor-
mally situated outside the city and the function of the building therefore readily explains
32 The economic relationship between Palmyra and Dura-Europos is controversial. For its location. Both merchants and soldiers possessed animals and, consequently, we may
an overview of this debate, as well as the arguments in favour of the hypothesis that assume that the temple was built for one of these two groups, or for both. For the build-
Dura-Europos was located on the caravan route: L. Dirven, 'The nature of the trade ing history and the ground plan of this sanctuary, see S. B. Downey, Mesopotamian reli-
between Palmyra and Dura-Europos', International Conference on Trade Route in the gious architecture: Alexander through the Parthians (Princeton: Princeton University
Ancient Near East, Oxford, June 1996, to be published in ARAM 1996 (forthcoming). Press, 1988),96-99, fig. 43, with references to earlier publications.
33 PAT no. 0270 (19 CE) and PAT no. 1353 (24 CE). 37 Above, p. 82. The hypothesis that the dedicants of the Palmyrene temple in Dura
34 One altar from the island of Cos has a bilingual dedication. The Palmyrene text were merchants is confirmed by the names of their tribes. Both belong to well-known
dedicates the monument to Bel, larhibol and Aglibol, whereas the Greek text mentions Palmyrene tribes, the Bene Komare and the Bene Gaddibol. It is known that both tribes
Bel as the sole benificiary. See J. Starcky, Palmyre, Paris, 1952: 90, note 11 (=PAT no. were involved in the caravan trade in Palmyra. We even happen to know that members of
1616. However, PAT has not incorporated Starcky's ameliorated reading). A fragmentary the Bene Komare contributed extensively to the Palmyrene trade with the East at the
bilingulII inscription from Rome lists Bel lind 11Irhihoi und u third god. probllbly Aglibol: beginning of the first century CEo See for these tribes and the relevant inscriptions: Gaw-
PAT no. 0249 (n.d.). cr. Milik. IJtIdiI'UI·f'.v. IIJ72: 266-7. and mme recently E. Equini- likowski. Lr If'mp/f' pu/myrtnirn. 1973: 31-41.
Schneider•• 11 NllntUtlrl1l di hel co delle dlvinitll di Pllilniru: cOlnll1unitlle trudil.ioni reli- 1M Cf. uhove. note 21. We do not know the unceHlrol deity of the Bene Uuddibol. the

ylnMe del plllmYRlnl1l RUlnll" mil/III/hi ,1/ Arl'h,II/III/"', IIJH7, ~, I: 7J. tribe of the Mllcomi dedlcllllt.
90 LUCINDA DIRVEN THE PALMYRENE DIASPORA IN EAST AND WEST 91

the fact that he founded the temple together with an individual from the principal god of Dura-Europos. The relief pictures the Palmyrene
another tribe. dedicant offering before this Durene deity. This act clearly testifies to
Their joint undertaking incited the dedicants to abandon their tribal the respect of the Palmyrene immigrants for the major cult of their new
religion and look for a common religious ground. As early as the first residence. Thus the Palmyrenes in Dura-Europos committed themselves
century BCE, Bel and Iarhibol were the tutelary deities of two important to their new surroundings and simultaneously preserved their own reli-
Palmyrene sanctuaries that transcended the tribal boundaries of the city gious identity.
and touched upon the community as a whole. The preference of the two
Palmyrenes in Dura is therefore readily explained by the religious situa- Palmyrene soldiers serving in the Roman army
tion in Palmyra. The sanctuary they founded was not confined to one
specific group, but was open to all Palmyrenes that happened to visit In order to protect their caravans against the pillaging Bedouins that
Dura-Europos. The choice for a communal religious identity is exactly roamed the desert, Palmyra possessed its own riding police force. that
the kind of religious behaviour we expect from small groups of mer- was famous for its skills with bow and quiver. From the second century
chants that live in close contact with their city of origin. Parallels are to CE onwards, Rome took profit of the military skills of its subjects in the
be found with Assyrian tradesmen travelling between their homeland distant provinces of the Empire and organised them in specialised units
and the trading colony in Karurn Kanish in the second millennium BCE, I
. I
which were named after their place of origin. From this time onwards
and with the merchants from Tyre in Cartage. 39 There is, therefore, noth- Palmyrenes belonging to the so-called numerus Palmyrenorum served in
ing surprising in the preference of the Palmyrene merchants. the Roman army. They were stationed all over the Roman Empire, espe-
The choice for a communal religious identity does not exclude the cially at its borders. Palmyrene soldiers have been identified in Africa,
possibility that homage was likewise paid to the religion of the new Asia Minor and Rome itself. Closer at home, in Dura-Europos, the XX
environment. In fact, both can exist side by side, as is shown by two Palmyrene cohort took part in the defence of the city that was incorpo-
reliefs which were found in a second Palmyrene temple in Dura-Euro- rated in the Roman Empire shortly after the middle of the second cen-
pos, the so-called temple of the Gadde. Both reliefs were fabricated in tury CEo
Palmyra and both were dedicated by the same individual in 159 CE.40 As soldiers of the Roman army, the Palmyrenes took part in the ven-
The first relief pictures the dedicant of the relief offering incense to the eration of traditional Roman gods as well as of gods that enjoyed great
Gad of Palmyra, whereas the second relief pictures the same person popUlarity among soldiers, such as Mithras. In 168 CE the Palmyrene
offering incense to the Gad of Dura-Europos. The Gad of Palmyra and archers stationed in Dura-Europos founded a mithraeum, a shrine dedi-
the Gad of Dura are the tutelary deities of the two cities. On the basis of cated to the god Mithras, in the northern part of the city. It seems that
inscriptional evidence from Palmyra, the Gad of Palmyra can be identi- they fIrst encountered the cult when they were stationed elsewhere at the
fied as the goddess Astarte, Bel's female companion in the city temple Roman border, probably in Dacia and Moesia. Both the ground plan of
of Palmyra. Obviously therefore, this relief exemplifies a municipal the shrine and the iconography of the cult reliefs are typical of mithraea
aspect of Palmyrene religion. The same holds true for the counterpart of throughout the Roman world. In the third century CE the Palmyrene
this relief, on which the Gad of Dura is represented. The deity which is troops were joined by other Roman troops, and these soldiers joined in
represented here is not a Palmyrene god, but has to be identified as Zeus, with the Palmyrene followers of Mithras. Clearly, therefore, adhesion to
this cult was not determined by origin. In Dura as well as elsewhere in
39 K. van der Toom, Family religion in Babylonia, Syria and Israel: Continuity and the Roman Empire, the devotees of Mithras were a brotherhood of men
change in the forms of religious life, Leiden: Brill, 1996: 72-4; I. Teixidor, 'Un port romain sharing the same profession. Hence this cult testifies to the assimilation
du d6sert: PaImyre et son commerce d'Auguste?i Caracalla,' Semitica, 1984,34: 46-7.
40 See for a discussion of these reliefs and references to earlier publications, S. B. of Palmyrenes to the religion of the Roman army.
Downey, The slont! and plaster .vrulptwe (fixcavations at Dura-Europos conducted hy The adaptation of religious practices current in the Roman army does
Vale UnlvenlilY and the French Academy of InscriptiollK and LellefK. Final Report III.
not exclude the adherence of Palmyrene soldiers to national religious
Pan I. 2).1.0. An.ele~. 1977: 14·9. 1101. 4·~. pll. 4·~. !Jur the Palmyrene Inscriptions HCIe:
PAT nOlI. 1W4·\W8. traditiomt. The cult of Romun goos and military deities like Mithras is not
92 LUCINDA DIRVEN THE PALMYRENE D1ASPORA IN EAST AND WEST 93

exclusive. All over the Roman Empire, Palmy rene military show a pref- shamin. However, even then Malakbel is overshadowed by the moon
erence for two deities which are exclusively Palmyrene, Iarhibol and god Aglibol. Thus, compared to the Palmyrene evidence, there is a shift
Malakbel. This stands in marked contrast with the popularity of Bel and in Malakbel' s personality abroad.
his associates amongst Palmyrene merchants. In the majority of the The popularity of Iarhibol and Malakbel with Palmyrene soldiers can
inscriptions Iarhibol and Malakbel occur in isolation. Both are solar only be partly explained by the situation in Palmyra. The emphasis on
gods. Apparently then, the religion of Palmyrene military is partially the solar aspect of both deities has no counterpart in Palmyrene religion.
conservative. However, if we compare Iarhibol and Malakbel as vener- On the other hand, there is a growing importance of a variety of solar
ated by the soldiers with the deities that are venerated in Palmyra itself, deities within the Roman army from the second century CE onwards.
we note a shift in their personality. Most probably this general tendency contributed to the solarisation of
Iarhibol's role in Palmyra was twofold. Firstly, the god was wor- Iarhibol and Malakbel among Palmyrene soldiers serving in the Roman
shipped as the tutelary deity of the source the Efca. As far as can be told army. Initially, however, the choice for both deities was incited by other
from the available evidence, this cult was not confined to a particular motives. In the case of Iarhibol, the choice can at least partly be
tribe and touched upon the community as a whole. Secondly, Iarhibol explained by his functioning as a municipal deity. As in the case of
was associated with Bel in his sanctuary. Whenever the god is associated Malakbel, the material from Palmyra is too limited to provide an expla-
with Bel, Iarhibol is pictured as a sun god. The god owes his prominent nation. However, it is clear that the later development of both deities
position in Bel's cult to the importance of his sanctuary at the Efca. should be understood in the light of the Roman army.
Unfortunately we do not know whether the god of the Efca was a solar
deity as well. There are no Palmyrene representations of the god of the Summary and conclusion
source. The only relief representing Iarhibol of the Efca is the one dedi-
cated by Palmyrene archers in Dura-Europos.41 The deity on this relief is A comparison between the religion of Palmyrene merchants and
not only depicted with a nimbus; he likewise has a crescent moon rest- Palmyrene soldiers shows the religious preferences of these two groups
ing on his shoulders. Be that as it may, it may be inferred from the relief to be different. From this, it may be inferred that the religion of
dedicated by the Palmyrene archers in Dura that the Iarhibol who Palmyrene expatriates was determined to a great extent by their social
enjoyed popularity with Palmyrene military was first and foremost the conditions. Neither the religion of the tradesmen, nor the religion of the
god of the Efca. In case this god was a solar deity, this aspect is inferior soldiers simply copies religion in Palmyra itself.
to his functioning as a municipal god. In the case of Palmyrene merchants, tribal religion became of minor
The popularity of Malakbel, the second Palmyrene god that was much importance. Their preference for Bel and his associates testifies to a
worshipped by Palmyrene soldiers, is far more difficult to explain. choice for a communal religious identity. Neither the distance towards
Whereas Iarhibol was an important god and functioned as a solar deity their home city, nor the cultural setting of their new environment seems
in the temple of Bel, Palmyrene references to Malakbel are sparse and to have had any affect on their choice. The shift comes so to speak from
do not tally with his prominence and character abroad. In Palmyra within and is due to their social position. Groups of Palmyrene mer-
Malakbel seldom figures alone and usually is inferior to his associates. chants may be characterised as small communities which were largely
Whereas the god of the Palmyrene soldiers is first and foremost a solar dependent upon their city of origin. Consequently they held on to their
deity, this aspect is of secondary importance in Palmyra. Associated Palmyrene identity and strived for social unity. Simultaneously however,
with the moon god Aglibol in their communal sanctuary the Sacred we have to reckon with the possibility that they paid homage to the gods
Wood, the god has no solar characteristics. In Palmyra, Malakbel is only of their new surroundings.
presented as a solar deity when he and Aglibol flank the god Baal- The religion of Palmyrene soldiers is influenced to a greater extent by
their new setting than the religion of Palmyrene merchants. The reason
ttlf this is twottlld. On the one hand the degree of contact of the soldiers
41 Down,,)'. Thl' ,~ICl"1' tlm/II/II,fll'l' SI'II/llI/ll''', 1977: h2·4. no. 47. pI. 47, In~cripli()n:
PAT no. 1()Q9 (n.d.).
with Iheir cily of uri"in WUII drastically diminished. On the other hand.
94 LUCINDA DIRVEN

there was the Roman army striving for solidarity and a communal identity.
As a consequence, Palmyrene soldiers tended to assimilate with their
new surroundings. They either accommodated to the religion of their SUSTAINING 'LITTLE INDIAS'
new environment, or adapted their own traditions in a way characteristic Hindu diasporas in Europe
of the religion of the army in this period.
We may conclude, therefore, that the religion of Palmyrene migrants Martin BAUMANN
from the second century CE onwards was far more dynamic than is usu-
ally assumed.
Defining diaspora
SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY
Since about the 1980s, the notion of 'diaspora' has been increasingly
A comprehensive study dealing with the religion of Palmyrene expatriates has employed to denote ethnic, linguistic, national or religious minorities
not been published to date. Several studies discuss Palmyrene communities in settling outside their homeland in a culturally different society. The term
particular cities or areas. Apart from the titles mentioned below, the present as such, loaded with a specific theological and soteriological meaning
author is preparing a doctoral thesis on the religion of the Palmyrene community
coined by Jewish and Christian interpretations, l has gained a hitherto
in Dura-Europos.
unknown prominence. In most cases the possibility of detaching the
Bianci, L., 'I Palmireni in Dacia: comunita e tradizioni religiose', Dialoghi di notion from its Judeo-Christian context is taken for granted, i. e. the the-
Archeologia (Roma), 1987,5, 1: 87-95. oretical problems and implications of this decontextualisation are not
Equini Schneider, E., '11 santuario di Bel e delle divinita di Palmira: comunita e considered. It should be pointed out, however, that the 'untheorized or,
tradizioni religiose dei palmyreni aRoma,' Dialoghi di Archeologia
at least undertheorized '2 generalisation has marginalised the factor of
(Roma), 1987,5,1: 69-85.
Equini Schneider, E., 'Palmireni in Africa: Calceus Herculis', in: L'Ajrica religion and relegated it to second place in favour of ethnicity and
romana. Atti del V convegno di studio Sassari, 11-13 dicembre 1987 (ed. nationality. Following this trend, the term, as an analytical concept,
A. Mastino), Sassari, 1984: 383-95. starts losing its facility of demarcation, as it refers loosely to any com-
munity living away from its country of origin.
In addition, the religion of Palmyrene migrants is discussed in the following
What, however, makes a socio-cultural situation diasporic and
studies dealing with various Syrian communities in the diaspora in the period
,, which situations are not diasporic? Do the Portuguese immigrants in
under discussion. I
France or the Turkish 'guest workers' in Germany constitute a dias-
Drijvers, H. J. W., 'Die Dea Syria und andere syrische Gottheiten im Imperium pora? In a recent contribution, William Safran instructively, but quite
Romanum', in: M. Vermaseren (ed.), Die orientalische Religionen im normatively, lists six key characteristics which define 'expatriate
Romerreich, Leiden: Brill, 1981: 241-57.
minority communities' as diasporic. 3 Almost as a confirmation of the
Sanie, S., 'Die syrischen und palmyrenischen Kulte im romischen Dakien',
ANRW, 1983, 18,2: 1165-1271. above remarked marginalisation, religion is not referred to as a char-
Solin, H., 'Juden und Syrer im westlichen Teil der romischen Welt: eine eth- acteristic. To Safran, issues of dispersion, alienation in the residential
nisch-demographische Studie mit besonderer Beriicksichtigung der sprach-
lichen Zustiinde', ANRW, 1983, 18, 2: 590-1248.
I For the term's specific theological meaning within Jewish understanding, see the
contribution by Johannes Tromp in this volume. An essential investigation with regard to
the term's origin and coinage has been given by W. C.van Unnik, Das Selbstverstiindnis
der judischen Diaspora der hellenistisch·romischen Zeit, ed. by P. W. van der Horst,
Leiden: Brill, 1993.
2 Robin Cohen, 'The diaspora of a diaspora: the case of the Caribbean', Social Sci-
t'nC't' In/ormation, 1992, 31, I: 159-69, quote p. 159.
I William Safran, 'Dla.poruN In modem NocietieN: mythN of humelllnd lind return',
mel.fpUrel, IWI: "3·W, '1untc p. "3.