Pickard-Cambridge, The-Dramatic-Festivals-Of-Athens

THE
DRAMATIC FESTIVALS
OF ATHENS
university of
jODUPOR LEBRAB'^
THE DRAMATIC
FESTIVALS OF
ATHENS
BY THE LATE
Sir Arthur Pickard-Gambridge
SECOND EDITION
REVISED BY JOHN GOULD
AND D. M. LEWIS
UKIVERSm' OF JODHPUR LIBRARY
OXFORD
AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
Oxford University Press, Ely House, London W. i
GLASGOW NEW YORK TORONTO MELBOURNE WELLINGTON
CAPE TOWN IBADAN NAIROBI DAR ES SALAAM LUSAKA ADDIS ABABA
P. V. 8
DELHI BOMBAY CALCUTTA MADRAS KARACHI LAHORE DACCA
KUALA LUMPUR SINGAPORE HONO KONG TOKYO
ISBN o ig 814258 7
© Oxford University Press i9^S

First edition 1953
Second edition ig68
Reprinted 1969, 1973
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may he reproduced,

stored in a retrieval ^stem, or transmitted, in any form or by any
means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or other-
wise, without the prior permission of Oxford University Press
Printed in Great Britain

at the University Press, Oxford
by Vivian Ridler
Printer to the University
PV 86
.
PREFACE TO SECOND EDITION

Sir Arthur Pigkard-Cambridge died on 7 February 1952 while
this book was in the press, and Professor T. B. L. Webster saw the work
through to publication. Public demand for it was lively, and it has been
out of print for some years. The Delegates to tlie Press asked us to prepare
a second edition, and we gladly agreed. Our progress has been slower
tlian we should have wished, but we have at any rate learnt a great deal
in the process. The manuscript was essentially completed in the late
summer of 1964 and we have been able to take only scattered notice of
work that has appeared since then.
The subjects covered have been actively studied since 1952, but we
have essentially retained the author’s choice of topics and the greater
part of his text and arrangement. Throughout, we have considered it
more important to be faithful to his aim of setting out the primary
evidence and keeping as closely as possible to it than to retain his views
on particular matters at all costs. Excellent general treatments are now
plentiful. This book wiU, we hope, continue to fulfil its function of pre-
senting the evidence, and we offer no apology for the continued promi-
nence of Greek text.
Our detailed editorial interventions are, we think, too numerous for
constant indication of them by square brackets to be other than unsightly
and disconcerting: it may therefore be helpful if we indicate here the
main places where we have, in important respects, changed the views or
the arrangement, as well as additions to the text. In Chapter I there is
a new section on dithyramb at the Anthesteria (pp. 16 f.) the discussions
;
oftheDionysion A'.di^vais- (pp. 21 ff.) and of the Lenaion (pp. 37 f.) have
been modified the treatment of the ‘Lenaenvasen’ (pp. 30 ff.) has been
;
substantially altered, and a new section on the so-called ‘Lenaian theatre’

added (pp. 39 f.) the section on the Rural Dionysia (pp. 42 ff.) has been
;
rearranged, and a short section added On drama at the Panathenaia (p. 56)
In Chapter II we have taken different views from the author on the date
and programme of the City Dionysia (pp. 63 ff.), the history of its dithy-
rambic contests (pp. 74 ff.), and the numbers of comic poets competing
(p. 83) we have added a paragraph on the politics of choregoi (p. 90),
;
and have revised the texts in the Appendix to Chapter II from squeezes
and photographs, and amplified the notes on them. In Chapter III
the treatments of the words viroKpn-qs (pp. 126 f.) and rpiTayeovitn-qs
(PP- 133 ff-) have been modified, the section on the distribution of
parts (pp. 138 ff., 149 ff.) has been largely reworked; in the section on
viii PREFACE TO SECOND EDITION
delivery (pp!! 158 rather more attention has been given to the dramatic
ff.)
significance of changes of metre ; the treatment of gesture and emotion

in acting has been changed in emphasis (pp. 171 ff-)- Chapter IV has
been largely rewritten and the selection of illustrations to it substantially
changed : teaching experience seemed to show that the large number of
plates given in the first edition to South Italian vases and to Hellenistic
and Roman evidence tended to neutralize the author’s justified caution
in his text about their relevance to the classical stage. Fresh discoveries
and recent work have enabled us to do rather more about throwing
the emphasis of both text and plates where it belongs. In Chapter V the
late dating of Aeschylus’ Supplices of course modifies something in the
history of the chorus (pp. 232 f.), and we have restated the evidence for
its numbers (pp. 234 ff.) we have changed the treatment of the parodos
;
(pp. 242 ff.), and of the term vTT 6px>]fJ-a. (pp. 255 f.), and have made
a number of alterations in the account of music (pp. 257 ff.). In
Chapter VI we have separated discussion of the presence of boys and
women in the audience (pp. 263 ff.), rewritten the account of theoric
payments (pp. 266 ff.), shortened the description of the seats in the
Theatre of Dionysus (pp. 269!.), rewritten the discussion of theatre
tickets (pp. 270 ff.), and substantially changed the account of theatrical
taste (pp. 274 ff.). Chapter VII has been considerably rewritten and
rearranged, and the Appendix to it much expanded. An Additional
Note (pp. 322 f.) prints part of an anonymous Byzantine treatment of
aspects of the history of tragedy, recently published by Professor Robert
Browning.
In order to lighten the revised and often expanded footnotes, we have
transferred the numbers of museum objects to the List of Illustrations,
and we have added a Concordance of cross-references to parallel works
for the illustrations.
Our principal debt throughout has been to Professor Webster, who
placed at our disposal the notes he made while preparing the first edition
and has been tireless in his efforts to keep us up to date. Sir John Beazley
has also provided notes, photographs, and help, and we are also grateful
for help and advice to V. N. Andreyev,
J. Boardman, S. Dow, H. Lloyd-
Jones, C. A. P. Ruck, Miss L. Talcott, and R. E. Wycherley, and for
photographs to the Ashmolean Museum, the National Museum, Warsaw,
and the British Museum. We owe a special debt to the reviewers of the
first edition, who did much to get us started, and to the editors and com-
positors of the Clarendon Press for their skill and patience in dealing with
a bulky and untidy manuscript.
J. G.
Christ Church, Oxford D. M. L.
January ig6y
PREFACE TO FIRST EDITION
My first words must be an expression of deep regret at the loss to scholar-
two most active and fruitful students of the
ship through the deaths of
Greek Theatre and Drama, to whom I am personally very deeply in-
debted. Theone, Ernst Fiechter, died at St. Gallen on 19 April 1948, his
invaluable work on the theatres of Greece still unfinished. We had
recently entered upon what promised to be a most interesting and profit-
able correspondence, and I hoped great things of his future studies but ;
the correspondence suddenly ceased and some weeks later came the news
of his death. His last published writing in his lifetime was a discriminating
but most kindly review of my own Theatre of Dionysus, which in his pos-
thumously published volume on the theatre in the Piraeus he treats with
even greater kindness. The other, Heinrich Bulle, had escaped, carrying
the manuscripts of an unfinished book, when his house in Wurzburg was
bombed but the manuscripts were mostly destroyed in a later raid from
;
the air, and he died from a heart-attack brought on by the shock. The
last few years have also taken from us A. Korte, H. Schleif, and L. Deub-
ner, all of whom are greatly missed by those who are pursuing the same
studies.
The present work concludes, so far as I have been able to do it, the
task which I set myself many years ago, and to the fulfilment of which
the Theatre of Dionysus (1946) was the first instalment. I hope that the
two books will be treated as, in a sense, one. I have tried so far as I could
to avoid overlapping, and have referred back freely to the earlier work.
On the other hand, readers of the present volume may find some small
amount of between the several chapters. I had to choose
repetition
between this and the inserdon of a number of cross-references which
would have been inconvenient to readers, especially to any who might
be interested in the subject of a particular chapter and might not want
to turn backwards and forwards.
I have sometimes travelled away from the subject of the Athenian
Dramatic Festivals, but the reader is not bound to follow; the Table of
Contents will furnish him with sufficient warnings. My excuse for the
last chapter is the want of any brief and satisfactory treatment known to
me in English writings of a very interesting subject.
It has been my object throughout to keep as closely as possible to
evidence, and to state this evidence fully enough to enable the reader
X PREFACE TO FIRST EDITION
to judge for himself of the value of the conclusions dra\vn from it. Scholar-
ship has suffered much in the last half-century from a lack of scruple in
this respect, leading, as it often has, to attractive but erroneous tlreories
and to the suggestion of connexions and ‘derivations’ which cannot be

substantiated. I fear that the constant reference to evidence is inconsistent
’,vith elegant essay-writing, but it seems to me to be a sendee that needs
to be rendered, and I have tried, in a modest way, to render it —
how im-
perfectly, I do not need to be told.
But though this attempt is based upon direct personal study of evidence,
I am deeply grateful to other workers in the same field for the help which
I have derived from their \vri tings, and have tried to acknowledge it in my
notes. I must express my special thanks for generous assistance in the choice
and collection of illustrations to Sir John Beazley and Professor T. B. L.
Webster, and to Dr. Margarete Bieber for her ready consent to my use
of materials contained in her own works. I have also received welcome
help from Mr. Bernard Ashmole and other members of the staff of the
Department of Greek and Roman Antiquities at the British Museum.
My obligations to authors and publishers for permission to reproduce
illustrations and to the authorities of Museums for leave to figure objects
under their care are very numerous and are acknowledged in their place.
If I have accidentally failed to obtain any consent for which I should
have asked, I hope that the oversight may be pardoned.
A. W. P.-C.
CONTENTS
LIST OFILLUSTRATIONS pages xvi
ABBREVIATIONS xxiii
I THE LESSER FESTIVALS

A. THE ANTHESTERIA 1-25
Testimonia 1-8
1. 12-
2. The name 13- 9
15-
3. Jlidoiyia 9
4. X6 is 10-12
16-
-
5. The procession 18- 13
19-15
6. Xvrpoi
7. XitTpivoi 16
8. Late developments 29- 16

g. Dithyramb at the Anthesteria 30- 17
10. The dtonJtna 19
It. The Aiovvaiov iv Alfivat.? 36-25
B. THE LENAIA 25-42
39-
1. Testimonia 25-29
40-
10.
2. The name 30
3. The so-called Lenaian vases 34
42-
4. Meaning of the festival 34-35
43-
5. Rites of the festival 36
6. Lenaia outside Athens 45-37
46-
7. The Lenaion 47-39
37
8 . The ‘Lenaian theatre’ 48-40
9. Dramatic contests 42
Cult of Dionysus ylTji’aroj at Rhamnous 42
C. THE RURAL DIONYSIA 42-56
1 . Date and character of the festivals 43
2. The procession 45
3. AoKcoXiaapos at the festivals 45
4. Distribution of dramatic performances 46
5. Dramatic performances at the Peiraeus 47
6. Dramatic performances at Eleusis 48
7. Dramatic performances at Ikarion 49
xii CONTENTS
8. Records of the festival at Aixone 49
“
49 5 t
g. Other demes
10 . The symbolical calendar at Hagios Eleutherios 51
1 1 . Importance of the Rural Oionysia, especially in the fourth

century
12. Theatres at Thorikos, Rhamnous, Ikarion, Peiraeus 52-54
APPENDIX. An inscription from Aixone {I.G. iP. 3091) 54“56
D. THE PANATHENAIA 5^
n- THE GREAT OR CITY DIONYSIA

1 . Origin of the festival
2. General character 5^59

3. The procession drro -rij? iaxapas 59^^
4. The TToy-Trq 61—63
5. The Kwfio^ 63
6. Calendar of events 63-67
7. The Proagon 67-68
8. The assembly after the festival 68-70
g-14. Records of the festival {especially inscriptions) 7'’~74
9. Preliminary survey 7^7 *
to. The inscriptions and Aristotle 7*

11. The ‘Fasti’ 71-72
12. The Didaskaliai and the Victors’ Lists 72“73
13. An inscription in Rome 73
22. 14. An inscription from the Agora 73~74
15-18. Dithyrambic contests at the Dionysia 74-79
15. Dithyrambic contests after 328 b.c. 74
16. Choregos, poet, flute-player, chorus 75-77
17. Tripods 77-76
18. Periods in the history of dithyramb 78-79
19-21. Tragic contests at the Dionysia 79-82
19. Number of plays offered by each poet 79-80
20. Trilogies and tetralogies 80-81
21. Tragedy after the fifth century B.c. 81-82
Comic contests at the Dionysia 82-83
23-24. Conditions of competition and production of plays by poets 84-86
25-27. The choregoi (see also 16) 86-gi
25- Appointments of choregoi and synchoregia 86-87
26. Expenses of choregia and attitude of choregoi 87-90
CONTENTS xiii
27.
28. The training of choruses pages 90-91
The agonothetes 91-93
29-30. The actors selection and contests (see also Ch.
; Ill) 93-95
29. Selection and allocation of actors 93-95
30. The protagonist, and the contests of actors 95
31-35- Judges and verdicts 95-99
31. Selection of judges. The contest of 468 B.c. 95-96
32. Testimonia on selection ofjudges 96
33. Inferences from these testimonia 96-97
34. Influence of audience on judges 97-98
35. The verdicts 98-99
36. Revival of old plays 99-100
and reproduction of plays
37. Revision 100-1
APPENDIX ON INSCRIPTIONS RELATING TO DIONYSIA AND
LENAIA 101-25
III • THE ACTORS

A. TERMINOLOGY, ETC. I26-35
1. xmoKpvrqs 126-7
2. Tpay<jjSor, KcoficpSos, and kindred words 127-32
3. npwraYcoviOTqs, Sevrepaytavumqs, rpnaywviCTTjs 132“
B. NUMBER OF ACTORS AND DISTRIBUTION OF PARTS ^ 35-56
1. The ‘three-actor rule’ (in tragedy and satyric drama) 135-7
2. Kwâ TTpoawTTa and Trapaôprjyqfiara 137
3. Consequences of limitation of number 137-8
4. Actors and distribution in Aeschylus 1 38-40
5. Actors and distribution in Sophocles 140-4
6. Actors and distribution in Euripides 144-9
7. Actors and distribution in Aristophanes 149-53
8. Actors and distribution in New Comedy 154-6
C. DELIVERY —SPEECH, RECITATIVE, AND SONG I56-67
1. Terminology and testimonia 156-8
2. Delivery of tetrameters 158-60
3. Delivery of anapaestic dimeters 160-2
4. Delivery of iambic trimeters associated with lyrics 162-4
5. Delivery in comedy 164-5
6. Flute (aulos) and lyre 165-7
D. VOICE AND ENUNCIATION 167-71
E. GESTURE I71-6
XIV CONTENTS
IV • THE COSTUMES
INTRODUCTION (general character of the evidence) poges 177-80
A. TRAGEDY AND SATYR PLAY l8o-20g

1. Dress of the actors in satyr play 180
2. The archaeological evidence i8o-go

3. The masks. Pollux’ catalogue. Masks and resonance; oyxoy
and raised stage
4. Dress. Origins of tragic costume. Later developments 197-204

5. Footwear. The high-soled ‘buskin’ 204-8
6. Costume of the chorus 208-g
B. COMEDY 210-31
1. Character of the evidence 210
2. The archaeological evidence 210-16
3. The evidence of the ‘phlyax vases’ 216-18
4. The masks; Old and Middle Comedy 218-20
5. Dress of Old Comedy. The phallos. Padding 220-3
6. The masks New Comedy. Pollux' catalogues
; 223-30
7. Dress: New Comedy 230-31
V THE CHORUS
•
A. THE CHARACTER, FUNCTIONS, AND MOVEMENTS OF THE

CHORUS 232-46
1 . Importance and development of the chorus 232-4
2. Number of choreutai 234-6
3. Occasional second chorus 236-7
4. Costume of the chorus. (See also Ch. IV. a. 6.) 237-9
5. Movements of the tragic chorus. The parodos 239-44
6. Movements of the comic chorus 244-5
7. Delivery by whole chorus, semichoruses, or single choreutai 245-6
B. DANCING IN DRAMA 246-57
1 . Greek views on dancing 246-8
2. Use of hands in the dance 248-9
3. The ax^fiara of the dance 249-50
4. History of dramatic dancing 250-1
5. Dancing during stasima 251-2
6. eppeAeia 252-4
7. aiKivvis 254
8. VTTopxrjfia 255-7
1
CONTENTS XV
C. MUSIC IN DRAMA pOgCS 257-62

I. General character 257
2. Modes. Testimonia 257-9
3 - Mode and feeling 259-60
4 Words and music
-
260-2
5 Instrumental music
- 262
VI • THE AUDIENCE
I. Number in the audience 263
2. Women and children in the audience 263-5
3 - Payment for admission. The theorikon 265-8
4 Prohedria and reserved
- seats 268-70
5 - Theatre tickets 270-2
6. Behaviour of the audience 272-3
7 - Attitudes and taste 274-8
VII -THE ARTISTS OF DIONYSUS

I. Early professionalism 279-80
2. The ‘Artists’ under Ale.xander and his successors ;
reasons for
organization CO 01
3 The Euboean law. The first guilds

- 281-2
4 The guilds and the Soteria
- 283-4
5 The guilds in Greece in the third centurj' b.c.
- 284-7
6. The guilds in Egypt and Cyprus 287-8
7 The guilds in Greece in the second century b.c. Rome and
-
quarrels between tlie guilds 288-gI

8. The guild of Ionia and the Hellespont 291-4
9 The ‘Artists’ in the West
-
295
10. The ‘Artists’ in the first century' b.c. 295-7
II. The guilds under the Roman Empire. The world-wide guild 297-302
12. Organization and character of the guilds of ‘Artists’ 302-5
APPENDIX. Inscriptions relating to the ‘Artists of Dionysus’ 306-2
ADDITIONAL NOTE. Micliad Pscllos (?) oD the music of tragedy
BIBLIOGRAPHY 324-36
CONCORDANCE 337-40
INDEXES 341-58
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
facing p. 9
1. Chous, Athens, National Museum CC 133® (from Deubner, Attiscke Feste^
pl-3 4)
' .
2. Chous, Athens, National Museum 17286 (photo. Beazley)

3. Chous, Louvre CA 1683 (photo. Beazley)
between pp. 10 and 1
4. Chous, Athens, National Museum 17753 (photo. Beazley)

5. Chous, Athens, Agora P 10676 (photo. Corbett)
6. Chous, Louvre CA 2527 (photo. Beazley)
7. Reveller at Choes. Chous, New York, Metr. Mus. 37 '”- 2 ' (photo. Beazley)
8. Reveller at Choes. Chous, New York, Metr. Mus. 37.11. 19 (photo. Beazley)
9. Infant on Swing. Chous, Athens, Vlasto Collection (photo. Beazley)

to. Chous, New York 24.97.34 (The Metropolitan Museum of Art, Fletcher Fund,
1924)
page 13
It. Dionvsiac Procession. Skyphos, Bologna 130 (from Dith. Trag. Com A 6g. 4)
facing p. 14
12. Dionysiac Procession. Skyphos, Athens, Acropolis 1281 (fromDit/i. Trag. Com.'
fig- 7)
13. Dionysiac Procession. Skyphos, British Museum B 79 (from Deubner, Attische
Feste, pl. 14, 2)
facing p. 15
14. Dionysus at sea, Kylix, Munich 2044 \from Furlwangler-Reichold, pl. 42)
facing p. 16
15. Dithyrambic Chorus and Flute-player. Bell-krater, Copenhagen 13817

(National Museum, Department of Oriental and Classical Antiquities, Copen-
hagen).
page 22
16. Plan of Dionysian Precinct (from Harrison, Primitive Athens, Bg 24)
facing p. 30-1
17. Kylix from Vulci, Berlin 2290 (Staatliche Musecn, Berlin)
18. Stamnos from Gela, Oxford G 289 (a. photo. Ashmolean Museum; b. from
Jf.H.S. 24, pl. 9)
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS xvu
ig. Stamnos, Villa Giulia 983 (photo. Alinari)

20. Stamnos, formerly Goluchow, Czartoryslci 42, now Warsaw, Nat. Mus. J42465
(photo. Warsaw Nat. Mus.)
21. Stamnos, Louvre G 532 (from Frickenhaus, Lenacnvasen, fig. 23)

22. Stamnos from Nuceria, Naples 2419 (from Furtwangler-Reichold, pis. 36-37)
23. Stamnos, British Museum G 452 (photo. Beazley)
24. Chous, Athens, Vlasto Collection (photo. Beazley)
facing p. 49
25. Monument from Akone, Athens, Epigraphical Museum (photo. J. M. Cook)
facing p. 52
26. View of Theatre at Thorikos (from Bulle, Untersuchnngen an griechischcn

Thcatem, Taf. 2)
pag‘ 53
27. Plan of Theatre at Thorikos (ibid. Taf. i)
facing p. 54
28. Theatre at Rhamnous (from Arias, II teatro grecofmri di Atene, fig. 5)
29. Theatre at Ikarion (ibid., fig. 4)
facing p. 78
30. Monument of Lysikrates. (304, a restored detail by Stuart and Revett, from
Dinsmoor, of Ancient Greece, pi. LIX)
Architecture
facing p. 79
3 . Victory Tripod. Neck-amphora, British Museum E 298 (photo. British Museum)
facing p. 180
32. Oenochoe fragments, Athens, Agora P 1 1810 (from Hesperia 8, p. 268, fig. i)
facing p. 181
33. Actor (?) and Chorus-man. Bell-kratcr from Valle Pega, Ferrara T. 1 73 C
(V.P.) (photo. Beazley)
facing p. 182
34. Chorus-men. Pelike from Cervetri, Boston 98.883 (from Bieber, H.T.',
fig. 108)
35. M\enad and Flute-player. Pelike, Berlin 3223 (from Hesperia, 24, pi. 87 left)
facing p. 183
36. Hydria fragments, Corinth T 1144 (American School of Classical Studies,

Athens)
B
xviii LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
Oenochoe, London, Hamilton-Smith (from BulL Inst. Class. Stud. (London),

37.
5. pl- I)
38. Satyr Chorus-man. Cup from Vulci, Munich 2657 (from Brommer, Satyr-
spiele^, fig. 5)
Stamnos, Lou\Te 10754 (from Scritii . . . Liberiini, pp. gi-pS; pl-

39.
40. Satyr Chorus-men and Flute-player. Hydria from Athens, Boston 03.788
(from Brommer, SaiyTspiele\ fig. 6)
41. Calyx-krater, Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum 985 (from Brommer,
Satyrspiele^y fig. 20)
42. Calyx-krater from Altamura, British Museum E 467 (from Hesperia, 24,
pl. 88a)
43. Volute-krater from Spina, Ferrara T.579 (from Hesperia 24, pl. 884)
44. Cup fragments, Boston 03.841 (from Brommer, Salyrspitle'-, fig. 8)
45. Dinos, Athens, National Museum 13027 (from Brommer, Satyrspiele^, fig. 2)
46. Bell-krater fragments, Bonn 1216.183-5 and 354-7 (photo. Beazley)

47. Prometheus (?) and Satyrs. Kratcr, Athens, National Museum ti67 (from
Brommer, Satyrspiele' fig. 42)
48. Orpheus and Satyr. Krater, Naples 146739 (from Brommer, Satyrspiele', fig. 50)
facing p. 188
49. The Pronomos Vase. Volutek-ratcr, Naples 3240 (from Furtwangler-

Reichold, pl. 143)
facing p. 189
50a, b. Krater fragments from Taranto, AVurzburg (from Corolla Curtius,

pis- 54-55)
between pp. 190 and igi
gor. Krater fragments from Taranto (from Corolla Curtius, pl. 56)
51. Relief from Peiraeus, Athens, National Museum 1500

52. Relief in Copenhagen, Carlsberg 233 (from Webster, Greek Theatre Production,
Pl- 9)
53. Bell-krater fragment, Athens, Agora P 24828 (American School of Classical

Studies, Athens)
54a. Actor and Mask. Gnathia krater fragment from Taranto, Wurzburg 832
(from Langlotz, Vasen Wurzburg, pl. 240)
546. Detail of Gnathia fragment, Wurzburg 832 (from Bulle, Festschrift Loeb,
fig. 6)
55. Actor and Mask. Painting from Herculaneum, Naples 9019 (from Bulle,
Festschrift Loeb, fig. 4)
56. Statue holding Mask (Roman copy), Vatican, Braccio Nuovo 53 (from Bieber,
Denkmaler, pl. xlii)
1
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS xix
57. Terracotta Mask, Athens, Agora T 88 (American School of Classical Studies,

Athens)
58. Bronze Mask from Peiraeus, Peiraeus Museum (from Bieber, H.T.^, fig. 301)
facing p. 198
59. Lyssa and Actaeon. Bell-krater from Vico Equense, Boston 00.346 (photo.
Beazley)
6oa. Andromeda (Detail). Krater from Capua, Berlin 3237 (from Bieber, Denk-
maler, pi. lii, 4)
facing p. 199
6oi. Andromeda. Krater from Capua, Berlin 3237 (from Jahrbuch ii, pi. ii)
facing p. 200
61. Archaic Flute-girl, Black-figure Oinochoe, Oxford 1965. 126 (from Karouzou,
The Amasis Painter, pi. 42.3)
62. Dionysus. Black-figure amphora, Bonn (from Bieber, H. T.^, fig. 80)
facing p. 201
63. Ivory Statuette from Rieti, Paris, Petit Palais
64. Relief by Archelaus of Priene, from Bovillae, British Museum 2191 (photo.
British Museum)
65. Woman putting on Boot. Kylix, Rome, Museo Torlonia (from Furtwangler-
Reichold, ii, p. 238)
66. Thamyras. Hydria, Oxford 530 (photo. Ashmolean Museum)

67. Lekythos, Athens, National Museum 17612 (from J.H.S. 65, pi. iva)
68. Stamnos (Dionysus), British Museum E 443 (photo. Beazley)

69. Bald Man. Psykter, British Museum E 767 (photo. Beazley)
70. Amphora (Dionysus). Paris, Cabinet des Mddailles 357 (from Mon. Piot 7,
pi. 2)
71. Amphora (Dionysus), British Museum E 265 (photo. Beazley)

72. Psykter (Hermes), British Museum E 768 (photo. Beazley)
73. Hydria (Hermes), Leningrad 627 (St. 1538) (drawing Beazley)
74. Stamnos (Hermes), Trieste S 424 (photo. Beazley)
75. Cup fragment, Athens, Agora P 10798 (American School of Classical Studies, „
Athens)
76. Chous from Anavyssos, Athens, Vlasto Collection (from Brommer, Satyrspiele^,
fig. 22)
77- Herakles, Nike, and Comic Dancer. Chous from Cyrene, Louvre N 3408
(from A.J.A. 55, figs. 5-7)
78. Chous in Leningrad (photos. Hermitage Museum)
XX LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
79. Chous, Louvre CA 2938 (from van Hoorn, Choes and Anthesteria, fig. 147)
80. Mask on Amphora. Chous fragment, Athens, Agora P 1 3094 (from van Hoorn,
op. cit., fig. 41)

81. Chous, Athens, National Museum 17752 (from A.J.A. 50, fig. loa)
82 Tyro and Neleus. Oinochoe, Athens, Agora P 23856 (American School of

Classical Studies, Athens)
83. Effeminate Reveller. Oinochoe, Athens, Agora P 23900 (American School of

84. Obeliaphoroi. Oinochoe, Athens, Agora P 23907 (American School of Classical

Studies, Athens)
85. Comic Chorus-women. Bell-krater, Heidelberg B 134 (from Webster, Greek

Theatre Production, pi. 15)
86. Dionysus and Phor-. Oinochoe, Athens, Agora P 23985 (American School of
87. Oarsman on Fish. Oinochoe, British Museum 98.2-27.1 (American School of


88. Marble Relief from Lyme Park. Stockport (photo. Webster)
8g. Nurse and Baby. Terracotta, New York 13.225.26 (photo. IVebster)
90. Woman. Terracotta, New York 13.225.23 (from Bieber, H.T.^, fig. 186)
91. Herakles. Terracotta, New York 13.225.27 (photo. Webster)
92. Man. Terracotta, New York 13.225.13 (from Bieber, fig. 188)
93. Man carrying Basket. Terracotta, Ne%v York 13.225.22 (photo. Webster)
94. Water-carrier. (Other replicas have the vase, broken off here.) Terracotta,
New York 13.225.14 (photo. Webster)
95. Seated Slave. Terracotta, New York 13.225.20 (photo. Webster)
96. WoMiAN RAISING Veil. Terracotta, New York 13.225 21 (from Bieber, H.T.^,
fig. 192)
97. Old Woman. Terracotta, New York 13.225.25 (from Bieber, H.T.^, fig. 193)
g8. Man with legs crossed. Terracotta, New York 13.225.28 (from Bieber, H.T.^,
fig- 194)
gg. Fat Man. Terracotta, New York 13.225.24 (from Bieber, H.T.~, fig. 195)
100. Man seated on Altar. Terracotta, New York 13.225.18 (from Bieber,
fig. 196)
101. Seated Man. Terracotta, New York 13.225.16 (from Bieber, H.T.-, fig. 197)
102. Seated Man. Terracotta, New York 13.a25.19 (from Bieber, H.T.-, fig. 198)
103. Comic Cast from Athenian Agora. Marble relief, Athens, Agora S 1025, 1586
(from Bieber, H.TA, fig. i8i)
facing p. 216
104. CosiiG Chorus. Marble relief, Athens, Agora S 2098 (American School of
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS XXI
105.
Comic Scene. South Italian calyx-krater. New York 24.97.104 (The Metro-
politan Museum of Art, Fletcher Fund, 1924)
facing p. 217
106. Zeus and Hermes. South Italian bell-krater, Vatican Museum U 19 (from
Bieber, fig. 484)
107. Kassandra pursues Ajax. South Italian calyx-krater, Rome, Villa Giulia
50279 (from Bieber, H.T.-, fig. 494)
108. Leading Old Man (?). Terracotta mask, .Alexandria 159 15 (from Breccia,
TenecoUe, pi. xlvi)

log. Menander Relief. Rome, Lateran Museum 487 (from Bieber, Denkmater, Taf.
Ixxxviii)
1 10. Relief in Naples. Naples G687 (from Bieber, Denkmater, Taf. Ixxxix)
111. Lykomedeios (?). Terracotta mask, Athens, Agora T 213 (American School of
1 12. PORNOBOSKOS. Terracotta figure from Myrina, Louvre 199 (from Pettier and
Reinach, Nicropole de Mjrine, pi. xlvi)
113. Perfect Young Man. Terracotta figure from Myrina, Athens, National
Museum 5045 (from Robert, Afasken, fig. 98)
114. Young Man. Terracotta figure, Lyon £-272-43 (from Frochner, Tenes cuiles
de la Collection Gre'au, i, pi. 27)

1 15. Young Man. Terracotta mask from Amisos, Munich 5401 (from Bieber, Denk-
maler, Taf, ciii)
1 16. Young Man. Terracotta figure from Delos, Mykonos 147(50) (from Bieber,
Denkmater, Taf. Ixi)
1
1
7. Young Man. Terracotta figure, Athens, National Museum 5025 (from Bieber,
Denkmater, Taf. Ixi)
1 18. Kolax. Terracotta head, Athens, Agora T211 (American School of Classical
Studies, Athens)
iig. Parasite. Terracotta figure from MjTina, Athens, National Museum 5027
(from Robert, Alasken, figs. 5, 52)
facing /i. 226

120. SiKELiKos (?). Terracotta figure from Capua, Berlin 7395 (from Bieber, Denk-
mdler, Taf. xlvii)
121. Pappos. Terracotta figure from Mjrina, Athens, National Museum 5057
(photo. Nat. Mus. Athens, no. igi)
122. Leading Slas’e \sTni I.nfant. Terracotta figure from Boeotia, Bonn D 5 (from
Bieber, DtrJmidlrr, Taf. Ixxili)
123. Slast:. Terracotta figure from Myrina, Lourre 214 (from Robert, Afasken,
fig. 34)
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
facing /I. 227
124. Slave. Terracotta figure from Vulci, Berlin 323 (from Robert, Masken, fig. 20)
1 25. Maison. Terracotta figure from Myrina, Athens, National Museum 5058 (photo.
Nat. Mus. Athens, no. 1124)
126. Tettix. Marble frieze from Pergamon, Berlin (from Ath. Mitt. 1904, p. 195,
fig. 28)

127. Slave. Terracotta mask from Melos, British Museum C 81 (photo. British
Museum)
J28. Old Woman. Terracotta mask, Berlin 436 (from Robert, Masken, fig. 82)
129. Old Woman. Terracotta mask from South Russia (?), Bonn (from Bieber,
H.TA, fig. 350)
130. Old Woman. Terrs cotta mask from Ephesus, Berlin 7597.32 (from Dith. Trag.
Com.', fig. 30)
13 1. Chatterbox (?). Terracotta figure from Capua, Berlin 7401 (from Bieber,
H.T.'-, fig. 353)
132. Young Woman. Megarian bowl from the Pnyx, Athens, Agora (Pnyx) P 280
(American School of Classical Studies, Athens)
133. PsEUDOKORE (?). Terracotta figure of Muse carrying mask, from Tanagra (?),
British Museum C 309 (photo. British Museum)
134. Concubine (?). Terracotta mask from Corneto, Berlin 7138 (from Robert,
Masken, fig. 99)
135. Hetaira. Marble mask, Naples 6625 (from Bieber, Denkmaler, Taf. evi)
136. Hetaira. Marble bust from Tivoli, Vatican, Galleria dei Busti (from Robert,
Masken, Taf. i)
137. Hetaira. Terracotta mask from Selymbria, Berlin 6623 (from Bieber, Denk-
maler, Taf. Ixv)
138. Girl. Terracotta mask from Smyrna, Oxford 1928.18 (photo Beazley)
139. Girl. Marble mask from Pompeii, Naples 6612 (from Robert, Masken, fig. 69)
facing p. 270
140. Theatre Tickets. Athens, Agora IL 877, 1452, 1313 (photos. Agora Museum)
facing p. 292
141. The Theatre of Pergamon (from Bieber, Denkmaler, Taf. xiv)

ABBREVIATIONS
A.s.r. J. D. Beazley, Attic Black-figure Vase-painters, Oxford, 1956.
A.R.V.' J. D. Beazley, Attic Red-figure Vase-painters, ed. 2, 3 vols., Oxford,

1963-
A.T.L. B. D. Meritt, H. T. Wade-Gery, M. F. McGregor, The Athenian

Tribute Lists, Cambridge (Mass.), 1939-53.
Bekker, Anted. I. Bekker, Anecdota Graeca, 3 vols., Berlin, 1814-21.
Bieber, H. T.^ M. Bieber, History of the Greek and Roman Theater, ed. 2.
C.A.H. The Cambridge Ancient History.
C.I.G. Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum (ed. A. Boeckh), 4 vols., Berlin,

1828-77.
Cramer, Anecdota Graeca e codd. manuscriptis Bibliothecae Regiae
Cramer, Anted. J. A.
Par. Parisiensis, 4 vols., Oxford, 1839-41.
C. V. Corpus Vasorum Antiquorum (Union Acad6mique Internationale).
D. G.E. Dicdectorum Graecorum exempla epigraphica potiora (ed. E. Schwyzer),

Leipzig, 1923.
Dilh. Trag. Com.^ A. W. Pickard-Cambridge, Dithyramb, Tragedy and Comedy, ed. 2.
F. Gt. Hist. F. Jacoby, Die Fragmente der griechischen Historiker, Berlin and
Leiden, 1923- (ErsterTeil, ed. 2, 1957).
(Note: the number key to each historian can be found at the end
ofvoi. me.)
Furlw.-Rtieh. A. Furtwangler and K. Reichold, Griechische Vasenmalerei, 3 vols.
text, plus plates, Munich, 1904-32.
l.G. Inscriptiones Graecae (ed. Kirchoff, Kaibel, et al.), Berlin, 1873-
(i% ii^, iv, ix, ed. 2 (editio minor) ;
remaining vols. ed. i (editio
maior)).
I.G.R. Inscriptiones Graecae ad res Romanos pertinentes (ed. R. Cagnat and

G. Lafaye), 4 vols., Paris, 191 1-27.
Kaibel Comicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, vol. i. 1 (all published), Berlin,

1899.
Kock (K) Comicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, 3 vols., Leipzig, 1880-8.
Korte (Kfi) Menander: reliquiae, 2 vols. (revised by A. Thierfelder), Leipzig,
(Teubner), 1953-5.
Le Bas Ph. Le Bas & W. H. Waddington, Voyage areheologique en Grice et
en Asie Mineure pendant i8gp et iBpp, Paris, 1870-6.
M.A.M.A. Monumenta Asiae Minoris Antiqua (ed. W. M. Calder, etal.), 8 vols.,

London and Manchester, 1928-62.
Metzger, H. Metzger, Les Representations dans la ceramique attique du IV‘
Rtprisentalions siiele, Paris, 1951.
XXIV ABBREVIATIONS
Michel C. Michel, Eecueil d’inscriptions greegues, z vols., Paris, igoo-iz.
Miller, Melanges E. Miller, Milanges de littirature grecque, Paris, 1868 (reprinted,

Amsterdam, 1965).
M.I.KC. T. B. L. Webster, Monuments illustrating New Comedy.
M.I.T.S. T. B. L. Webster, Monuments illustrating Tragedy and Satyr Play.
Nauck (N) Tragicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, cd. z, Leipzig, 1926 (reprinted,

with supplement by B. Snell, 1964).
jVcu) Chapters New Chapters in Greek Literature (ed. J. U. Powell and E. A.
Barber), 3 series, Oxford, 1921-33.
O.GJ.S. Orientis Graecac Inscriptiones Selcctae (ed. W. Dittenberger), 2 vols.,
Leipzig, 1903-5.
O.M.C. T. B. L. Webster, Monuments illustrating Old and Middle Comedy.

R. E. Paulys Realencyclopadie der classischen AUertumswissenschaft, ed. G.
Wissowa, W. Kroll, K. Mittclhaus, et al., Stuttgart, 1894-
S. B. Sitzungsbericht.
S.E.G. Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum (ed. J. J. E. Hondius and

A. G. Woodhead), Leiden, 1922-
S.G.D.I. Sammlung der griechischen Dialekt-Inschriflen, (ed. H. Collitz, F.
Bechtel, et al., Gottingen, 1883-1923.
Sifakis, Studies G. M. Sifakis, Studies in the history of Hellenistic drama, London,
1967.
S. LG.^ Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum (ed. W. Dittenberger), ed. 3, 4 vols.,
Leipzig, 1915-24.
T. A.M. Tituli Asiae Minoris (cd. E. Kalinka), Vienna, 1901-
Theatre of D. A. W. Pickard-Cambridge, The Theatre of Dionysus in Athens.
Tod, G.H.I. M. N. Tod, Greek Historical Inscriptions, vol. i, ed. 2, Oxford, 1946.
U. D.A. A. Wilhelm, Urkmden dramatischer Auffiihrungen in Athen.
Webster, G.T.P. T. B. L. Webster, Greek Theatre Production.

Wehrli Die Schde des Arisloleles, 10 vols., Basel, 1944-59.
:
THE LESSER FESTIVALS

A. The Anthesteria
The oldest of the festivals of Dionysus at Athens was the Anthesteria,

extending over the nth, 12th, and 13th of the month Anthesteiion
(about the end of February), these days being known respectively as
IliOoiyia, Aoey, and Xurpoi. Each day began for religious purposes at sun-
set on the previous evening. Although this festival has little direct or
demonstrable cormexion with the history of the drama, it is necessary
to study it briefly, because some elements in
have been wrongly con- it
—
nected with dramatic festivals in particular, its association with the
precinct of Dionysus ev Alfivais, and the procession which escorted
Dionysus in a car resembling a ship and because the study will help —
to place the dramatic festivals in the general setting of the worship of
Dionysus at Athens.
I. The following are the principal texts bearing on the Anthesteria
(i) Thuc. ii. 15 3-6 TO 8 e
.
TTpo rov (before the iwoiKicrpos brought about by
Theseus) tj aKpoiroXis h vSi' ouoa iroAts ijv, Kai to vtt’ avrrjv npos votov
pdXiGTa rerpappivov. TeKpiqpiov Si- to yap lepa iv avrfj
. Tfj oKpoTroAei
/cat oAAcov Bewv iarl Kal ra. e^co Trpos rovro to pepos rrj^ •TToXews pSXXov iSpvrai,
TO Te too Alas rov 'OXvpmov Kal to FIvOiov Kal to rijs Kal to ^toi5)> ev
Atpvaif Awvvoov, ra apyawrepa Aiovvaia rij StoBeKarr} voieXrai ip prjpl
<5
AvdearqpiuiPi, mOTrep Kal ot dv’ A6r)valwv “luives in Kal pvp popiôvaip.

tSpvrai Be Kal aXXa lepa ravrr) apyata. Kal rfj Kp'qv^p rrj pvp pep raip rvpdvpuiv
ovTcv aKevaodpTOip 'EppeaKpovpcp KoXovpePT], to Be vdXai ifiapepwp rdip
Trqywp ovacop KaXXippdrj wpopaapepr), eKelp-p [e/ceivot, Bekker] re eyyvs ovarj
ra -nXeiarov dfia eypwpro, Kal pvp eri diro rov dpyaiov rrpd re yapiKWP
Kal is dXXa rwp iepwp voplêrai rw vSari yprjaOat. KoXetrai Be Bid ryp
naXaidp ravrrj Karoi/ajaip Kal y aKpoTtoXis pdypi rovSe eri dir' Mdijpaicvp ndXis-
In 1. 4 after Oedjp icrri Classen inserts Kal ra rrjs Adtjpas.
(la) P. Oxy. 853 , col. x. 7 ff. (commentary on Thuc. ii; second century a.d.).
TO ip A[lpvd]is Awpvaol. •••••••
pep îja[i.]ei/Se Aiopv[cr . ......
.]ijTOi'[. .]t’ 'EXevBrip €t[. Atppaicp
Be x]opooT(x[S]as’ ijyov 6[opTdy. . . lo
(Callimachus, fr. 305 Pf.)
2 THE LESSER FESTIVALS
, . .Jo? So oi?r[<jj3? ^nÔLV [KoXetaBo-t
St] a TO £KAeA[t3 ;xvaa 0 at [tok tottov.
eajrt So /cat o' [r]g AaKum[iqi tottos
octJoo yli/tvaT[il? oOTtv ^l/>T[£fti?.
(5 r]a o-pxîoTara Aiovvaia rjj iP >5
. •n-otfotTaf] CTt rpets £<T[Tt]»'
iopTTj rjpelpas] ta tjS' ly', ima\rjpos

icrjTi So ^ tp', [co?] Kal eiTrey a!5 [ro?].
For the conjectural restoration of the names in 1 7 (? Callimachus), .
and 1. It ( ? Philochorus or Apollodorus), see Pfeiffer on Callimachus,

fr. 305 and p. 22, n. below. i
(2) Eur. Jph. Taur. 947 ff.
-TTpuira ph> fL ouSoi? îvuiv

Ikcsiv iSeâB', <1)S Oeots orvyovpcvov
ot S’ eaxov alSw, feVta povorpaTre^d pot
950 TTapioxpv, oiKbiv ovres ev ravTw areyci,

otyfj S’ cTO/CTijvaiT’ aTcpoo^ScyKTOV p’, ottco?
SatTor yevolprjv crtoparo? r’ avrots Stya,

0? S’ dyyo? tStov taov awact Paicyiov
pirpTjpa rrXijpwaavres etyov ijSot'^r. . . .
958 /cAi/co SvarvyB

S’ ABrjvalotot rdpd.
TeXfTTjV yeveaOai, Kan Tor ropor po'or

yo^pis dyyos UaXXdSos Tipar Aetrr.
(3) At. Ach. 960-1.

oKcAeuoo Adpayo^ ac Taxmjal Spaypijs
or TOO? Afoa? avTW pcraSoOi’at twv /ctyAtur.
Schol. o’? Tor? Atoa?" ei? njr ioprrjv TcSr AotSr. eTroTEAetTO Se IJvavc-
tpicuvos dySoj), o£ Se AlrSEonjpiairo? StoSeKaTj) (SoKarij MSS.), ôt Se
/In'oAAoScupo? (244 F
133 J 3 C.) Jli’6Etrr7)pia KoXetaBat koivws rtjv oAijr iopTf/v
Atowatp dyopdvTjy, Kara popo? Sc IJidaiylav, jfoa?, Xv-povs (Xvrpav MSS.).
Kat a50 t?, oTi ’OpiaTTjs pcrd Tor ^dror o’? A16 ^ra? dî/cdpcro?, ijr Se ioprt]
Aiowaov ATjvaiov, to? pi) yeroiTo atpimv dpocnrorSo? ctirE/CTorcu? Ti)r pijTcpa,
epTjyavTjaaro TOiorSe Tt iJarSitor* yoa oirou rdir Satrupdrcor cKaoTo) Trcpa-
OTTjaas, cf auTou mror c/ceAci/ae pjjScr VTTopiyi’di’ras dAAijAoi?, co? piJTC dcro
TOO avrov Kparrjpas mot ’OpcVrij? pijTE EKcfro? a;(6otTO Ka 0 ’ auTor mroJV
poro?. icai air’ e/cetrou AlSijratot? copn) o’optoSij ot Xdc?.
Cf. Harpokration s.v. .AToe?* Eopn) Tt? Trap’ A10i)vaiot? dyopEn]
AvBeaTqpiwvos ScoS^Ka-rp. ipTjal Se AliroAAdStrpo?
(244 F I33 Jac.) Avdecrrjpta
per KoXetaBai icotreo? njfr oXrjv ôpn^v Atovveep dyopevr^v^ Kara, pdpos Se
TTtSotyta, Afda?, Xvrpovs.
THE ANTHESTERIA 3
(4) Ibid.
1000-2.
KHPYS. oLKOvere Xew- Kara ra rrarpia roiis Xoas

rriveiv xmo aaXmyyos' os S’ av eKirip
rijs
npiortaros, aoKov KrrjaiîovTos Xr)\}teTai.
Schol. Iv Tai? Xoats dytuv fjv rrepi rov iKirieiv riva irpuiTOv
X°“» ° mdiw
iaTe<f)ero ^vXXivtp aretftdvtp Kai doKov otvov eXdpPavev. vpos adXmyyos S’
emvov. —irWero Se doKos ircûcnj/ieVos iv rfj riov Xowv eoprfj, i<l>' oS rovs
vlvovras rrpos dyoiva iardvai, rdv rrpwTov movra Se toy vucqaavra Xappdveiv
doKov, eTTtvov Se perpov ri oiov yoa.
(5) Ibid. 107&-7.
ino rovs Xoas yap Kal Xvrpovs avrotal ns

ijyyetXe Xrjords epâXetv Bouvrlovs.
Schol. BeoTTopTros (115 F 347 Jac.) rovs SiaatvOevras eKrov KaraKXvapov

hjiijaai <f)rjai yvrpav rravarreppias' oOev ovrco KXr}d7jvai r^v eopTrp>. Kal Bveiv
Tofy Xovalv (but cf. the version of this note in pass. (8) below) 'Eppfj
yBovlw, rrjs Se yyrpas ovSeva yevaaoBai. rovro Se voirjoai rovs nepiowBev-
ras, IXaoKopevovs rov 'Eppijv [/cal) rrepi ru>v dnoBavovrcov. rjyero Se eoprx]
AvBearrjpimvos rpirr) eirl SeKa, toy 0tX6xopos (328 F
84 Jac.). HXXuiS' iv pi^
^pepa dyovrai ot re Xvrpoi Kal ol Xoes iv ABiqvais, ev tS nav arreppa els
xdrpav eiftâavres Bvovat povtp rw \/iiovijatp /tat] 'Epp^. ovrai <di'So7toy.
(Cf. Phot. s.v. 'YSpo^dpia' eoprrf rrevBtpos iiB'qvrimv em rots iv r^ Kara-

KXvapw dnoXopevots, cos ArroXXmvios, and Harpokration and ‘Suidas’ s.v,
Xvrpoi.)
Jacoby’s note on the Philochorus fragment (from the rrepi iopr&v)

deals with more than the development of the tradition {F. Gr. Hist.
iii b, Suppl. i, pp. 361-5, and Suppl. ii, pp. 265-70, 537).
(6) Ibid. 1224-5.
toy rovs Kpirds pe if>epere’ rrov ’ariv 6 /SaoriAeuy;

drroSore poi rdv doKov.
Schol. SrjXoL toy dpa rrjv impeXeiav 6 âoiXevs elx^ T^y dpCXXrjS rov xods,
Kai TO dBXov iSlSov rw viicâavri, rov doKov.
(7) Ar. Knights 95.
dAA’ iêveyKe poi rax^toy Otvov X°“"
Schol. practically repeats the story of Orestes and Pandion as in Schol.

Ar. Ack. g6i.
(8) Ar. Frogs 211-19.

Xipvata Kprjvwv reKva,
^vvavXov vpvwv ôdv
^BeyîopeB’ , evyrjpvv ipdv doiSdv,
Koai Kod^,
.

dfi^l Nvoritov
Aios Aidwaov iv
Alfivaxaiv tax^ca/iev,
ijvy <5 KpalTToXoKWflOS
rots Itpoioi Xvrpotai
ko-t' tpdv rifievos XacHv oxXos.
Schol. on 1 . 2 1 6. drro rwv iavrwv Xtpvwv pcraijicpovaiv em top cV Alpvais

Aiovvaop Xtydpspop. Alpvai Sc ^^toptoK rijs Arnicas, €p <5 Aiopvo-ov lepov.
AlpVT)' TOTTos icpds Aiopvoov, ip tp Kflt otKos Kal vctSy top Gcov, KaXXtpaxos
ip 'EkoXt] (fr. 305 Pf.) “Atppaiip Sc xopoordhas Jjyop copras"
Schol. on 1 . 218. Xvrpof coprfi rrap' ABrjpalois. dyerai Sc rrapd ravrtjp
rr)P alriap, rjp Kal Qednoprros CKrWcrai ypd<f>tup ovrios (115 ^ 347
“SiaowBcpras ovp tops dpBpunrops, ^cp cBdppjjcrap rjpcpa, rui raprrjs opopari
npoaayopcvoai Kal rrip coprrip artaaap''. crrcira ‘‘Bvctp avroTs cBos cxovai, rCip
pcp ’OAupwtoJV [ 0c<3 v] ouScvi to rrapdirap, ’Eppfj Sc xBoPio), Kal rijs
^v cifiopai TTavTcs ol Kara rrp> rroXvp, oiJSets ycpcrat riop lepctup. rovro Sc
noioGac rfj (_P'y rjpcpa”. Kal “tops rare rrapaycpopcpovs irrep raip diroBapoprwp
iXdaaoBai top 'Eppijp" . ijfyopTo Sc dyZpcs airoBi ol Xprptpot KaXovpcpoi,
KaBd tfiTjai 0tXdxopos cp rfj cktt) twp AtBISwp (328 F 57 Jac.).
(g) Isaeus, Or. viii. 35. Klpwp yap ckckttjto oialap, Co dpSpes, dypop pcp ^Xvijai
. . . oiKias S’ Cl' doTCi Svo, rrjP pev piap piaBofiopopoap , rrapd to cp Arppats
Aiopvotop, x‘Xlas cvploKovaap, r^p S' CTcpap ktX.
(10) [Skylax], Peripl. 1 12 (Geogr. Gr. Min. i. 94). rd ydp nXCcrpard (sc. Kcpapos
Attikos Kal xdfs) iarip wpia ip rots Xopal r^ Coprfj.
(
11 ) [Dem.j in JCeaeram 73~7®- aorq fi yppr/ pptp cBvc rd dpprjra Icpd vrrep
rijs rrdXcios, Kal clScp d op irpoaijKcp avrqp dpdp $CP7]P oSoap, Kal rotavrrj
oSaa clarjXBcp ol ovScls oAAoy ABrjoalcop roooprwp oprwp clacpycrai dXX' fj f)
top âaiXcws ypPT^, iâipKwacp re rds yepapds rds prrQpcropaas rots Icpots,
c^cSdBt] re rw Aiopvaco yvpT], cnpa^c Sc Pircp rijs TrdXews rd rrdrpia rd rrpds
TOPS Bcops, rroXXd koi ayia Kal dtroppTjra. . . . (74) ... to ydp dpxatop, Co
dpSpes ABrjpatot, Sppaarcla ip rfj rroXet rjp Kal 17 âmXcla riop del vrrepexdprwp
Sid TO aprdxBopas clvai, rds Sc Bpolas drrdoas 6 âaiXeis cBpc, Kal rds
aeppordras Kal dpprjrops rj yvprj aproO irtolci, cIkotuis, PaolXippa oSaa. (75)
irretSrj Sc OrjacPS oppwkiocp aprops Kal SrjpoKparlap irrolrjacp Kal ‘q rroXts
rroXpdpBpomos iycpcro, top pip PaoiXca opScp ^ttop 6 Sijpos f\pctro . 1-17 ^ . .
Si ywaiKa avrov vofiov €^cvto dor^v civai Kat firj cTri/xe/icty/ienjv crepw
avSpl dAAa ‘jrapOivov yapeiv, tva Kara rd narpia Ovr^rai rd dppT^ra Upd ’VTrep
TToAcWS’ .... (76) TOVTOV TOV VOptOV yp 6.tp(lVT€S eV (JTrjXTJ Xl 9 ivp CGTTJCraV
€v Tw L€p<p Tov ^lovvaov ‘TTapd rdv ptofidv iv Aifivai^ {koI aihr) 7) UT'qXr} ert
Kal vvv €G7rjK€Vt dfivBpoh ypdfxp.a<nv Attikoi^ STjXovaa rd yeypappeva) pap^
,
. on
rvpiav TTOiovpevo^ 6 8rjp,os rrjv ye Oew yvvaiKa SoSrjaopevT^v Kal
- .
TToirjaovaav eTvai. Kal Sid ravra ev rw apyatordrep

rd lepd rotavruiv d^tovpev
lepw rov ^tovvaov Kal dyteuraTW iv Alfivai^ €GrT)Gav, tva p.rj TroAAot elSmaw
d
THE ANTHESTERIA 5
TO. yeypafifieva- arra^ yap rov iviavrov e/caorou dvoCyerai, rfj StuSe/carij
Tou AvBeanjpidjvos p.-qv6s. . . . (78) ôvXofiai S’ vptv Kal tov lepoK-qpvKa

KoXiaai, os VTrrjpeTet rfj tov fiamXews ywaiKi, orav iôpKot rds yepapas
(rosy iv Kavots irpos rw irpiv amtoBai twv Upwv, iva Kal rov opKOV
Kal TWV Xeyopevwv aKoucnjrc ....
OPKOi: rEPAPDN
aytaTevw kox elpi KaBapa Kai ayvij otto (rey twv aXXwv twv ov KaSa-
pevdvTWV Kal an’ dvSpos trvvovalas, Kal tcl ©eoivia Kal to. ’loâKyeta yepapw
(Dobree for MSS. yepaipw) tw Atovvotp Kara TO. naTpia Kal ev Tois KaB-q-
Kovai ypovois.
Of. Hesych. S.V. Aiovvaov ydftos' -rijs tov PamXcws Kal Beov ylvsTat ydpos.
Bekk. Anecd. 231. 32. yepaipat- Upetai koivws, tSlws Se napd ABrjvatois
i.
al TW Aiovvaw tw iv Alpvais to. lepd eniTeXovaai, dpiB/xw SeKaTeaaapes.

(So also Hesych. s.v. yepapal.)
Eiym. Magn. 227. 35. yepatpai- napd ABrp’aiois ywaiKis Tives iepal,
as d PaaiXevs KaBioTqoiv laapiBfiovs TOis ^wfioTs tov Aiovvaov, Std to
yepatpeiv tov Beov. ovrw Aiovvaios 6 AXiKapvaaevs.
(12) Aristode, AB. IToX. iii. 5. âav Se ovy dpa ndvres ol ewda dpyovTes, dXX’
pev paatXeds elye to vvv KaXovpevov BovKoXetov, nXtjalov tov IJpVTaveiov
{oTjpetov Se' eu Kal vvv yap rijs tov âaiXews ywaiKos Tj avpptîs evTavBa
yiveTai tw Atovvacp Kal d ydpos), d Se apywy to JJpvTavetov, d Se noXepapyos
TO 'EniXvKeTov.
(13) Callimachus, Aitia, fr. 178 Pf., 1-5.
qws oilSe niBoiyls eXdvBavev ovS’ ore SovXois
‘^pa.p ’OpeoTeioi XeVKOv dyovai Xoes’

’iKapiov Kal naiSds dywv eneTeiov dyiarvv,
AtBiciv oIktIott], adv <j>dos, ’Hpiydvr],
es Sainqv eKoheoaev dp-qBeas-
(14) Dion. Hal. Anh’g. vii. 72. II. eêiTai yap Tots KaTayovai Tas vUas tapPCêiv
Te KOI KaTaoKCtmTeiv Tovs enuftavearaTovs dvSpas avrois OTpa-rrjXaTats, ws
AB-qvrjai Tots nopnevrats Tor? enl twv dpa^wv npoTepov dpa OKwppaai
napoyovpevots, vvv Se noiijpaTa aSovaiv avroaxeSia.
Cf. Harpokr. s.v. nopnelas Kal'nopneveiv dvrl tov XotSopias Kal XoiSopetv.
ArjpooBevrjs Se ev tw vnep KTr]ai<l>wVTOS (u, 1 24). peTa<f>epei Se dnd twv
ev Tats AiowaiaKats nopnats enl twv dpa^wv XoiSopovpevwv dXX'qXois.
(15) Plutarch, Qtiaest. Conv. i. 613 b. elph> ovv, wanep 01 tov ’Opearrjv eoTiwvres,
ev ©eapoBeTeiw otwTrfj Tpdiyeiv Kal nlvetv epeXXopev, ijv ti tovto rrjs dpaBias
OVK dniyes napapdBiov.
(16) Ibid. ii. 643 a. KaiToi Tiv eyei Siaôpdv [^] KvXiKa KaTaBevra twv KeKXr/pevwv
fKacTTw Kal xovv, ennhjadfievov oivov, Kal rpimâv 'Slav wmep oi Axjpxnfimv-
TtSat rip 'Opiorp Xiyovrai,mvciv KeXevaat pr) irpooixovra rots oAAois kt\.;
(17) Ibid. iii. 655 e. rov veov oivov AOi^mjcri pkv evSeKaTr] pijvbs (ÂvSeanjpicbvos)
Karapxovrai, IIiBolyia rrjV ripipav KoAoCvTes' Kat naXax y dis eoiKcv evôvro,
rov OIVOV Ttplv rj meiv dnoaTrevSovreff, d^Xa^rj Kal aiurqptov avrots rov ifiap-
paKov rrjV xprjiriv yfviaBai.
(18) Athen. iv. lyid. ait he povovivABrivaispcvuivcvbaipovllêiira.s&€ojipiarov

Bioits aKovuiv, Bvpa Kat ev^wpa Kal rovs KaAoiij iaBioiv arptmovs, A^vaia
Kal Xvrpovs Becupwv. (Part of a letter of Hippolochos, addressed to Lyn-
keus, a disciple of Theophrastus.)
(19) Ibid. X. 437 b-e. Tlpaios Se (566 F 158 Jac.) if>r]mv ws Aiovvaios 6 rvpawos
rp rd>v Xowv ioprij rip rrpcurip oKnidvri )ôa dBXov iBrjKe ariifiavov xpvaovv'
Kal on TrpiuTOs SevoKpd-rqg 6 îXoaoiô^ Kal Xa^div rov ypvaovv
ard(f>avov Kat dvaXvwv rip ‘Epprj rip tSpvpdvtp Ctrl rijs aiXijs iiriBTjKCV,
Sriep elcvBet Kal rovs dvBtvovs iKaarore hririBivai oreifidvovs earrcpas airaX-
Xaaaopmos dis avrov Kal (rrl rovnp eBavpaaBrj. rrjv Se rivv Xowv eoprrjv
Ti)v AB^vrjCiv ininXovpdvr^v 0av6%r)pds

(325 Fit Jac.) (fijot Ar)po<jiwvra
rov âaiXea <[**»^ ôvXopevov mrohiâoBai napayevdpevov rov 'Opcarriv
A 6-^va^€. rrpos Se rd lepd ov BeXwv avrov rrpooUvai ovb' opoarrovSov yeveoBai
pijirw SiKaaBevra eKeXevac ovyKX^taBrjvaC re rd Upd Kal xoa oivov eKaartp
jrapareB^vai, rw rrpwrip exmovri einwv dBXov SoBrjaeaBai vXaKovvra. vaprpy-
yeiXe re Kal rov norov rravaapevovs rovs pev oreijtdvovs ots eoreifidvwvro rrpas
rd lepd /ti) riBevai Sid rd dpopoôvs yeveaBai rw 'Opeorrj, rrepl Se rov you
rov eavrov eKaarov rrepiBeivai Kal rfj lepela dTtoj>ipeiv [rour areijidvovs^ npds
rd ev Alpvais repevos, eneira Bveiv iv rw Upw ra eirlXoma. Kal eicrore rqv
eoprrfv KXrjBrjvai Xoas- rfj Se eoprfj rwv Xowv eBos icrriv ABiqvrjat TrepneaBai
Swpd re KatTois piaBovs roTs aoîaratj, otvep Kal avrol ovveKoXovv irrl êvia
rovs yvwplpovs, coy tfirjaiv EipovXiSr^s 6 SiaXeKriKos ev Spdpari Kwpaarals
(fr. I K) ovrws
aoîarids, KdKiare, Kal Xowv Sir)
rwv piaBoSwpwv, ovk dSEtirvcoi' ev rpv^^.
Avriyovos S’ d Kapvarios'ev rw 3 iou rov 'HpOKXewrov
rrepl rov Aiowalov
)
rov erriKXrjBevros AleraBepevov tfirjal rov Aiovvaiov Tory otKCxaty aweop-
rdôvra ev rfj rwv Xowv eoprfj ktA. (Cf. Philodemus, Acad. Ind. Here. 8, p. 43.)
(20) Athen. xi. 465 a. âvoSrjpos Se (325 F 1 Jac.) rrpds rw lepw {rrpds rd tepov
2
Jacoby) <f>r]ai rov ev Aipvais Aiovvaov rd yXevKos rfiepovras Touy ABijvaCovs eK
rwv rriBwv rip
Bew Kipvavai, eir' avrovs rrpoaêpeoBav oBev Kal Aipvaiov
KXrjBrjvairov Aiovvaov ort pi^Bev rd yXevKos rip vSari rare rrpwrov erroBrj
KeKpapevov. Siorrep ovopaaBijvai rdy (rrT^ydyjlViycây Kal riBrjvas rov Aiovvaov^
on rov oivov avâvei to vSwp Kipvdpevov. 'qaBevres oSv rfj Kpdaei iv wSais
epeXrrov rov Aiowaov, xapeooKrey Kat dvaKoXovvres Evav re
{EvdvBr) jMS.j
THE ANTHESTERIA 7
defended by Deubner, jahrb. Arch. 42 (1927), p. 191) Kal AiQipafiôv

KOI BcKxevrai’ Kal Bp6p.iov.
(21) Ibid. 495 a-C. KpaTTjs Sc h’ Sarrepw ATmais SioAc/crou (362 F 8 Jac.)
ypdij>ci ovrws' ol rrcAiVat, KaOd^rep etiropev, <Lvopdôx’TO- 6 Sc tvkos
Toii dyj'ciou rtportpov ph' rots Uai'a&TjvaTKoTs iotKws, •^viKa tKoXeiTo
TfXtKq, varepov Sc cct^cj’ oii'Ojôt;? tr^pa, oTol eloiv ol iv tQ iopTfj Trapa-
TtOeptx'ot, drroiovs Sij 77ore oAiya? fKoXow, xpuxpei'oi rrpos ttji’ tou oit’ov
fyxvcif, KaOd-Kep “luix’ d Xios o’ EvpvrlSats (fr. I O N-) ôiv
CK âOeaii' TTiGaKi'wv atfivoaoiTes oXirais
aii'ov wrcpîoAoi' KcXapvêre.
iivi Sc TO ph' roiovTOX' dyycroi’ KaOiepcapivov riva rporrov o' Hj topTrj zrapa-
Tidcrai pdfov, to S’ cts rrjv xpelav trorroi' perecr)(ripdTiarai, dpxrralx-rj pdXiara
coiK-oj, o Sr) KoXovpa’ xoS.. (Grates’ date is perhaps ist cent, b.c.)
(22) Diog. Lacrt. iv. 8 (on Xenokrates). koI ore<l>dx’cp np-qBexTa irraOXw
troAirrrooieif toT? Xovol rrapd Aioxvmm c^joito Bexx-ax irpos tov ISpvpcvov
'Epprjx', ex-Barrfp rxBex’ax Kal touj dx-Otxrov^ exwBex. (See no. 19 above.)
(23) Philostratus, Heroic, xii. 2. (Alas TraCSa) rrjx’ re dXXrjv erpeife rpexff^x’, r]X'
.^Brjx’axox erroxx-oCax, Kal ore AB-qxiqaiv ol irarScs O' pr)vl Ax'Bear-qptwvi

CTTcdai-ouiTai t<3i' ax-Beoix’ rplrxp dwo yci'cas cVet, Kpa-njpds re robs CKetBexf
<<m)aaro Kal eBvaex- dxra ABr)X’axoxs ex’ X’opxp.
(24) Schol. on Hesiod, Op. 368. koI ex’ rots rrarploxs eorlx’ eoprij IlxSoxyla,
koB' r)X’ oure oxKenjx’ ovre pxoBxordx’ expyexx’ rrjs drroXavaecos rov oxx’ov Bepxrdv
fp’, dAAd Bdaaxras •e-aai pcraStSdi-at ToiJ Scopov rov Axoxvaov.
(25) Zenobius (in Code.\ Atlious, 14th cent.). Bvpaê Rapes, ovk er Av-
BecrrQpxa- xâalx' orx ol Rapes rrore pepos rrjs ArriKrjs Kareaxov Kal ex rrore
rrjx’ eoprijX’ rwx’ Ax’8ecrr)px(ux’ rjyox’ ol ABrji’axox, arrox’Sdjx’ avroxs pereSxSooax’
K-ai iSeyox-ro rxp dcrci Kal toi? oiKiais, perd Sc ttjv ioprtjx’ Tivuiv urroAcAcip-
/tcroii' ex’ rats AB^x-axs, ol xlrrax-rwx’res rrpos rovs Rapas rraxôx’res cAcyoJ"
Bvpale Rapes, ovK er' A1 x-Bexmjpxa.
To tliis, two collections of proverbs, in a Bodleian and a Vatican
MS., botli of tlie fifteenth century, add : titcj Sc ovtoj <âor Bvpale Rrjpes,
OVK ex’x Ax-BeoTTipxa.
(26) Photius. rd eK rxjjx' dpa^wx’. . . . AlP^njoi ydp ei’ rfj rwv Xodiv eoprij ol
Kojpdôxres c— t Talj’ dpa^ctix’ rods drrai’rdix'ras eaKXirrrrov re Kal iXoxSdpow.
TO S’ avTo Kal Tofj Ar)X’axoxs vxrrepov erroxoxn’. (So also 'Suidas’.)
(27) Photius. pxapd rjpepa- ex’ Tor? Xovolx’ Ai'Bexrrrjpxwx'OS pr)X'6s, O' w SoKOvoxv
al x^t’xal Toil' reXexrrrjcrdx’TOjX’ di’xex’at, pdpx'ox’ (MSS. pdpx’xp) exvBei’ epaawxro
Kal rxrrr) rds Bi'pas eypxox’. (So ako Hcsj’chius.)
(28) Id, pa^:io 5 * ivTov o o' toC? JCovaii* tSy ^c^tâpfiCKOi’ tîaoaiJTO Kai
TTtTTTj exptoVTO TO. Scu/iOTa' afLloVTOS yap avTTj, 8(0 KOI Ev Tofs yevcaeot twv
naiStmv ypiovai rdr oiVi'a? eiV aniXaciv twv SaipMvwv.
(29) Id. dvpaCc Kapes, ouket’

AvBeanqpia- rjv ol p.h> Sia vXrjBog oIkctwv KapiKwv
elpyjadal (fiaaiv, ws iv TOis Jivdeonjpiois evwxovpevwv avrwv Kal oOk ipyaô-
pivwv. rijs ovv ioprrjs TeXeodelcnjs Xeyetv enl to. epya eKnipunovras avrovs-
Bijpaê Kapes, ovKer AvQearqpta. Tivks Si oorois Ttjv rrapoiplav <fiaai-
Bvpale Kxjpes, ovk evi AvBearqpta, ths Kara Trjv ttoXiv rots Avffecmjpiois ruiv
tjjvywv Treptepyopevwv (*Suidas* repeats this.)
(30) ‘Suidas’ s.v. Zo'ej. Contains nothing which is not in (3) above, though in
longer or shorter form.
(31) I.G. ii*. 1672 (

1. 204) (in the accounts of the emararai ’EXevaivoBev for
329/8 B.C.). els Xoas Sij/iootot? lepetov AAhIh.
(32) Sokolowski, Lois Saerks de VAsie Mineure, no. 48 (Miletus), 1. 21. rois Se
Karaywylots Kardyeiv rov Aiowaov rovs cepEt [s] Kal rd? lepelas tov [Aiovv]-
aov TOV BaKylov pera. tov [lepews K]a( T^s lepelas 7rp[d -qpepas peypi
T[^r Âi'oo Svaews .r]^? vdXews. (Date 276-275 S.C.)
. .
* 9 - eêVo) Si Kal oToXyv (d lepevs)

(33) Ibid., no. 37 (S.LG.^ I 003 )j ap
ôvXrjrai Kal OTe(j>avov ypvaovv pijva Arjvatwva Kal AvBea-rppiwva' Kal Tots
KaTaywyiois Kadriypaerai rwv ovyKaTayovrwv tov Aidvvoov. (2nd cent. B.C.
Priene.)
(34) Philostratus, Vit. Soph. i. 25. l . Trip-rreTai yap tis prjvl AvBecrnjptwvt perapda
Tpvqpy^S is dyopdv, fjv o Aiovvoav lepevs olov KVêpv^rrjS eiBvvet ireiopaTa ek
BaXdTTTjs Xvovoav. (This was at Smyrna in the reign of Hadrian.) (Cf.
Aristides xvii. 6 ; xxi. 4 Keil).
(35) 1368, 11 . 1 1 1 if. (the lobacchoi ofAthens, 2nd cent. a.d.). d lepevs
Si ettiteAeiVeu Tar edlpovs XiTOvpylas Z’rijSdSor Kal dp<f>ieTT]plSos emrpenms
Kal TiBeTW TTjv TWV Karaywylwv ottovStiv ZVtjSdSi plav Kal BeoXoylav, t]V
ijpâTo EK ifaXoreiplas rroietv 6 lepaodpevos NeiKopaxos.
(38) Philostratus, Vit. Apoll. iii. 14. Bewv Se ayaXpaow evToyeXv iâatv, el piv
’IvSois rj AlyVTTTiois, Bavpa ovSev, to. Se yE opyaidrara twv Trap' 'EXX-qai,

TO TE Ttjs ABrpias rijs IJoXidSos Kal to tov AttoXXwvos tov A'tjXlov Kal to tov
A iovvaov TOV Aipvaiov Kal to tov ApvKXalov, Kal djrdaa tLSe dpâta, Tavra
ISpveaBat te touj ’IvSovs tovtovs koI voplêiv 'EXXtjvikois ijBeoi, âol S’ olKetv
TO. peaa t^s ’IvSiicrjs.
(37) Ibid. iv. 21. emirXrjâi Si XeyeTai irepl Aiowalwv AB-qvalots, a mtenal
apioiv ev wpa tov AvBeanjpiwvos' 6 pev yap povojSlas aKpoaaopevovs Kal
peXoTTouas Trapa^daewv Te Kal pvBpwv, oroaoi KwpwSlas Te Kal TpaycpSlas
etmv, is TO BeaTpov ^vpifioirav qSeto, etteI 8e tjkouoev ort auAoO vnoirqprpiavTos
Xvyiopovs opxovvrai Kal perafv rijs 'Oppews inoroUas te Kal BeoXoylas to
pev ws Lipai, TO 8e ws Nvp<f)ai, to Se air BaKyat 'trpdTTovoiv, is iirLnX'pîV
TOVTOV KaTEOTTJ.
THE ANTHESTERIA 9
The passage quoted above (no. 23) from the Heroicus of Philostratus
2.
suggests that thename of the Anthesteria is connected -vvith the ritual

wearing of a crown of flowers by boys and girls who were just passing
out of infancy, a rite of blessing which has parallels in other Indo-
European cultures.' A large number of vases of the characteristic chous
shape, mostly of the fifth century, show children garlanded and dressed
for the fesdval: one of these is figured here (fig. 1).^ Further, an in-
scription^ on a relief commemorating a boy who had died just before
he could be crowned at the festival describes him as ijAixiij? XoikS>v,

o St 8a(fiwv e<j) 9 aae tovs XoGs. Hesychius"' records that at Rhodes maidens
just ripe for marriage were called dvOearrjpidSes. Pausanias® mentions a
diovuffos Îvdios as w'orshipped at Phlya, and an HvBiarrjp in an inscription®
of the second century b.c. at Thera is conjectured to be a Bacchic hero
or the god himself.’
3. On the first day of the festival, called Uidotyia, people gathered

near® the sanctuary of Dionysus tV Aifivais, opened the ttiOoi —the jars
containing the \vine of last autumn’s grapes — and drank it after pouring
libations of it to Dionysus. The object of the ritual was to remove the
tabu from the food and drink of the community before they enjoyed it.’
Their slaves shared in the drinking and the merry-making of the
feast.”
Deubner, Altische Feste, pp. 1 14 ff.

'
Deubner, op. cit., pi. 13, no. 4; van Hoom, Chocs and Anthesteria, no. 23; Beazley,
’
AM.V.^ i6oi, no. 1. TBc vase is late fifth-century: the boy depicted is also pushing a toy
tragon, a recurrent feature (c.g. van Hoom, op. cit., nos. 405, 751, 53, 970, 397, 544), which
Deubner aptly compares svith the d/xofiV presented (in Aristophanes, Clouds 864) by Strep-
siades to Pheidippides at the Diasia. The vase evidence has now been collected by van
Hoorn, op. cit. ; Nilsson, Gcschichtc d. gr. Religion i*, p. 587, n. 3, points out that too little atten-
tion has been given to tlie chronology of this evidence. Tor the part played by children in
the festival, see below, pp. lof.
^ l.G. ii». 13139. Photograph : JoAri. Arch. 42 (1927), p. 191.
*
S.V. didfonjpidStj.
’ '• 31 - 4 -
‘ /.C. xii.
3. 329; ^Yilamowitz, Glauhe d. HeUenen- ii, p. 76, n. 2. Cf. Nilsson, Griechische
Feste, p. 267, n. 5.
’ Other choes arc depicted
here by the kindness of Sir John Beazley, Mrs. S. P. Karouzou,
and Dr. H. A. Thompson (sec A.J.A.
50 (1946), and Hespersa iB (1949)).
* r-po!
Toi iVpeu (Phanodemos
325 F J2 jacoby =
pass, ao above), not in the updv, which
ts'as only open
on the next day. (So Deubner, op. cit., pp. 127-9.) But Jacoby, comm, ad loc.
i, pp. 185 f., and Suppl, ii, pp. tSo f.) argues for the emendation
(’^ F. Gr. Hist, iii b, Suppl.
epof TO irpdf. There is further doubt about the day of the festival on which this ceremony of
consecration took place: Nilsson, Gesch. i', pp. 586 f., followed by B. C. Dietrich, Hermes 89
(' 9®')> P- argues that the dedication of the wine, as distinct from the opening
44 and n. 7,
of the n’doi, took
place on the nc.xt day, A'dtr.
Famcll, Cults of the Greek States v, p. 215; Deubner, op. cit., p. 94: cf. pass. 17 abosc.
“ Pass. 24 above: cf. Eur. Bacchae
421 If., 430 ff. with Dodds's notes. Miss J. E. Harrison’s
attempt to connect the fJiBoiyia
with the cult of the dead (Prolegomena, pp. 42 ff-) b answered
1 Famell, Culls v, f., and Nilsson, Gesch. i*, p. 597.
pp. 221 ff., Deubner, op. cit., pp. 95
C
4. The second day, the X6es, was celebrated by drinking throughout
the city, vessels of a peculiar shape being appropriated to the ceremony,'
and a drinking-match, announced by sound of trumpet, was solemnly
conducted by the archon basileus at the BeaixoBeretov.^ The ritual was
based upon that which, according to tradition, had been observed when
Orestes was entertained at Athens before he had been purified of murder;
to avoid pollution each drinker had a separate vessel, and all drank in
In the contest in the OeafioBeretov the prize was a skin full of
silence.3
In unofficial drinking-matches on the same day there were cakes

wine.*'
and garlands as prizes, and the revellers generally, at the end of the day,
took the garlands which they wore, wound them round their j;dey, brought
them to the priestess in charge of the sanctuary eV Aifivacs, and poured
libations of the rest of the wine.^ A vase (a of the early fourth
century in the Louvre (fig. 6)* is thought to represent the priestess
receiving a youth who comes to dedicate his garland.

Other vases illustrate various phases of the festival. Miss G. M. A.
Richter has published'? two in the New York Metropolitan Museum of
Art (figs. 7 and 8) of about 420 b.c., each of the characteristic form of
the x°Bs:, depicting (as she suggests) a reveller at the Anthesteria—-the

one while he is dancing, with two youthful companions (one of whom
holds his clothes), the other at the moment when, having well drunk, he is
trying to re-enter his own house — if indeed it is not the house of a hetaira.
He ought of course to have taken

his x°B^ hy this time to the priestess,
but probable that the revels which succeeded the drinking-match

it is
at the Choes went on for some time after the day called Xvrpoi had
technically begun, at sunset.® (Miss Richter also noted that the museum
contains a number of miniature jugs of the same type which, she con-
jectured, may have been used by children taking part in the festival,
* Athen. XI.
495 a-c (pass, ar above). A, Knmpr, Bonner Jahrbuckeri 6 i (1961), p. 2 I 3 >
out that the size of the vessels must also have been standardized and that the chous in question
is the Attic measure of about 3!^ litres.
* Pint. Quaest. Conv.

i. 613 b (pass. 15 above).
^
Passages 2, 3, 16, 19 above.
*
Schol. Ar. Ach. 1000 (pass. 4 above) asserts that the festival also included
leaping upon a full wine-skin, but this is probably due to confusion ; sec below, p. 45-
5 Athen. x.
437 c (pass. 19 above),
^ Compare van Hoorn, nos. 385, 174.
^ Mus. 34 (1939), pp. 231-2; van Hoorn, nos. 762, 761. A pelike from Capua
Bull. Metr.
285, no. 6; van Hoorn, fig. 109) ako

in Basel, c. 480-470 b c., by the Geras Painter {A.R.V.^
depicts a reveller at the Anthesteria note the chous hanging
:
by a string from Ac r.h. figure’s
lyre : van Hoorn, pp. 32 f.
In the scene in Ar. Ach, 1071—142, Lamachus is called out for military duties, owing to
®
warning of a raid vno tqvs Xoar koI Xwpovsy while DikaiopoHs prepares for a drinking-match
(with his chous, •!. 1 133), evidently like that of the Anthesteria.
Sec Immenvahr, T.A.P.A. 77
(^946), pp. 245 ff.
Choes
at
Reveller
8.
Fig.
York
New
in
Chous
lo
Fig
THE ANTHESTERIA II
and Mrs. S. P. Karouzou' publishes some Athenian examples of ‘chil-

dren’s choes’ (figs. 2, 4)^ showing children playing. stele on one of A
tliese vases perhaps indicates that one of the children thought of had
died.)^
A on a chous in the Vlasto Collection by

delightful picture (fig. g)-*
the Eretria Painter shows a boy garlanded and lightly held on

little
a swing by his father, -while two older garlanded children look on. Sir
John Beazley, to whom we are indebted for photographs of this vase,

interprets the scene as a ceremony of purification, probably by fumes
from the vessel in the centre.^
The sanctuary «> Alfivais ivas open on this day only in the year, and
the revellers continued to frequent it until the evening, when, strictly
speaking, the day called Xvrpoi had already begun.® In the sanctuary —
doubtless in —
an inner chamber^ there then took place the secret cere-
monies, conducted by the fourteen yepaipai, preparatory to the sacred
marriage of the âalXivva, the wife of the archon âaiXevs, to Dionysus.®
*
She makes a very interesting attempt to show that on an-
A.J.A, 50 (1946), pp. i22-“39.
other such vase (fig. 81 =
van Hoorn, no. 1 17 : see also Webster, t953“4> P* >97)
the children are performing a parody of the Orestes story which is connected with the festival,
but her argument, though very ingenious, is not (to me) quite convincing, nor is her sugges-
tion that the aywves x^ptvoi were originally contests of children at the festival. (The latter is
not consistent \rith the ver>" slight literary evidence : see below, pp. 1 5 f.) This is not the place
to discuss further the part played by children in the festival : referencemay be made to Deub-
ncr, op. cit., pp. 238 ff. It has been suggested that the very small choes may have been seasonal
presents for
*
—
children like Easter eggs,
van Hoorn, nos. 115, ii8.
> For the
custom of bur>'ing choes with children too young to have taken part in the festival,
Rumpf (Bonnrr 161 (ig6i), pp. 2i3f.) compares the loutrophoroi buried Avith girls w'ho
died before marriage, and points out that the analogy suggests that scenes on the choes need
not al^va)s have reference to the Anthesteria.
*
Published
by kind permission of Mrs. Jean Serpieri, tlie present o^vne^ of the Vlasto
Collection: van Hoorn, no.
270; A.R.V.^ 1249, no. 14.
* This
interpretation of the scene and its connexion ^vith the Anthesteria is made more
likely by a comparison
wth t\vo other vases, one a chous in New York by the Meidias Painter
(van Hoorn, no.
744 and fig. 12 Richter-Hall, no. 159 and figs. 158,
;
A,R.V.^ >3>3>
no. ii), tlic
other a hydria in Berlin by the Washing Painter {A.R.V.^ i I3ij no. 172 ; Greifen-
^gen, Atmj/avrAe- (Berlin, 1966), pi, 48, lower) : the first show’s preparations for the
ntc, the second
another example of the ceremony. Add probably Deubner, op. cit., pi. 18;
1 itoon, Gesek. i*, pi.
37/a — A.R.V,^ 1301, no. 7, a skyphos by the Penelope Painter showing
a *nnilar scene,
but with a satyr pushing the swing. See below, p. 15, n. 3.
218 (pass. 8 above).
,
’ q
Schol. Ar. Frogs 216 (pass. 8 above) mentions that the sanctuary contained the oiVor
ifcor ToC 6eou.
[Dcm.] in A’êasram above). For the nature of these ceremonies, see Famell,
73-78 (pass. 1 1
PP' 217 ff.; Deubner, op. pp. looff. ; Nilsson, Gosch. i-, pp. 121 f. and 122,
cit.,
n-
1 ; O.Munich, 1930, no.
4, pp. •; fT. =
Opusc. Sd. i, pp. 419 /T. It has been conjectured
at the archon
âoiXcvs himself may have impersonated the god much remains doubtful.
:
miniature chous from the

Anthesteria in New^ York (fig. 10 : van Hoorn, no. 757 ; Deubner,
V.’
PP' >04 mid fig. 1 1/3-4; Bieber, Hesperia, Suppl. 8 (1949), pi. 5, i and pp. 34fi>
rus Johansen,
Fine DitJ^'rambosmiffiihnmg (Arkaeol, Kunsthist. hledd. Dan. Vid. Selsk,
The marriage itself was celebrated (by what symbolism we do not know)
in the BovKoXeTov,' which stood near the Tlpmavelov ; the site of this is still
a matter of controversy. It was doubtless a fertility ritual, which symbolized
the union of the god of fruitfulness with the community represented by
the wife of its religious head.
5. a connexion between these ceremonies and

Whether or not there is
the procession, represented on a number of vase-paintings, in which

Dionysus was escorted riding in a car shaped like a ship on wheels, has
been keenly disputed.^ What is represented is plainly the arrival of
—
Dionysus in Athens from overseas whether from Thrace or Lydia or
—
Euboea and Deubner and Nilsson have made out a strong case for the
connexion with the Anthesteria, based on a comparison of a number of
vases with the evidence of ancient notices (quoted above) and of cere-
monies of the type called Karaymyia (the ‘bringing home’ of Dionysus)
in a number of Ionian states, in some of which a connexion with the local
Anthesteria is affirmed ;
these states include Smyrna, Ephesus, Miletus,
and Priene.’
If the Attic Anthesteria included a procession of this kind, it may have
escorted the god to the BovKoXetov, no more than a con-
though this is
jecture. The car of Dionysus may have been followed by the wagons
from which the revellers shouted their jests,'’ while the crowd retaliated
4, no. 2, 1959) pp. 16 ff.) is now
widely agreed to show children imitating part of the cere-
mony. Ilut Rurapf (op. pp. 210 ff.) argues strongly against this interpretation: the
cit.,
alleged 'basilinna* is a boy, and the attributes of a wedding are all absent.
* Aristotle, Ad. IIoX, iii,
5 (pass. 12 above) : cf. ‘Suidas* s.v. The expression used
by Aristotle, to vvv koAov/icvov BouKoActov, may imply that he knew an earlier name for this
building. The American excavators have made a strong case for placing the Prytaneion (men-
tioned by Paus. i. 18. 3-4) on the NAV. slope of the Acropolis, below the precinct of Aglauros.
See Hesperia 4 (1935), pp. 470-2; 18 (1949), p. 129. For earlier controversy, see Judeich,
Topographie v. Athen^ pp. 296 ff., 304 f. On the t€/>or ydftor, sec most recently Erika Simon,
Aniike Kimst 6 (1963), pp. 6 if. Among much that is speculative, she draws attention to a
Polygnotan calyx-crater in Tarquinia {A.R,V.^ >057, no. 96 =
her fig. 5. 3 : r. 430), shelving
perhaps Dionysus arriving at the Boukoleion.
* Figs. 1 1-14. Connexion with the
Anthesteria is the most likely hypothesis (cf. Deubner,
op. cit., pp. 102 ff.; Nilsson, Gesch. i*, pp. 582 ff., against the attempt of Frickenhaus (Jahrh.
Arch. 27 (1912), pp. 6i ff.) and others to connect the procession wth the City Dionysia),
but it must always remain possible that the painters arc representing a popular subject,
without direct dependence on any festival or ritual. Deubner (op. cit., pp. 104, 149 f.) argues
from the fact that the lobaccheion at Athens (pass.
35 above) %vas built over part of the
remains of the precinct Aifxvai^ that the Karaywym celebrated by the lobacchoi may have
been a survival of the return of Dionysus in a ship-car many centuries before.
3 Passages
32-35 above. It is uncertain at what time of the year the Karaywyia took place
at Ephesus, Miletus, and Prienc. For Ephesus, sec also
Maass, Orpheus^ pp. 56 ff. and n. 61
Deubner, op. cit., pp. 103 f. On Koraycoyia generally, see Nilsson, Jahrb. Arch.
31 (1916), pp.
309 ff., esp. 315 f., 332 ff. —
Opusc. Sel. i, pp. j66 ff., esp. 175-7, ^^3
5
Boardman, J.H.S,
78 (1958), pp. 4 ff. ; Nilsson, Gr. Fesle, p. 268, n, 4.
* Photius s.v. TO. tK Twv
dpafoiv; Harpokr. s.v. iropn-eta? Kal irofiTreveiv (passages 26,
14 above) : cf. Plato, Laws i, 637 b; Schol. Lucian, lup. trag.
p. 77. 28 Rabe; Eun. 202. 15.
THE ANTHESTERIA 13
in like —
manner a form of merriment which is attested both for the An-
thesteria and for the Lenaia, as well as for the procession to Eleusis before
the Mysteries. (It was perhaps a common feature of popular processions
at Athens, and may have been apotropaic in its original intention.)
Fig. II. Dionysiac procession
6. The third day of the festival, called X^poi, began at sunset on the
evening of the day called Jfoej. There is consequently some confusion
here and there in the attribution of particular ceremonies to one day
or the other. Thus Aristophanes {Frogs 217-19, pass. 8 above) speaks
of the revels as occurring on the Xilrpoi— and this was probably correct,
though they began with the drinking-match on the Xoes —and Photius
and others (pass. 27f. above) refer to the Xoes as the day on which the
ghosts ^vandered ;
such confusions are not unnatural, and there may in
practice have been some overlapping; but it seems probable that,
speaking generally, the cheerful ceremonies connected with the Zoes
came to an end about sunset, and that the Xvrpoi which then began was
a day of a quite different character, devoted to the cult of the dead,
and tliat Dionj'sus had little it.* The day was named after
or no part in
the pots of a kind of porridge, composed of various kinds of grain, and
offered, according to our sdurccs,- to Hermes ZSovtos,^ \vith intercessions
‘Suidas’, s.v. ra tV- twv ifia^wv oKwfifiaTa, records a peculiar (and perhaps more serious)
form of vituperation from a svagon at Alexandria (see Famell, Culls v, p. 212).
' Nilsson, Gesch. i=, p. 597 (but Nilsson goes on to suggest that the conjunction of the two
frstiials is probably very old: he compares the Roman Parentalia and the Persian Hama-
spathmacdaj'a, as festivals of the dead occurring in the spring ibid., pp. 597 f. and 597, n. 3).
:
It is veiy doubtful svhether the dyili'tr below, pp. 15 f.) were an essential or
original part of the festival.
* In fact, more probably as food for the dead cf. Nilsson, Gesch. i% p. i8i.
:
> That the offering was made to Dionpus as well as Hermes is stated on the authority of
for the dead —particularly, we are told, for those who perished in Deu-
kalion’s flood.' It was a day of gloom, a piapd or dwo^pd? ^fiepa, on

which ghosts were abroad, and cathartic measures (such as the chewing
of buckthorn and the smearing of houses with pitch) were taken as
a precaution against them. At the end of the day the cry was uttered,
6vpaê Rapes or Bvpaê Kijpes, oiiKer 'Avdearrjpia.
This cry has been the subject of much controversy. If it was originally
—
dvpale Rapes an order to the country slaves, who had come in to the
city to share in the feast, to go back to work — ît may perhaps have become
a colloquial phrase for recalling idle slaves to their task ;
and the literary
evidence has been thought to suggest that Rapes was the original form
of the phrase. Zenobius (second century a.d.), who got his material from
Didymus’ work npos tovs Ttepl Trapoipumv ovvreraxoras (Didymus’ Own
source being possibly the collection of proverbs in several books made by
Demon in the third century B.C.), seems to have included this form only,
though two collections of proverbs in manuscripts slightly later than the
principal manuscript of Zenobius (evidently copying Photius, as their
reproduction of the misreading evi for er' shows) add the other version,
Bvpaê Rrjpes, and explain it by the expulsion of the ghosts who wandered
about the city during the festival. The evidence, however, that the word
Kfjpes was ever applied to the souls of the dead, apart from this passage, is
slight. Hesychius has Krjpes' Ipvxar avp.<f>opal- p,olpai Bavarriôpoi, and

‘Suidas’ Krjp- Bavar-rjôpos fiotpa. Kat Kijpes, Bava-njifiopoi poipai
, . , Krjp Se Kal i) on 8tdrrvpos ecjTi' to yap ep,^VTOV Beppov, rovro
8e Krjp Tvpôvxos, 6 Se Kreivas pe Ropoiôs"^ (but no stress can
be laid on this, as the Krjp rvpôvxos is the figure on the tombstone, not
the deceased). Further, there is no other evidence of the expulsion of
ghosts in Athens, though it was performed in other parts of Greece, as in
many it may indeed be, as M. Ganszyniec
other European countries:
has suggested, that the Greek proverb has been misinterpreted through
learned confusion with the expulsion of ghosts that took place at the
Roman festival of the Lemuria. A further difficulty arises from the fact
Didymus in schol. At. Ach. 1076 (pass. 5 above), but it can hardly be doubted that the words
Aiovvao} Kal are a mistaken addition : in fact ôvta could not make sense with tcu Aiovvaat
*Ep{ifj (it ^vould have to be fiovois). On the text of the scholia bearing on the Xih-poi, see F. J.
Tausend, Siudien zu alt. Festen (Wurzburg, 1920), pp, 22 ff. Nilsson, Gesch. i*,
p. 594 and ibid.,
;
n, 7 (quoting suggestions made by A. Wifttrand),

597. For a possible connexion of certain
vases with this ceremony, see Karouzou, A.J.A.
50 (1946), pp. 122-3.
* Pass.
5, 8, 27, 28 above. It is possible that the *Y^po(j}opla, the pouring of libations of
water to these same victims of the flood, was also a ceremony of the Xvrpot \ see Deubner,
op. cit., p. 1 13; Nilsson, Gesch i*,
pp. 595 f.
^ Anth. Pal, vii.
154, 3 (date and author unknown). The MSS. of ‘Suidas’ have Tu/zjffouAor.
Fig- 13
Dion) siac processions

Fig 14 Dion)sus at sea
THE ANTHESTERIA 15
that the proverb forms an iambic trimeter. There is no ground for
Crusius’s statement that this was a traditional metre of liturgical for-
mula, and the line as it stands — ^with —

Rapes may come from some
comedy, even if something of the sort was said at the Anthesteria. No
final solution seems possible.'
How a day of evil omen came to be attached to the cheerful Dionysiac
festival we do not know. That was probably separate at first is shown
it
by the fact that there is no hint of anything like it in any of the parallel
festivals in Ionian states of which brief records survive. The Anthesteria
was othenvise plainly a cheerful feast, and there is reason to think that
it dates from before the migration firom Greece to Asia Minor of the
Ionian tribes who all celebrated it.^ If so, and if it was originally an Ionian
festival, there is nothing surprising in the absence from it of dramatic
elements, or performances which might grow into drama, since the roots
of drama were for the most part in Dorian soil.^
The only direct point of contact between the Anthesteria and the
7.
Greek drama in classical times is that furnished by the so-called aySives

Xurpivoi which were restored after an unspecified period of abeyance by
a law of Lycurgus in the third quarter of the fourth century b.c. The
principal authority for this found in [Plutarch], Fit.
is Oral. 841 f: X
elcrqveyKev Se teal vopovs, rov ph' irepl twv KwpcuBuiv, aywva tois Xvrpois
eTTireXeiv etfidptXKov ei’ rw Searpto Kai top viK-qaavra els derrv KaraXeyeaBai.,
nporepov ovk eôv, avaXap^dpwv rov aywva eKXeXonrora. This can hardly
refer to anything but a contest of comic actors, tlie victor in which
* See especially O. Crusius, Anakcla crilica ad paroemiographos Craecos (1883), pp. 48 f., 146;
id., 64 fi". ; id., art. Keren in Roschcr’s
Parorrtiographica (1910), pp. ii, col. il48;Nilsson,
Eranos 15 (1915), pp. 182 ff. =

Opusc. Sd. i, pp. 146 IT. ; Malten in ft.E., Suppl. iv s.v. Ker;
Ganszyniec, Eranos 45 (1947), pp. 100-13; Rose, Harv. Thcol. Rev. 41 (1948), pp. 217 fT.;
Nilsson, Gesch. i’, pp. 222 IT., csp. 224-5 and most recently, \-an dcr Valk, RM.C. 76 (1963),
pp. 418-20. Nilsson's suggestion that may have been applied to ghosts, in the sense
‘ye evil things', svithout meaning ‘ghosts’, and Crusius’s that Kapes may be Doric for K^pes,
are not convincing; neither is Deubner’s treatment of the line as a combination of ritual
phrases in other metres, accidentally forming an iambic trimeter.
- P.ass.
32, 33, 34 above and p. 12, n. 2 above. For the Anthesteria at Tcos, see Sclissyzer,
D.G.E., no. 710 B, 1 32. The objection that this implies a worship in Greece of Dionj’sus
.
earlier tlian is often recognized was met by Deubner, op. cit., pp. 122 f., even before tlic name
(not necessarily tlie god) ‘Dions’sus’ was apparently recognized on the Linear B tablets from
Ps'los ^Ventris-Chadisdck, DocumenlStp. 127: the name recurs on a second tablet: py Xb
1419'). On the 'double-sidedncss' of
tlie Anthesteria, see Farnell, Cults v, pp. 22t ff.; Nilsson,
Gesch. is pp.597 f. ; Jacoby, commentary on Philochorus 328 F 84 (= F. Gr. Nisi, iii b, Suppl.
i. Suppl. ii, pp. 268 IT. and 537).
J We do
not here discuss the possible connesdon of the rite called Aldipa svith tlie Anthes-
Uria, for lack of space: sec Nibson, Erar.as 15 (rpra),
pp. 181 IT. Optesc. Sel. i, pp. 145 /T.;
Gesch. P,pp. 585 f.; Deubner, op. cit.,
pp. 118 IT.; Karouzou, zl.J./l. 50 (t94G), p. 122 and
Immenvahr, T.A.P.A. 77 (1946), pp. 245 IT.; Dietrich, Hemes 89 (1961)
pp. 30 If. bee abo .above, p. 1 1 .and n. 5, and fig. g.
i6 THE LESSER FESTIVALS
acquired the right to act at the ensuing Dionysia eV aoreid For tragedy
the choice of the three protagonists was the duty of the archon, but the
successful protagonist of the previous year had a right to be selected;
for subordinate actors practice seems to have varied.^ Presumably the

contest at the Xiirpoi was limited to protagonists, though there is no
definite statement to this effect. The notice of pseudo-Plutarch is con-
firmed by the scholiast^ on Aristophanes Frogs, 1. 218, with his quotation

from Philochorus (328 F 57 Jac., c. 280 b.g.). The nature of the contests
is unrecorded. does not seem likely that these dycoves were an essential
It
part of the Anthesteria, the nature of which has been described above.
They cannot have been an original part, because the Anthesteria was
a much older festival than the Dionysia ev darei.^ But the festival fell
at a timewhich would be convenient for the choice of actors to perform

at the Dionysia a few weeks later; a time of public holiday-making
would also be suitable, and so the contests may naturally have been
‘thrown in’ on the third day of the festival.
8. There is a reference in Philostratus’ life of Apolloniuss to dances
in costume at the Anthesteria which shocked ApoDonius, who had ap-
parently expected to hear singing and recitation of selections from tragedy
and comedy. These performances occurred in the intervals of recitations
of Orphic poems. If any or all of these things formed part of the Anthes-
teria of the first century a.d., the festival must have changed much. These
performances may have replaced the dy&ves on the Xvrpoi. It is

possible that the original character of the festival had long been for-
gotten, and it was probably not long after this that the sanctuary eV Aipvais
was partly destroyed and replaced by the lobaccheion of which some
remains are still to be seen.
9. Recently, however, a case has been made out for supposing that
the Anthesteria did include one type of performance in common with the
other, more K. Friis
clearly dramatic, festivals of Dionysus. Professor
Johansen published in 1959® an Attic red-figure bell-krater of the late
fifth century (fig. 15: his connexion of this vase with the Kleophon
* Other interpretations are sho\vn to be impossible by O’Connor, Chapters tn the History

of Actors and Acting in Ancient Greece (1908), pp. 54 f. Tlie conjecture that the privilege won
by the victorious actor was that of producing the Old Comedy acted, as an ‘extra’, at each
Dionysia from 339 b c. (i.e. from the time of Lycurgus onwards) would be attractive, but
the words dvoAa/tjSdptup rov dywva eKAeAourdra seem to exclude it.
^ ‘Suidas’
s.v. vcfi-âeis ôKptrdjv, and below,
pp. 93 f.
3 Pass. 8
above.
* ‘theatre* in which the Dionysia dv dorct were first celebrated cannot have been
there before the sixth century b.c. See Theatre of Dionysos, ch. i.
5 Pass. 37 above.
^ Eine Dithyrambosaujfuhnmg; A.R.Vy 1145, no. 35.
Fig. 15. Dithyrambic chorus and flute-player
Bell-krater in Copenhagen
:
THE ANTHESTERIA 17
Painter is now confirmed by Beazley’s

attribution), which shows a group
of male figures, garlanded and wearing ceremonial dress, himation and
full-length decorated chiton: they are accompanied by a flute-player,
fluting, also garlanded and in ceremonial dress, including long-sleeved
chiton, and are apparently depicted as singing. The ‘leader’ is shown

full-face, his four companions in profile, facing and looking at him:
Uvo of them carry sprigs of ivy. All six figures (including the flute-player,
called Amphilochos) are named the leader is ‘Phrynichos’, two of the
:
others (‘Pleistias’ and ‘Theomedes’) bear kno%vn Athenian names.' The

six figures are grouped three on either side of a central mast-like object,
depicted as considerably taller than a man’s height, and with its lower
part (apparently a three-legged stand) completely wreathed in ivy.
Johansen draws up a telling comparison between this and the equally
mysterious object being carried by three boys on the Metropolitan
Museum chous depicting children perhaps imitating the preliminaries
of the lepos yapos at the Anthesteria.^ After considering suggested identi-
fications of the object on the chous, he adopts a discarded suggestion
of Miss Richter,^ and identifiesboth as a maypole. He then proceeds to
infer that the bell-krater also refers to the Anthesteria, commemorating
a dithyrambic performance at that festival."' Now the case for recognizing
the Copenhagen a commemorative piece, recalling a dithy-
bell-krater as
rambic performance (? victory), seems ovenvhelming. What is a good
deal less certain is the identification of the occasion of that performance
wth the Anthesteria: this part of Johansen’s argument turns largely on
the rather debatable equation of the central object on the krater with
that on the New York chous (assuming the latter to refer certainly to the
Anthesteria), and to a lesser extent on the assignation of a Pindar fragment
(fr.
75 Snell, from a dithyramb) to a performance at the Anthesteria. Both
suggestions are attractive, but neither can be considered proved.^
‘ Johansen suggests identifications: Pleistias perhaps the ambassador of I.G. i^. 57. 51
(426-425 B.C.), and Theomedes perhaps Kirchner, Prosopographia Alt., no. 6959. His identifi-
cation of ‘Phrynichos’ svith the late fifth-century comic poet (Ar. Clouds
555 ff., Frogs 13)
raises problems that cannot be gone into here. Johansen points out that identifiable and
politicallyprominent names also appear on a contemporary krater in the manner of the
Kleophon Painter in Boston H49) no. 9).
* See above,
p. ii, n. 8 and fig. 10. ’ Bull. Melr. Mus. 20
(1925), p. 131.
* Performed,
Prof. Johansen suggests, in the Agora, before the altar of the Twelve Gods
the suggestion is based on arguments drawn from Pindar, fr.
75 Snell, 11 3-5, and the prob-
.
ability that the fragment comes from a dithyramb svritten for performance at a Dionysiac
festival in earlyspring ( 11 . 6, 15 ff.), that is, the Anthesteria.
’ Johansen’s arguments arc accepted by Webster in Dith. Trag. Com.^, pp. 21,
35, 37 f.
Rumpf {Bonner Jahrb. 161 (1961), p. 212) and Greifenhagen {Ein Satyrspiel des Aischylos?
b l8th Winckelmannsprogramm, Berlin), 1963, p. 5) suggest a performance at the City
Dionj-sia, but see contra, already, Johansen, op. cit.,
p. 16.
:
i8 THE LESSER FESTIVALS

10. There can be no serious doubt that the Anthesteria was identical
with the apxaiorepaAiovvaia mentioned by Thucydides.' His words admit

of no other interpretation. But some scholars^ have found a difficulty
means that Thucydides
in his use of the comparative, which, they think,
knew only two Dionysiac and a later, and that as the
festivals, an earlier
later must have been the Great Dionysia, the earlier must have been the
Lenaia which must accordingly have been, wholly or in part, identical
with the Anthesteria and must have taken place iv Aip,vais.
In reply it may be shown (i) that the inference from the use of the
comparative is unwarranted, (2) that the identification of the Anthesteria
and the Lenaia is contrary to the evidence.
(1) Even if the use of the comparative implied a comparison between
two terms only, these two terms might be (a) the Anthesteria, (b) the
rest of the Dionysiac festivals treated as a group of more recent institu-
tions. But in fact there are other passages in classical Greek literature in
which the comparative of words denoting age, etc., is used of the oldest,
not of two, but of several. Nilsson’ collects the following instances
Lys. X. 5. o yap JTpsojSiJTepos dSeAôs JTavraXtW amavra napiXaê koI cwi-

rporreuvas’ rjpas twv Trarpdicov direcrreprjaev.
Id. xiii. 67. ijaav roiwv obrot, w avSper SiKaorai, rerrapes dScAôr tovtoiv
ets pev 6 TTptapdTfpos ktX.
Xen. Cyr. v. i. 6. dis S’ -qpuip 6 \y€palrepos (The context shows that a
number of persons'were concerned.)
Theocr. xv, 139. "Ektoip, 'EKaâs 6 yepaiTcpos eiKarc TratSeov.
may, however, be suggested that for some considerable period there

It
were only two Dionysiac festivals, the Anthesteria and the Lenaia, and
that therefore on the strictest view of the comparative, the former would
be rd dpxaiorepa, and might continue to be so spoken of even after the
institution of the Great Dionysia, if no one was pedantic enough to change
the appellation to the superlative.’
(2) The Lenaia were celebrated in the month Gamelion (elsewhere
* Pass. 1 above. The lemma of the papyrus scholium on this passage (pass. la above) has
dpxaiorara^ but the temptation to substitute superlative for comparative must have been con-
--
siderable.
* Gilbert, Dorpfeld, Capps, tmd others. Cf. also Appendix C
to Haigh’s Attic Theatre^.
Stuiia de Dionysiis Atticis, p. 54. Homeric instances can be found in Kuhner-Gerth,
’
Gr. Gramm., § 349 b, para. 3. See further Theocr. xii. 32 with Gow’s note.
* The reading yepahepos is far better supported than ycpaiVaros. Grammarians and editors
tend to ‘emend’ such comparatives into the supposed orthodox superlative, as, for example,
in Lys. xiii. 67, Theocr. xv. 139 (quoted above), Ael. Par. //. ii. 41, etc.
5 But it is impossible to follow Capps’s distinction (Class.Philol.z
(1907), pp. 25 ff.) of apâi-
orepa. (‘ancient’, ‘primitive’) from TraAoidrcpa (prior in time) and the conclusions which he
draws from it. Aeschines, in Ctes. 53, uses both words in exactly the same sense.
—
THE ANTHESTERIA ai
conduits at the foot of the Pnôc,^ and

was hoped that this discovery
it
also did away \vith the problem raised by Pausanias’ assertion- that
Enneakrounos was in or near the Agora, combined \s’ith the e\ddence

of others that it tvas near the Ilissos.^ Since then the American excavations
of the Agora have altered the picture somewhat: the excavators now
incline to believe that Enneakrounos is to be identified ^\’ith a late sixth-
century' B.G. fountain-house discovered by them at the south-east comer
of the Agora, in the hollow to the north-east of the Areopagus'* : this
certainly suits the account of Pausanias, and could perhaps be accom-
modated to that of Thucy'dides, if the phrase Trpos vo-ov paXiura rerpafi-
pavv were translated ‘facing mainly towards the south’, and ‘mainly’
taken to allow, not so much for geographical vagueness, as for some of
the mentioned by Thucydides lying in a different direction from
sites’
the others, though associated wth them. But here too there is no cer-
tainty'.
AVhere, then, was the Diony'sion ev Atprais?^ Three theories have been
propounded :
(i) That it was close to {or just south of) the site of the theatre of Dionysus.
Those who (like Carroll) hold this \'iew base it mainly on a combination
of the statement of Thucydides that it was in the sanctuary evAlp-van that
the apxai-QTepa Aiowaia were celebrated and an expression in the speech

against Neaera h' rip dpxatordrw lepw roO Aiovucrov ual ayicordrca eo
Alfii'at^ —
^\v’ith Pausanias’ statement® that the dpxaioTarov Up6v of Dionysus
was jrpos rw ded-pep. But ^vhereas down to the fourth century' the original
precinct Alpvais, wherever it was, remained in being, it had certainly
disappeared by' the time of Pausanias, ^vho in describing Athens as he
found it ^sould naturally give the tide of dpxaid-aTov Up6v to the oldest
temple ^vhich he found e-xisdng, viz. tlie older temple of Dionysus in
' See Grabcr, itM. A fill. 30 (1905), pp. 1 fT.; Judcich, Tofo^.AlAen-.pp. 194 ff.
^ i. 14. I, Tollowing on from 8. 5-6.
364 a; Cratinus, fr. 18G K; Eijm. Magn. s.v. ’En-caKpom-os. Sec

’
<'-g- [Plato], Axiiv/ios
also Gomme, Historical Corrancntaiy, pp. 53 f.

* Sec The Athenian Agora: a guide to the excavations and rrsarum- {1962), pp. 97 f. and plans on
pp. 23 and 84; Hesperia 22 (1953), pp- 29 ff-; ibid. 25 (1956), pp. 49 ff.; Wycherley, The
.ilhenian Agora iii {Teslimonia),
pp. 137 ff. For Uic StV. fountain-house (also in the Agora),
previously a candidate for identification as Enneakrounos, sec now Hesperia 24
(1955),
pp. 52 fi". : ibid. 05 (1956), pp. 52 f.
* For
disaission of this subject sec csp. Dorpfcld’s account of his cxcarations in Alh. Mitt.
20 (1895), pp. 161 ff. (followed byj. E. Harrison, Primitive Athens, pp. 89-96); M. Carroll
in C.R. tg (igosl, 325-8 and Excursus III of his edition of Pausanias’ Attica; Dorpfeld,
pp.
Afitt. 46 (1921), pp. 81 ff.; Judeich, Topogr. pp. 29166; Gomme, Historical
Cor^xntary, pp. 5, f., 55.
>. 20. 3. The next sentence shows that he is thinking of temples in the theatre precinct
only.
the theatre precinct. His expression gives no guidance as to the place of
the sanctuar)' eV Al;xvais.

Carroll’s further argument that Thucydides is naming tlic ancient
sanctuaries in the order of their localities (an unproved assumption)

and that the iv Atfivai^ must therefore be further away from the Oljin-
picion and Pythion than the sanctuary' of fij Kovporpo^s, at the south-
west comer of the Acropolis, is rendered very unsafe by the fact that it is
only a conjecture that this particular sanctuary ofFij was the one referred
to by the historian.
extremely doubtful whether the requisite stvampy ground
It is also
can be found at any period known to us in the neighbourhood of the
theatre, and both the name AlfxvaiT and the chorus of the Frogs
(209 If.) demand real marshy ground.'
{2) That it was in the precinct excavated by Dorpfeld in 1894 to the west
of the Acropolis in the hollow enclosed by the tvestem slopes of the
Acropolis, and the Areopagus and the Pnyx." This was, as the authorities
require, outside the carbest, or Thcscan, city wall, but included in the
' Note too the pap)Tus commrmar>- on Tliuc. it. 15. 4 {P. 0 >r). 853 «- pa« la abotr):
S]iQ TO rVifA[i]p>aoâi [too Toroi, quotini; PhilochoruJ or ApollodortH (Jacoby, F. Gr. Ilist.
328 r 229 and commcnt.ary, lii b, Suppl. i, pp. 59J {., and Suppl. ii, p. 4BG; iii B, p. 744).
* So Dcubner, An. Fate, pp. 93 T.
THE ANTHESTERIA 23
later city, as a passage of Isaeus 'proves the sanctuary ev Ai'/xvais to have

been.'
But the identification cannot be considered certain in the absence
both of confirmation from inscriptions and of any trace of the many
choes which should, according to all our evidence, have been deposited
there. The
case for it must be purely circumstantial. First, the question
of the swamp. The area was certainly dry in the period when it was
covered by the roads and buildings that Dorpfeld excavated.This argu-
ment is perhaps not decisive a puzzling passage of Strabo,^ in which he
:
has been thought to be quoting the region of the Athenian Dionysion iv

Alfivais as a parallel to a district just outside Amyklai, which was also
called Aifivai because it had once been marshy, though it was no longer
so, may imply that the Athenian sanctuary was dry in Strabo’s day. But
it is doubtful whether Ddrpfeld’s sanctuary can ever have been marshy.^
The authorities for the Dionysion iv Atuvais state that the precinct
contained a veeus and an oIkosA that there was a Ptofios, with an
inscribed (rrqXr] close to it.® Ddrpfeld’s precinct certainly contained a
temple and another building ; a small temple at the south end, and at
the north-west comer a building partly occupied by a winepress.® One
of the most conspicuous objects in the precinct is the foundation of an
mounted on four low pillars,’
offering table tvith grooves in the founda-
tionwhich may well have been intended for the reception of orfjXai.
The polygonal masonry of the lower strata of the walls,® and the
35 (passage 9 above),
* viii.
*
viii. 5,1. WTon€rrro}K€ 8c
Tavydru) ^ S-Trdprrj ^
^caoyai^ Kal ApvKXatj oJ to tow .^TTcAAcovoy
tepoF, Kal
^ âpis, coTt ph* ovv ^
KOiXordpw XQjpt<p to rijs ttoAccos’ c8o^0ff, icatwcp dvoXapPavov
opt) pera^v' oAA* ov8^ ye pipos cvtou Xtpvdêi, to 8c TroAatoi' iXtpvaê to irpodareiov Kal
iKoXovv avTo Atpyar Kal to tov Aiovvaov Updv ^

AipvaiT cY* ^pov ê^yjKOS crvyârc, vvv 8* cm
$rjpov TT]v ihpvciv c^ct. The words to A. Upov iv Alpvais seem to refer to the well-known
A. hf AipvaiSj i.e. the one at Athens, Cf, passage la aboveand H, F. Tozer, Selns. from
Strabo (1893), p, 212, and F. Bolte, Ath. Afitl. 34 (1909), pp. 391-2 (the latter suggests that
Strabo’s authority was Apollodorus) ; cf, ako Dorpfeld, ibid. 46 (1921), pp, 82 f.
* G. T. W. Hooker, J.H.S. 80 (i960), p. 1 14.
* Schol, on Ar, Frogs 216 (above, p, 4) ; cf, Harpokr, and *Suid*, s,v. ^ Aipvais Aiowcros*
5 [Dem.] Neatr. 76 (above, p. 4, pass, ii),
in
^ The winepress is not really relevant : it is unlikely that A-qvaiov is really connected with
A^vof,meaning ^vinepress (sec below, pp. 29 f). There are other ^vinepresses in the neighbour-
hood, and the fact that no other sanctuary of Dionysus contains one could be interpreted in
more than one wzy. Furthermore, Dorpfeld’s identiBcation of the Dionysion €v Alpvats with
the Lenaion is fraught wth below, pp. 39 f).
difficulties (see
’ The found in an Attic village in 1880 and inscribed to
slab of a similar altar-table,
pion^-sus ûAojvcuff, is described in Ath. Mitt.
5 (1880), p. xi6 {LG. ii^. 4745), but as it is of
imperial date, it is hardly worth mention here. Dorpfeld notes (ibid. 20
(1895), P*
that such altars are also found on vases, especially in connexion with Dionysus.
* Dorpfeld’s
full description in Ath. Mitt. 20 (1895), pp, x6i ff. should be consulted, or
Harrison’s summar>' in her Primitii'c AtkeTis, from which Fig. 16 is borrowed by
permission of the Cambridge University Press.
geometrical vases found, point to the buildings’ being of the seventh or
early sixth century B.c. The Dionysiac character of the precinct is

made probable by the fact that when it was destroyed or remodelled, a
Dionysiac sanctuary — ^that of the lobacchoi — ^was built over it in the
second century a.d.^

There are several difficulties in the way of acceptance of Dorpfeld’s
identification.^ The offering table is not of a type which would normally
be called a pcufios, and although the absence of inscriptions and dedica-
tions dating from pre-imperial times may be explained by the statement

that it was then open only once a year, the single small entrance to the
precinct in its earlier days, cited by Dorpfeld to support the identification,^
adds nothing to his case. As G. T. W. Hooker has pointed out, there is
no necessary connexion between ‘open one day only in the year’ and
‘having only one entrance’. The major difficulty, of course, is that this
precinct is not ‘more or less south’ of the Acropolis : it is due west. The
case for Dorpfeld’s sanctuary must, therefore, remain unproved.
That it was on the Ilissos, near the spring Kallirrhoe said to be
(3)
there and the Olympieion of the Peisistratids. The chief obstacle to this
assumption is the considerable distance from the Acropolis (anything

from a kilometre to a kilometre and a half depending on the exact site)
and from the greater part of the original city. Its plausibility comes partly
from its position south of the Acropolis, partly from its association with
the Olympieion and Pythion of that region, though this argument might
be set aside if we assumed with
Broneer'' and others duplication of
names between the sanctuaries in this region and those about the north-
west end of the Acropolis. Once again there is doubt as to whether the
area was ever marshy,® though the possibility seems rather more likely
here than at either of the rival sites. Mr. Hooker has recently sought to
strengthen the case for this identification by reference to a fifth-century
inscription® which is evidence for a Dionysion adjoining the sanctuary of
Neleus, which Hooker would site at the spot where Kodros (who was also
associated with the sanctuary) met his death in legend^ and where the
stone itself was found, that is on the right bank of the Ilissos, east of the
' It is here that the great inscription of this thiasos [I.G. ii^. 1 368) was found. But see Nilsson,
Gesch. i% p. 589, n. i.
' See Hooker, op. cit., pp. 1 13 f. ; Gomme, Historical Commentary, pp. 55, 59.
’ Dorpfeld, Ath. Mitt. 20 (1895), p. 166.
^ Hesperia, Suppl. 8, pp. 47-59.
s Judeich, Rh. Mas.
47 (1892), p. 59, n. i ; Hooker, op. cit., pp. 1 14 f.
<>
I.G. i^. 94, esp. 11 30 ff.; Hooker, op. cit., pp. nsf.; Wycherley, B.S.A. 55 'i960),
.
pp. 60-66; A.J.A. 67 (1963), p. 78, n. 22.

’’
Lycurgus, in Leocr. 86-87; Pans. i. ig. 6.
THE ANTHESTERIA 25
Phaleron road. The point of uncertainty in this argument is, of course,

the situation of the Neleion, which could on the evidence of this in-
scription be equally well within the city walls, between them and the
Acropolis. The other difficulty is Isaeus’ assertion that the sanctuary h>
Al/jivais was €v acrrei Hooker’s argument that, since Isaeus is contrasting
two houses 6v aoTet \vith a country estate at Phlya, only one of them may
have been literally ‘in the city’, will hardly do.
All things considered, then, there is no certain answer to the question

where was the sanctuary ev Atfivais? The passage of Thucydides from
which we began cannot, unhappily, be made to yield an unambiguous
ans\ver, and the other evidence brought fonvard is not yet enough to
clinch any one of the possible anssvers. There is still less ground for pro-
ceeding, with Dorpfeld, to identify the Dionysion iv Alfivais with the

Lenaion. This problem will be discussed later.
B. The Lenaia
I. The Lenaia took place in the month which was called Gamelion
in Athens, and Lenaion in Ionian states generally. It corresponded
roughly to January. The follo\ving are the principal texts which bear
direcdy or indirectly on the festival
(i) Hesiod, Op. 504.

fiijra Se Arjvaicoi’a, kiIk Tj/zara, PovSopa irdvra,
TovTov dXevaaOai.
Schol. (a) [lijva Si Aijvatwva' IJXovrapxos ovSeva tpiqai p,rjva Ar/vaiuiva
KoXetadai napa Bokotois' vnoTrrevei Si rj ror Bovkoltiov avTOV Aeyeiv . . .
t]Tov 'Eppaiov, os ioTi perd tov BoVKariov Kal els ravrov ipxdpevos tw
raprjXiwvi, Kad’ ov Kal to, Ai^vaia Trap' ABrjvalois. “Iiuves Si tovtov ovS’
aWws, oAAa Arpiaioiva KoXovai.
(6) . . . Arjvaiwv Se eipijrai Sid to tovs otyovs iv avrw elaKoplêadaf
oStos Se o pijv apxfj xîpdivos iariv ol Si Aijvaicdva ipdaKovatv avrdv KoXetadai
Sia Ttt Arivaia, o ecrriv epia Kal irpoâroSopav Kal aiyoSdpav KoXovpev' iTreiSrj
Aiowaov eTTOiovv eopTTjv tw
Ap^pouiav eKciXovv.
pTjvl TovTip, Tjv
[This note appears here in various forms and also in Hesych. and
Etym. Magn. s.v. ATjvauLv.']
On the Ionic name Ayvaicov in Hesiod, see Wackernagel, Sprachl.
Untersuchungen zu Homer, p. 179.
(2) Schol. on Ar. Ach. 378. ra Si Aijvaia iv t& peroirdpco rfyeTO, iv ois ov
Traprjaav 01 fevoi, ote toSpapa tovto ol Ayapveis iStSdoKCTO.
[This is only worth quoting as showing
how small may be the value
of scholia.]
D
26
(3)
Bekk. Anecd. i, p. 235. Aiovvaia- iopTr] Ad^vrjai Atovvaov. r/yero 8e ra ph
Kar aypovs jUTjvoj Uoaeihewvos, ra Si Arjvaia PofiTjAitovor, rd Si iv aam
'
E\a<jyqô\iS)Vos
(Hesych. s.v. Aiomaia and Schol. on Aeschin. i. 4.3 repeat this, but
instead or raprjMwvos write p-rivos A7jyatwvo^._Schol. on Plato, 475 d
(p. 234 Greene) writes prjvos MaifiaK-njpiwvos.)
(4) Ar. Ach. 202.

dfu) TO Kar' aypovs eimihv Atovvaia.
Schol. dfto Ta Kar aypovs' rd A^vaia Xeyofieva. ivdev to. A'qvaia Kai 0
eViA'^vaio? dytov TeAetrai rip Aiomotp, Arp>aiov yap iariv ev aypots itpov rov
Atovvaov, Sia to '(•TrAeKTods evravOa yeyovevai, rj Sid to rrp&rov iv Tovrm

rip roTTtp Xrjvov (Xijvaiov codd.) reOijVat.
Cf. Steph. Byz. /Iijvaioy ayaiv Atovvaov iv aypots, dird rijs AijvoO.
ArroXXoSoipos iv rpircp XpovtKwv (244 F 1 7 Jac.). Kat XrjvaiKos Kal

Xrjvatevs-
iari Si Kal Sijpos.

g" 2 __
(5) At. Ach. 504-6.
avTol yap iofiev oitrl Arjvattp r' aywv,

KOU77<o fcvoi napitatv out* yap if>6poi
(6) fjKovatv, out’ iK riov noXetuv 01 ^tippayot.
Schol. (a) yetpivvos yap Xoinov ovros eis ra A'^vata KadrjKC to Spapa,
As Si ra Atovvata iriraKTo Afftjvaê Koplêtv ras rroXets rods <f>6povs, (VS
EvnoXis ^Tjciv iv IloXeaiv 240 K).

(b)
(fr.
6 riov Atowatwv dyaiv eTeAeiTO Si? rov eTour, to piv rrptorov eapos
I ^ S'S
iv ctarei, ore Kai ol <))6pot AdTqvrjaiv iîpovro, to 8* Scvrepov iv aypots, d em

AijvaCtp Xcyopatos, ore feuoi ou napijaav AOi^vrjar yei/itliv yap Aonrdv ijv.
Schol. on Ar. Ach. g6i (relating the story of Orestes’ visit, says) ijv S*
ioprri Atovvaov ATjvalov. [See above, p. 19 n. 4.]
(7) Ar. î:Aju54-&

os y ipi rov rX/^povoAiTjvata yop'ryytbv drriXva' dScfnvov.
(8) Id. Knights 546-8.

. . L rraparripifiar itfi evScKa Kibnats
Bopvôv yprjajov Xijvatrrjv,
iv' 6 TTOtTjTrjs' ctnlf] yalptov.
Schol. Xrjvatrrjv ioprij rrapd rots AB-qvaiois ra Ayvaia, iv 1) piypt vvv

dywvlôvrat rrofqral avyypdôvris riva aapara rov yeXaaBijvat ydpiv orrep
o Ajjpoadivr/s (l8. 1 22) eirrevii dpA^Tjs' im dpaîov yap 01 aSovrcs Kadijpevoi
Xiyoval re Kal aSovat ra rrotrjpara.
‘Suidas’ s.v. ef dpd^rjs repeats this schol. and adds : Xiyerai Kal Xijvatrrjs
6 yopos d riov Arjvaltov. (See also (lo) below.)

THE LENAIA a?
(9) Ar. Frogs 479

KoXei 6eov.
Schol. ... TO Sc KoXei 9 c 6 v Tives ovrais aTroScSdiKaaiv. iv rots AijvaiKots

dyioai rod Aiovvaov o SaSoOgos Karegwf XafindSa Aeyet 'KoXetrc 6 e 6 v’ Kal
ol vrraKOVoVTfs |So(3cti “J7e/xcA^l'’ “laKye TrAouToSora”
(10) Photius. rd €K rwv afiaîov. . . . A 0Tqvrjai yap iv rij rdiv Xotuv eoprij ol
Kiopdôvres irrl rdiv aixa^tov rods diravrwvras €aKwiTr 6 v re Kal eXoiSdpovv
TO S’ avro Kal rots Arjvalois varepov enolovv. (So also ‘Suidas’.)
(11) Law of Euegoros (ap. Dem. Meid. 10).’ Ev-qyopos eirrev orav q tto/xtt^ ^
rep Alovvaep ev Ileipaiet Kal ol KOjfiepSol Kal ol rpaytpSol, Kal y iirl Arjvalep
rropiTT] Kal ol rpaycpdol Kal ol KcofUpSol, Kal rots ft' darei Aeowalois rj rrop/irr)
Kal ol natSes Kal 6 Kcdfios Kal ol KeopupSol Kal ol rpayeuSol, Kal 0apyrjXi<oi>
rp rropeirf) Kal rtp dyoivi, pri eêtvai firfre eveyopdoat p-rjre Xap-^dveiv erepov
irepov /htjSc ruiv {nrepr)p.epu}v ev ravrais rats 'qfiepats.
(12) I.G. ip. 1496. (a) 11 . 68 ff. [334-333 B.C.]. ]fif too Sc]p/iaTt/fou. [etri KrrjoJi-
kMovs ap[xoi']Tor [f’y Ato^walotv rwv [e/t 77€t]pa[ift rrapd Pooiv]ujv HHH Ah
[koI] to nepiyevop.elyov dJtTo Po]a)vlas HHPAAA [c’y] Aiovvoloiv roxv
[cffi /13t)vai<p [Tr]apa p.v<jrr)pi<uv [£mp.]€Ai}T<!uv ....
(b) 11 . 105-6 [333-332 B.C.]. [ey AiovvoQwv ruiv enl Arjvalcp 7r[apa
orparrjyuiv} HPh.
[This inscription contains the accounts of the raplai rrjs fleoC.]
(13) Ibid. 1672. 182 ff. [329—328 B.C.]. Adyoj eTriararuiv ’EKevuivodev Kal rapuwv
rotv Beotv enl rrjs iTavSiovtSoy Ikt-ijs’ npvravelas . . . enapyr) A-qnijrpi Kai
Kdprj Kal nXovrcovi P, eniardrats intX'^vaia els Aiovvaia Bvaat AA . . . els
Xoas S-qpoalots lepetov AAHh.
( 14 ) Aristot. A6. UoX. Ivii. i. d Sc âatXevs npwrov pev pvarrjplwv c7TipeAcrT[ai

pera redv empeXTjrtdv <L}v 6 S^p[osy]ctpoToi'cr, Svo pev e^ ABrjvalwv andvruiv,
eva S’ [cf EvpoXmSwv, cfa] S’ cK /fjjp[vtcco]i'. eneira Aiovvaiutv ruiv enl
At]val(p- ravra Sc eari [nopn^ re Kal dywv r^r/v pev ovv nopnfjv Koivfj
nepnovaiv o re jSaatActJs Kal ol enipeXr/ral, rdv Sc dyotva SiaTtflijotv d
PaaiXevs' rWrjai Sc Kal rods redv XapndSwv dytSi'a? dnavras' u>s S’ enos elnetv
Kal Tar narplovs 6valas SioiKet oSros ndaas.
(15) Pollux viii. 90. d Sc PamXeds pvarrjplujv npoearrjKe perdrwv entpeXrjrtdv Kal
Atjvalwv Kal dywvujv rttiv enl XapndSi, Kal rd nepl rds narplovs Bvalas SioiKet.
(16) I.G. iP. 2130. 57 ff. (c. A.D. 192—3). PaaiXeds enereXeoev rdv dydii'a rwv . . .
Arjvaiujv Kai earlaae rods aweprjPovs Kal rods nepl rd Atoyeveiov ndvras.
' Tltc date of Euegoros is unknown. Stahl, De Euegori lege dUputatio which we have
(1893),
been unable to obtain, places it in the fourth century b.c.
(17) Alkiphron, Epist. iv. 18. 10 (Schepers). eyai Se /cal raj OrjpiKXelovs Kal ra
Kapxâia Kal ras )(pval8as Kal Travra ra ev rats avXats im<}>9ova irapa toutois
ayada. tpvopLfva, twv Kar etos Xowv Kal twv ev Tots Bearpois Arjvaloiv Kal
T/js opoXoylas Kal rwv tov AvkcIov yvpvaalojv Kal rijs Upas ^koStj-
pclas ovK aXXaTTopai.
(18) Hippolochos (c. 300 B.c.) ap. Athen. iv. 130 d. av Sc povov cv Aff/jvais
pa/aju evSaipovlCcis ras Qco/ppdaTov Beacis aKovojv, Bvpa Kal cvôipa Kal
Toiis KaXovs caBltav arpenTOVs, Ai/}vata Kal Xvrpovs BcwpCiv.
(ig) Clem. Alex. Prolrept. i. 2 (p. 4 Stahlin). oAAo yap ra. pcv Spapara Kal
rovs Xrjvatôvras ironjTas, reXcov 1JS 7; irapotvoCvras, kittw ttov avaStjaavrcs,

atf/palvovras cktottojs rcXcrij PaKy/Kf}, avrots aarvpois Kal Bidoip paivoXrj
avv Kal tw aXX/p Saip6van> yopw, 'EXtKa/vi Kal KiBaipwvi KaraKXciatopcv
ycyrjpaKoaiv ktX.
Schol. Xr^vatôvTas' dypotKi/aj cpS'^ cm tw Xrjvw qSopevr], rj Kai auTTj
Trcpiet)(cv TOV Aiovvaov a-napaypov. ttovv Sc cvipvws Kal ydpiTOS cpcrXcuis
TO KITTW dvaSijaavTCs tc'Bcckcv, dpoS pcv to oti Atovva/p to, Aijvaia avaKCirat
cvSci^dpcvos, dpov Sc Kal ws Trapoivia TOvra Kal Trapoivovaiv avBpomois Kai
pcBvovatv avyKCKporrjTai.
(20) Heraclitus, fr. B 15 (Diels-Kranz) . wvtos Sc AiStjs Kal Aidvvaos, oTctp
paivovTai Kal Xrjvatôvaiv.

Schol. Xrjvaiôvoiv paK^cvovoiv Xijvai yap al pdKyai. Cf. (si) and (31)
below.
(21) Hesych. Xijvai- pdKxai. ApKdScs (i.e. they were so called in Arkadia).
(22) Id. cttI ArjvaCw dywv cotiv cv tw duTci Ayvatov TCcpipoXov cyov pcyav Kal
cv avT^ Ayvalov Aiovvaov Icpov, cv <p cttctcXovvto ol dywvcs AByvalwv {{twv)
Ayvalwv Wilamowitz) npiv to BcaTpov olKoSopyBTjvai. Gf. Bekk. Anted, i,
278, 8f. ; ‘Suidas’ s.v. cm Ayvalw; Etym. Magn. s.v. 'EmXyvalw.
(23) Id. Alpvar cv AByvais tottos dveipcvos Atovvatp, otrov to 'fAata (? Ayvata)
^CTO. Cf. id. s.v. Xipvopdgai.
(24) Dem. de Cor. 129. y ws y pyryp tois pcBypcpivots ydpois cv tw kXcio'iw

TW TTpos TW KaXapiTT) ypw xpwpcvy tov KaXov dvSpidvra Kal TpiTaywviaryv
aKpov c^cBpcijje ac;
Schol. Patm. (a) kXioIov to oiKypa to pcydXas eyov Bvpas cv ry dyopa.
ib) TO §€ tepov auToC (sc. TOW KaAaptTou Tjpwos) can Trpoj t<S /Itjvaio)
iB.C.H. i, 1877, p. 142).
( 25 )
Photius. Ayvaiov ircpipaXos peyas AByvyaiv cv ^ tovs dydivaj ^yov Trpd
TOV TO Oiarpov ovonaXôvre^ eVt A7]valcp. edriv he iv avrai Kal
iepov Aiovvaov Arjvatov.
(26) Id. iKpia' TO. ev rfj dyopa d<f>' Jiv iOewvro tovs AiovvataKovs dyojvas nplv ^
KaTaoKevaoOrjvai to iv Aiovvaov ^carpov.
THE LENAIA =9
(Cf. Pollux vii. 125. iKpiOTToiol S’ eialv ot irrjyvvvres ra nepi Trjv ayopav
iKpia, Eustathius on Odjss^ iii. 350, Hesychius s.v. wSctov.)
(27) Photius. opfpjaTpa- TTpiuTov o' rfj dyopa- eira Kat rov Bearpov to
Karui •^pIkvkXov, 06 Kat ot yopol j}Sov /cot (Lpyouvro.
(28) Schol. on Ar. Pint. 954. ovk e^v Se îvov yopeveiv iv rtu dariKth X°PV’ • •
€V Se rip Arjvaltp tf/jv cttcI Kat piroiKoi eyopriyow.
(29) Plato, Prolag. 327 d. dAA’ ehv dypioC rives, olol rrep ovs rripvai <PepeKpdrT]s
6 TTOiTjrris eSlSaêv ejrt Arjvaitp.
(30) Anon, de Com. l ,

11 . 6 ff. (Kaibel, p. 7) . avrrjv (sc. rrjv KOjpwSlav) Se Kat
rpvyipSiav <f>aat Std ro rots evSoKtpovaiv eirt rip A-qvaltp yXevKos StSoaBai,
OTrep eKoXow rpvya, rj on prjTTOi TTpoatoireluiv rjvprjpevcov rpvyt Staypiovres
rd TTpoacema meKplvovro.
(31) D.G.E. 791 (Kyme). imv ret /cAiVo rovrei Xevos vnv.
(Wilam. Glaube p. 62, n. 3, says that Xijvos here can only mean an
initiated fiaKyos', cf. (20) above).
2. For a long timewas assumed that the festival called Lenaia,

it
the place of its and the god worshipped,

celebration, the Lenaion,
Dionysus Lenaios, were so named from a connexion w’ith the winepress,
Xrjvds, tliough the mere existence of a Xrjvds in one suggested location for
the sanctuary ev Aifivais (up to then identified -with the Lenaion), and
of others in the same neighbourhood, was obviously inconclusive wine- ;
presses are common objects in a vine-gro\ving country, and the special

reference to the winepress and its god in January or February was not
obviously appropriate. Consequently an alternative derivation' of these
words, not from Xrjvds, but from Xijvat, known to be an appellation of
bacchanals or maenads, has found more general favour. It was pointed
out that tlic normal form of the adjective derived from Xrjvds tvould be
A/ji'etoj (cf. KaSjietos, oiKetos, âKyeios, imreios, etc.), whereas adjectives
of the -ato9 form are usually connected -with feminine substantives of the
first declension (/Statoj, dyopatos, SIkoios, etc.). The argument is not
absolutely conclusive, because a very few feminines in -os have corre-
sponding adjectives in -atos, e.g. vrjaos {vrjaatos), dSds (dSatos), yiperos
(yepaatos), and Atji'os might conceivably be one of these; but these ad-
jectives (except yepaatos) are very rare, and some other feminines in -os
' Fim suggested by Ribbeck, Anjange u. Entivicilmg des Dimysoshiltes in Attica (1869),
p. 1 pp. i og fT. ; Frickenhaus, Lenacm asm {72nd Winckelmannsprogramm,
3. cr. Nilsson, Stadia,
Berlin, 1912), p. 27. See most recently, Nilsson, Gesch. i=, pp. 575 f.; H. Frisk, Cr. Etym.
H’orUrbtich s.v. A^rai.
Fig 1711,4 K>lix from Vulci
Vulci
from
ICylix
17c.
Fig.
THE LENAIA 3*
treatment of the scene: ecstatic maenads give way to stately aristocratic
figures, and a sacred table appears in

front of the idol, usually bearing
two large stamnoi, out of which wine is being

ladled into skyphoi which
some of the and probably also into the kantharos which is

women carry,
depicted on some of the vases, as an offering to the
god.* The characteris-
tic shape used for these scenes is now the stamnos. It is not clear whether
the difference in depiction implies any change in the character of

real
the ritual, or is rather matter of artistic taste and fashion.^ The maenadic
a
character of the celebrants is not entirely lost, though much toned down
in one representation (fig. 20), by the Phiale Painter^ (440-43°
one of the celebrants carries a garlanded baby child, but
the child is
clearly shown as a tiny satyr. Further, the painters were

never tied closely
to the literal fact of the ritual performed : some of the vases (e.g. fig. 21)
difference
include a naked satyr in the scene. Yet there is this striking
between the vases painted or influenced by the Villa Giulia Painter, and
the wine (if that
those that had preceded the ceremony of consecrating
;
is what it is), which is central in the later vases and

in some displaces
the mask-idol altogether, is quite absent from the earlier pieces.

The
latestvase in the series, a stamnos in Naples by the Dinos Painter (fig. 22 ;
c. 420 B.c.),s in some measure reverts to the earlier
tradition: the cele-
brants are once again ecstatic maenads, named as such (Dione, Mainas,
Thaleia, Choreia) and torch are once again

f tambourines, thyrsus,
prominent, but the centre of the chief side is still taken up with
the
sacred table and pair of stamnoi, and wine is being ladled into a
skyphos.
* The presentation of the kantharos god (treated here almost as a statue

to the idol of the
cf. the hairline and neck) is the by the Eupolis Painter on t^vo starrmoi
moment singled out
in London and Paris (Frickenhaus, no. 26 — fig. 23 here = A.R. V.^ 1073, no. 9;
and Frickcn-
haus, no, 27 = A.R.V.^ I073i no. 10), very similar except in minor details.
* Shcflon, op. cit., p.
374, points out the
enormous influence on the vases within this
sequence of the period just before and after the mid fifth century exercised by the Villa
Giulia Painter. Seven of Frickcnhaus*s original twenty-nine vases (nos. 16-22) are by
this
painter (including figs. 18 and 19) ; two more are by his close follower the Chicago
Painter,
and another two by the Eupolis Painter, not far away. That fashion plays a part is clear
from the appearance of torches in these scenes, in common with most other maenadic scenes
of the mid fifth century and later, without the necessary implication that the scene takes
place after dark (Shefton, op. cit., pp. 372 f.).
^ Note the parasols carried by the principal figures on two stamnoi in Boston and Paris
(Frickenhaus, nos. 16 and 17 =

AJl,V.^ 621, nos. 34, 39).
Frickenhaus, no. 28 —
A.R.V,^ toig, no. 82 (now Warsaw, Nat, Mus, 142465, formerly in
the Czartoryski Collection, Goluchow). Beazley, Gk, Vases in Polandj pp. 52-53 ^ important
for description and interpretation.
* Frickenhaus, no.
29 —
A.R.V,^ i I5i» no, 2 ; good photographs in Anas—Hirmer— Shefton,
op. cit., pll. 206-11 ; description, Shefton, ibid,, p. 372.
**On the maenad names, cf. C. Frankel, Satyr- u. Bakchennamen auf Vasenbildem (1912),
index s.w.
Frickenhaus’s original interpretation' of this sequence ofvases was that
they represented the supposedly orgiastic rites of the Attic Lenaia, and
that these rites were closely connected with, perhaps derived from, the
Theban Dionysus KaSnetos or UepiKiovios.^ He connected
pillar-cult of
this rite with the Athenian cult of Dionysus OpOSs, to whom legend ’
attributed the invention of mixing wine with water in fact it is quite

uncertain whether mixing rather than consecration or some other rite
connected ^vith the wine is figured on the vases. However, the point
which primarily concerns us here is Frickenhaus’s ascription of the ritual

depicted on the vases to the Lenaia: in this he has been followed by
Deubner and a number of others.'*
A quite different view has been taken and vigorously maintained by
Nilsson,’ who relies strongly on the passage of Phanodemos (325 F 12
Jacoby) concerning the ritual of the Anthesteria,® and on a striking vase
by the Eretria Painter (fig. 24),’ and ascribes all our vases to the tvine-
consecration ceremony of the Anthesteria. The Eretria Painter’s vase (a
chous) seems to show an earlier stage of the ritual depicted on the
‘Lenaenvasen’ the mask of the god, crowned and decorated with ivy
:
leaves, appears cradled in a sacred basket (Mkvov) and being given

offerings (including wine in a kantharos) by two women. In the absence
of a pillar or column from the scene we cannot be absolutely certain that
this scene is a forerunner of the others, but the suggestion is clearly
attractive, and the shape of the vase is a point in Nilsson’s favour.® In

* Lenaenvasen, pp. jzofF. Tlie supposition that there is any connexion between the ‘Lenaen-
vasen’ and the alleged rousing of Ae
infant Dionysus by the Tliyiades at Delphi (Plut. Is. el
Osir. 365 ruled out both by the total lack of points of contact between the two, and
a) is
by the very dubious evidence even for the existence at any early date of the latter : cf. Dietrich,
N.s. 8 (1958), pp. 244 ff.; Nilsson, Dionysiac Mysteries of the Hellenistic and Roman Age
(1957). PP- 38 ff-
Wilamowitz, Glaube ii^, p. 79, n. 4, notes (as had Frickenhaus, p» 20) that the wepiKiovioj
*
of Thebes was not masked, but was a simple pillar covered witli ivy: cf. Eur. Antiope, fr. 203
N^, eiSop daXdfiois ôvKoXijjv , . KOfitovra Ktaoa> utvXov Eviov deovi the schol. on Eur.
,
Phoen. 651 refers to the ivy-clad godWilam. suggests that the post or pillar
as TreptKiovios.
(ctvAos) may have come from Thebes,
the mask from Naxos (cf, Athen. iii. 78 c; Hesychius
s.v. cuKanj?). There was a mask-image of Dion^-sus also at Methymna: Paus. x. 19. 3-
The best treatment of the mask-image itself is still W. Wrede, Atk. Mitt. 53 (1928), pp. 66 ff.
(discussion and interpretation, pp, 81 ff).
^ Philochorus 328 F 5b (Jacoby).
* Deubner, Att. Feste, pp 127-32, and the
article cited on p. 30, n. 2 above; Cook,
i, p. 671 ;
Kroll, R.E. 1937 f.xii, col.
5 Jahrb. Arch.
31 (1916), pp. 323 ff. =
Opusc. Sel. 1, pp. 188 ff. ; Gesch. iS pp. 587 f. ; Dion.
Myst., pp, 26 ff., and the articles cited in p. 30, n. 2 above.
* Pass. 20 on pp. 6 f. above.
’ A.R.V.^ *249, no. 13 = van Hoorn, no. 271 (his fig.

38) ; Nilsson, Dion. Myst., fig. 4.
* Though not the conclusive proof that he would like it to be: a largish number of Attic
chocs depict scenes that have no special relevance to the Anthesteria; see Rumpf, Bonner
Jahrb. 161 (1961), pp. 209 f, 212 f ; van Hoorn, p. 53.
Fig 20fl Stamnos in ^Va^savv
Fig 22 Stamnos fiom Nucena
THE LENAIA 33
forced to play down the maenadic

arming for his case, Nilsson is
insisting
are priestesses, not
that the women
aspect of the vases,
maenads, and to stress the prominence

of wine vessels the scenes m
features are certainly present
depicted: yet, as we have seen, both
Painter’s stamnos) simul-
in the vases, though not (except in the Dinos
taneously. ,
.
pressed home con-
The interpretation of Frickenhaus and Deubner
is
versely by stressing the fact that the

‘Lenaenvasen’ are regularly lekythoi
the Eretria Painter s chous)
and stamnoi, not (except in the case of
vases of the characteristic Anthesteria
shape' (though the argiên
no stronger than the converse would have

been), and by emphasizing
the maenadic element, at the same time

connecting it wi t e (fu
maenads, and asserting that

sumed) derivation of Lenaia from Xrjyai,
of Dionysus of whic we now^
this is the only ecstatic or orgiastic festival
is cmmp
some way short of proof, ^ and the problem
’
Both cases fall
how far artistic fas on, or
as we have seen, by uncertainty as to
elements, or even sheer
melting together of ritual and mythological
fantasy, have influenced the scenes as drawn
upon the
beyond w at oc ^
present state of the evidence, we cannot go
> •
unattaina e^
wrote in 1934, reviewing Deubner: ‘the truth seems
.
Probability appears to be on Nilsson’s side, but we

may be par oim or
certain doubt whether
suspending judgment.’^ There must remain a
the vases do not cover two distinct rituals the one, represente a ove
all by Makron’s kylix, being markedly ecstatic,

even orgastic in charac-
and collected; and if so, it mig t sti
ter, the other more stately
of the Lenaia u
possible to associate the former with the At^voi
Arc/i. 49 (i 934 )> P- 4 . Shefton,
' Frickenhaus, pp. i8 ff., 25 and n. 16; Deubner,~JoAri.
fig";
a similar kind cf. Ar.
Ihough Slere were private ‘festivals’ of
:
rev awrp-
ijyov .8.9
schohast’s comment: Kai yip c'oprar al ywamcs c'fo,
^further argument ofNilsson’s is that, though ‘"f

on e a
than mere ‘convention’ in a Dionysiac scene, the stress laid g ^ ^
unexpected, and hence significant, feature {Human. Vet^k. *
ptrVthenoint
OJ^. Sel. il. pp. 460 f. ; JM.
Arch. 3. (1916), P- 3*9 =
o!’ ed of
isdeveloped from the vase evidence by Shefton, op. cit., p. 3 ^* *
^ ^
Eur. xifF. The suggestion made by C. Robert, G.G.A. ' 9 ' 3 P' Sja. ’
pp.
no. i ' ’
appearance of grapes on some of the vases (c.g. Frickenhaus, ^ r Nock . ^
reference to a festival held in January was refuted by Deubner,
A , PP- 3 ’ -. ’
the h^d °f tiie m ,
other hand, the flower (?tuhp)

Gnomon to (.934). p. = 91 Note, on the
.
too cannot
htd b^S
held by the r.-h. figure on Frickenhaus, no. 24 f— 0.40,
the grapes
be taken to indicate the season unequivocally: cf. the flower and ( ^2
appearing simultaneously on an amphora in Mumch by the Andoki
es am er (
. . • j
no. 9; LuUics-Hirmer, Gr. Vasm der reifarchaischen P^^* ®)*
Gnomon 10 (1934), pp. 289 f.

the t\vo sets of vases represent merely phases in the development of
ceremonies of a single festival.'
4. If we cannot ascribe Frickenhaus’s ‘Lenaenvasen’ with confidence

to the Lenaia, enough that we do know about the
then there is little
ceremonies of this There have been several conjectures as to

festival.^
the meaning of a celebration conducted by maenads at a festival in

January. FamelF suggests that it was intended to rouse or strengthen the
sleeping god, like other winter festivals known to anthropologists. There
seems little direct support for this in the meagre evidence, and the ivy-
clad pillar-god is hardly in keeping with this idea. Others^ lay more
stress on the fact that the archon basileus was associated in the conduct
of the festival with officials of the Eleusinian Mysteries —the emfieAijrat
and the SaSovxos —and that according to the scholiast on Aristophanes’

Frogs 479 (pass. (9) above) the BaSovxos, torch in hand, bade the wor-
shippers call upon the god {KoXeiTc 6e6v), and that they responded wth
the cry iTc/neAiji’ “laKxe v-XovroSoTa. This would not, however, justify the
belief, which some hold, that it was the birth of Dionysus as son of
Semele that was commemorated, because the lakchos of the Mysteries
was a young man, and n-AouroSora is perhaps less appropriate to an
infant.5 Even if on one of the ‘Lenaenvasen’ (fig. 20) there is a woman
holding out an infant to another, it is certain that the infant was not (as
Frickenhaus thought) Dionysus or lakchos, nor her own human infant
which she had brought with her to the meeting, but rather, as Sir John
Beazley has pointed out, a satyr. Nor would it be right to infer that
Semele herself had any part in the celebration. It is therefore impossible
* For further discussion, see, apart from the books and articles by Nilsson, Deubner,
Wrede, and Giglioli already cited, Beazley, C,V. Oxford i, text to pi. 28, 1-2; Buschor, Ath.
53 (1928), p. 100; Willemsen, Fruhe gr. KuUbilder (diss. Munich, 1939), pp. 35, 41 f*»
Coche de la Fertd, Rev, Arch,, 6« sdrie, 38 (1951), pp. 12 ff.; Dietrich, Hermes 89 (1961),
pp. 45 ff. ; Friis Johansen, Eine Dithyrambosauffuhrung, pp. 39 f. ; Shefton, op. cit., pp. 372 ff.
(excellent brief discussion) ; U. T, Bezcrra de Mcneses, B.C.H, 87 (1963), pp. 309 ff.
* It has been inferred from the reference to the in schol. Ar. Frogs 479 (pass. (9)
on p. 27 above) and from the phrase /icra ^wt6s in two Hellenistic inscriptions {I,G. ii*.
1006, 13 ; 1008, 14 (the phrase is restored in the second inscription) : cf. Frickenhaus, Jahrb.
Arch, 27 (1912), pp. 80 ff.), that the ceremonies were nocturnal : but torches could be lighted
in daytime ceremonies (cf. Ar. Thesm. 280), and the reference of the inscriptions to the
Lenaia is far from certain. Again Frickenhaus {Lenaenvasen, p. 29) pointed to the phrase
KiTTcbaeis Aiovvaovs in an Attic festival-calendar, under the month Gamelion {LG. ii*. 1367),
and asserted a connexion with the ivy-decorated pillar-god of the vases, but the inscription
is of the first century a.d., and cannot carry much weight in regard to a time five or six
centuries earlier.
3 Cults v, p. 208; cf. 198 f.
Deubner, pp. 125 f. ; Wilamowitz, Glaube ii*, p. 75 with nn. 2 and 3.

Att. Feste,
3 It would take us too far to discuss this last point in relation to the birth of Ploutos as
child of Demeter.
THE LENAIA 35
to say wth confidence what there was in common between the Lenaia
and the Eleusinia.' If there were dances at the Lenaia, they were prob-
ably like the trieteric ‘orgies’ of Thyiades on Mount Parnassus and
elsewhere, though annual, and probably less wild.
Another connexion with mystic rites of a different kind, the omophagy

or devouring of the slain Dionysus, as in the Cretan mysteries of Zagreus,
appears to be indicated by the scholiast on Clement of Alexandria, who
interprets Clement’s use of the word Xijvatôvras by speaking of aypoiKiKfj
(hSfj rw Xtjvw qSofievrj, tj Kal aurij irepieix^
evi ^tovvcrov cnrapaypov.
But the meaning of the note is obscure ; Trepietxev probably only implies
the mention of this cmapaypLos in the chant, and the rest of the note
seems to indicate that, whatever was done, it w’as done by ivy-crowned
men in a state of intoxication and has nothing to do with the women’s
performance. It seems doubtful whether we know enough to reconcile
these isolated records, or to go beyond the comparative certainty that
the Lenaia included mysdcal elements which were in some way the
concern of the officials of Eleusis, and possibly a nocturnal worship of
Dionysus by women, such as the vases depict.^
If the celebration came to Athens from the north from Macedonia —
—
or Thrace ^\vhence the worship of Dionysus by wild women came into
Greece, it may Avell have come by way of Thebes.^ It must have estab-
lished itself at Athens before the Ionian migrations from Attica into the
various Ionian to^vns in which (together with the name of the month
Lenaion) it is recorded to have been observed.
* Some mayinfer from the juxtaposition of names in LG. ii*. 1672, 11 182 ff. (see above,
.
p. 27), that Demetcr, Korc, and Pluto may have been associated with the Lenaia; but the
epistatai who contributed to the Lenaia also ( 1 . 204) contributed to the Xoer, so that the proof
of a parliadar connexion witli the Lenaia is not strong. The calendar of festivals at Mykonos
(Dittenbcrger, S.LG.^ 1024) show's that Demetcr and Korc received sacrifices there in the
month Lenaion, but this w'as at a late date (r. 200 d.c,).
* The treatment of w'ords connected wth the Lenaia by G. W. Eldcrkin {Archaeological
Papers v, 1943) seems to rest almost entirely on false etymologies and unfounded conjectures.
But as he identifies the “laKxos of the Lenaian chant with the dismembered Zagreus, it may
be noted that there is no hint of a anapayfio^ of lakchos before Lucian, IJcpl opxâcujs 39,
and that the name, so far from connoting cries of pain, is alw'ays associated with cries of joy
and hope. (It is comparatively rarely that the verb loxcfr, with which he associates the name,
expresses a cry of grief or fear ; it is most commonly a battle-cry or shout of applause.) His inter-
pretation ofAiytoras the ‘mangling-placc’ of grapes, \vith Xijvai as the ‘manglers* or ‘tearers of
the god*, identifies t^vo very different processes. Grapes are not ‘tom asunder*, and Xrjvos seems
to mean primarily a vessel of a particular shape, whether a wanepress or any other (see LS.J.),
There is not tlie least reason to suppose that waAaiou rradcos in Pindar, fr.
133 relates to suf-
ferings of lakchos (of which nothing else is kno^vn). See Linforth, Arts of Orpheus^
pp. 345 ff.
5 The
invocation of lakchos as son of Scmele confirms this. Parnell, op. cit., p. 2 3, suggests
1
thaît may have been learned by the lonians in the Boeotian period of their history, before
they came to Attica. There is much that is uncertain here. Cf. in general, Nilsson,
Jahrb.
Arch. 31 (1916), p.
327 =
Opiisc. Sel. i, pp. I94f.
5. The passages quoted above show that the festival included a Troinrq—
a procession conducted by the archon basileus and the epimeletai, and
that the oKwix/jLaTa eK rS>v dfia^wv, which were a feature of the Ghoes,
were afterwards introduced into the Lenaia. The scholiast on Aristo-
phanes Knights 546 seems to include among these aKcofifiara songs of
a ludicrous kind composed by poets. The wagons doubtless formed part
of the TToiJLTrrj. There is no evidence of any phallic elements in the pro-
cession or the festival. Inscriptions show that there was a sacrifice, but
give no details. There is also no evidence of a kw[jlos,^ and if in fact the
Lenaia had much in common with the Eleusinia, it can well be under-
stood that revels and phallic ritual would be absent, though the aKwniiara
with their apotropaic intention were present in both celebrations.
6. The inscriptions which are usually cited with reference to the Lenaia
in places outside Athens are all of relatively late dates and throw little
or no light on the Athenian festival; most merely mention the month

Lenaion in dating a decree or prescribing a sacrifice or whatever it may
be.* Two inscriptions suggest a possible connexion of the festival in these
places with mystic rites —
one from Mykonos^ (dated by Dittenberger
about 200 B.c.) prescribes for the loth of Lenaion sacrifices to Demeter,
Kore, and Zeus Bouleus, and for the 12th SvcoSeKdrei Aiovvaio Arjvei
irrjcnov irrep Kapncbv Ad XdovUp Tf) XQovlrj Beprd fieXava erqaia'. the
Other from Magnesia on the Maeander* of the second century a.d.,
which seems to refer to a private religious society, and gives instructions

to the officials cSore rw AT^vedivi fir/vl to. eWurpeva avrots 7Tpo(T<l)epea9ai
vTTo tc3 v pvardiv. It would be rash to draw any inferences from these
facts to the cults of Athens many centuries earlier. The month Arjvcuo-
pdKxios once thought to occur at Astypalaia is now known to have been
called ’lopdKxujs, and although festivals of Dionysus and tragic per-
formances (not necessarily, though probably, connected with Dionysus)
were certainly held during it, its position in the year is uncertain.^ A
very fragmentary record®, once thought to commemorate victories at the
Deubner, op. cit., p. 133, argues for a xwfios in which men wore women’s costumes and
'
women men’s; but this depends upon his fake connexion -with this festival of a group
of vases published by Buschor (Buschor, Jahrb. Arch. 38-39 (1923-4), pp. 128 ff.). Buschor’s
original connexion of these vases with the Skirophoria is disproved by Deubner, op. cit.,
pp. 49 f. They have been correctly interpreted as referring to private symposia by Beazley,
Attic Vase Paintings in Boston
ii, pp. 55 ff. ; cf. Nilsson, Acta Arch. 13
(1942), pp. 223-6 Optisc.=
Sel. pp. 81-84 ; Philostratus, Imag. i. 2 ; Lucian, Calunm. 16 ; Aristides, Rhct. 41 . 9 Keil.
iii,
> e.g. S.I.G.3 364 (Ephesus), 368 (Miletus),

799 (Cyzicus), 1014 (Erj^rae), 1156 (Priene),
Sokolowski, Lois Sacries de I’Asie Mincure no. 8 (Lampsacus).
5 S.I.G.^ 1024, see above,
p. 35, n. i.
^ Kem, Inschr. von Magri. am M., no. 117, Gf. Nilsson, Stadia, p. 113.
* I.G. xii. 3. 169-70; xii. 7. 67A; xii,Suppl. p. 79, no. 150. I.G. sdi. 1. 125.
THE LENAIA 37
Lenaia in Rhodes, probably in the first century B.c., comes from Rome
and Athenian Lenaia.' An inscription of the second century

refers to tlie
B.c. from Priene, quoted above,^ refers to the costume of the priest of
Dionysus in the months of Lenaion and Anthesterion.

7. The Lenaian festival at Athens was held mainly in the Lenaion,
im Arjvalw.^ As to where this was, two different traditions appear in the

scholia and lexicographers. According to one, the Lenaion was iv dypol^,
outside the city walls. So says the scholiast on Aristophanes Achamians
202 and 504, and also Stephanus of Byzantium s.v. A'qvaios (quoted
under pass. (4) above), who claims the authority of Apollodorus (244 F
17 Jac.), though whether Apollodorus is his authority for the words iv
aypois or only for the words 0.776 ttjs X-qvov which follow them cannot be
determined. Dramatic contests at the Lenaia were always in historical
times distinguished from the Great Dionysia iv aarei. But the expression
iv dorei seems to have been primarily used of the Great Dionysia in
contrast to iv dypois of the Rural Dionysia, and this may have been
its ori^nal use, as it is not at all certain that organized dramatic contests
were not held at the Rural Dionysia earlier than at the Lenaia. (This
tvill be refeired to later.) The statement that the Lenaia were held iv
dypois may be, as Deubner suggests,^ due to a mistaken conflation of the
fact that in the Achamians Dikaiopolis refers to the Lenaia (at 1. 504
owl ArjvaUp r’ dywv) as the occasion of the performance, with his earlier
proposal (
1. 202) to enact to kot’ dypovs Aiovvoia (of course in pretence).
The rest of the evidence points to the place of the celebration’s being in the
market-place, which was, of course, in the city, to the north-west of the
Acropolis. Hesychius^ (repeated almost verbally by Photius) describes
the Lenaion as a place iv dorei, ‘having a large circumference’, and
having in it the Up6v — temple or precinct—of the Lenaian Dionysus, in
which Athenians’ (evidently dramatic contests) were
‘the contests of the
held, before the theatre was built. Photius also speaks of the cKpia the —
—
wooden stands from which the spectators watched ‘the Dionysiac con-
tests’ before the theatre was built, as
iv dyop ^ in the market-place —
and the existence of a place in the Agora called dpxqarpo^ squares with
‘ See Wilhelm, Urkunden dram. Auffuhnmgen in Athen, below, p. 122.

pp. 205 ff. ;
* p. 8, no. 33.
' Sec Judeich, 7~opogr, Aihm^, pp. 203 ff.
* Alt. Festt,
p. 124.
* Hesych s v. tm /lijvaiai aydv (pass. (22) above); the text'is uncertain.
Photius s w. iKpia; opgTqarpa (passages (26)-(27) above); Eustathius, Od p. 1472. 5;
ato, ApoL 26 d-e; Tim. Soph Lex,
Plat. s.v. opxqarpa. Sec also Hesycluus s.w. alyelpov
nap oiycipou flea; BeU:. Anted, i,
p. 354, 25; Wycherley, The Athenian Agora iii (Testimonia),
pp. I 2 f., 220 f. The latter passages (quoting
Cratinus and Eratosthenes), refer to a proverbial
this. Further, Demosthenes’ associates the misbehaviour of Aeschines’
mother with a kAcictiou adjoining the sanctuary of the it/joij koAo/xi't);?,
and the Patmos scholiast on the passage says (i) that this kAcioiov was
in the Agora, and (2) that the lepop of the /cnAa/imj? adjoined the
Lenaion. This second statement is repeated by Hcsychius,^ but the first,

and crucial, one is more doubtful. The Patmos scholiast asserts that the
KAeimov had ‘big doors’, and other ‘sheds’ with ‘big doors’ appear in the
lexicographers’ (apparently cow-sheds or cart-sheds), without reference
to the Agora or to Aeschines’ mother. It is possible that the Patmos
scholiast’s source is such a general note, and that the specific reference
given to it due
in his version is No certain trace
to a misunderstanding.'*
of any building that could be identified with the Lenaion has been
found in the American excavations of the Agora. The possibility that the
Lenaion was in the Agora must, therefore, remain open, though it may
be that it, the ‘orchestra’, the ‘ikria’, and the poplar tree were all con-
nected. At all events, in this large precinct there must have taken place
the earliest dramatic performances, whatever they were like, before the
later theatre of Dionysus was built, and perhaps the nocturnal celebra-
tions (if they were nocturnal) of the Xrjvai : the TTOfnnj probably went
through the streets outside also.
There is no evidence for connecting the Lenaia with the sanctuary of
Dionysus e’v At'pvais except (i) the corrupt passage of Hesychius, s.v.
Aipivai- CP Mdijpai^ TOTToy dpeifiepos Atopvatp, orrov ra Xaia Tyyero, where

most scholars accept the emendation of Aata to X-qpaia.^ Such evidence is
too shaky to set against that which has just been stated. (2) A scholiast on
Aristophanes Achamians g6 1 ,* who in describing the visit of Orestes to
Athens which led to the institution of the peculiar ritual of the Ghoes
says ijr Sc ioprrj Aiovvaov ATjpalov. But none of the other versions of the
story make any allusion to Dionysus ArjvaTos, the scholiasts on Aristo-
phanes are by no rneans free from mistakes, and Nilsson'’ may well be
black poplar, described as being TrXijatov tov Upov (the Lenaion

?) and ‘near where the tKpia.
were put up for the show before the theatre was built’ people apparently watched ‘the show’
t
from it. The reference would seem to be again to early performances in the Agora (though
‘Suidas’, s.v. dir’ alydpov fleo, and Eustathius, Od., p. 1523. 56, refer to the same tree as being
‘above the theatre’). See further Theatre of D., pp. 10 If.
' de Cor. 129 (pass. 24 on p. 28).
^ s.v. KoXapiTtjs ^ptos.
j Hesychius, s.v. titAcio'air; Pollux iv. 125; Bekk. Anecd. i, p. 272, 13; Eustathius, Od,
P- tgs?- 52 ff-
* We owe this point to Professor R. E. Wycherley.
s Even if there was a Xtjvos in the precinct ev Atpoai^, it would not prove anything, if (as
IS practically certain) the word Aijmtov has nothing to do with Ai/rds.
‘ Quoted above, p. 2.
, p. 57-
THE LENAIA 39
right in thinking that Arjvaiov is a textual error for Aifxvaiov,' the title
of the god as connected with the Anthesteria.

In 1947 Carlo Anti attempted to prove that there was a separate
8.
‘Lenaian theatre’, that it was to be located in a trapezoidal area along-

side Dorpfeld’s ‘temple e’v Ai^vats', and that all Aristophanes’ Lenaia
plays (Achamians, Knights, Wasps, Frogs, and, on Anti’s view, Lysistrata
and Thesmophoriazousae) were acted there, and not in the theatre of

Dionysus.^ His thesis has been revived and modified by C. F. Russo.^
Anti’s original argument relied heavily on shaky foundations particularly :
on Dorpfeld’s location of the sanctuary iv riii/ivai?, and his identification
of that sanctuary with the Lenaion, as well as on a number of dubious

topographical arguments from the text of Aristophanes’ plays. These
arguments were not adequate to prove his case, and the area near
Dorpfeld’s sanctuary is incredible as the site for a ‘theatre’, however
improvised.'* Russo’s version of the thesis is somewhat different : it rests
(a) on the assertion tliat Aristophanes’ Lenaia plays (on Russo’s view,
not including Lysistrata or Thesmophoriazousae, but including Ecclesia-
Zotisae and Plutus) differ markedly from those intended for the City
Dionysia in staging, use of the theatre, dramatic technique, and atmo-
sphere; 4
( )
on a revised version of Anti’s topographical case, insisting
that the Lenaia plays evoke particularly the area of the Pnyx and Agora,
whereas the Dionysia plays, where they are not located generally ‘in
Athens’ or in some fabulous setting, refer to the area of the Acropolis

(c) on the proposition that the phrase im Arjvalw dytot' (Ar. Ach. 504;
cf. Plato, Protag. 327 d (pass. (29) above) ; I.G. ii-. 1496, 74 and 105 (pass.
(12) above) ;
Sannyrion, fr. 2 K) means simply ‘a contest in the Lenaion’
and is meant to be taken literally. Russo admits that Pollux iv. 1 2 1 [avro
IJ.h> (sc. TO Bearpov itself as contrasted with the audience) av etTrot? . . .
dtoi'ucrtaKoj' Bearpov Kal ArjvaiKov) is the only apparent reference to a

‘Lenaian theatre’ in antiquity, but he overstates his case his : (fl), in almost
all points, implies no more than that the theatrical resources of the poet,
and the climate of the festival, were different at the Lenaia from those
of the City Dionysia; 4) still relies on two very doubtful locations, those
(
'
This appellation of Dionysus is attested by Callimachus, Phanoderaos, and Philostratus
(sec above, pp. 1, 6, 8).
* Anti, Teatri greet arcaici, chs. vii and viii.
^
Rendiconti Accad. Lmcei, Ser. 8a. XI
{1956), pp. 14-27, reprinted (with some changes)
in Anslofane autore
di teatro (1962),
pp. 3-21.
*
See Dotcr, Lustrum 2
(1957), p. 57 ; Russo, Aristofane, pp. 5-7. Gerkan and Fensterbusch,
V 10 originally received Anti’s thesis favourably {Deutsche Lit. geit.
70 (1949), PP- 163 ff.;
nomon at
(1949), pp. 303 f.), have now apparently changed their minds on the archaeo-
logical evidence (see
Russo, op. cit., p. 7).
of the sanctuary iv Alfjvat^ in Dorpfcld’s site, and of the Lenaion itself
in the Agora; and (c) faces but cannot really overcome the probability
that im Arjvalw, having originally meant ‘in the Lenaion’, came to be

no more than a stereotyped formula for the festival (cf. St. Martin’s in
the Fields). Moreover, all our sources’ assert that the Agora was the
site of dramatic performances ‘before the theatre was built’ : it is hard to
believe, as Russo must, that this is merely a reference to the rebuilding

of the theatre by Lycurgus.
9. When Aristotle^ speaks of the ayuiv at the Lenaia as being managed
by the archon basileus— apparently without the assistance of the Eleu-
who helped him in the conduct of the noy-rrci he pre-
sinian officials —
sumably dramatic contests of the fourth century; Aristo-
refers to the
phanes also,^ in 425 b.c., had already, as we have seen, described the
dramatic contest as d i-al Arjvalw dywvy and as a domestic festival at
which there were no strangers or allies present. (The seas were still too
stormy, and it was not till some three months later that they tvere easily
navigable.'*) The evidence of inscriptions makes it practically certain
that the organization of contests at the Lenaia in tragedy and tnincdy
(parallel to those at the City Dionysia) goes back no farther than the
middle of the fifth century b.c. —
probably about 440 b.c. and for what —
happened before that etddence is lacking. It is possible that the per-
formances were more on the scale of those of the Dionysia ev dypots of
the rural demes, none of which seems to have celebrated the Lenaia,*
and that it was comparatively late that they became more ambitious
and -were transferred from the market-place to the theatre of Dionysus.
(The date of this transference is nowhere recorded, but possibly it may
have followed the Periclean improvements in the theatre, about 445 b.c.^)
It would be then that the inscriptional record (following the new official
status of the festiral) might naturally begin.^ How the contests were
organized (under the archon basileus) before this remains unknown.
It may have been from the first that comic performances were more
* See passages 22, 25, 26 above and p. 37, n. 6.

" }i6. iloX. Ivii. 1 (pass. (14) above).
3 Ach» 504,
*
Theophr. Char, iU ttjv âAcTTov €ic /liowoitav •nXoifxtiv civot. See below, pp. 58 f.
See Famell, Culls v, p. 213. The dates of the Rural Dionysia may, as he suggests, have
5
been adjusted so as to enable citizens and countr>'-dweIlcrs to attend both festtvab. The
Rural Dion>'sia seem to have been normally in December (see below).
® Dorpfeld, Ath. Mill, 20
(1895), p. 183, thinks that the transference may have taken place
a centuiy’ later, when Lycurgus built or altered the theatre. But it seems improbable that the
theatre should not have been used for the comedies of the great comic poets at the Lenaia as
well as at the Dionj-sia.
’ See below, pp, 72 f. and Appendix to Chapter II.
THE LENAIA 41
important at this festival than tragic (the reverse being the case at the City
Dionysia).’ In the fifth century only two tragic poets competed, each
with ^vo tragedies but no The great tragic poets seldom

satyric play.^
appeared at Lenaia; Sophocles did so a few times

tire a victory of
—
Agathon in 416 is recorded his first."* In the fourth century tlie tyrant
Dionysius won at this festival his only success with a tragedy, ^ and vic-
tories were won by Astydamas, Achaeus,® and Theodektes.’ On the
other hand, the great comic poets seem to have competed indifferently
at either festival, though even in comedy a special prestige attached itself
to a City victor)^, if we may judge by Aristophanes’ disappointment® at
failing to win one two Lenaian victories. As at
with the Clouds, after his
the City Dionysia, five comic poets competed, each ^vith one play, except
during a short period in tire Peloponnesian War when the number was
reduced to three. That the Lenaian festival was less highly regarded than
the City Dionysia is probably the reason why at the former, but not at
the latter, aliens might sing in the choruses and resident aliens could be
choregoi.’
There were contests of tragic actors and comic actors —the best in
each category being arvarded a prize —
almost, if not quite, from the
time at which the inscriptional record began;'® but it is not certain
that old plays were acted as they were at tire City Dionysia," and in the
‘
—
They may have developed out of dramatic elements disguises, impersonations, etc. in —
the ro/imj and the crKuppara roir dfia^wv. Cf. Kdrtc, R.E, xi, col. I2s6, 2 ff. ; Kroll,
R.E. xii, col. 1936, 34 f. ; VVilamowitz, cd. of Ar. Lysistrata, pp. g, la.
^ The chief piece of evidence is I.G. ii'. 2319, entry for 419-418 B.c. (p. 109 below) ;
cf.
O’Connor, pp. 47 f. ; Wilhelm, Urhtnden dram. Aufjuhrmgen, p. 53.
’ Suidas’ s.v. Sophocles gives
24 victories; I.G. ii*. 2325, col. i, 5 (p. 112 below: victories
at the Dionj-sia), Diod.
Sic. xiii. 103. 4 give 18 : the difference between tlie totals of victories
attributed to Sophocles is best explained by assuming that six were won at the Lenaia. So
Bergk, Sh. Mm. 34 (1879), p. 298; Russo, f.; Jacoby on Apol-
Mus. Helv. zy (i960), pp. 165
lodorus 244 F 35. Russo, in the same argues that Euripides cannot have competed
article,
at the Lenaia, on
arithmetical grounds the argument is inconclusive, if only because of
:
uncertainties about the number of plays

that Euripides wrote, and about productions (e.g.
of Andromacht) which
may have taken place, but did not certainly take place, outside Athens.
*
Plato, Sympos.
1 73 a ; Athen. v. 217a.
' Diod.
Sic. XV. 74. I. 6 See below, p. 1 14.
’ Eight
victories are attributed to Theodektes in the epitaph quoted by Stephanus of
lântium s.v. Phaselis; seven are
recorded for the Diony’sia in I.G. ii®. 2325, col. 3 (p. 112
clow) the eighth
:
was presumably at the Lenaia. Cf. Russo, op. cit., p. 165 ; p. 117 below.
' Clouds
520 ff.
It
Plutarch, Phok. 30. 6. See below, pp. 71-74.
Mentt has argued (Hesperia
7 (1938), p. 117) that an inscription from the Athenian
gora (see below,
pp. 1 23 f.) records victories at the Lenaia of various years about 255-254 b.c.
m contests of old comedy, satyr play, and tragedy: but the attribution to the Lenaia is far
rom certain. It rests on the absence of evidence for conlesls of old plays at the Dionysia at any
' equally tliere is no evidence (except this Inscription) for such contests at the
llna'
period best known to us there was no performance of dithyrambs, and
no such performance is mentioned in the Law of Euegoros but early
in the third century an inscription® does record a dithyrambic victory
at the Lenaia.
It is not certain when the contests came to an end. The monument set
up by Xenokles^ as agonothetes in 306 b.g. proves their continuance

after the abolition of choregia. The list of victorious tragic poets at the
Lenaia^ goes down only to about 320 b.c., but as the victorious tragic
actors’ list goes down to the end of the third century (and may have
gone further) the contest of poets doubtless also continued. The extant
didaskalic record® of comedy at the Lenaia terminated soon after 284 b.c.,
but the list of victorious comic poets^ continues beyond 150 b.c.
10. An middle of the third century b.c. found at
inscription* of the
Rhamnous is of interest as showing apparently that at that time there was
a cult of Dionysus Arjvatos there KaXXiaddirqs KXeoôvXov UpocnraXTios
:
oTpanjyo? yeipOTonjfletS' em Ttjv irapotAtav aTe<{>avcuOeig vtto ttjj jSouAijs Kal
Tov Bijfiou But the interpretation is not per-

Aiovvaip Arjvaict) dveOrjKfv,
fectly clear; it at least assumes that this general had some reason for
commemorating at Rhamnous a distinction conferred by the Council and
People of Athens, and we do not know the history of the stone.®
c. The Rural Dionysia

I. The festivities called rd Kar’ dypovg Aiovvaia were celebrated, at
least normally,® in the month Poseideon, which corresponds roughly to
December. The central feature was a procession escorting a phallos held

aloft, and this was no doubt in origin designed to promote or encourage
the fertility of the autumn-sown seed or of the earth in general, at the time
when it seemed to be slumbering. When the special association wth
Dionysus began is not known ; the rite was probably far more primitive
* See above, p. 27.

2 I.G. ii*. 3779 NikokX^s . ' . Aijvaia htSvpdfi^w; but Nikokles (of Tarentum) was a citha-
rode (oj iirl p.€yi<rrov dndvrwv Paus. i. 37. 2), not a flute player, and
this does not look like an ordinary dithyrambic contest. There was no such contest at the
Lenaia in the time of Demosthenes {Meid. 10).
> I.G. ii*.
3073. Sec p. 120- * I.G. 2325. Sec pp. 113
* I.G. ii*. 2319. See below, p. 109. 6 2854.
7 Bulle, Untersuchungen
an gr. Theatern, pp. 3-4, suggested that there ^vas a temple on the
site; Pouilloux, La Forteresse de Rkamnonte, p. 122, disagrees.
® Farnell, Cults v, p. 206, suggests that in Ikarion the festival may have taken place in the
spring, but this seems very doubtful (Athen. ii. 40 a points to the late summer). Tliat the
usual date was in Poseideon is stated definitely by TTieophrastus, Char, iii, and by the scholiasts
to Aeschines, in Tim. 43, and Plato, I^p. v.
475 d, and this is confirmed by inscriptions {I.G. ii*.
1183 and 1496;. See below, p. 45, nn. 7 and 8,
THE RURAL DIONYSIA 43
than the worship of Dionysus in Attica, and had nothing directly to do

tvith wine the vintage was long past, and the
;
new wine was not yet fit
to be broached this was
;
left for the IIiBolyia some two or three months
later; but there need be no doubt that in the merry-making which
accompanied the festival plenty of \vine was drunk, and in historical
times these rural festivals were regarded as being held in honour of
Dionysus. Nor is it knowm at what date dramatic performances first came
to be associated with some or all of them.
The festivals were organized by each deme for itself in historical times
and at least in the early fourth century they were not held everywhere
on the same date in Poseideon, since Plato’ speaks of people going from
one of the festivals to another to gratify their desire for entertainment,
and at this time, when troupes of actors travelled from one to another
with their repertoire of plays, time must have been allowed for their
movements.
In Plutarch’s day^ slaves had their share in the enjoyment and made
the most of it, as they doubdess did in Atdca centuries before.
2. The only definite information about the procession at the Rural
Dionysia is that which is derived from the scene in Aristophanes’ Achar-
nians^ in which Dikaiopolis carries through an imitation (on a much
reduced scale) of the procession. It is headed by his daughter as /cavrjôpos,
carrying as an offering a cake or flat loaf on which she pours porridge
mth a ladle ; behind her is the slave Xanthias as (f>cMoif>6pos (with an-
other slave), carrying the phallos upright on a pole, and lastly Dikaio-
polis himself, perhaps representing a body of revellers, singing a chant
to Phales, the personified symbol of and greeted as a com-
fertility,
panion of Bacchus. The song contains what might be construed as t\vo
rude references to individuals, and it may be to songs of this kind to
which Aristotle refers when he speaks of comedy as originating dm twv ra
ij>a)[XiKd {iâpyovTcav) d eri Kal vvv iv •noXXats rwv ttoAecov Si,ap,evet vop.1^6-
peva.*An Attic black-figure cup of the mid sixth century^ seems to portray
such a procession. On one side six men carry a pole on which a phallos is
mounted and a fat man rides on the pole; on the other the fat man’s
place has been taken by a satyr, with, on his back, a small figure with
* Rtp. V.
475 d euCTirep aTro/iepiaflaJKOTe? to CTraKovaat irdvrtov TrepiOiovai tois
lovvaiois ovT€ rwv Kara TToAciff oihe rwv Kara KWfxa^ aTToAcin'o/iO’ot.
Plut. non posse suav. vivi sec*
Epicunmi 1098 b »cat yap oi depdirovres orav Kpdvta Sftm’wo-ip ij
wvvoia Kar aypov dywai
ovk av a^wv tov oXoXvypov uiropetVaiff #fal tov BdpvPoVf
‘ircptioprcy,
° Kat anetpoKoXias Toiatfra Troiourraii' icai pdeyyopdvwv*
U. 241-79. 4 Poetics^ iv. 1449^11,
Florence 3897; Dith* Trag, Com.*, pi. IV; sec in general on Phallophoria, Herter in
xix, s.w. Phallophorie and
Phallos; Nilsson, Gesch* i*. 590-4.
a drinking horn, the increased weight apparently necessitating two
extra supporters.
Dikaiopolis’ festival is private, and doubtless the processions varied
greatly in elaboration from deme to deme. Our major evidence is for
the Peiraeus, ivhere the Troinrq and the sacrifice are attested from the
fourtli century.' In tlie late second century there was an elaayuy^ of
the god, as in Athens at the City Dionysia, and the ephebes, who took
part, regularly sacrificed a bull.- There is also evidence for the tto/hitt)
and the sacrifice at Eleusis.^ In smaller demes, tire procession was doubt-
less more simple, something on the lines of Plutarch’s description,^
whether this refers to Attica or his native Boeotia — Trarpios twv Aimv-
aiuiv iopTTj TO TToXaiov CTrepTrero SrjporiKtos Kal IXapus, dpcfiopeiis otvov Kat
KXrjpari^, eira Tpdyov ns eiA/cev, aAAoj lay^dScDV appiyov •^KoXovBei Kopl^wr,

There were many types of phallic procession in the
eVi TT&aL S’ o (jiaXXds.
Greek world, but none of those described by Athenaeus® are brought
by him into any connexion with the Rural Dionysia.®
The procession is frequently said to have been accompanied by a Kwpos,
but, although the word is attested for the City Dionysia,’ it never seems
to be directly associated with the Rural Dionysia. Contests of Kwpoi are
attested for the rerpaKCDpot, a group of four demes south-west of Athens,*

> The Law of Euegoros (above,
p. 27, no, 11) and I,G. ii*. 380 (320-319 b.c.), where the
dyopavoixot arc ordered to see that the streets arc in proper condition for the procession,
inifi€Xi]6rjyai tovs dyopavofiovs rwvdSwv rwv iTXctTHwv, ^ 17 rropi-r^ nopivtrai r<p Kai
/liovvfffp, oTTios dv d}iaXiadujaiv Kai KaTa(JK€vao9woiy* cy? piXri(rfa> For the sacrifice, see I.G,
uL 1496, U. 70, 144 (334-33* B,c.).
*S.E.G.XV. 104, II, 24 ff, (127-1268,0,) < 0 vuavbe KaiTois [UîjpaioisrwAioi’Votp [âl] €ic^-
yayoy rov 0 £dy Trapa#f[a6tâaj*rcy <V tuj ITeipaet yfi€pa[^ TcWapjay cvraAfTcy?; Hespena 16 (i 947 )»
p. 171, U, 19 f. (l 16-115 B.c,) eicrâyov Si Tqv tc JToAAaSa Kal top 4 iO»’vaov cpt€ JTcipaic? kgi cv
acrrtfi koI iôvBerrjcav ^
(Kar^pq. to>p ttoAccup. In 107-106 B.c, the ephebes dedicated a <f>idXT]
to the god costing 100 drachmae {LG, ii*. loi i, I, 12), See also LG, ii* 1028 (loi-ioo b.c.),
1029 (96-95 B.c,), 1039, Compare below, pp. 60 f., for their similar activities at the City
Dion>’sia.
3 I.G. ii*,
949 (165—164 B,C,) € 7r€( 5 ^ IJd^tîXos ^[pxovros KajTOOTaffei? hijpapxos top ert
UeXoTTos dpxoyTos o'<avr[op Tofr dcotwljoir Wvatv rw Aiovvoox Kot r^p tto/xtttIjp Kai
t[c, i8)toj', tBriKCv 5c Kcl TOP dywpa hr rw QKdrpta ktA,
* de cupid, divit. 527 d. BrjfiortKuis probably convex's no reference to celebration by demes.
Cf. Nilsson, Jahrh. Arch. 31 (1916), p, 323 =

Opusc. Sel, i, pp. 188 f. For a my'sterious Attic
festival called KAijfiarts attested once only in 39-38 B.c, {LG. ii*. 1043, 1 . 31), see Deubner,
Alt. FesUy pp. 147 f.
* xiv, 621 d-622 d. The passage and the relation
of comedy to the phallic kw/ios are dis-
cussed in Dith. Trag. Com.*, pp. 134 ff, Gf. Hdt. ii. 48 f.
* Heraclitus, fr. B
15 may have in \aew some celebrations like that of the Rural Dion>'sia:
et plj yap Aiovvaco TTOfiirrjv erroieviTO Kal vfiveov dufxa aiSoioiaif dvatBearara eipyaar^ ar. wvros
54 /IrSijs Kal diovucos, oT€w fxatvovrai kcI Aip’otôvoi.

’ In the Law of Euegoros; see below, p. 63.
® I.G. ii*. 3103 (330—329 B.c.) ^VTTCTaiopes hlKwv Îptcrro^wp Kcofiapxoi (four names
follow’). KtoTiacrai (five names follow, including a pair of brothers already listed as K(v}iapxot) '»
cf. ibid. 3102, 2830.

:
but their common cult was that of Herakles,’ and there is no reason to
associate the contests with Dionysus.^ A parallel contest appears at
Acharnai, wth no clue to the deity honoured.^
3. It is commonly one of the amusements of these festivals
stated that
^vas do-KojAiaCT/xdj —the attempt
jump or stand on an oiled and full
to
wineskin. Latte'* has shown that the texts are confused, and that the word,
which simply means ‘hopping’, has been misapplied to the game. The
evidence to connect tlie game particularly with the Rural Dionysia
consists of a passage of Virgil’s second Georgic (380 ff.) which mentions
it in the same breath as rural dramatic contests in Attica
non aliam ob culpam Baccho caper omnibus aris

caeditur et veteres ineunt proscaenia ludi,
praemiaque ingcniis pages et compita circum
Thesidae posuere, atque inter pocula laeti
mollibus in pratis unctos saluere per utres,
and another in Cornutus,® els rov daKov eydAXo^rat Kara rds AlrriKa?
KWfias oi yecupyol veavlaKoi. Doubtless the game took place at many festi-
vals, and it is doubtful whether it should be associated with the Rural
Dionysia in particular.®
4. It is unlikely that all demes attached dramatic festivals to their
Rural Dionysia. Conversely, cannot be regarded as certain that all
it
references to Dionysia or to dramatic competitions in the demes refer

necessarily to the Rural Dionysia in Poseideon, which, it might be sup-
might not be an appropriate time for dramatic
posed, being in midwinter,
performances in the open air. However, there is evidence for dramatic
performances in Poseideon for two demes, Myrrhinous’ and Peiraeus,®

' Steph. Byz. s.v. ’Exe^tSm. Pollux iv. 105 tentatively associates a type of dance called
TCTpaKoifios with these four demes, but cf. Hesych. TerpaKtafios- pe'Aor ti <rw opxrjaa 7roron;p£-
lor CIS 'HpaKêa tViiimov. See also UoXefiwr 3 (1947), P- 2 * ® sttitue of Herakles found on
the same site asthe inscriptions in die last note.
1929, pp. 195-9, Dcubner, op. cit., p. 136, seem to be in error
^ Roussel, C.R. Acad. Inscr.
here. Wdamowitz, Glaube 1 97, n. i is a more balanced statement.

^ I.G. ii’.
3104 (340-339 or 3 1 3-3 1 2 B.c.) tVl 6(0(j>pd.aT0v d[pxovTOs] . . .
<(upopj;[<3]>’ o iVa [roOf It is not certain whether the inscription KOMAPXOZ

attached to one of three revellers on an amphora by Euthymides (Munich 2307 ; A.R. VA,
p. 26, no. I : best pictures in LuUies-Hirmer, Gr. Vasen der reifarchaisekm pll. 24-3 1 ) is a
name or a function.
Hennes 85 (1957), pp. 385-91.
* 30 (p. Go, 23 Lang).
‘ The assertion
of the scholiast on Ar. Plutus 1 129 that there svas a separate festival called
the XoKwAia, n'
^ ooJAAovto tow daKots ets rtftyv rov Atovvaov is almost certainly false.
^ /.<?. ii-. 1
183. 36 (second half of fourth century B.c.) rfj Sb ivdrpi im Sena rov HoaiSew-
>[“?] XPIPOTiJejo’ wf[pl diojiumW. Wdhelm, U.D.A., p. 238, shows that this refers
to an assembly after the festival.
In I.G. ii=. 1496 (334-330 B.C.), in the accounts of the rapilai of Athena and the emiieX-qrai
find an apxireKrcuv in charge.' The deme, however, retained the right to

give seats to officials and anyone else whom it wished to honour,^ a right
which we find it exercising in the third century in a decree which also
shows that the holders of such seats were ceremonially escorted to their
places by the demarch : eivai Se avrw irpoeSpiav ev rep Oedrpm, orav rroiidcn
Uetpateis rd /Itovvcna, oS Kal avrois netpaievai Karaveperai, Kal etVayeTto
avTov 6 Sijpapxos eiV to Olarpov KaOaitep rovs tepetg Kal rods oAAou? ois
SeSorai rj •npoe.hpla rrapd IJetpaiiaiv.^
Of the actual content of the festival we hear little. The Law of Euegoros
mentions comedy and tragedy, but not dithyramb, and the inscription
just quoted goes on to order the crowning of the honorand rpaywihwv
to) aywvi. Beyond the fact that the ephebes of 128-127 b g remained in
. .
the Peiraeus for four days, we have no other information about its scope.
6. At Eleusis, the most detailed text, from the middle of the fourth
century, {I.G. ii^. 1186), is evidence for dithyramb and tragedy there.
KaXMpaxos KaXXtKpdrovs ehev eTretBrj Aapaaias Aiowaiov Orjâtos oliciqaas
'EXtvatvi Koapios re edv SiarereXeKe Kal (f>tXavBpd>TTCus Trpds Trdvras rods h’

Tip Si^pep oiKoCiTar Kal adrds Kal ol paBjjral adrov, Kal Atovvata •noiovvrwv
’EXevamwveoTTOvSaaev Kal eefuXorLpr^BrjTTpdsrovs Beads Kalrov SrjpovrdvABrjvaicov
Kal 'EXevmvlmv, oTreosdiSKdXXiara yivrjrairdAiovvaia, Kal TrapaoKevdcrasrois avrov
reXeai x°pods Svo, rov pev rraiScov, rdv Se dvSp&v, eneScoKev rfj A-qp-qrpi Kal rfj
KopD* Kal r& Atovdaep, SeSoyOac 'EXevaiviois hraiveaai Aapaaiav Aiowoiov

6 r]§aiov caxfpoavirjs eveKa Kal evaepeias rijs rrpds rat Bed) Kal are<f>avcuaai
adrov xpvaip are<f>dvep awd X Spaxp&v. dveardro] Se avrov 6 perd EvaBiv Si^papxos
^toivcrtojv reuv 'EXevatvi rots rpaywSots .... earw Se avrw npoeSpla Kal dreXeia
til' eiaiv Kvpioi ’EXevalvioi .... Kal empeXioBw avrov 6 S-qpapxos d del Srjpapxwv
oTov dv Siijrai’ eXeoBai Se adriKa /idAa dorty eiripeXTâerai ottws dv dvaypa<l)jj rdSe
TO ifrqefyiapa Kal oraBfj ev rw Aiowalw KrX,^
Comedy is attested by I.G. iiL 3100 HBrjvoSwpos Fo x°PVyddv

KwpepSlpts eviKa].
A more controversial text is I.G. ii^. 3090. This runs
[P]m0ts TipoKqSovs UvaâvSplSrjs Tipayopov
Xoprjyovires KwpwSots eviKwv
Aptoro^dirjs eSlSaaKev.
erepa vIkt] rpaywSots'
Eo<l>OKXijs iSlSaoKev.
'
Ibid. 456 (above, p. 46, n. 6). * As ’ Ibid,, no. 1214.
p. 46, n. 10.
^ The association of Demcter and Koresacred place ss'ith Dionj'sus seems
in their own
natural enough. Neither the Dionysion nor the theatre has been found, and the confused
evidence about the place of Dionysus at Eleusis cannot be discussed here.
‘ Other inscriptions
conferring r-pocSpi'a and crowns to be proclaimed at the tragic per-
formances of the Dionj-sia are I.G. ii“. 1187, 1192-4 (all fourth century n.c.). Ibid. 3107 is
a choregic monument, the type of contest uncertain.
This has been generally interpreted' as a record, set up at home in Eleusis
by two Eleusinians who had been successful in Athens during the period
of synchoregia there. If this were so, the plays would almost certainly
have been the Frogs of Aristophanes in 406-405 B.c. and the Oedipus
Coloneus of Sophocles in However, besides the improbability

402-401 b.c.
that the same pair of synchoregoi should have been victorious atAthensin
two years so close to each other, it now seems most likely that synchoregia
at Athens only lasted one year, 406-405 b.c.^ It therefore seems most
likely that the inscription refers to a festival or festivals at Eleusis. Since
there is no reason to suppose that iBlSatsKev is to be taken other than

literally, Sophocles and Aristophanes must both have gone to Eleusis,
and the festival there will have been of importance, even if the plays
were not first performances.

There is one isolated piece of evidence for the ‘irofnnq and aywv at
Eleusis in the second century b.c.^

7. Ikarion'' has a special place among Attic demes in its possession of
traditions associating it wdth the advent of Dionysus into Attica and the
beginnings of tragedy and comedy Appropriately enough, it also pos-
sesses the earliest epigraphic record of dramatic performances, a fifth-
century decree,® very fragmentary, but showing both by its references
to choregoi and otherwise that there were at the time regularly organized
dramatic festivals. A fourth-century decree^ shows the festival in the
control of the demarch and two choregoi: KaXXnrrros elrrev- i>frrj(f>iadai
’iKapievaiv eiratvecrac NiKOJva tov 8-qp,apgov Kal aretjsav&fxai kittov ar€cj>dvcfi
Kal dveiTTeLV tov icqpvKa on CTT€<j>avovaiv ’iKapieis NiKOJva Kal 6 Si^pos 0

’iKapidwv TOV 8-Qpapgov, on koAws Kal SiKaiuis tw Aiovvacp Trp> eopnjv
ivoiTjaev Kal tov dydiva' dnaiveaai Se Kal tovs 'EmKpaTr\v Kai

npa^ lav Kal areipavSiaoj. kittov oreipdvw Kal dvenrelv KaBdnep tov hrjpapgov.
Ikarion was a small village, and its crowns are of ivy, not of gold, but ivy
was sacred to Dionysus. Poverty is again suggested by the choregic
monuments, two of which show three choregoi collaborating. In LG.
ii*. 3095, “Epyaaos 0avopdxov [
0av6paxos ’Epydoov j
dioyvTjros ’Epyd-
aov TpaycpSois ;yopT;yi;oav7e? viK&vres dviBeaav, the victors are a
I |
father and two

sons, but there is no means of tracing the relationships in
I.G. 3098 Ayvlas SdvOnTTTOs SavBlSrjs viJCTjcravrej dvedeaav. There
ii^.
is one other tragic monument,® but comedy is not attested except

'
See Korte, Gnomon 11 (1935), pp. 634-5.
* Capps, Hesperia 12 (1943), pp. 5 ff. and below, p. 102, ^ See above, p. 44, n. 3.
* This seems the best form of the name; see B.S.A.
51 (1956), p. 172.
5 T)i7A. Trcj.
Ccwi .5 pp. 69-89. */.G.R 186-7. ’ /.G. ii^ 1 1 78.
* I.G.
u=. 3099 llfv7je<Aox“W rpa/wSois x°prjyu>v evCna.
F*S- ~ 5 - Monument from Aixone
:
THE RURAL DIONYSIA

possibly by I.G. ii-. 3094 ^p;^6S6'[ktou |
vJiKijCTa? aviOfjKe
[tw] 1
Amvam. ]
NiKocn-paros eSiSaoKe, where it is doubtful whether
this Nikostratos is the son of Aristophanes, or the dithyrambic poet of
the same named
8. At Aixone there are three decrees from the late fourth centur\',
which also convey the thanks of the deme to the demarch and two chore-
goi. The most striking, illustrated here (fig. 25), is adorned with a relief
of Dionysus and a satyr cup-bearer, and, above, five comic masks.^ The
date is probably 313-31Q b.c. (the archonship of Theophrastus in that
year being slightly more probable than the alternative date 340-339 b.c.)
It runs: rXavKiSrjs Eutat-mrov el-nev i-neiSrj ol xop^yo^ Avreas AvroKXeovs
Kal 0iXo^€viST]S 0iXlTmov KaXws Kat (juXorliiais ixop'qyT)crav, SeSoxOai rots
hrjporais oreâvuiaaL avrovs XP^^V ore^dvcp eKarepov airo iKarov Bpa-
Xptov fv rta Oedrpcp rots KwpwSots rots p-erd Qeo^paarov dpxovra, ottcos
dv t^tXoTipdivrai Kat oi oAAoi x°PVy°^ peXXoin-es ;^;oprjyerr, Souvai Se
avTots Kal els Bvalav SeKa Spaxpds rov Srjpapxov 'HyqaiXewv Kal rovs
raplas, dvaypdifiai Se Kal to ifrîjiiapa rdSe rovs raplas h> arr^rj XiBivrj Kal
arrjaai a> rtp dedrpep,onws dv Atioivets del to? KdXXiara (jdy Aiovuaia
TTotuiotv. One other decree^ shows that the proclamation of crowns at
the comic performances and their registration in the theatre were not
confined to choregoi, and another® shows that this deme too conferred
the honour of rrpoeBpia. A more difficult text, often, but w'rongly, attri-
buted to Aixone, is discussed in the Appendix (below, pp. 54 ff.).
9. The evidence for other demes can be summarized more briefly. At
Achamai, besides the mysterious inscription for a Kwpapxds,^ there is
a record of a choregos who served both for comedy and dithyramb.^

Another inscription® (early fourth century) probably also refers to
dithyramb
'
Attested in I.G. i*. 769.
' First published Atk. Mill. 66 (1941), pp. 218 ff. with fig. 73. The parallel texts are I.G.
uh 1198 (326-325 B.C.), For the masks, sec below, pp. 2156.
1200 (317-316 B.C.).
’Webster, J.II.S. 71 (1951), p. 222, n. y;Apx. 'E^. 1954, 193 Hesperia 29 (i960), p. 264 ;
and n. 45, has argued for the earlier date. The date must be tlie same as that of I.G. ii-. 1202,
for the same archon,
proposer, and demarch appear in both. In no. 1202, Aristokrates
son of Aristophanes
is honoured, and he is the proposer of a decree (no. 1201) in 317-316 b.c.,
uhich fas ours the later date, as does the lettering. W'ebster’s arguments are less convincing
or, though the
choregos Auteas does appear as early as 346-345 (ibid. 2492), he is there
aôciated ss itli his father in
a forty-year lease and may has'e been s er>’ 7'oung. The sister of the
choregos Fhiloxenides
married the youngest son of L^’curgus the orator ([Plut.] Fit. X Orat.
843 a).
* Ibid.,
no. 1202. 5 Ibid., no. 1197. ‘ Above, p. 45, n. 3.
[ A-Tj[jL]oaTpdrov i iKyoas dvIBrjhe [kuxAiw] xopv xal xajp[£ij]i5or9. Xdprjs
a 0 :
E-ncvaedhijs ABrjvatos [cSiSaaxc].

Ibid. 3092. No has been
satisfactory explanation has been gis'en of the last line. It
MiTjcrtWpaTOS Mi<ry<ovos Mtjaifiaxos Minjaiarparo
/hmeidrjs AioBwpo exopyyov Qeorifios Aiorifio ixoprrjyov
lAt]Kaioytvr]S iSlSaaKtv. Apt(}>pwv iSlSaaKev.
UoXvxdprjs Kw[io}\y]os e[S(]SaCTKe;'.
But the most interesting text is a late fourth-century decree' which makes
itclear that receipts from tlie theatre were here reckoned on as a part
of deme revenue.
At Aigilia, we find again the pattern, already noted for Ikarion, of
a father and two sons sharing the choregia.* An epigram,^ probably from
Anagyrus, of the second half of the fourth century, attests family pride
in dramatic victories, though they may have been victories at Athens
and not local.
For Kollytos, our evidence is only literary. We hear in 346-345 b.c. of

comic performances at the Rural Dionysia, with the actor Parmenon
performing a play which was certainly contemporary, though it may
not have been a first performance."' It was also the scene of Aeschines’
performance of the part of Oinomaos, which, according to Demosthenes,'
he murdered. The evidence is conflicting as to \vhether this was in
Sophocles’ play or in a new play by Ischander.
Of Myrrhinous we know nothing except the institution of TrpoeSpi'a*
and the assembly after the festival.’ Paiania has a record in the middle
of the fourth century of a victory as tragic choregos by [ATijnoaBivrjs
A [ijpaii’eTjov ilatoweJs, possibly a relation of the orator.® The celebration
of the Rural Dionysia at Phlya with, apparently, some performance is
suggested that the reference is to a victory gained subsequently and added to the record, but
the whole inscription appears to have been engraved at the same time. Others imagine that
Polychares may have assisted Ariphron, but if so the record is unique, Ariphron was a well-
kno\vn lyric poet, and Dikaiogenes, though primarily a tragic poet, is stated by Harpokration
and ‘Suidas* (s.v.) to have composed dithyrambs also.
* Ibid. 1206. Kal atVro[rs' Soypai dvalav] rov wovror cKaforoM top rafxijav Kal top
01 ap del ap]xoi(Tiv : BpaxfJi^s [affo tov dpyvjptov roO iyXcyoftilvov eV rov ^cjarpow cap
TO OdalTpov eAarrojp StSovai avroifr top S-qfiapxôv #fol top rafiiav [of dp del d/J;^â)]alP to
Y€ypap.ft€v\pv dpyvptov e]fff t^p Bvalav (k T[‘9r Kotvijs htojitajoeais rrjs: rwv 8i;[/tOTd»p].
* Ibid. 3096: TiftoaOetrqs Mec^topfSov, TifxoaBhôvSf KAeoorpaTor Tip,ood€vovs
Xopijyouvrej vixâavres dvefieaav tw /^lovvatp ToycAjua Kol to;* [^diôp].
3 No. 1210 comes from the same area, and so does anew fifth-century choregic
Ibid, 3101,
dedication, with Euripides as didaskalos, HpX' 1965, pp. 163 ff.
^ Aeschin. i. 157 Trpwijp o' rofy /car* dypoi)r ^lowaiois KcofiwBwv optoip o' KoXXvrtpf f(ai
TJapfiôvros TOv kojîkov VTTOKpnov etTroi’Tor Tt Trpdr top ;ôpdp dpaTratorop, eV efpat tipoj
TTopPouj fjLcydXovs Ttiiapx(i>B€is ktX,
s Dem. de Cor, 180. Democharcs, Demosthenes* nephew, ef dpa morevreop aura) Aeyoprt
rreplAlaxtvoVf said that Aeschines was tritagonist for the Tpayayhonoios Ischander, and fell
down when, in the part of Oinomaos, he was pursuing Pelops, and had to be picked up by the
chorus-trainer Sannion {Vit, Aeschin. ii). But Hesychius, s.v. dpovpatos Olvofiaos, says that
Aeschines acted Sophocles* play, and Ischander is not otherwise attested as a tragic poet.
® I.G. ii*. 1182. 7 See above, p. 45, n. ® I.G. ii*. 3097.
7.
mentioned by Isacus.* At Rhamnous, where the cult seems to have been

specifically of Diony’sus ^Tjvaroj,' we have two records of comedy.^
Salamis is notc\vorthy, since the records arc spread chronologically

more widely than an^^vhere else except the Pciracus and Elcusis. Control
^vas there in the hands of the archon, a state appointment, who appointed
the choregoi.'' He seems to have been assisted by tnintXriral.^ Dithyramb

is attested there in the early fourth centur)',^ tragedy in the second cen-
tur)', though apparently not regularly.^
to. Deubner® has made a study of a sculptured frieze embodied in a
wall of the little church of Hagios Elcuthcrios in Athens, in which the
chief features or characteristic qualities or operations of the seasons arc
represented by symbolical figures or groups of figures, arranged in
chronological order from Pyanopsion to Boedromion. In the place
corresponding to Poscidcon appears a group of judges sitting at a table
bearing five crowns, and on the ground two fighting-cocks and a palm-
branch. Deubner whole to symbolize the contents of the Rural
takes the
Dionysia. (Other symbols which follow arc interpreted as referring to
the Lenaia in Gamclion.) The frieze has been dated variously, from
the second century’ b.c. to the imperial period. In any ease, if correctly
interpreted, it is a record of continued interest in the Rural Dionysia
down to a comparatively late date.
II. The Rural Dionysia were closer to the earth than the great festivals
of the and may have retained their religious content in greater
city',
strength and longer. But it is clear from the inscriptions that the festivals
also afforded tlic demes an opportunity to mimic the city, and to assert
their identities as states within the state, by proclamations of crowns for
benefactors and a reflection in little of the institutions of the city. What

they did mil have been limited by their means. ^Vc can seldom deter-
mine how far the dome had the full range of contests. DithyTamb,
tragedy', and comedy arc all frequently represented, but we might argue
' ’ See abo\e,

vHii. 15, cf. 35. p. 42.
’
3108 (probably fourth cenlur>) . . . '/’o/iioioiot .... kij/kuSois, 3109 (early third
I.G. 11^
centur)', on the b.ase of a statue of Themis) flf(yaK^^s ilfryaxfA/out 'Papjiouoior aiÔrjKcv
6 ^/u 5 t vno rwv Stj/iotcSi Siifaioainjr fiffca <[-i t]epr('as /vaAAurrouf (iral tfiftSo-
erparr;? trpri'ar) Kal loojaaff r-aiol Kal at Spam yvftiamapxutv Kai KwpwSots
Xatpiarpans A’aiptS^pou 'Po/ii oiloior i-norjot. See Pouilloux, Im ForUrtsse de Rhamnonie, p 1 53.
*
See abo\e, p 46, n. 9.
• I.G. iP. 1227. 37, 10^. 83, tot I. 59 (i3t-ioj B c ).
‘ Ibid., no. 3093 ^toS<opo5 'E^TjKiOTihov I ifoljoas x^p<u TraiSeoi*. flaihâs ihtBaoKe. TrÂcâi’i;?
•
Afcyapcit?. tf^tAdfiTjAcr (sc. at Salamis). ForTclcphancs, see Dtth. Trag Com p. 55

’ /.(f. ii*. 1227.
30 (131— 130) #fai matrcri Tot* or/âioi toutoi’ Aiowaiwv rwv tv EaXafitii
TpaywSor?, orav -rporrov ynn^raty
cf. 1 008. 82, lOlI. 5O.
“
FesUf pp. 138, 248 ff. and pU. 34 fT. Deubner’s study
Att, is based on earlier accounts by
Robert, Svoronos, and others*
,

from the silence of the Law of Euegoros that there was no dithyramb at
Peiraeus, and from the fact that crowns are, abnormally, proclaimed at
the comic performances at Aixone that there was no tragedy there.

For the quality of the performances, there is a little information.
Actors’ companies, like the one to which Aeschines attached himself,
toured the demes, and, though Demosthenes describes that company as
âpvcrrovot and draws the blackest picture of their reception,' they may
not have been all that bad, and they certainly performed the tragedies
of the great masters.^ In the fifth century we hear of Euripides producing
at the Peiraeus, Sophocles and Aristophanes at Eleusis. The plays may
have been new or already performed in the city. It is possible that the
general knowledge of the subjects of tragedy, which Aristophanes seems
to assume, was fostered by these festivals, though his detailed parodies
perhaps most often refer to plays produced recently in Athens itself. It
is uncertain how far Antiphanes^ is to be taken seriously when, in the
fourth century, he complains that everybody knows the subjects of tragedy,

whereas comic poets have to invent their own stories and characters.
Passages of Euripides and Aristotle point the other way,'* but, in so far
as there was a general dramatic culture, the rural festivals certainly con-
tributed to it.
However this may be, it is interesting to note that a great part of the
evidence about the Rural Dionysia comes from the fourth century B.c.
This is the great era of settled, moderate prosperity in Attica, and life
\vould never be quite so comfortable again, but it may also point to the
special popularity of the drama at this period —the period in which the
great work associated with the name of Lycurgus was being carried out
in the theatre at Athens and theatres were springing up in many parts
of Greece, while famous actors were becoming important personages and
taking part in diplomatic exchanges between states.*
12. Few of the theatres which may have once existed in the Attic
demes have left any traces. The oldest extant remains in all probability
are those of Thorikos,® where they must be earlier than the date of any
dramatic performances, and seem to go back at least to the middle of
the sixth century b.c. There are remains of several lines of steps which
may have served for spectators of choral dances or of any kind of festal
' de Cor. 262. s Ibid.
267, 180. 3 Fr. 191 (Kock).
* See below, pp. 275 f. s See below, p. 279.
‘ Dorpfeld u. Reisch, Das
grUchische Theater, pp. 109-11 ; Bulle, Unlersuchmgen, pp. 9 ff
210, Taf. 1,2; Arias, II Tealro grecojiiori t!i Alene, pp. 24 ff. Fliekinger, Gk. Theater, p. 227 and
;
figs- 70 > 7 ' Caputo in Dioniso 3 (1933), pp. 301 ff.; 4 (1934), p. 90; Anti, Teairigreci areata,
;
pp. 45-48 (with criticisms in C.R. 62 (1948), p. 125) ; Dilke, B.S.A.

45 (1950), pp. 25 ff. (See
now T. Haskens, Ant. Class. 34 (1965), pp. 39 ff.).
Thonkos
at
Theatre
of
View
26
Fig
performance or for attenders at a public assembly. The form of this

auditorium (Figs. 26-27) is unlike that of any other theatre, and its size
was increased at some time' later than the original building by an
addition (a) higher up on the rising ground. The area in front of the
steps was terraced up to a level and no doubt in time served for dramatic
t
a 7 » it M ,U 44
I I I 1 I I > — 1
Fig. 27, Plan of Theatre at Thorikos
presentations,and it was bounded on the side furthest from the steps by

a (d) of which some slight remains are visible. There are also the
\\'all
remains of a small temple (k), an altar (j), and what is sometimes

regarded as a PovXexrrqpiov or council-chamber.
The principal remains at Rhamnous^ (Fig. 28) are three stone seats or
tlirones
— probably there were originally seven —
dedicated to Dionysus by
the priest of the Hero Archegetes they stand on a base of local marble
'
Perhaps when Thorikos was fortified by the Athenians in 410-409 d.c. (Xen. HelUn.
1. 2. i).
op. cit., pp. 1-4, Taf. I Arias, op. cit., pp. 22-24; Anti, op. cit., pp. 146-8;
;
)
45 {'950), pp. 28 IT.; Pouilloux, pp. 73-78.
3
.G. li*. 2849 avidrjKcv PovXijs
^
^tovvow icpeuj dp)^y€Tou /rat oTcâia/8etS' i/rro
. . .
/tat Toil. Stj/toTtli.

Kai twv OTpaTiiorwv (Pouilloux, no. 25).
:

and, together with what was a row of stelai in a line with them on a simi-
lar base, formed a front row behind which the crowd could stand on the
rising ground, and the performances could be given on the levelled ground
in front. The remains are considered to belong to the fourth century, and
though the place doubtless served for the public meetings of the little
and Bulk thinks he can locate the council-chamber, it is definitely
village
called a theatre in inscriptions.’
At Ikarion* there seems to have been a similar row of thrones, standing
between the main body of spectators and the performers. Two pairs of
thrones of crude workmanship are still to be seen (Fig. 29) and there are
traces of an altar.
The
theatre in the Peiraeus* in which the Dionysia were celebrated,
and which the inscriptions quoted in this chapter belong, was on the
to
peninsula of Munychia, and has disappeared entirely. It figures oc-
casionally in the history of the Classical period."* The later theatre at
Zea, built probably in the second century b.c., though of some interest
in the history of the development of the Greek theatre, does not come
within the scope of this chapter.*
APPENDIX ON LG. IP, 3091 (AIXONE)

It is extremely doubtful whether this much-discussed inscription* has any
reference to the Rural Dionysia at all. It was discovered near Aixone at
Palaiochori, apparently on the site of Halai Aixonides, rather than that of

Aixone itself,’ inscribed on a cylindrical block of white marble which was
probably the base of a statue. It runs
'E[Tri)'dprjS xopTjywv iviKa /cJcu^wSory
'Exj>o.VTl8 r)s e8i8a<7K€ IJelpas
©pavuôAos xoprjywv ivLKa K(op,wSois
Kparivos iSlSaOKf BovkoXovs
* I.G. ii^. 1311, 16 dvaypaipaL Sc toSc to €v ottjXjj XiBtvi) Kal oryaat cV Tw OeaTpui
(4th cent.) (Pouilloux, no. 13).
^ See BuIIe, op. cit.,
pp. 4 ff., Tat. i ;
Arias, op. cit., pp. 19-21 ;
Anti, op. cit., pp. I
45 “®>
Dilke, loc. cit., pp. 30 ff. ’ pp. 46-47. ^ See above, p. 46, n. 2.
See Dorpfeld u. Reisch, pp. 97-100; BuIIe, op. cit., pp. 203-4; Arias, °P'
* “'
PP" 5 9 > ’
and Theatre of D., pp. 139, 144, 181-3, 217-18. An inscription, I.G. iP. 2334, headed oiSt
frrehuiKav cc’r rijv KaTaaKevrjv too Searpov and containing a long list of donors, dates around
the middle of the second century b.c.
* Published by Palaios in f/oAcpcoo, i,
pp. i6i If. For discussion see Jêw Chapters in Gk. Lit..
Third Series, pp. 69 ff. Wilamowitz, Hermes 65 (1930), pp. 243-5; M. Guarducci, Rio. di
;
Fit. 8 (1930), pp. 202 ff.; 9 (1931), pp. 243 ff.; 14 (1936), pp. 2831!.; Mazon, Melanges
Lfttoarre, (1935), pp. 297 ff.; M. Fromhold-Treu, Hermes
69 (1934), pp. 324 ff; Korte,
Gnomon ii (1935), pp. 632 ff. Vitucci, Dioniso 7 (1939), pp. 216 ff. What is said in the text
;
is what now seems most probable in the light of tlie discussion, and differs in some points
from my conclusions in New Chapters, loc. cit.
’ See Eliot, Coastal Demes
of Attika, pp. 29-30.
Fig. 29. Theatre at Ikarion
APPENDIX ON LG. ID. 3091 55
Qpa(TVôXos TpaywSots
Tip 66 eos iSiSaaKe ilXKpecuva AX<l>€aiô\tav
'ETTiyapijs \oprqyS)V eviKa Tpay«oSor[y
2o<l>oK\rjs cSiSatTKE TijAeêiav.
It is now
generally agreed that the date of the inscription, as determined
by form
tlieof the letters and the orthography, is early in the fourth century,
probably about 380 b.c.' At tliis date the moniunent commemorated the
choregic \'ictories of Epichares and Thrasybulus; the victories must have
been won at different festivals, as there would not have been two victors eitlier
in tragedy or in comedy at the same festival. Wliether the \’ictories are in
chronological order it is impossible to say. Inscriptions- make it clear that
Ekphantides’ earliest \’ictory at the City Dionysia between 457 and 454 b.c.,
fell
and that he either took no part or won no \'ictory in tire Lenaian contests,
rvhich were first state-organized about 442 b.c., so that he probably died
before tliis. (GeisslerJ dates his Edrvpoi between 445 and 440 b.c., but on some-
what inconclusive grounds.) The date of Cratinus’ BovkoXoi is quite rmcertain.'*
Hesj’chius’ gloss, which is often quoted as showing that the play was refused
a chorus by the archon, does not necessarily mean this, and in its corrupt
condition affords no safe basis of argument.^ Timotheos, otherwise unknown as
a tragic poet, may or may not have been identical with the famous lyric
poet. The Ti]Xi(f>eta of Sophocles, probably a trilogy' dealing witli the story
of Telephus,® is not recorded elsewhere.
It seems clear (despite tlie arguments of M. Guarducci) that the formula
cSi'SacKe is only used in inscriptions of plays produced by the authors in
person; and though it is quite possible that greater as tveU as lesser poets
may occasional!)' have produced plays in the demes in person^ either for the —
first time or in repetition of performances in the city it seems more likely —
that the record is that of choregic victories gained in Athens in the last half
of tire fifdi century by Epichares and Thrasybulus, demesmen of Aixone, and
commemorated either by themselves in their old age or by their family or
deme early in the fourtli century, perhaps after their deatlis. The victory with
the t\vo plays of Timotlreos must have been won at the Lenaia, when each
poet presented only two tragedies. The T-qXc^citi, if it was a trilogy or tetralogy,
must have been performed at the City Dionysia.
The alternative supposition —
that so many famous poets of the fifth
centuiy' should all have chosen Aixone as the place for the production of their
' M. Guarducci
argues for an earlier date, unconvincingly. ’ pp. 1 12 f. below.
ChnmlogU dtr allalt. Komodte, p. 16.

’ * See Ji'rw Chapters, Third Series, p. 74.
* e
g. the argument that, having been refused at Athens, he may have presented it at
Aixone E\ en if he were refused by the archon for the Diony'sia, he may has e obtamed a
chorus next year—or from the ôcriAfur for the Lenaia. (See p.
84, n. 3 for this gloss.)
^^The probably the .MAcdSai, Mvaoi, and
play*s tvere XvhXoyos. See Ptew Chapters,
Third Series, pp. 76 Fromhold-Treu, loc. cit. ; and below, p. 81.
ff. ;
’ Euripides
certainly did (p. 46), Sophocles and Aristophanes probably (p. 47 f.). IVhether
the \ery large numbers
of plays attributed for example to Antiphanes and Menander are
to be accounted
for by their following this practice remains uncertain.
plays —
by themselves seems less likely; and, if so, the inscription throws no light
on the Rural Dionysia at Aixone, but only on the enthusiasm of its citizens
for the drama in the fourth century —
a thing which is attested by otlier
inscriptions.
D. The Panathenaia
Most of the musical contests at the Panathenaia fall outside the scope
of this book, but two references call for notice. Thrasyllus, the astrologer
friend of the Emperor Tiberius, in discussing the division of Plato’s work
into tetralogies, appears to have said' that the tragic poets competed
with four plays at the Dionysia, the Lenaia, the Panathenaia, and the
Chytroi. The complete our sources in the Classical period
silence of
makes it unlikely that tragedy at the Panathenaia started very early,
but there is one clear piece of epigraphic evidence for performance of a
new tragedy at it in the first century a.d.^
* Diog. Lacrt. iii, 56.
* I.G. ii*. 3157 . . . [yt£iw]aa/ievof Kenpomhi [^]i'[A]n avrof
St8o(r[^ca>p, wjt rpaywhtav IJavaBi^vata T[d ficyd]â Katv^v 8iS[a]âj . .
)
II
THE CITY DIONYSIA

I. The last of the Athenian festivals of Dionysus to be instituted was
known as the ‘City Dionysia’' by contrast with the
rural festivals, and
as the on account of the importance which soon at-
‘Great Dionysia’^
tached to it. It might also be called raAiovvcxia^ without furdier qualifica-
tion. It was instituted in honour of Dionysus Eleuthereus, whose image
had been brought to Athens from Eleutherai, on the borders of Attica

and Boeotia, and stood in the older temple of Dionysus within the theatre
precinct.'* The date and the circumstances of the transfer of the image to
Athens are not certain, but it was said to have been brought by an other-
wise unkno\vn Pegasos, who was probably a missionary of the cult of the
god. In Athens, as in some other places in Greece,^ the god was not well
received, and the men of Athens were smitten with a disease from which
(it was said) they only freed themselves (on the advice of an oracle) by
manufacturing ôAAoi' in honour of the god.®

A passage of Pausanias’ may date the mission of Pegasos in tlie time
of the legendary Amphiktyon, King of Athens, and in another pas-
sage® he records that the people of Eleutherai voluntarily transferred
* Jiovvaia ra dortKa, Thuc. v. 20j Jioiuata ra €v oora, Law of Eucgoros (Dem. Aleid, xo),
Acschin. iii. 68, and, for example, LG. ii*, 851, 958. Hence also such phrases as iv duret StSd-
hihaoKoXta doriiCQ, €i? darv Kaflto'at, »tViy d.fjrlK'q, etc.
* J(oiu£7ia
rd fieydAa, Aristot. AQ, TToA, Ivi, and (for example) LG. ii*. 654, 682.
5
Atoivmai A.T.L. D
7 (447 b.c,), Thuc. v. 23. 4, Dem. Aieid. i, Aristot, AS. TIoX. Ivi, and
(for example) I,G. ii^. 1006, 1028.
* See
Centre of D., pp. 3-5.
* Including Eleutherai where the daughters of the eponymous Eleutlier were driven
itself,
mad by the god when he was by them (‘Suidas*, s.v. MeAai'aiytj). Eleuther himself
insulted
then organized the worship of Dion^'sus. (Hygin. Fab. 225 *Eleuther primus simulacrum
Libcri patris constituit, ct quemadmodum coli dcbcrct ostendit.*)
Schol. on At. Ach.
243 n’qyaaos ck twv *EX€v 9€p(bv {at 8e ’EXcvBepal rroAts €<rrl Botoirta^)
Aaôjp Tou Atovvoov to
dyaXfia fxy ArrtPcyv* ot Sc ABjjvaioi ovk cSeârro /rerd rifi^s
rov Ocov. dAA* ouxf dptadt yc adroiy
raCra PovXevaapdvois aTT^Prj. (The story of their punishment
follo^^’s
^
2. 5 pera 8c TO Tou Aiovvaov (i,e. Dionysus iWcATrdô’oy) tc/xci'os caTtv oiKtjpa dyaXpara
ev^TnjAoO, âotX^vs AOrjiatoiv
Ap(fnKTVO}v dAAour tc 0cou? ioTttbv Kal Aiovvaov, ivravBa /cat
T^yaoor cotip ^Âeuffepeuj, o?
top ^cop citrijyaye.
^ p^v ydp ’EAcuffcpcuaiP dpoi irpos tijv Attiktjv 7/ffap* 7Tpoo;^tijpTjo’aPTajp Sc
Ufl
^vaioi? TovTojp, ouTO)? rjhiq
JBoiojTtaS’ d ifiâiptlJp cortv dpoy. TrpoaexdipTjaav Sc ÊXevBepeis ou
roAcp^j ^tacffcPTcff, dAAd
troAiTctoff tc cTri0y/i7}aaPT€S irapd ABrjvaicvv xat kot €x9os to Orjâlivv.
lady eWt dtopdaou, xal to ôopop cptcC^cp AdTjvaiois iKopiaOi] to dpxo.tov.
*0 CP EAcuffepar?
^to^ e^* ‘qpoiv is ptprjaiv ckcCvov ‘jrcrrol'qTai.
F
58 THE CITY DIONYSIA
themselves from the Boeotian to the Athenian alliance; but there is no
reason for connecting the advent of the god \vitli this political change
(of which the date is unknown). The action of Pegasos was probably an
incidentin the gradual spread of Dionysiac cults throughout Greece, which
was unconnected with political motives.^ What seeins certain is that it was
became important, probably through
in the sixth century that the festival
the policy of Peisistratus. That it was a relatively late institution is in-
dicated by the fact that it was not controlled by the archon basileus, the
successor of the kings as the supreme religious official of Athens,^ but by
the archon eponymos. He had charge of the procession and of the dra-
matic and dithyrambic contests, with the assistance of his two WpcSpoc,
and (for the procession) of ten €mp.eAT)Tat. The latter were originally
appointed by vote of the Assembly and paid theif own expenses, but in
were chosen by lot, one from each tribe, and received
Aristotle’s time^
100 minae from the state for the necessary equipjnent. The archon and
cm/xcAijrat continued toperform their functions even when the duties
of the choregoi had been handed over to an agortothetes.'*
2. The importance of tine festiivai was derived oidy from tint pts-
formances of dramatic and lyric poetry but from the fact that it was open
to the whole Hellenic world and was an effective advertisement of the
wealth and power and public spirit of Athens, no less than of the artistic
and literary leadership of her sons. By the end of March the winter was
over, the seas were navigable,* and strangers came to Athens from all
parts for business or pleasure.* After the founding of the Delian League
The attempt of Vollgraff (Alh. Mitt. 32 (1907), pp. 567 ff.) to prove that the statue of
Eleuthereus was not brought to Athens before 420 b.c., and was then placed in the nnr
temple of Dionysus, rests on unprovable assumptions and is sufficiently answered by Famcll,
Cults V, pp. 227-9.
* He first appears as taking part in the festival in an inscription of the middle of the second
century a,d, {I,G, ii*. 2046) in which he is mentioned as offering tw Aiovvam eV rf} nofifry
Bvoiavj but he does this as gymnasiarch of the ephebes.
3 Aristot. A6, IToX. Ivi.
4. The irap^Bpot are mentioned both by Aristotle and in a laudatory
inscription in honour of the archon and ‘ndpchpot of the year 283~282 b.c., quoted on p. 69.
The intfifXrjrai also are joined in such a vote of thanks in LG. ij*» 668 (266-265 B.c.). In the
time of Theophrastus one of the contentions of those ^vho favoured oligarchy was that the
archon ought to manage the festival-procession without being hampered by tVtpcAijrai
responsible to the demos {Char. 26).
* LG. 896. See below, pp, 70, 92.
ii*.
One of the typical remarks of the oSoAeV;^? in Theophrastus, Char. 3, is Tr}v BdXa-rrav^ cV
5
Aiovvtrioyv trXoip.ov tU'ai. But in the time of Demetrius (Plut. Demetr. 12. 5) the procession
was prevented by a snow-storm. The theatre of Dionysus was sheltered from the north >\ind
by the Acropolis, but it can still be cold in Athens in March and April.
43, speaks of proclamations at the Dionysia as taking place o amoi-
® Aeschines, in Ctes.
and Demosthenes, Meid. 74, complains that Meidias insulted him

drrdvTUiv rdiv *EXX‘qvajv,
€vavTlov 7roAAa)»’ #fai /cai TToXirwy. For the presence of strangers at the City Dion>’sia, in
contrast with the Lcnaia, see Ar. Ack. 505-6, and above,
pp. 2d, 40.
;
THE CITY DIONYSIA 59
of Atliens brought their tribute at this season; Isocrates asserts

tlie allies
that was displayed in the theatre.' At the same period, before the
it
performance of the tragedies began, the orphaned children of those who

had fallen in battle for Athens, such as had reached a suitable age, were
caused to parade in the theatre in full armour and receive the blessing
of the People. (This practice appears to have been abolished at some time
in the fourth century.^) The festival was also made the occasion for the
proclamation of honours conferred upon citizens or strangers for con-
spicuous service to Athens and it w^ls a natural time for the visits of
ambassadors from other states for business requiring publicity."* The
festivalwas a time of holiday prisoners were released on bail to attend
;
the festival and sometimes took the chance of escaping.® The Law of
Euegoros, quoted by Demosthenes,® forbade legal proceedings and dis-
traint or taking of security for debt during this and some other festivals
but the date of the law is unknown, and it is possible that in the fifth
century the holding of an assembly was not excluded.’
3. As a rite preliminary to the festival, though perhaps not considered
' Eupolis, JToAetj, fr. 340 K

(with schol. on Ar. Ach. 378, 504) ; cf. Isocr. de Pace 82
TO ereptytyvonevov Twy tfiopaiv apyvptov SieAon-ct jcoto toAoitov eiV rfiv opxôrpav
Tofff Jtocootot; elaifiepeiv, eireiBAv irA^pcs to Biarpov* Kal toot* errotow Kol vapeiariyov TotJy
iratSa; t(oo co rtp TroX^fHp TercXevTTjKOTwVf dfiôr^pots entBeiKvvovres, rots pio avfi^dxots rds
Tipof T^s ouoior airuiv ihro fiioSuiTuiy «tOj6fpo/to’aj, rots S’ oAAoir 'BAAijot to nXijBos twv opjiav&v
Kol Toj ouptijtopds Toy 840 r^v wAcooefi'ov Tavn]v yiyvopcVar. (Cf. Raubitschek, T.A.P.A. 72
(1941), pp. 356-62.)

Shortly after 403 b c. Lysias attacked Theozotides for merely having proposed the ex-
'
clusion of adopted and illegitimate sons from this, to icdAAitTToi’ tuip o’ tois odpoty Kijpuy/ia
{P. Hib. I. 14). By 330 B.c. the practice is dead. Aeschin. m
Ctes. 154 Tty yap ovk dv oAyijoocv
04Spoiooy *£AAijv ^ icat TratScu^cty cXcvBcpws, dvafivijoBcls cv tw Bcdrpw CKCivo ye, ct fijjbcv rrepoo,
oTt Tavrp iroT^ -rp i)pepa ptcAAdoraii' cotnrep I'ui’t Ttor rpaywBwv ytyveoBaif ore evvopLciTo ptaXXoy 17
iroAty Jcat êATt’oot irpoordToty exPV'^°j wpocAPioi’ li Kpjpv^ Kal irapaonôdpcvoy Tovy tJpâoooy (ov
04 iTOTepey âav o’ rw rroAcpip TcrcAotnjKOTcy, veavlaKovs TiavoTrXitp KCKoa^'qfievovSt CK-qpvrrc to
Kqpvyfia xal TTpoTporTtKioraToo trpoy dperqv, OTt TOiicrSc Toijy vcai’tVKOuy, tSi* ot trardpes
KctAAtcTTOv
fTcXevrqaav o’ tw rroAf/ia) drSpey dyaffot yo’tJpo’ot, ptcxp^ /rev <5 brjfios crpcjic, vuvt Sc
KaBo-nXtaac Tfjbc Tjj TravorrAt^,

dtftirjatv dyaB^ "COXB TpencaBat cirt to coutcov icat KoAct cty rrpo-
cSptov.Tore pev toot’ cx^pirrTO', txAA* ou vvv.
This provision occurs in many inscriptions. Sec below, p. 82, n. 2. The proclamation
r
was made before the tragedies began. Aeschines, in Ctes. 41 , speaks as if the practice of making
proclamations at the festival had sometimes been abused; cf. Dem. de Cor. 120.
*
In Thuc. V. 23. 4 the oath of alliance between Athens and Sparta is to be renewed
annually by the ambassadors of Sparta at the Dionysia. Cf. I.G. i^. 57 (430 b.c.)
’ As, according
to Dem. in Andrat. 68, Androtion’s father did. "Ihe schol. ad loc. saj's
c0oy i^v TTapd Tofy ABrjvalots o’ Tofy Aiovvatois Kai rots- /Tavaffijvatoty TOvy SeopioToy diÛaBai
TOO Seopotf eV exct’i aiy Toty ^pepaty rrapaoxovray eyytnjTtiy.
See above, pp. 27, 46. _
’ In Thuc.
iv. 1 18 the Athenians are said to have ratified the truce with Sparta in 423 B.c.
in the Assembly on the 14th of Elaphebolion, but it is disputed whether this date fell within
the festival period at that time; see below,
pp. 64, 66. In Thuc. v. 23 it is not stated at
what point in the Dionysia, or before what persons or body, the treaty with Sparta was
to be renewed, but the renewal may well have required an assembly.
6o THE CITY DIONYSIA
part of the festival itself,' there was a re-enactment of the original advent
of Dionysus from Eleutherai. The statue of Dionysus Eleuthereus was

taken to a temple in the neighbourhood of the Academy, on the road to
Eleutherai, and placed by the iax^pa there. There sacrifice was offered,'
and hymns were sung,^ and the statue was escorted back to the theatre
in a torchlight procession in which the leading part was taken by the
epheboi, the young men of military age. The dates of the ephebic inscrip-
tions'' which are the authority for these statements all fall between 127
and 106 B.G., and the elaayojyq disappears from later texts; but the re-
enactment of the god’s advent does not look like an afterthought and
probably goes back to the earliest days of the festival when, after his first
cold welcome, it was desired to make amends by doing him special
honour. Whether the statue thus brought to the theatre was left there
till the end of the festival is not recorded. It may well have been returned
to the temple in preparation for the sacrifices to which the 770/imJ (prob-
ably on the next day) led up, and have been brought back daily to the
theatre for the performances at which it was certainly present.* The
temple in the Academy is described by Pausanias as a small one.* It may
have existed for this particular purpose alone. It is difficult to draw any
conclusion from the fact that the altar was an ecryapa (a low altar,
hollowed out at the top) and not a ^copos or a 6vpiXr). The uses of the
several terms were not kept rigidly separate.^
* In LG, 1006 (122-121 B.c.) the of the god is evidently distinguished from the
Dionysia in the strict sense and from the which was part of the festival proper, da-qyayov
8c Kal to;' /liovvaov arro caxapas cty to Oearpoy /icra ifxvros' €TT€{X(f/av rots ^lovvaiois
ravpov aîoy rov $€o0f ov Afol tdvcav ^r<p Up^ rf} TTOfiTrfj, e<f>* w /cat €(rr€âv<vdijaav vtto tov
h'qfiov.
* Perhaps not regularly: ibid, loii (106-105 b.c.) ctaijyayov 3 c teal rov Aiowoov otto r^s
caxdpas dvaavres tw koI dvcffTjKov KaTOOKCvacrai'Tcs Toi ^cw dtro Spaxfiw;' €KarQV is
the only evidence, and neither the sacrifice nor the phiale appears in parallel texts.
3 Alkiphron iv. 18.
16 (Schepers), where the fictitious Menander says e/iol yôtro rov
ArrtKov del arc^caôt Kiaaov Kal rov in* coxdpar vfxv-qoai Kar* tros ^tivveov, Herodes Atiicus
(early second century a.d.) is said by Philostratus (Tit. Soph., p. 549) to have given a feast
of drink on a large scale to citizens and strangers at the Keraineikos, on the way to the
Academy ; ottotc 8e ijKOi Aiovvaia KaX Kariot €is ^KaSrifiiav to tov Aiovvoov iSos iv K€pa.p€tK(p
noTi^<ov d<7Tovs ofioiios Acot îvovs KaroiKHfiivovs ini trre/SdScov kitYOv, But this was doubtless
a late perversion of a which had lost its meaning.
festival
^ Other inscriptions are LG. ii*. 1028 (loi-ioo b.c.), and ioo8
(i 18-117 b.c.) koI cioijyayov
TOV Oeov dno rijs [icrxdpas c;r to BiaTpov ficrd <f>airQS #c]a[l €n€fiifi(xv Tavpov Tofs Aiovvalois r^
ôfxjnj] xal 6 vaavT€s ini Toi;[Toty dnaatv c#coAAtcp7;aav] : cf, also 1030 (post 93 B.C.) and 1039
( 83~73 B.C.). S.E.G. xv. 104 (127-126 b.c.) is the earliest of these texts.
5 See At. Knights
536, Frogs 809, etc.; Philostr. Vit. Apoll, iv. 22; Dio Chrys. xxxi. 121
(p.631 R), etc.
Faus. i. 29* 2. Kal vaos ov ftcya? i<nivt is dv tov Aiovvoov tov *EX€vd€pioiS to dyaXpa dva
^
nav CTOS Kofitôvaiv iv Tcraypiivais rjfiipats,

’ See Gow, J,H.S.
32 (191a), pp. 2x3 IF.; Nilsson, Jahrb, Arch, 31 (1916), p. 337, n. 4 =
Opusc. Set, i, p. 21 1, n. 124; F. Robert, ThjmiU, pp. 260 ff.
THE CITY DIONYSIA 6i
There has been much discussion, some of it of a speculative and ram-

bling character, of the elciaywyrj d-rro r^s ecrxdpas. ’ The account given above
attempts to keep closely to the evidence, and the same principle \vill be
observed in regard to the the procession \vith which tlie Dionysia
in the strict sense began, and the kwhos, which, whatever its nature, is
clearly separated from the Trofnrq in the Law of Euegoros.
4 The
. TTOfiTTi] was essentially a religious procession leading up to the
sacrifices in the sacred precinct of Dionysus.^ The sacrifice of a bull,
\vhich was led in the procession, by the epheboi (in the second and
first centuries b.c. but probably also earlier) is well attested,^ and no
doubt many other victims -were offered.'* Many bloodless offerings were
made, and these were carried in the procession in a variety of vessels
also
borne by men and women, both citizens and resident aliens. There was
a (bearer of golden baskets of offerings), a maiden of noble
birth.5 She may have led the procession, as in the ‘Rural Dionysia’ in the
Achamians. The djSeAia^dpot (carrying the loaves known as djSeAtat) and
the uKa^rijtopoi and vSpiaôpoi and doKoifiopot who are mentioned as
taking part in Dionysiac functions® probably acted in this greatest of
Dionysiac processions. Colourwas lent to the procession by the scarlet
and the gorgeous robes of the choregoi of the lyric and
of the fiiToiKoi
dramatic performances ^vhich were to follow. Alcibiades on more than
* c.g. Nilsson,
Jahrb, Arch. 31 (1916), pp. 309 ff. =
Opusc, Sei i, pp. 166 ff.; Stengel,
ibid.,pp. Bethc, Hermes Gi (1926), pp. 459 ff.; Vtxihl, de Athen, pmpis sacris, pp. 74 fT.;
340 ff.;
etc. (Frickenhaus’s article in Jahrb. Arch. 27 (1912), pp- 80 fi*., belongs to the eccentricities
of scholanhip.) By far the best summary is that ofDcubncr, Ail. FesU^ p. 139.
O' Tw Up<^ in the cphcbic inscriptions quoted above.
*
See above, p. 60, nn. i, 4.

’
* Ferguson, Hesperia
17 (1948), p. 134, calculates from I.G. ii-. 1496 that there were 240
victims in 333 n.c. An agonothetes in 250 b.c. contributed five oxen (//fj/*fria4 {1935), p. 583).
* Schol.
on Ar. Aeh, 241 Kara ri}v twv Aioi'vaiwv ioprrjv rrapa toTj Adrjvatois ai eâ'eis
01 eKai’Tjôpow, ijv Se trerroiyjfi/ya to Kara, air rdr oTrap^d? aTrdrrtDr cri'^foai'.
In /.G. ii*. 896 (185 n.c.) a certain Zop>Tus is praised for sending hb daughter otcovaav to
irpor KQi-orr tw $(w koto to srarpia. That there svas only one foUosN’s from the references to
o rar^p Kaxnjiôpov in tliis decree and in I.G. ii*. 668 Cf. also I.G. ii*. 3489-
.
* Poll. vi. Athen

73 oêXCai 5 aproi ou?
*
€»s* Aiovvaov Iêpov oi KoAov/iCvoi d/ScAta^dpot J cf.
111. mb cVoAoCito 8 ^ Kat oScAia^dpoi oi Iv rats tro/xirafy Trapa^fpo»T«y adrouy (sc. too?
o 9 fXmr) cVl Toir (u;tcor(Ephippus in the fourth century wrote a comedy called ’OêAta^dpoi);
Suid S.V, aOK(><f>opeti'* o» rats AtoivciaKoTf rroftrraiSi to filv inrb rtby Qfrrwv fVpdrrfTo, to
>
TO if pcTOiKOtf rroitU’ tmb TcJr l•opo^lm7£rd»'Ta)v tTpooeTcraKTO. 01 oir fxIroiKOi jîToii’a? O’cSvorro
c^forroj ôirtKoih* kqi Iêpov odev cKaîy^^dpot srpocrTjyope^VTO. 01 8^ dorol
ioBifTa tixov Tjv côvAovto Kat da»covj tuôir e^fpot- oBev doKO^dpot cKoAovt-ro J *Suid*. S.v.
e»md7^*poi (uTihout express reference to the Dionysia)* . . . Arffi’^rptos yovv hf y HopaBiaia^
(228 F 5 Jj'Coby) ^Tâtr, drt rTpocHarrcvovoôsToT^ftfroiKOiscvrat^rrofirTais avTOorp^CKCiâr
rdr 5 f Bvyarlpas avrdlr uSpefa Kal CTKidScia; Zcnob. v. 95 oviToptbrepo^ CKaîjr
^potîia ert rdji‘ toj a^cdâr ^rporreuv pLcroiKcov ... trretBrj ot pcrotKOi CKaSas €<êpov o' Taff
35 /ttVotKoj d to /tcro/Kior cvi’TfXwv' . . . CKad^^^dpoj* ovreo 5 i to^ perotKOVS

•^p**ar5; Poll, ill.
tJitjpaJor, K'ai raf îTarKaj ciVdiv vSpia^dpoi*?, dn’OToO tpyov iKOiTipovs For citizens, apparently
ofheial functions, sec Acschin. i. 43.
one occasion walked in a purple robe,’ and part of Demosthenes’ grievance
against Mcidias was that Meidias had broken into a goldsmith’s shop
and partly destroyed the golden crown and gold-embroidered cloak in
which Demosthenes had intended to parade as choregos.^ When PIu-
tarch^ spoke of the lavish display of the Dionysiac processions in his own
time as compared with the original simplicity of the rustic festivals, he
must have overlooked the magnificence of the Athenian processions of the
fifth and fourth centuries b.c. (some 500 to 600 years earlier) but it is ;
not in fact clear of what places or periods he is speaking. At least one

of the primitive elements of Dionysiac worship which Plutarch mentions
was conspicuous in the Dionysiac procession, the carrying of âAAot in
honour of the god. T~ L N ^^\ S
The direct evidence for this practice is indeed slight and depends upon
the conjectural completion of inscriptions, but is probably sufficient.
About the year 446-445 b.c. it was ordained that the new colony of Brea
should annually send a phallos to the City Dionysia this is not likely to
have been an isolated emblem, and the carrying of phalloi would be

reminiscent of the placation of the god after his original arrival in Athens.^
The route taken unknown. At some time during
by the procession is
and especially
the festival there were dances of choruses at various altars,
at that of the Twelve Gods in the Agora, and these are connected by
scholars either with the daayotyf] dn-o rrj? e’oxdpas or with the
There is no evidence to show which is correct, but Xenophon mentions
the dances in a passage which is primarily about noix-nai.^
Athen. Xll. 534 c ot€
* tro/i7reva>»' cV jTopûp/5 t, ctVtoiY eir tq Biarpov iBavpiîro
ov povov vrro rwv avhpCiv cAAd koI vtto rwv yvi’atKwv.

* Dem. Metd. 22 (evidence of the goldsmith Pammcncs) ckSoitoj 8^ poi A’qpoaBhovSj
45 paprvpdti CT€<f)avov jfpuaow <ocrr€ KaracrKevdaai Kai Ipdriov hid^pvaov ottws iropnevaai
^ avTofy rrjv rov Aiovvcov rropTnjv ktX,
* de cupid. dwit. 527 d TrdT/Jioy rwv Aiowotwv iopr^ to TroAotov €V€p'n€TO h^jporiKw^ xai
iXapwSj dpj>op€vs otvov /cai rpdyov Tt7 ciAkcv, oAAo? t<y;^dScov dppixov ‘^KoXovBei
K}ttjparh, flra
Kopi^wVf em ttgoi 8* d ôAAdr dAAd vw Tovra maptwparai ifal •qpdviaraty ^(pvotopdruv TTfpi-
<f>epop€iwv Kai ipariwv TroAuTcAtuY koi êvywv <Xavvop€vwv Kai Trpoc<U7rci«v, outw rdvayKora rov
ttXovtov KOI rd xPVîpf^ dxp^frrois icaTa#f€xo«rrat ;cai ToTy TrcpiTTOty, See above, p. 44*
46 /5 ow 8€ Kal 7 [a>' 07rA/at» atrc^yeii'
* I.G. i*. UavaB-qi’aia rd /icydA[a Kai is Aiovvaija (jfaXXov.
A decree of 372 b.c. (Accame, Ltga AtaiiesCy p. 230) instructs the Parians [fiy Aiovvjaia ôv
KOI ^QAAd[v] d[7r]d[yfv] as being Athenian colonists. Cf. also I.C. ii^. 673. Phalloi were also
carried at the Dionysia at Delos: sec Nilsson, Gr. Feste, pp. 280-2, Gesch. i*, pp. 592 f>
Vallois, B.C.H. 46 (1922), pp. 94-1 12, and Sifakis, StadteSy pp. 9 ff.
See above, p. 57.
5
Xen, Hipparck. iii. 2 rds p€v ow TTopirds oiopai dv kqi Tof? Beats Kexdpiop^tvrdras Kol rots
^
Bearats efyat el oawv lepd koi dydA/iara iv rfj dyop^ ion, ravra dp^dpevoi ctto rwv 'Eppwv
kvkX(p nepl Tr]v dyopdv kgi tg Upa. ircptcAavvoitv TtpwvTcs Tods Beovs, Kai €v Totj diovuoioiy 8c ot
ôpoi TTpooemxapiôvrai dXXois re Beats koI rofy 8c88cKa xopfvo»*re?. The site of the Altar of the
Twelve Gods was on the north side of the Agora; M. Crosby, Hesperia, Suppl. viii, pp. 82 ff.,
gives a general discussion of the site and the cult. See ako R. E. Wycherley, The\Athenian
Agora, iii (TesUmonia), nos. 363-78.
It may be assumed that the procession was enlivened by satirical songs

such as were sung on all such occasions at Athens, and that these were
not entirelyprompted by the desire to avert the evil eye.’ It is also re-
lated that Demetrius of Phalerum was greeted with a laudatory poem
when as archon he conducted the procession.* Naturally the procession
might also be the occasion of such encounters and love-affairs as Menan-
der often took as the starting-point of his plots.^
5. Of the known. No doubt it was a much
Kciôs nothing distinctive is
less formal proceeding than the and it is at least probable that
the TTo/iTT^ took place in the morning^ —
^most likely on the loth of Ela-
phebolion, before the dithyrambs were performed and the Kwjios, if it —
tvas a revel-procession, in the evening, perhaps on the same day.^
6. The order of the events composing the festival cannot be determined
tvith certainty in all respects. It is clear from the evidence that has been
given that the elcraytoYq of the god from the temple in the Academy was
a preliminary ceremony, and was distinct from the tto/ittij, which was an
essential part of the festival itself. For the rest, the evidence is as follows
(i) Aeschines, in Cles. 66-68. /hjfioadanjs . .

.
ypdifet ^îcrpa . . . (67) . . .
fKHXijalav TTOietv rovr Trpi/rdveis rfj dyBo^ Icnapievov rov 'EXaijyrjôXiidvos
py)v6s, or djv Tw A(TKXr]mm rj Ovaia Kal d •npoaywv, «V rj) Upa 'qpdpq., o

TTporepov ovSels pLtfiyTjTai yevdpevov .... (68) . . . ivravB' erepov vocoE
AtjfiooBiinjs, iv <j5 ypdêt fitj fidvov {mtp rijs elp’qvqs dXXd Kal
aviipaylas ip£s fiouXevaaaffai, neptfielvavras rovs •npiapeis rovs vperi-
povs, dAA’ evBi^ fierd to. Atovvaia rd iv aarei, oySon Kai ivdrr) ini Sixa,
Schol. ad loc. iylyvovro npd Twv fieydXwv Aiowaloiv Tj/iipat^ oAiyots
ipnpoaBev iv rip 'iiiSeUp KoXavpivio twv rpaywSwv dywv Kal imS€iîs dUv peA-
Xovai Spafidrwv dywviêaBai iv tw Bidrpw' Si’ 5 irolfiws npoaywv KaX^trai.

eiolaai Be Biya npoawnwv ol vnoKptral yvfivol.
(The nature of the Proagon will be discussed later.)
' See Harpokr. s.v. nop-nelas (crA. (quoted above, p. 5).

* Athcn. xii. 542 c o* tto/ittp TtSv Aiowatcov, tneiiêy apxojv yevopevoy, ^Sev d xopXs
CIS avTov TTonjfiara Setptavos rov SoX^vjs, ev oty Âidpop^S ‘Trpomjyopcucro, **c^dxtvs 8* evyeviras
ijAidfiopôs Jafidois apxoiv ae ripaiai ycpatpci”.

^ Menander, -qKoôvdrjaev pdpyjt rov
fr. 38a (Kortc) dioruaion* ptv
|
nopirq , . . d Sd |
npos Ti)r Svpar cneira ôirdii’ Kal K0âKev<av ipi re (coi p^rep’ eyvoi p’ ... .
j ]
< See Wilammvitz,

Herakl.^ ii. 3, though Robert conjectures that it was in the evening
{G.G.A. (rSgg),
p. 543).
5 This is by the order of events as enumerated in the Law of Euegoros. But
suggested
recent vieivs on the word Kwpos in the law make it the equivalent of x°P°^ avSpivv, which
tvere at first the only performances in the festival and arc named in the law under their
original name, though in the same place (after ol jraiSej) as in the inscriptional record,
l.G. ii*. 3318. This is doubtful (sec
pp. ay, 64, 66, 10a f.) ; but if it is correct, then there
was no Kuipos in the sense of 'revel-procession’ distiact from the wopjn}.
From these passages it appears that in 346 b.c. on the 8th of Ela-
phebolion there were held tlie feast of Asklepios (introduced into Athens
in 420 B.c.)ând the Proagon^ and that Demosthenes (at least according
to Aescliines) rvrongfully had an assembly called on a Upa ‘^pepa. The
passage might equally be held to show that the day was not so sacred
as absolutely to prohibit an assembly in case of emergency; and in fact
a lepa Tjpipa rvas not necessarily airoifpds, ‘closed to civil business’, and
there are a number of recorded instances of assemblies held on various
days during the Dionysian period of Elaphebolion.^
Demostlrenes, Meid. 8-10, shows that (in 348 b c .) the law ordered
(2) .
that on the day follorving the Pandia a special assembly should be held
in the theatre, to discuss the conduct of the Dionysiac festival by the
archon and any alleged offences in the course of the festival these to —
be the subject of TTpoôXai The Law of Euegoros (quoted in § 10) speaks
of the elements of tlie City Dionysia as 4 tto/j-tt}) koI ot TratSe? koI 6 K&pos
Kal ol KtopjuSoi Kol o£ rpaycpBot. (The date of this law is unknown it may ;
not have been enacted before the fourth century: see p. 27.)
(3) Thucydides iv. 118. On tire 14th of Elaphebolion in 423 B.c.
the Athenians in full assembly ratified the treaty twth Sparta. Allen
argues that this proves that the festival must therefore have been over
before the 14th. But tve do not know what the law as regards assemblies
during the festival may have been in 423 b.c. Even if the Latv of Euegoros
was already in force, it only forbids proceedings for debt, and against it
are to be set the possibility (see above on Aeschin. in Ctes. 67) that an
assembly might be held if necessary and the fact that, according to Thuc.
V. 23, the annual renewal of the treaty ^\^tll Sparta -^vas fixed for the
Dionysia, so that presumably not all pubhc business was excluded.
Aristophanes, Birds 786 If., on any straightforward interpretation
(4)
shows that in 414 b.c. comedies were acted in the afternoons of the same
days as were devoted to tragedies; and as this year fell within the period
when only three comedies were performed (not five),"* we can infer that
three days were taken up each with three tragedies, a satyric play, and
a comedy. The passage runs
* LG. ii*. 4960. In LG, ii*. 1496 the items referring to the Asklepieia precede those referring
to the Diony-sia.
= It is not 1^0%^ where the Proagon was held before Pericles built the Odeum
(r. 444 B.c.)
* This is pointed out by Ferguson {Hfspaia 17 (1948), p. 133, n. 46). See abo Dinsmoor,
Hesperia 23 (1954), p. 308.
See below, p. 83. Five comedies competed in 434 b.c. when Kallias won fifth place
{I.G. xiv. 1097 and again in the fourth century; but three only in 425 and during
P* 121)
the greater part of the Peloponnesian War,
(f) That the first day of the festival proper began on the loth with the
TTOinri], which may have occupied several hours early in the day,
(rf) That during the Peloponnesian War the succeeding three days, the
I ith, 1 2th, and 13th, would each be given to three tragedies, a satyr
play, and a comedy.

(e) That before and after the Peloponnesian War, when there were five
comedies, four days would be required (the nth to the 14th).
Beyond this, the arrangement cannot be fixed. Pickard-Cambridge,

believing that there were only five dithyrambic choruses of men and
five of boys, placed all these and the KcHfios (assuming that this was
a special event and not another name for the men’s choruses) on the first
day. This view is untenable ; there were certainly ten of each,' and the
day would be unduly crowded, tmless we assume the identity of the
first
men’s choruses and the Kwfios. With twenty dithyrambic choruses to

account for, it is probable that we should return to Pickard-Cambridge’s
earlier view^ of what happened when there were five comedies, that each
had one day, three of them being preceded by tragedies and a satyr play
and two by dithyrambic contests. Whenever the Pandia was (Wilamo-
witz’s view that it was a full-moon festival^ can neither be affirmed nor
rejected), it is unlikely that it moved. It therefore seems most likely that
an assembly was held on the 14th of Elaphebolion in 423 B.c. because
the Dionysia was over (on the curtailed programme) and the Pandia
not yet begun. In the fourth century, with a longer programme, the
Pandia will have followed the Dionysia immediately, and the special
assembly in the theatre was deferred until after the Pandia. We cannot
be precise to the day, but it seems that in 346 b.c. the whole festival group
and the special assembly in the theatre were over before the i8th of
Elaphebolion.'*
When
the acting of old plays singly, or of one satyr play for the whole
was introduced, or the number of plays was varied (as happened
festival,
at some periods), the calendar was naturally modified. There is ample

Hellenistic evidence to show that in that period the special assembly in
the theatre normally fell as late as the 21st of Elaphebohon.^
The shortening of the the Peloponnesian War may
programme during
have been intended to save both time (one day less being required) and
expense, at a time when military operations and the building of ships
would necessarily be the first considerations.®
See below, p. 75. ^ Dilh. Trag. Com.',

p. 218. ' Glaulei', p. 253, n. i.
< See £.S.A.
50 (1955), p. 25. s See Pa^kidis, op. cit., p. 304.
® So
J. T. Allen, op. cit., pp. 40-41 Ferguson {Hesperia 17 (1948), pp. 131 ff.) discusses the
^ —
A moving incident occurred at the Proagon of 406 b.c. after the news of
the death of Euripides had been received, when Sophocles appeared in

mourning and brought in his chorus and actors without the customary
garlands, and the audience burst into tears.' Actors who appeared in the
Proagon did not wear masks or costumes.^
Whether there was a Proagon at all before the building of the Odeum
by Pericles (about 444B.C.) and, if so, where it was held, remains unknown.
There is no evidence to support Muller’s view^ that the Proagon was
held in the Odeum in the Agora, near the Enneakrounos; he argues
that in the round Periclean Odeum half the spectators would only see
the actors’ backs ;
but the Periclean Odeum was not round,"* and oKplâs
probably indicates a temporai-y platform.
8. The law regarding the Ecclesia after the festival has already been
mentioned. What purports to be its text is given by Demosthenes in
the speech against Meidias (8) : tovs upvTaveis TToietv eKKXrialav Iv Aw-
vuaov Trj varepalq. t&v IlavSlttiv, iv Si toutt) )(pr]pan^€iv irpSirov piv nepl
lepcjv, eneira to? TrpojSoAaj TrapaSiSoTcvaav ras yeyevrjpAa? evcKa rijs mp-
rrijs
y rwv dyJjveuv twv iv Tofs Aiowcriois, oaai dv prj iKTericpivai waiv.^
On this Demosthenes ccir.ments (9) 6 piv vopos oSros ionv, <L dvSpes
:
Mdrjvaioc, Kad' Sv ai •npoôXal ytyvovrat, Aeycuv, tuoirep Tj/eouffarc, voiciv irp/
iKKXrjalav iv Atovvaov pera ra IJdvSta, iv Si ravrrj ineiSav )(prjpaTla(iimv

ol TTpdeSpoi -nepl <Sv SidtKrjKev d dp)(wv, )(p7)pari^€iv Kal irept wv dv
TjStKTjKtus ^ iTtpl TTjv copT'^v '4 TrapavtrofMjKcds kuAcos, (S dvSpes /iStjvatoi,
Kal ovp(j>ep6inais i)((x>v 6 vopos, cos to npaypa avro paprvpct. The Law of
Euegoros, which he next quotes, forbidding proceedings against dcbtois
during certain festivals, concludes tdv Sctis tovtojvti TrapajSatvjj, otoSikos
;
eOTO) Ttp TraffdvTt, Kal TrpojSoAat avTou EOTtuoav iv ttj eKKAijoig. Trj iv diovuoou
cos dSiKoCvTos, KaBd. mpl iwv dAAtov Ttov dSiKovvriov yiypavrai.
and Peace 50, and in Hcsych. s.v. ^dyos* ij tov Spafiaror vnoffeais^ It is also so used in the
Poetics of Aristotle. "Ihe schol. on Wasps 1109 is probably not strictly correct in using the
phrase rd iiotiJpoTa dirayye^êiy, if the verb is used in the same sense as aTroyyeAia in apo
rijs CIS TO ddarpov aTTayyfAiaff.
t
Pit. Eurip., p. 3, 11 X I ff. Schwartz, Acyorot
, Kal iloôKAda, aKodoavra dri eTcAcdrijec,
ouTor pep ifiariip âtos I’^roi nop^vpipj npocXOcli', rdv Sr ;ôpdr icai Tody vnoKplrds dareâiloTOVS
ciaayoyetr ri* Tip npoaywvi kui Saappaat Tor S^por.
^ Schol. Aeschin. in Ctes. 67.
r Gr. Buhnenalt., p. 365.
* Cf. Theatre of V., pp. 1, 2 (and refs, there), and Dilke in £ S..d. 43 (1948), pp. 185-6.
® Cf. Theatre of D., pp. 72-73.
* It is very doubtful whether the text of the law is genuine.
The prytaneis did indeed con-
voke the Assembly, but the business was conducted by the npdeSpoi (or their cmardrijs for
the day), and irapaSiSdroioav is pcst-classical for TrapaSdvrtov. The last words of the law can
only mean ‘unless the complainant has been paid his damages’ but eKriveiv TrpoPoAiJv is an
;
odd expression.
:
Theduty of the Assembly was to scrutinize the conduct of the

first
officials An inscription published by the

responsible for the festival.
American excavators of the Agora' shows that in 283-282 B.c. this duty
was still taken seriously
ISofev Tw Ayvppios KaXXifiiBovTos KoXXvrevs etTrev- eVfiS^ Evdtos

S'qfiw-
ap}(aJV yevofievo^ to ? re Bvalas eOvaev rots OeoTs Kara ra Trdrpia Kal rtjs nop-rrrjs
T(u Aiovvaw iTTepeX-qBr] tfuXoripcos Kal rdXXa TT-dvra enpaêv ra rrepl rr\v apyipr
SiKOiujy treiBopevos rots re vopois Kal rots >ln](f>iapaatv rijs PovXrjs Kal rov Sijftoti
KOI Sid ravra avrdv Kal rrporepov 6 8^/io? eTT^veaev Kal earejidvoiaev ev rij ck -
KX'qaia rfj ev Aiovvaov, ottws dv ovv vdatv âvepdv ^ on 6 Sijpos Kal vvv Kal els
rdv Xoindv ypovov np.'qtTei rods SiKaicos apyovras rds dpyds Kal Kara rods vopovs'
dyaBfj rvyj] SeSoyBai rw Sijpcp emiveoai EvBiov KrX.
After the scrutiny of the archon came the rTpoôXai — the complaints
laid by individuals before the Assembly of misconduct on the part of un-
official persons or of injuries received during the festival. The rrpoôXrj
was not strictly a judicial proceeding but the delation of offenders to

the Assembly, and if the Assembly accepted a motion that the accused
had transgressed the law or the sanctity of the festivals, the complainant’s
hands were greatly strengthened in any judicial proceedings which he
might subsequently take. Such was the rrpoôX-q which Demosthenes
threatened to bring against Meidias in 348, when publicly assaulted
by him and otherwise injured, while he was in office as choregos.^ (In
fact the case by a compromise, and the speech was not de-
was settled
livered.) Among Demosthenes mentions one
other instances of
in which the charge was that the accused had used violence to prevent
a man from taking his seat in the theatre,^ and another in which a cer-
tain Ktesikles, after a TTpoôX-^, was condemned to death for carrying
a whip in the festal procession and striking one of his personal enemies
with it while intoxicated.'*
There are inscriptions which illustrate the nature of the resolutions
(other than motions of censure) passed by the Assembly held in the
theatre after the festival. In 342 b.c. there was a decree^ in honour of
the Boule for its care —
of the evKoafila of the theatre one of the very few
‘
ttesperia
y (1938), p. 100.
* Meid. TTpavâXofiTjv dStfcci^ tovtov irepl rrjv eopr^Vf ov fiovov nXi^yciS v-rr'
1 avrov
Tofy diovucrioty, dXXa Kal
dAAa jroAAd jSi'aia TraBiov trapa Trauav tt^v xoptjylav.
^
Ibid. 178; this case, though the Assembly passed a vote of censure on the man, was
not brought into court.
* Ibid. 180.
' I.G.
^
ii*. 223 Ktjtfiiooifiijjv KaXXiîov Uatavtevs etnev’ enetSy
y y enl ITu&oSotov
ipyovTos KaXCts Kat StKaloiy enepeXyBy
rys evKoaplas roO BedrpoVj eiraivâat airyv Kal metâvuiaai
ypvaa oreijidvtp ktX. Cf. Theatre
of D.,p. 1 36.
indications that the Council was specially concerned with the festival, and
indicating probably its responsibility for the maintenance of order. (In
anotlier inscription’ not many years later tliere is a reference to oi
imueXrjral rijs evKocrfilas -rij^ mpl to Oearpov.) In 251 B.C. there

was a decree^ commending and rewarding the agonothetes who had
supervised the festival and in 185 b.c. a resolution^ commending Zopyrus
;
for sending his daughter Timothca to officiate as kanephoros at the festival

otaovaav to Upov Kavovv rip deip Kara ra Trarpia, and also honouring the
iinpeXTjTal Tr}s tto /xit^j for tlieir conduct of the procession in conjunction
with the archon.'’ Evidently their functions had not been superseded (as
those of the choregoi had) by the institution of the agonothetes.
9. Apart from scattered notices, our information as regards the per-

formances of Ijnric choruses and of plays at Athens depends upon two
fragmentary but reliable sources —the series of inscriptions contained in
tlie latest edition of the Corpus (together with one or tsvo since discovered),
and the statements of Alexandrian scholars contained in the ‘Arguments’
prefixed to many plays in our editions. Both these sources can be taken
as reporting accuratelytlic official records kept by the archons at Athens.
A few statements are also found in the Parian Marble, an important

chronological inscription of about 260 b.c., wliich, though not without
its problems, is generally trustsvorthy.
It may be assumed that an official record was kept from tlie date
when the festival was organized (or reorganized) under state manage-
ment in the form in which it w'as celebrated throughout the fifth century
but it is doubtful whether any of the inscriptions which we possess is an
exact transcript of this record, though it is the information contained in
it that they all report or rearrange. In the latter half of the fourth century
B.c. Aristotlebusied himself, probably between 334 b.c. and his death,
with the records of lyric and dramatic performances, and for the history
up to about 334 or a little later all subsequent recorders doubtless de-
pended on him, bringing his chronicle up to date for subsequent periods.
The Alexandrian seholars of the third century —among them Erathos-
thenes and Lycophron —devoted great attention to the history of the
Athenian drama, and Callimachus’ rrlva^ xal avaypaifrrj raiv koto ypovovs
Kal an apîjs yevofiivaiv StSaoKoXcui’ must have been a standard work.*
* IG 354 (327 B.G.).
. . ii^. - Ibid. 780. 3 Ibid. 896. Sec above, p. 61.
^ Sivtav
)laK\r)mdSov 0vXdato^ ctirtv* circiS^ ot xeipoTOVTjSATCs: eVipcAijrai t^s iropirij? eVl
Z<i}nvpov apxovTos rds Tc Ovuias edvaav rois Scots ots woTpiov ctrepâv Sc Kot nofirrqv
ftCTtt TOO apxovTos <is TjSoVaiTo tîAoTtfioTaTa, ArcpcAiJSijoav Sc Kot rwv dAAtov tSv koS^kcv
aVTOts, ayaOrj rvxjj ScSoj^Sat rw Sifpoj Arati'coat tovs cTTiftcAipras t^s TropTrijs Kot (rrcâvoiffcu
ctcaoToi’ avTwv »ctA. Tliis inscription was ordered to be erected iv Tcpoci too /liovvaav.
3 Callimachus, frr. 454-6 Pf.
second, or third in each of the contests in old comedy, old satyr plays, and
old tragedy, and is interesting as proving that instead of the presentation
of a single old play of each kind there was a contest between the old plays
of each kind, or at least between their actors, and that at this date
(254 B.c.) satyric plays were treated in the same way as tragedies and
comedies —
an illustration of the special interest which seems to have been
taken in satyric drama in the third century.
The inscriptions on some private monuments are quoted in the Ap-
pendix to this chapter and in various notes.
15. The inscriptions we have just considered give no information about
the performances of dithyrambs after 328 b.c. For this, we have to rely
on dedications. But these decisively refute the view of Wilamowitz' that

the contests for the prizes in dithyramb at the Dionysia ceased when
choregoi were superseded by an agonothetes in the last decades of the
fourth century. Tribal contests both for men’s and boys’ choruses con-
tinued in the third century long after the introduction of the agonothetes.^
The only change is that the choregos disappears ;
the didaskalos and flute
player continue to be recorded. Our record is fragmentary, but takes
the story of dithyramb in Athens down to close on a.d. 200.^ There were
innovations; in one year, c. a.d. 80, all the choregoi, who seem to re-
appear in the Roman period, joined in one show and one monument,'*
and there is evidence in the second century a.d. for four or six tribes
joining together.® The festival for which we have most evidence is that
of A.D. 97, attended by Plutarch.* One of the tribes at this festival set
up a monument^ with a list of twenty-seven choreutai, a chorus of only
half the classical kvkXios x°P°s.
* Anz. 1906, p. 614.
Gdtt. gel,
* The
dates of LG. 3077^3 range from 306 to 270 b.c. LG. ii*. 3084-7 are other third-
century inscriptions of this type.
3 LG.
ii^. 3088 and 3058 (5.5.24. 50 (i955)»
P- 24» no. 6), 1 75-174 b.c.) LG. iP. 3113, 3157
(first century a.d.), 3120 (just before a.d. 200), 3121 (second century a.d.), 1105 (a letter of
Hadrian).
* Ibid. AovKtos ^Xaovios wdvre?
3114 o iveiKa. \
KvhaBTjvatev?
| I
XOpayol 770? re ûAero? x^P°^ oyoAô S-qfiw KiKponos eardaovro pt

1
CKOVOioi (
cf
dyajpi'aj, xij p-fj (fyepot tx? a?ff;ôs aTTOKKjaovp^vos^
|
€ya> S’ e/cdoroj Toaoov ci5#fAcxoj v€pw,
\
Ka6* \
oaaov ourw tui» oîlXopai.
3 Ibid. 3116, 3117 (T.A.P.A. 68

(1937), pp. 78 ff.), 3118.
® Quaest. Cony. i. 628 a iv 5e rots LâpaTrioivos imviKWt^jOTe AeovriBi top Stardfo?
evLKtjaev, ccTxtopePot? ijpxp are S^ kox ûAeVox? ovoi BTjpoTTOfqrots oxxccfox Adyoi iv
<l>iXoTipias TTapTjaav. y°P ® dycop evTovondryv optAAov, dya)po0€To£?PTo? ^Sdô)? /cot peyaXo-
npeTTws ^tXondmTOV rov jSotrxAca)? Tofj <f>vXais opov Trdaai? x^PW^^^^S* The quotation from
Neanthes which follows (84 F 10 Jac.), to the effect that Aiantis had never been last in a
dithyrambic contest, argues for very full records of these contests existing do\vn to the third
century.
’ LG. ii*. 3112 17 OtPTîs ûAi) Sed rwv cu dytaviuapdvcov X'^PV AioivaiaKw top dpxovra ôx
aytovodeTTjv Aiovvalotv Fdiov ’/ouAiop Avrioxov Ê-mâvij (PxAoTroTrTTOP Brjaatia tijs ct? eatnrjv
1 6. The first step in the preparation for the contest of dith^Tambs

was the selection of two choregoi from each of the ten tribes, ten for
choruses of men, ten for those of boys.' How the tribe selected its choregoi
is not clear, but the choice tvas made a month after the last festival,^ and it
appears that the imueX-qral rijs <f>vXiis, of whose functions little is known,
had some responsibility in the matter, as had also the archon in virtue
of his general supremacy in all that concerned the festival, and when
the arrangements broke down
in 349 b.c. in the Pandionid tribe, the
archon and tlie i-mfjLeXrjTal scolded each other, until the situation was
saved by Demostlienes, who volunteered to serve as choregos for the

tribe.^ In the fourth centur)', the choregos for a chorus of boys had to be
over forty years of age, but this rule did not apply in the fifth century.^
The choregos will have first obtained his poet and his flute player;
there tvas obviously competition for the best of these, and the choregoi
h’^Ka. tSiBacKc Motpayei^Si cxop^ft BovXwi’ ol liloipayevovs 0 uX<xciot, eireardrei

Ma-ai hpos (Ma’di'Spov) cvAct 0iXtjto^ Mcvtcfcou KoXcoinjSa’, (26 or 27 names),
ffitXojToUt MovaiKo^.
* SchoK on Aeschin. in Tim. to <&ovs }l 0 Tjt'atot Kara <^vXds itrraaay iron/AroiTa rraiBcuv
Xopov ^ dcSpcDr, wore ya’tadai xopod^f koI 5 cVa . . » XiyoiTat 5 c ol BiBvpafiôt
Xopol Kv^Xiot KQt x^pds kvkX<os. (On the meaning of kvkXios see JXith, Trag. Com.^f p. 32.)
Pickard-Cambridge concluded from this that there were only five men’s and five boy’s
choruses, but the cpigraphical evidence is decisive against this view, for I.G. ii-. 2318.
320-4 (p. 106 here under 333-332) and 3061 show the same tribe winning botli events (Brinck,
De choregia quaestiones epigrapkicat^ p. 7; Lewis, B.S.A. 50 (1955), p. 23). Cf. Isaeus, Or. v .36
o 5ror yap t§ per ^^vA^ «V Atat'voia xopijyijaas' rerapro^ cyn'cro (i.e, U'as placed fourth in the
contest); [Plut.] 17/. A* Ora/. 835b atvatAiw rfjaôv<f>vXfj dycut'iôfian^BtBvpdftêt).
* Argt. II to Dem, Afrid. (after some very confused matter) 5 e rrjT toprijs A'
jravofici'Tjs
Tw rrpwTw (irji’l ‘TrpovâXXot’ro ol X^PVY^^ ft€XXov<rq^ copras*. The
records of a choregos
sending for two tribes together probably refer to ditliyrambs at the Thargelia (as certainly in
Antiphon, dr Chor^ tt)» ^-9* Dem, in Lept. 28 rlva rotr ttoXXoTs 6 odr, lu AiTrrli'Tj,
rrotri rdftoSj <t piar 77 Svotr ^vAan* h’a x^pTyyof KaSionjott’, or dvB' A'dr dAAov to 55 ’ drra$ TTOiiâas
d?7oAAdfcT<ii; on which the schol. says that c^TTyTjeaprd rtrer cor A' rofr OapyrjXlois Bvotv
tjtvXaii’ €is pdi'or Kadlararo ;ô/JT;ydr* TOir 5 ^ peyoAoer Aiotvo^lot^ ttXuovo^ airro) yei'Ofianj^ rqs
Sardnyr, ctr ^p^yds cA'dem/r ^vA^r K<i$i<rraTo. Cf, I.G. ii*. 3063—72 (all of the fourth century
D.C.).
3 Dem.Afrid. 13 <V« 5 ^ Y^Pf ov KaBtoTTjKOTO^ X^PVY^^ ^
IJai'BiovtBi 4>vXfi, rplroy cror
roirr/, Trapovaqs 5 f r^r iK/fXrjGia^, A’ ^ rdr dpôiT* IrrtKXqpovt’ 6 rdpor toTs x^P^^^ rodr avAT^Tdr
AffAfi’fi, Adycor Aral Ao< 5 op/ar y<yj’OpAT7r, *cai KarTjyopovi’ros; rov per dpxoirro^ reSr e7r<peA77Td?r
rr^r ^rA^r, Td)r 5 ’ eVipeA^reSr Tof cpôJTor, rrapfXBfov d7recr;^dp77r eyd> dBeXoi’rris
a*q 1 KXr]povpa-cjv -npdjTOs G/pei‘a 5*ai rdr avAijr^r eAoyoj’. Before the middle of the fifth century
the flute player is said to have been engaged and paid by the poet, his part not having
yet attained its later importance; cf. 141 c-d dAAd yap koI avXTjrtKij dp*
[Plut,] de AIus. 30. 1
arrXovtrrlpas eir TTOiKtXarrepay fieraîprjKe ftovoiKî" to yap TroAatdr, eo^r e/r ilfeAarin’jr/BT^r rdr
TcSr BiBypap^wy rroiT^nfr, cvfi^f^qK€i rorr QvAjTrdr jrapd twv TTOfrjrivy Xa^^dyrty rovs fiioBov^,
TTpuiTQyioytOTOvcT^^ BqXovori -roiTjaewT, rwy 5 *
avAj^rd/r vTrqp^TOVi-rwy roir 5 < 5 aa>fdAoir*
verrepor 5 e roiho BtepBdprj.
a'qi
* Aristoi.
56. 3 ; Aeschin. in Tim. 1 1 ; Plato, Lows vi. 764 e. But in 406-405 there
}\B. FJoX.
was a bop' choregos in his early twenties (Lpias xxi. J-5). Cf. B.S.A. 50 (J955), p- 24,
and the case recorded by [And.] iv. 20-21, Dem. Afrid. 117, Plut. Ale. 16; Alcibiades was
certainly under forty at the time.
drew lots for the order of choice between those available.’ It was ob-
viously a disadvantage to be drawn last, when only one poet or flute
player was left. It is very remarkable that the public inscriptions make
no mention of the poet, though among the poets who competed at
Athens tvere Pindar, Simonides, and Bacchylides, and it is also note-
worthy that a laiê proportion of the dithyrambic poets at the Athenian
Dionysia, whose names are kno\srn to us in the fifth and fourth centuries,
were not of Athenian birth. Nor in fact were most of the famous flute
players but the advantage of a good flute player was rated very highly.
;
Having got his poet and his flute player, the choregos had to select
his chorus from among the members of his tribe.^ That the selection
rested witli himself is nowhere expressly stated with reference to the
Dionysia, but it may be inferred from the fact that it was certainly so
at the Thargelia;^ and an inscription'* referring to the choregos for
tragedy at Ikarion may be tentatively reconstructed so as to imply that
the choregos chose his singers there. There seem to have been regular
officials in the tribes to give him skilled assistance in this.^ He had also
to pro'vide them mth a room for training and rehearsals,® and above
all he had to secure a good chorus-trainer (xopoSiSdaKoXos). No small
part of Demosthenes’ grievance against Meidias lay in Meidias’ attempt
to corrupt his chorus-trainer.’
Xenophon® testifies to the importance of a skilled choice of singers
*
At. Birds 1403-4 rairrl trCTtoiTjicay tov KUKAtoSiSaaKaAov oy rarai <f>vXats '7r€pi/xo;^Toy
j
€i/i’ cf. Antiphon, Or. vi. ii (choice of dith>Tambic poets by lot for the Thargelia);
Dem. Metd. 13 (above, p. 75, n. 3),

* The restriction to members of the tribe held good only for dithyramb, not for tragedy
and comedy, >vhich ^vere not tribally organized.
^ The speaker in Antiphon, loc. cit., speaks of the pains which he took in collecting his
dithyrambic chorus of boys for the Thargelia: roy xopov wy qBwdfirji' dpurraj othe
^TqptuKjas ovBeva oihe 4v€XVpa <f)<pwv ovre aTTCxâvo/iO'oy ouSevi. This suggests that pressure
might sometimes be brought to bear,
I.G. i^. 186-7. The words rpaywBovs KariXryev (‘enrolled*) are certain.
* Antiphon, Or. vi. 13. Svo dvBpas, tqv fiiv oy avroi 01 î/AeVat
*Spfx^ 7jtBos
aavTO ovAAeyciv #cai €TTip€X€ta 6 at r^y cKacrroTC, Sokouvto ;^pTjaTov efât, Tor S* crepor . ..
T^y K€Kpo 7Tihos, oaiT€p €KaoTOT€ eiwdci’ ravn)v ^vXfjv aifAA^ctv. Haigh, Ati. p. 60,
sa>*s that an agent so employed was called ;vopoAe<cn?y; but the word, when it actually occurs,
seems to mean the leader of the chorus, who gave them the ^Soatpov or starting-note (Heca-
taeus ap. Aelian, N.A. xi. i, cf. x^^ 5), and the word may well mean the conductor or assem-
bler of the chorus, ^vithout implying that he had selected them. Pollux, iv. 106, mentions
but does not define the word. See below, p. 262.
® SiSacTKoAeroi' (Antiphon, where it was in his own house) ; also called xop’yyfrov
loc. cit.,
(Dem. de F.L. 200, Poll. ix. 1.2, Bekk. Anecd. 72. 17.)
^ Meid. 17. We hear of one choregos who ^tXoviKuiv engaged a chorus-trainer who was
technically ineligible (Dem. Meid. 58-59).

4, 3-4 Kal 6 ZojKpaTqs €^7* “AlAAd icai ^lAdwKoy A\Tia 6 €VTjs dortV, o orpanjyw
* Memor. iii.
Trpoaewat CTnrjJSeidr ecmv* ovx dpay on #cot OCTa^ty KcxopTjyTjKt rraai roty x^pois veviKijKe;^^
“ilfd di'*,” epTj 6 NiKOfxaxiBi} 9f “dAA* ooSo* ofioidv con ;ôpo{; re >cal arparevparos npoeordvat.**
THE CITY DIO.NYSIA 77
and trainer, when he mentions the %'ictorious career of Antisthcncs as

choregos, despite his lack of all personal knowledge of music and of
training. Tlicmembers of the dithjTambic chonis had to be citizens by
birth, and might be challenged, though not during the actual per-
formance, which was sacred.' Apparently members of a men’s chorus
were c.Ncmpt from militaiy- service.- The chorus, whether of men or boys,
received not only music.al training but also ph>"sical, in a care for their
dietwhich might result in c-xccss.^ Sticce^ naturally depended largely
upon the leader of the chonis,* but much depended also on the readiness
of the choregos to spend his monc>' lavishly. A stings’ choregos (like
Dikaiogencs who is pilloried by Isacus*) might disgrace himself and his
tribe, while magnificence in the costumes of himself and his chorus

evidently liclpcd towards victory. Demosthenes boasts*’ of the gold-
embroidered robe and golden crown which he had had made for
himself, and the golden crowns intended for his chorus all damaged by —
hfeidias, who broke into the goldsmith’s house. Other passages in the
orators' estimate the cost of a men’s chonis at 50 minac and of a boys’
chorus 30 minac for a tragic chonis (which was
at 15, as against much
.smaller than a dithyrambic) and 16 for a comic.®
The dithyrambic. chonis, who did not wear masks, danced in circular
foimation in the orchestra, doubtless with the altar .as their centre.
ty. The successful choregos received, as the representative of his tribe,’
a tripod which he erected at his own expense upon a monument, with
an appropriate inscription. Such tripods were carried by the well-known
Toiy le/yiTierotT rarra.**

* McH. cT. [An<!ok,] 11 •() «r<Xnx)»’rof hi rev tcsi* ©r ck tic
dyn.'rjJd/io'Tr, ’Hir jpcalrr riAmitn an JvvunuU by Alcibladfn on one of ibe
of T.*iurr.v, ct v* /IXxijStdS^ roici.
* IVm, Mrid.
* riiiU df Aih, 340*^* *Sx»ul/ » Vv rrr
Ttjt* /tTTiJtol ©r-Tw ,V)‘o\'ci. (NHib.cr s'Ttiu to ref'*r to dlthy*
tAmbir chonn*^ dhtinct from and romir,)
^ Drm. Afni. Co rcti hi tcC'’*', cr» rcr cy Tie cr^tret d Xot**©?
* O'. V- 36 ; cf. Pint. 23 2 fz6«\
. crT<:)-orivfrt*ac rCt .?lrX‘r
hi tsl C<aTpfr raf'ontrX'i*? ca»
* l>fm. JStfii. tO, 2 ‘i, rir.; rf. Anilphar.rs. fr. cn 4 {K). which that a chwri^r’S if>
rAitaVK’ nnnrd hh:*i^lf h\ hh rxyv'ndmtre on hb chonn I 4>i«?t3
n"' ; cf. Plut. in n.
^ Iai’Jk, Cff. x.\L I, ; ; tl r fjfu inrh:t!rd th'* of ih** tripoc!. Cf. IVm. Mrii. and
rjut. // (l’*, At\, 3*0 b <‘f cbfrrirol^ **^1 reTc f.<r \rrr/'ttct
Cc •dr /’/c-v rcl Tstr

jrt1sr*4Vi'4 * For cht rrpa in >»’• aba yj>. rC» ff.
lA-sIas Or. 3t.xL IVm. AfnV. cf. k 5 ob t>n Arw:} ;n. in T:~. 10 .
monuments of Lysikrates (334 b.g,)' and Thrasyllus (319 b.c.),^ and the
course of a ‘Street of the Tripods’ is described by Pausanias,^ leading in
all Propylaeum which gave entrance to the theatre.**
probability to the
Long by the Antiochid tribe in 476 B.c.
before this a tripod dedicated
bore an epigram® of Simonides, who had composed the 'victorious ditliy-
ramb when he was eighty years old, and other epigrams of the same
period suggest that the victorious poet may have been escorted home
in procession, cro'wned \vith flowers and gay ribbons but the evidence
that the prize for dith^nramb was a bull never refers directly to Athens.’
In the time of Demosthenes the victorious choregos was crowned in the
theatre.® It should be added that it does not appear to have been neces-
sary in the Classical period that each tripod should be mounted on
a separate monument; Nikias (the statesman) is said by Plutarch’ to
have erected the monument described as o Tofs rpCnoaiv
vTroKelfievos ev Aiomaov veeJos, and whether these tripods were all won
by himself on different occasions or not, they must have been grouped

on the roof of the temple.
18. It seems that there were ttvo great periods in the history of dithy-
ramb at Athens. The first was in the early part of the fifth century the —
time of Simonides, Pindar, and Bacchylides. Some remains of the poems
written by the two latter for Athens have survived. At tliis time tlie poetry
was of the highest literary merit and the music subordinated to it; but
already, if the fragment of Pratinas is rightly interpreted,'® the flute was
striving to gain the mastery, and with Melanippides, probably about the
' The inscription (/.C. ii^. 3042) runs; AvcriKparr^s AvaiB^tôv Kikvw€vs €;ôp^y€c.
/iavTij ffoiSwp o'tVa. OeofP /luataSi;? c^tSaaKC. Evaivero^ monu-
ment A. Gardner, Ancient Athens, pp. 399-405, Bicber,
see E. fig. 18, and fig. 30 here.
* I,G. ii*.3056 QpdfjvhXo^ QpaavhXov avtOriKcv xopi}yo)v arSpaatr ’/tttto-
BtavTiî Evios rjvXu. Neaixpoy KapKihapos Ztorio^ eStSaaKci*; cf. Theatre
of D., pp. 138, 169. For a dedication in the same year by Nikias [I.G. ii*. 3055), sec below,
p. 79, n. 2.
3 Pans, cart 8e oSoy diro tou rrpxrravilov KoXovpdvT] TpiVoSey,
i, 20. I d(f>* oS KaXovat to ;â;p/or.
voot 5 cdjv €ts TouTo such a purpose) p«ydAoi, Kai
(i.c. for c^cor'^Kacrt TpitroScs,
pei’, ftvTjpTjs Sc d^ta paXiara rrepi^xoiTe^ €ipYa<jp4va;ct. Judeich, Topogr. Athen^, pp. 183, 305.
(The monument of Thrasyllus stands, not in this street, but in the Kararop-q above the theatre.)
* See Theatre
of D., p. 2, and refs, there. \Vc illustrate (fig. 31 ) a neck-amphora {A.R.V.^
1581, no. 20) commemorating a victory of Glaukon, tlie Periclean general, c, 460 b.c.
5 Epigr. 147 (Bergk).
* Especially ibid. 148 (not in fact by Simonides himself). Sec Dith. Trag. Com.^, p. 36.
’ Simon. Epigr, 145, 172; Find. Olymp. xiii. 18; schol. on Plat. Rep, hi. 394 c. See Dith,
Trag. Com.^, pp. 2, 15, 36,
® This is implied in Dem. Meid, 63 dAAd Tofy vdfioiy koI tt} rwv aAAwp ôuAijffct axryxoipihv
KQi viKwvra kqI are<hcLvovp€vov rdv €^p6v opiuv. (The reference is to two rival choregoi.)
’ Plut. P/'ik. 3. 3. The identification of tliis monument has given rise to much controversy.
Sec Theatre of D., p. 29 and refs, there.
*0 Fr. (Page), Dith, Trag, Com,', pp. and sec Athen. xiv. 617 b and pp. 256 f. below.
I 1 7-20,
8o THE CITY DIONYSIA
Thebes) competed Ilepaet, TavraXm, UoAoicrrat? aaTvpoig Toig Tlparlvov
(tov) varpog ;
is convincing when he suggests that
but Professor Garrod*
there has been an omission here (through haplography) of /Ivtoiw after
TavraXtp. (Aristias is known otherwise to have written an Antaios.^) (2)
The scholiast on Aristophanes Frogs 67^ says that the son of Euripides
presented three of his father’s plays after his father’s death, but the fact
that the scholiast does not mention the satyric play does not necessarily
mean that the official records did not, or that none was offered.
How have been in

long before Aeschylus the rule of four plays may
force there is no evidence no certain explanation of
to show. There is
‘Suidas” statement that Pratinas exhibited 50 plays of which 32 were

satyric ‘Suidas’ numbers are never very reliable and we do not know
’
whence he derived them; they may often depend on the number of

titles known to the Alexandrian scholars or preserved in the Alexandrian
library. But there is no reason to doubt that Aeschylus regularly followed
the rule.
20. It is usual also to speak of Aeschylus not simply as presenting
four plays but as a writer of tetralogies or (if the satyric play is
disregarded) of trilogies. The name TerpaXoyla probably originated in

reference to oratory and denoted a group of four Xdyoi (speeches) con-
cerned with the same case, like those of Antiphon, and it is not known to
have been applied to tragedy before the time of the Alexandrian scholars
Aristarchus and Apollonius, who also were apparently the first to use
rpiAoyi'a in this application.® The words are very rarely found, but they
seem to have been used only of groups of plays connected in subject, such
as the Oresteia, the Lycurgeia of Aeschylus® and of Polyphrasmon,’ the
Pandionis ofPhilokles, and the Oedipodeia ofMeletos. Aeschylus’ Suppliants,
Seven against Thebes, and Prometheus Vinctus are also each part of such
tetralogies, and Wecklein and others have collected some of the titles
*
C.R. 34 (1920), p. 130. (See also P. 0^^. 2256, fr. 2.) ® Aristias, fr. i (N).
3 ovTO) yap Kai at StSaaKoAtat ^€^pou<rt TcAcvrâavTos EvpiirlBov tov utov avrou
d/itovu/xov iv d<rr€i * I<f>ty€V€iav ttjv €v AvXiBi, A^Kfifwvaf
^ See Dith. Trag, Com?, pp. 65-66.
* Schol. on Ar. Frogs 1124 TCTpoAoy/av ^cpovat t^v *Opdor«ov ot BiBaaKaXiai .^ya/i€jUvova
Xorjtpopov^ EvfiiviSas Tlptsiria aarvpiKov, ^picrrapxoj Kal AttoXXcovios rptXoyiav Xeyovat
Twv aarvpiKwv. Thb does not of course imply that the word TcrpaAoyta was found in the
StSaa/faAiat, any more than does the schol. on Birds 281 oi^Tor d ^tXoKXijs crrona cWevaaev
ev Tjj TTavStovtSt TCTpaAoyi^t . . . ciij av ouv tov etroTra tcKcvonoiijKws Tfj /TavStoviSt TerpaAoy/^ ijv
Kal ApiaroTeXrjff ^raCs AiSaaKoAiaiT dvaypdêt, or schol, on Plato, Apol. 18 b Kal d M^Xrjros
OtSiTToSftav € 07jK€v, (oÂpiaTOTÂijÂtSaaKaXtat^, Whether Aristotle (and the SiSaaKaXiai) used
the collective titles Oresteia, Pandionis, Oedipodeia, etc., remains uncertain (see above, p. 71).
^ Schol. on At. Fhesm. 135 r^v TerpoAoytov Adyct AvKovpyeiav, *Hh(avovs Baaoapiha^
fêavioKovs AvKOvpyov tov aarvpiKov.
7 Argt. to Aesch. Septem (partly quoted above) y' UoXv^pdopoiv AvKovpyeit}.
. .
.
THE CITY DIONYSIA 8i
oflost plays of Aeschylus into similar groups wth more or less probability,
and 0pvyes^ "EKropos Avrpa (with choruses
suchasMvpfilSoves, NrjpTîSes,
of attendants on Achilles, Thetis, and Priam) "OttXw Kplms, Epijitjaat,

;
and SaXapmai (presenting the story of Ajax) lApyeioi, ’EXevalvioi, and ;
’Emyovoi (the story of the Argive attack on Thebes) Kdpeipoi, 'YtJjnrvXr], ;
'Apyii (the Argonautic expedition). Mifivcov and ^vyooraala may have
belonged to one trilogy, TriXeôs and Mvaol to another, and so on. But
Aeschylus also at times presented four independent plays. It is, for in-
stance, impossible to regard tPiveil?, Uepaat, FXavKos IJotvuvs, and the

satyric IlpoptjOevs and the satyric play was probably
as a tetralogy,’
often independent of the trilogy to which it was attached.
i\’hether Sophocles ever composed a connected tetralogy or trilog)' is
uncertain. Some think that the T-rjAeêia ascribed to him in an inscription
from Aixone may have been a trilogy including AlAedSat, Mvaol, and.M;âi-
3v
( ZvAAoyos,^ but it is evident that what was characteristic of him was the
development of the independent single play, and this must be the mean-
ing of the confused remark of ‘Suidas’ on him : koI outo? Ijpêv toO Spapa
wpos SpSfia iy^vlêaBai dAAa fiTj rerpoiXQylavA He certain!)' presented, as a
rule, four independent plays. So, as a rule, did Euripides, but there seems
to have been sometimes a connexion of subject between his three tragedies,
e.g.in4i5 b.c. betiveen Alexandras, Palamedes, and Troades,^ and in 410 b.c.
betrreen Oinomaos, Chrjsippos, and Phoenissae,^ Aelian^ tells a stoiy’ of Plato
the philosopher that he composed a ‘tetralogy’, which he was on the
point of getting acted at the Dionysia, ^vhen Socrates persuaded him to
bum it. It is not worth while to discuss whether ‘Suidas’ confused notice^ ’
of Nikomachos of Alexandreia Troas ascribes a trilog)’ to him.

21. It has already been noted that the number of the plays sometimes
varies in the fourth century, and the recorded numbers of plays by Thco-
is not exactly divisible by three or four;
dektes,® Aphareus, and others
Despile the attempt of Donaldson, Gk. Theatre, pp. 118-19, to find connexions.
" Above, p. Euripides
55, and ^'ew Chapters iii, pp. 76 ff. (But see Handley-Rca, TeUphus of
!< 957).)
’
Meursius’s emendation for orparoAoyetffffat or arparohoyiav. ‘Suidas^ (or
’rerpaXoyiat' is
n cannot have meant that Sophocles exhibited only one play at each festival,
authority')
or that on each day of the festival each poet produced one play' only. (See Haigh, AU. ThA,
P- ’7 “') * Cf. B. SneU, ‘Euripides’ Alexandras' {Hemes, Einzelschr. 1937).
Ptobert, Oidipus,
pp. 396 ff.
I ar. if, ii.
go ; cf. Diog. Laert. iii. 5. According to ibid. 56 Plato was said by Thrasy'llus
•‘Ora TTjv
rpaytKTjv rerpaXoylav e/cSoCrat rovs SioAoyovs . . rd Se rerrapa hpapara eKaheiro
.
erpôyfa. (TEe
intert'ening words are probably interpolated and in any case are nonsense.)
•
^Viesmann, Das Problem der tragischen Tetralogie, p. 32.

,
neodektes is said to hav'e written Aphareus to
50 tragedies and competed 13 times,
times
35 tragedies (besides others of disputed genuineness) and competed 8
iswtl. S.V. Gco 5
t'«T,r. Steph. By'z. s.v. ^do^Xis; [Plut.] Hf.A' Orat. 839 d).
but the value of these records is uncertain, and some poets, such as
Ghairemon, composed plays for reading, not for performance.' The com-
petitions went on, and proclamations of honours were made and crowns
bestowed Kaivois rpaywSots or TpayipSwv ev tw dyu>vi at the Dionysia
down to the first century b.c.,^ but the history of the regulations for the
production of plays is no longer traceable. By the time of Dio Chrysostom^
(about A.D. loo) most, though apparently not all, of the plays performed
were old, but in Lucian’s day (late in the second century) the composition
of new plays had ceased."*
Comedy was later than tragedy in obtaining recognition by the
22.
state,though plays had been given earlier by performers at their own
—
charges® ^whether at one of the regular Dionysiac festivals or not we
are not told. The first was won by
victory in a state-recognized contest
Ghionides in 486 and it must have been at the Dionysia, because
b.g.,*
Lenaian contests in comedy were only introduced in or about 442 b.c.

The first victory mentioned in the extant portion of the inscription LG.
ii^. 2318 is that of Magnes in 472.
Each poet offered one play only at each festival (whether Dionysia
or Lenaia), at least during the fifth and probably the fourth century.
The statement that Aristophanes offered two plays at the Lenaia in
422 B.c. —Proagon and Wasps—depends upon a passage’ in the Argument
* Aristot. Rhet, iii. iQ, 1413*^12 f.
^ See I.G. 305 b,c.)> 646 (295-294 b.c.)> 682 {c. 274 b.c.), 851 (before 224-223
ii*. 555 {c.
B.C.), 956 (161-160B.C.), 957 (157-156 B.C.), 958 (152 B.c.) and many of the series ofephebic
;
inscriptions, ibid. 1006 (122-121 b.c.) to 1043 (38-37 b.c.), c.g. nos. 1006, 1009, loii, 1028,
1029, 1030, 1039, 1042, 1043.
3 Or. XIX.
4 TC fjxovi) (of the actors)
“17
^ tc ovk auroax^Sios aAAa jtoiijtcD;’ • • •
cmpeAtJiff xal xord cr^ôAijv ‘TTiiroi.’qKOTOJV. xat rd yc woAAd avTcov apxo.ta cWi, xai ttoAu ooifxjoTepcov
avhpiov Tj rwy vvv, (^, Or. Ivii. II.)
^ Lucian, Demosth. encomium ct*j xal ^lovvaw to fih •noiTjuiv Katvifv iroieiv cKAAciTTrat,
rd 8e TTpoTCpois avvredivTa rofy vvv els fietjov ev Kaipip xopiôvai eAdTTto <f>€p€i ;
and
de salt. 27 (the actor) ftovrjs rrjs ^wvijs inrevOvvov napexcov cavrov' rd ydp dAAo rots noiijraTs
ip, 4XT]a€ -irpo ttoAAoO ttotc yevopevois.
* Aristot. Poet. v. 1449^1 f. xol yap x^pov K<ofia>dwv 6 tp 4 wore d dpxo)v IScoxei', dAA* iOeXovral
^(rav.
® ‘Suidas* s.v. XicuviSijs* AOrjvatoSj KtofUKos t^s dp^faio? Kco/xwBta?, dv xai Xeyovai TrpoJTa-
ytoviarriv yevioOat rijsdpxalas Kiapwhtas, BthdoKeiv 8c ereaiv oktu) trpd rcov IlepoiKwv (i.e., if
the reckoning is inclusive, 486 b.c. : see Capps, Inlrod. of Comedy into the City Dionysia^ p. 9,
and Hesperia 12 (1943), p. 10; and Dith. Trag. Com.^, p. 189). If contests in tragedy began
in 502 B.c. (or earlier) Aristotle’s dpi wore would be sufficiently justified. (See above, p. 72.)
Chionides and Magnes are coupled together by Aristotle, Poet, iii, in a context which implies
that they were the first recognized Athenian comic poets. For TTpmraywvior^v see Rees,
The Rule of Three Actors in the Classical Drama (Chicago, 1 908) , pp. 3 1 ff., and below, pp. 1 32 ff.
apxovros Ap.€ivtov Bid 0 iXosviBov cV
^ iZthdxBr) eni ttoAci oAu/iTTtdSt. -^v. eis Ai)vaia. xoi
eviffa 7rpu>Tos 0tXti>vlB 7js Hpodytovi. AevKtvv IJpeoêoi rpiros. Kanngiesser’s emendation h> ry
ttB' oXvpmdBi €T€i P' is highly probable ; but if he is right in continuing xoi evixa fl-peuTos*
<l>iXwviBr}s IJpodytiivi Bevrepos (i.e. Scv‘ omitted by haplography before AevKwv), the case
to ]\’asps which is certainly corrupt and has never been emended in any
u-ay tvhich commands agreement, but the possibility of such an excep-
tional occurrence cannot be absolutely ruled out. In 284 b.c. the didas-
kalic inscription ii*. 2319) records the obtaining of the second and
[LG.
third places, also at the Lenaia, by Diodorus, tliough some scholars prefer
to suppose that there were two comic poets of that name.
Tlic normal number of comic poets competing at both the Dionj-sia
and the Lenaia during the Classical period appears to have been five,'
except that, during part of the Peloponnesian War, it was reduced to
three,- probably owing to financial depression in Athens and possibly
also to save a day.^ \Vc have no evidence for the Lenaia after 284 b.c.
when the number seas still fivc,^ but at tlic Dionysia in the late third
centur>' and in the second century six appears to have been the regular
number.* The first performance of an old comedy, produced by an actor
outside the competition, is recorded for the Dionysia in 339 b.c.,* and
in 3 It’ an old comedy appears as a regular part of the programme and
so it continued through most of the second century' b.c.® The extant
inscriptional record an end about 143 b.c., but new comedies
comes to
(and old) doubtless continued to be produced at Athens, as they were
elsewhere, to at least the first century' of the Christian era.® In the second
century b.c., however, the didaskalic inscription shows that die per-
formance of comedies became irregular. Tlicrc arc several occasions on
which the comic performance missed one year or two, and even one gap,
163-161 B.c., when there was no comic performance in three successive
years.
for ilic produclion of two plap by .\rislopbancs (througb I’liilonJdrs) goes. But there .Tre
m.my other emcnd.itions, >vhich are ronvcnirntly summarized in Slartie’s edition of the
K'ln/'j, pp. 391-2. See most recently, Ilusso, pp. 191-5.
' Tills is pros-cd for 434 n.c. by l.G. xiv. 1097, for 388 n.c. by the Arpt. to .\r. Phlus (in
neither e.asr is the festival knosvn), for the fourth century Dion>’sia by Aristot. }W. UoX. Ivi. 3,
and for 3ti n.c. by l.G. ii’. 2323 a (prob.ably Dionssia). Cf. also Hcsycliius s.v. filaOot
(p. on, n. i).

’See Argts. to Ar. CUttis, Ptc:t, and Birds for the Dionjiia (423-414 n.c.), and to Achar-
r.h'j, Kr.is;hls, Jtfls/n, and frpcs for the l4-naia (425-405 n.c.).
* Sec above, p. 66. * l.G. ii*. 2319 (p. too).
’ 'Ibis f.sct is generally overlooked, but the year recorded at the end of column iii of l.G.
ii*. 2323 (p. Ill) had -sie poeU, the >T.ar in column i and the year 184-183 at least she. Tlie
current restorations svhich confine the yc.an 170-169, 168-1G7, and 156-155 to five poets
are not compuboty. (See now Snell, G^lt. .Vachr. 196G, p. 29, n. 6.)
^ l.G. ii*. 231R €—1 6 <i>^c^ctov roAaior rpArer mpfSiSafnv ot rriupa* 5 oi'.
*Ibid. 2323a (the phry was the 6 -oar^t cf .\na-X.andrides).
* Ibid. 2323. Ttiere was no old comedy at the Lenaia in 285 n.c. (ibid. 2319). An inscrip-
tion of 25} n.c. (p, 123) recoids a contest cf three old comedies in that vrar, but it is not
cert-ain to which frstis'al it refers.
' .V bri'f sketch cf theatrical perform.snccs outside Athens from the third ccnlurs onwards
is gi'cn in Th.’.-.t’t cf D. pp. 240-6. See also below. Chapter \TI.
being now proved that the first victory of Aristomenes, the other can-
didate for the place, fell much later.
It still, of course, remains possible that the official record of the archon
may have entered the name of the producer, and that the producer may
have formally received the prize (though it may be doubted whether
he would have been allowed to retain it) and in that case the compilers
;
of the records for our inscriptions, at a later date, may have corrected
the archon’s entries by substituting the names of the actual poets but ;
there no evidence that it was so. After the death of Aeschylus the
is
Athenian people gave permission for the continued production of his

plays, and this may have been the point of his claim in Aristophanes’
Frogs (866 ff.) that his poetry had not died with him like that of Euripides.
Late writers imply that such productions were in competition with those
of living poets,' but there is no trace of this in the extant records. If in
some lists, Athenian or Alexandrian, such victories were entered in his
own name, and in others in that of the producer, this might account for
the fact that -^vhile his Vita says that he won thirteen victories (all Diony-
siac, since tragic contests at tlie Lenaia had not begun in his lifetime)
‘Suidas’ says that some credited him with bventy-eight.

25. The appointment of the choregoi, upon whom the success of the
poets’ work in the competition might largely depend,^ was one of the
first duties of the archon eponymos on entering upon office.^ At some
date in the fourth century (before the composition of Aristotle’s Con-

stitution of Athens in 325 b.c. or thereabouts) the appointment of choregoi
for comedy was transferred to the tribes. The expense of the choregia,
as will be explained shortly, might be very heavy, and the duty was
a XrjTovpyla laid upon the richest citizens in turn. Any citizen so called
upon might demand that another whom he considered better able to
discharge the duty should do so, or else exchange property with himself;
or he might claim to be excused, e.g. on the ground that he was already
discharging another AjjToupyta or for some other sufficient reason. Such
questions were settled by the archon. But it was not always easy to find
* Philostr. VU^ Apoll. vi. 1 1 oQ^v ABrivalot, Trarcpo aurdi' TpoywSia? ^youiTo, cVoAovi'
Kai rtOviwra Aiovvaiaj ra yap tou Ala)(vXov *lrqîaap.h'wv dt'cStSdaKcro Kai cPiVa Kaivrjsl cf.
Vit. Aesch. 12 AdTjvaioi 8c Toaovrov qydTmjaav AioxvXov cSj tlnj<f>iaa<j 6 ai /xcrd ddvarov avrov rov
ôvXoficvov 8tSd(TK€tv Tc AiaxvXov x^pov Xaftpdv€tv. So in Ar. Ach. 9-12 (over thirty years
after Aeschylus’ death) Dikaiopolis (probably at the Proagon) is expecting the name of
Aeschylus to be called, and is annoyed at being put off ^vith Theognis.
* See above,
pp. 75 ff., where this is emphasized in relation to dithyramb. (Choregoi for
dithyramb were appointed by the tribes.)
3 Aristot. A 6 UoX. Ivi.
.
3 e^rctra x^PVY^^^ TpaywSotj KaOiarrjai rper? d^rdi^wv Adijiatiop
Tovr irAouffttorarouj* Trporepov 8^ Kai KtofttpBois KaBlorr] vvp 8^ tovtocj at i^vXal pdpovat.
The archon then rd? dmSdaci? ‘Troict Kai ras atc^tfius cia^dyct?^.
a sufficient number of choregoi,' and at one moment of financial stress,
in theyear 406-405 b.c., the duties of each choregos, both in tragedy

and comedy, were divided between two synchoregoi- an arrangement —
of which we have already noticed instances in the records of Rural
Dionysia. This expedient was probably confined to the one year at —
least there is —
no hint of anything further and to the Dionysia, and
Capps has made it clear that the inscription LG. ii'. 2318 can best be
reconstructed, as regards the relevant columns, on this supposition.^
Lysias’ client in his 21st oration was choregos, not synchoregos, for
comedy in 402 b.c., and the inscription just quoted attests the existence
of choregia, not synchoregia, from 398 to 329 b.c.'*
26. It might happen that a public-spirited citizen volunteered to bear
the expense of a tragic or comic chorus (as Demosthenes undertook that
of a dithyramb) .s The client of Lysias, who has just been mentioned,
undertook eight choruses in nine years, and his speech* gives some
valuable information as to the expense involved —30 minae for choregia
in tragedy and 20 minae men’s chorus at the Thargclia in 410, 50
for a
minae for a dithyrambic chorus of men (and the erection of the tripod)
' See above (in reference to dithyramb), p. 75.

“ Schol. on At. Frogs 404 <ot« Si napepâiVeiv on AinSf i^Sij ’’“'P imiTTarf.
cVl yov** TOO K(Mtov rovrov HpioroTcAijf on ovrSoo XOpTjyero to Atovvata rois
rpoyîSoft Kai Ko)/i(p 5 ofr w(rr( tows nr Kot wept too /tijoniwoo dytuoo ovoroAij. (It should be
noticed that this only a conjecture by the scholiast, and that there is no other evidence to
is
support it.) xpovw S* vorspov 00 woAAui not teat tcoPatraf wepterAc KioTjoiaj ras yopiTyiar*
00 xalSrpaTTis 7o rw etrooToo Spd/iart “otcijo^fitvTooxopoKrdooo /Cioijoiou*’. What Kinesias
is supposed to have done does not appear, but the epithet ‘murderer of chorttses’ probably
refers to the badness of his poetr>’, not to any action connected with choregia, and that he
took any such action may easily be a false inference by the scholiast or his autbority. Certainly
Kinesias did not ‘abolish’ clioregia for good, as Aristotle’s )l$. /7oA. Ivi. 3 proves, but he may
—
have initiated some hostile action cf. schol. on Frogs 153 d Kinjoior cwpaypaTtvcraTo Kara
rwv Kwpitcwv ws ttei’ axofrqyTjTOi,
’ Hesperia 12
(1943), pp. 5-8. It has commonly been slated thatS)7ichorcgia must have con-
tinued until 401 n.c. at least, on the sirengUi of an inscription from Eleusis (/.G. ii’. 3090;
see above, pp. 47 f.) which runs: [rjiaffis TipoK^Sovs HrafaiSpiS^s Ttpayopov yopTyoPiTes
|
KwpwSois evtKwt’ eipioro^di-rjs eStSaoKa' iripa rtraj rpaywSots ôÔfeXijs eSiSaoKa', Jach-
I | [
mann, Kiirte, Kirchner, and others have assumed that the inscription refers to the City
Dionjsia and to die younger Sophocles, who produced his father’s Oedipus Coloneus in 401 n.c.
(Argl. Oed. Col.). But the inscription seems obviously to be one of a number of records of Rural
Dionjsia, at which simehoregia seems not to have been uncommon (e.g. I.G. ii’. 1 198, iQoo,
—
3092, 3095, 3096 of w-hich the last two record three sjTichorcgoi at Rural Dion>sia; see
above, pp. 48 if.). Furdier, AVilhelm is certain that this inscription is showm by the script
to be earlier than 406-405 n.c. Accordingly there is no obstacle to Capps’s view (op. cit.,
p. 8) that synchoregia was only in force for the one year 406-405 n.c.
* Sodo/.G.
ii’.3042 (334 n.c.), 3055, 3063056 (3190.0.). The explamation of the dropping
of the chonis in .Aristophanes’ later da^s by the unwillingness of choregoi to come forward, as
given by Platonius and in die Life of Aristophanes, is probably not more than guess-work.
(Kailiel, p. 5, and Dhbner, Proleg. de Go's., pp. xiii, xxviii.) Cf. Theatre of D., pp. 160-7, and
Maidment’s dbcussion in C.(2 29 (1935). PP- • W-
,.
’ Sec above, * Lysias xxi. 1-5.

p. 75.
in 409, more than 15 minae for a boys’ chorus in 404, 16 minae for a
comedy in 402, besides expenditure at other festivals. Another client of
Lysias' gives the cost of two tragic choregiai about 392 B.c. as 50 minae.
At a later date Demosthenes* says that it was common knowledge that
a men’s chorus was much more expensive than a tragic ;
this may have
been mainly because of the larger number of singers,^ and also, perhaps,
because of the temptation to extravagant ostentation which dithyramb
seems to have offered.'* But a good deal evidently depended upon the
ambition or generosity of the choregos himself, who might be either liberal
or mean in the matter of costumes, or in supplying many or few mute
characters to form a retinue for the chief persons in the play, and so on.
Nikias by Plutarch^ to have won popularity by his lavish expendi-
is said
ture as choregos, and never to have failed to win the prize. It was possible
to hire second-hand costumes,* but there were apparently limits to ex-
travagance set by good taste. Aristotle treats an over-showy treatment
of a comic chorus as characteristic of the âvavaosP Plutarch® tells a story
of an actor who refused to appear unless the choregos gave him the
retinue befitting the part of a queen; Melanthios the choregos shouted
to him that a single maidservant was retinue enough for the wife of
Phokion, and that he should not give himself airs.
The chief expense which fell upon the choregos was that of the training
of the chorus, including the provision of costumes and the payment of
salaries to the singers in the chorus and to their trainer, and probably
(for tragedy and comedy, though not for dithyramb)" to the flute player
also; and he doubtless had the deciding voice in the provision of any
which might be required.'" It is probable that the choregos
special effects
was also responsible for such additional choruses as that of the huntsmen
in the prologue of Hippolytus, the ttpottouttoI in Eumenides, and the shep-
herds in Euripides’ Alexandras, and in comedy the chorus of frogs in
* Lysias xix. ag, 42. * Meid. 156.

3 Though each tragic chorus (and choregos) had to serve for a whole tetralogy (see Argt.
to Aesch. Agam.). * See above, p. 77. * Nik. 2-3.
3.
® Pollux vii. 78 Tovy 8 c ray co^^ray oTioinoBovvras roTy ifiartopiioBas
(KaXovVf ot 8 c TraAaiol IfiariofitadojTds,
’ Etk. Nic. 1123*20 O' yap rofy ptKpoty Tali' hanavTuidrojv TroAAd di'cAicrKct koi Aa/iTTpurcrai
TTapa pcAoy, oioi' cpavioray ya/UKuy c<ma>i', koi fcoi/iwSoty xopTjyuv €v Tjj ‘irapohw iroptfivpav cia-
<f>^pa}v, w(jn€p 01 iWeyapety. (It is not quite clear to what Aristotle refers.) Cf. Antiphanes, fr. 204.
5 (K). 8 plut. Phok, 19. 2-3.
® In dithyramb also the flute player was paid by the poet until about the middle of the
fifth century ([id.] deMus.xxx. 1 141 d, and see above, pp.
75 f.). Athcn, xiv. 617 b records that
both singers and flute players were piiadoôpoi in the time of Pratinas {avXrjrwv Kal xop€VTwv
pia 9 o<f> 6 po}v KaT€x 6 vT(ov rdy opîjarpay), though it is not stated who paid them.
*0 Demosthenes* feigned dream (Plut. Dem.
29. 2, quoted above, p. 77, n. 5) illustrates the
ppssibility of the failure of an actor through want of xopiyyio*
:
Aristophanes’ play, though —as Haigh suggests — the latter, and the
huntsmen’s chorus in the Hippolytus, may have been sung behind the
scenes by members of the regular chorus, while mute figures appeared
before the spectators.' But in fact we hear less of any meanness on the
part of choregoi than of pride in the generous carrying out of an impor-
tant public service, and the sanctity attached to the holder of the office,
even though in some cases there seems to have been some thought of
solidifying political and personal positions by conspicuous expenditure.^
Inefficiency may, however, be inferred from a fragment of Eupolis,^
eiSes X°PVy°'' wojTTOTe pvTTapeirepov roSSe," The thorough training of a
dramatic chorus was evidently regarded as a matter of some public
importance, apart from its artistic attraction. Athenaeus,"* speaking of
the latter half of the fifth century b.c., says
yap TO opyâecos yivos rrjs ev rots pôpots £vaxf]P-ov Tore Kal peyaXoTTpeTrks
Kai waavil ras ev rots oirAoij Ktiojoci? anopxpovpevov. odev Kal SwKpdrqs iv rots
mirjpaaiv tovs KoWiara yopevoVTas aplorovs <j>r)alv etvai to. noXdpia, Xiywv ovtws'
ot 8c pfopor? KaXXiOTa Beovs Tipwaiv, dpioTOi

ev TroXipxji.
axf'Sov yap tuoTrep iÔTrXiala tis ‘!jv r) ôpela Kal emSetiis oi povov rijs Xonrijs
evToî'a? dAAa Kal t^j tcov aaiparcav impeXeias.
The scholiast on Aristophanes’ Clouds ( 1 339) says that the description

.
of a huge feast in that passage reivec Trpos re rovs napd tois xopijyois
earicapevovs Kal npos roiis ev TTpvravelw ael SeiTTVoDvras, and this may refer
to thegood living of a chorus in training.* There is, however, a reference
in Aristophanes’ Achamians^ to the fmlure of Antimachus to feast his
chorus at the end of the Lenaia. There was probably a customary ban-
quet given by the choregos to his chorus after the Dionysia, though the
only banquet recorded is that given by Agathon after the Lenaia as
a successful poet, and that was probably quite unofficial.
' It sometimes stated by modern svritcis that any additional provision made by a
is
choregos over and above what was normally expected of him was termed wopaxop^yiipa.
The meaning of this word is discussed below (p. 137); in its few occurrences it seems to mean
simply a special or additional provision (xoprjyeiv in its 'Ci-ondary sense of ‘supply’) with-
out any necessary reference to a
x°PVy°s iri the technical sense.
^ Lysias xxv.
1 3 KotVot Sid tovto TrAcicu twv vno rijs ttoAcios TrpoaraTTOpevojv eSaTravcvfiTjv,
tva Kai ^cAtiwv vpwv vo/ciôtp7;r, xat et rrou pot rts aopôpd yAoiro, apcivov aywyiôip^v,
Cf. Lysias xxi. 11-12, Dcm. de F.L. 282.
’ Pr. 306 (K) And for meanness in the case of dithyramb see Isaeus, Or. v. 36 (and above,
p. 77). * xiv. 628 e-f.
' Fot the luxury of a dithyrambic chorus, sec above, p. 77.
® t *53-5 os y’ epi Tov rA^pora
Aijvaia xaprjy&v dneXvo' dSeiirvov. See on this, Dover, Main
KJ. 15 (1963), p. 23.
H
;
9° THE CITY DIONYSIA

It does not appear that the choregos had any expense in connexion
with the actors proper, nor is there any indication that he was responsible
for their costumes, as he was for those of the chorus. The honorarium
paid to each poet, whether successful or not, as well as the prize given
to the victorious poet, was also the affair of the state. (The amounts
of these are unknown, but the allusions’ to the cutting down of the pay-
ments comic poets seem to imply that such payments were made, and
to
could be altered, by the Assembly. What prizes were given for the victors
besides the ivy crown is unknown.)
Little material exists for investigating the problem of how far the
choregos actually concerned himself with the content of the play, but
this is an aspect which should not be overlooked. The thesis of Couat*
that poets of Old Comedy wrote to suit the wishes of rich and anti-
democratic archons or choregoi is too simple-minded to be true, and is
more or less directly confuted by the attitude of the Old Oligarch.’

Nevertheless, there is evidence to suggest that at least Phrynichos and
Aeschylus were from time to time associated with choregoi, Themistocles
and Pericles, with whom they may have been in political sympathy,
and whose political aims their plays may have been partly designed to
serve.'’ But we have no name of a choregos for Euripides, one frag-
mentary name for Sophocles, and in 458 B.c., when Aeschylus produced
the Oresteia, which certainly has political implications, we have the name
of the choregos, Xenokles of Aphidna,® but know nothing of him.
27. By the middle of the fourth century, if not before, there was
probably a class of professional singers from whom the choregos chose
Aristotle notes that tragic and comic choruses might consist of the
same persons.® But once selected, they had to be trained. The trainer
(xopoSiSdoKaXos) had to be a citizen, though there were exceptions such
as that of Sannio, who had been disfranchised but evidently continued his
* At. Frogs 367 ^ touj ^ladovs twv irotrjrwv pi^rwp a>v cit’ aTrorptiyet. (The schol. says
that the reference is to the reduction of the poets’ payments by Archinus and Agyrrhius.)
Cf. Hesych. s.v. piaSos’ to cttoÂov Tali' KoipiKwi* , , . eppiadoi Sc irei'TC âav. In the dithy-
rambic contests instituted by Lycurgus in honour of Poseidon in the Peiraeus, the prizes for
the choruses placed first, second, and third were to be lO, 8, and 6 minae. (Plut. Mor. 842 a.)
* Arislophane et Vancienne comidie attiquej pp. 38-43.
^ Ps.-Xen., Ath. Pol. ii. 18 Kwpiwhttv 5 * oiJ nai KaKws Acyeip toi' pev B'qpov ovk iwaiVf iva
p-q auTol aKovoicn KaKws' iBlc^ Sc #ceAevoii<yfV, ct ris riva /SouAcrai, ciJ ciSorcj oTt tow Sijfioi;
coTot ouSc tou TrX'qOovs 6 KO)p(pBovp€vos fbs cTTi TO ttoAw, qAA’ nXovaios ^ ycvi'afof 17 Suvoticvos'.
oAtyoi Sc Tti'cj TWV 7T€vqTa)v Kat twv Stjpotikwv KtopwBovvTai. Cf. also Gomme, C R. 52 (1938),
pp. 97 ff. {More Essays in Greek History and Literature^ pp. 70 ff.)
* See Forrest, C.^., n.s. 10 (i960), pp. 235-40.
5 Below, p. 104.
® Aristot. Pol. ill. 3. 1276^. It may be assumed that the selection of the chorus rested with
the choregos; see above, p. 76.
THE CITY DIONYSIA 9»
career as a trainer of choruses for tragedy.* The earliest generation of

dramatic poets taught their o^vn choruses, inventing the dances as they re-
quired ; and both Phrynichos and Aeschylus were famous for their skill in
this.^ Aeschylus also employed the services of ‘Telestes’, whom Athenaeus
describes both as ;jfo/)oSiSdo'/<aAos'^ and as 6 Alcr^\ov opxrjc^^,* and as
having special skill in regard to the movements of his hands and in
realistic imitation. Plutarch* tells how Euripides rebuked a man who
showed his amusement when the poet was singing over to his chorus
one of his odes written in the mixolydian mode.
A trainer employed by a poet (who was himself the SiSdaKoAos in the
strict sense) might be termed imoStSdaKoXos.^ But the training of choruses
no doubt became a professional business in time, and the professional

trainers usurped the title of StSdaKoAoj with no sign of subordination,
except perhaps at Athens where they may still have been called vttoBi-
SdaKoXoi, even when producing an old play, out of respect for the original
composer.
The disciplining of the dramatic choruses, as distinct
from their train-
ing, is stated by
have been the task of specially elected
‘Suidas’^ to
officials. Some may be tempted to connect this with a statement of
Athenaeus® that the chorus were given drinks both before and after their
performance.
During the regime of Demetrius of Phalerum at Athens (317-
28.
307 the choregia was abolished, and the Dionysian festival placed
B.C.),
under the management of an agonothetes elected annually and provided

with funds for the performance of his duties. The exact date of the
change is unknown. The old belief that it occurred immediately after
* Dcm. Mfid. 58.

* Athcn. i. 22 a âol kqI ort ot wonjrai, ©eaTri?, /Tpartraf, [KporiPO?], 0pvvixo?,
opxoorai c»:oAov»*ro 8ta to fi 6 yov ra 4 avrwv Spa/iara opxâiv tov
ai’Qf^€p€iv cij dAAd koI
Ttup tSioiv TTOiT^paTiov 5t5d<7K<(v Tovj ôvXofi^vovs 6 px^to 9 atl Athcn. i. 21 d, e /cai iîa^vAo?
. roAAd ax^fiOTa opxrjcriKa adrdf <^<uptaK<oy dyeBiBov rot^ ;ôpfi/Tar$“. XafiaiX€aji> yovf
iTpiuToy avTOP ^tjai axf}fiarloai rovy ;ôpoi)r opjâroSiSaox^dAoiy ou ;^pijad/i€vov, dAAd koI cutop
T ot? ’yotoCiTa r&v opxyo^wv, Cf. Plut. Quaest. Conv. viii. 9. 732 f Katrot koI
(^ptV^xo^ o Tojv TpaywSiwP TroiijT^y rcpl auroO if>-qctv on “cx^/iara 5 * ^pxîois roaa p.01 Trdpa’, oao*
<vl Tro>Ttp
j
Kvîara TTOiCiTai x«Van vv^ dAoij**.
^ Athcn. i. 21 f.
* Ibid. 22 a TVAfonjff d Aivx^Xov dpxôr^^ ovtws ^jv tcxpitt^t cootc cV rtS dpxfroât tovj
'.Ejrrd fm <f>ayepd rroirjaQi rd TTpayfxara dpx»5<7f«pr. (Sec below, pp. 248 f., 25 1.)
* De Audifndo 46 b.
* Phot, s.v, vTToStSda/caAoj* d t<P x®PV ÔToAcywr StSdaKoAoy yap d TroiiTTijr, ws AJptoro^dnjy.
Cf. Plato, Ion 536 a, and below, pp. 291, 303 f.
^ *Suid.* s.v. cVipfATyrai* iTriptXrjral ex<*p<wol•ov^*TO twi’ xop^*' dTaierctp tops x®P®^
€*»'
Tofy ^farpoiy. (Cf. Xcn. Hiero ix. 4.)
* xi. 464 f. ât Tory xopoty ft<nov<nv cy<xfoy (sc. ot M 07jvaToi) TTiWti’t KalBirjytuyiCfieyoi^f dre
<V<~opci?o>To, h'ixtov rrdXiv. (Philochorus F 171, quoted in full, p. 272, n. 4.)
the death of Antipater in 3 1 9 B.c. rests on a misinterpretation of a passage
in Plutarch’s life of Phokion,' where the title is used in a general sense and
without special reference to the Dionysia. Inscriptions of 319 b.c. show

that choregia was still in existence in that year,^ and on the other hand
the monument of Xenokles in 306 B.c.^ was erected by him as agonothetes
and begins with the words d S^/tio? exop’qyei. It refers to the Lenaia, but
it is unlikely that the new system was not applied at the same time to the
City Dionysia. Demetrius probably instituted it while nomothetes in
316-315 B.c.->
The reason for the change may have been simply the burdensomeness
of the choregia, falling upon a smaller number of men than formerly,
and those poorer than rich men had been in earlier days;® a similar
change was probably made for other festivals, both literary and gym-
nastic, the supervision of the performances being for most purposes trans-
ferred to an agonothetes.® But that the archon and the iTnfieXrjral retained
some of their functions at the Dionysia even after the institution of the
agonothetes is shown by inscriptions already quoted in another context.’
* 31 . 3 o Se (sc. <Pa>Kituv) tovtwv fikv ovk €^po»^n^€v, €VTvy;(avu>v 8^ t4> NiKavopi Kal SiaXcyo*
fifvoi T€ TÂAa rots }i6i)vaiois iTp§,ov ath-ov Kal Kexf^P^^t^ôv âpeix^t Kal <f>iXoTtfilas
Tti'cij fiT€ia€ Kal SaMPaj vnoor^vai, yevoftcvov Nicanor undertook the expense
of various festivals, but this does not mean that he was elected official of the
Dionysia.
* See above, pp, 78 f.
3 I.G. ii*. 3073 see Appendix,
j p. 120.
•*
Marmor Pariumj B 13; Dow and Travis, Hesperia 12 (1943), pp. 144 ff. The statement of
Ferguson, Demetrius transferred the contests of Homeric rhapso-
Hellenistic Athens^ p. 57, that
dists from the Panathenaia to the Dionysia goes beyond the evidence of Athen. xiv. 620 b
Touff Se vvv ÔfiTjpioras ovopâôftfvovs rrpwros rd Biarpa TrapT^yaye Arjp.'qTpios 6 0aXi]p€VS.
At a later date the Auqvvoov rcxvirat included professional reciters of epic, but not necessarily
at the Dionysia.
5 As early as 356 B.c. the law of Leptines seems to have attempted some reform, since it
began ontos av ol TrXovaiwraroi XrjTovpywat (Dem. in Lept. 127, cf. 18), though Demosthenes
treats fears of shortage as exaggerated (ibid. 22), an attitude which his own later experience
rebuts (see above, p. 75). For the general political background of these changes see Ferguson,
op. cit., ch. ii, and Tarn, in C.A.H, vi, pp. 495 ff. The changes were not reversed when
the democracy was restored in 307 b.c. Demetrius of Phalerum as a Peripatetic may have
shared Aristotle’s objection to xop’?yt“t and certain other liturgies (Aristot. Pol. viii (v).
1309*13 ff. and 1320*’4), as tending to dissipate the funds in the hands of the rich with no
corresponding benefit to the state.
6 The documents relating to the agonothetes of the Dionysia in the third century b.c.
are I.G. ii*. 649 (= Dinsmoor, Archons of Athens, pp. yf.), 657, 682, 780, 798 (= Hesperia 4
C*935)> P* 583 )j 834, 3073-88, 3458, and Hesperia 7 (1938), p- 116 (p. 123 here). It is clear
that the agonothetes had responsibility for a number of festivals (probably at least the Dionysia,
Lenaia, and Thargelia) and might be involved in considerable expense (Eurykleides spent
7 talents in the 230s; I.G. ii*. 834). Ferguson, Klio 8 (1908), pp.
345 ff., argued that the
Panathenaia had a separate agonothetes from the beginning, but in 240 {I.G. ii*. 784) the
conduct of the Panathenaia was still in the hands of athlothetai, and the separate agonothetes
of the Panathenaia is not attested till (?) 228 b.c. {I.G. ii*. 1705).
’ p. 70 above.
When Hadrian was in Athens in a.d. 126 he performed the office of

agonothetes with distinction.'
29. As regards the choice of actors in tragedy and comedy, four
periods seem to be distinguishable
(1) Originally the poet acted in his own play,^ and this is particularly
recorded of Thespis. That Aeschylus also acted in person, whether only

before or also after he introduced a second actor (as he had already done
in the earliest extant plays), is at least probable.'' So too, in his early
plays, did Sophocles. Cratinus may have acted in his own comedies.'*
(2) The poet employed by himself. So

professional actors, selected
Aeschylus employed Kleandros and afterwards Mynniskos as second and
third actors.® Sophocles regularly employed Tlepolemos,® and was said
to have had the special capacities of his actors in view in composing his
plays.’ The Life of Euripides states that Kephisophon acted for Euripides,
but only on the authority of Thomas Magister, which carries no weight.®
In comedy Krates was said to have acted in the plays of Cratinus® before
he composed plays on his own account, and Pherekrates in those of
Krates.'®
(3) Three protagonists for tragedy were chosen by the — state it is
not known how, but presumably by the archon —and allocated by lot
to the poets. It is natural to connect this change -with the introduction

of prizes for actors, in tragedy at the Dionysia certainly in 449 b.c. and
at the Lenaia possibly about 440 b.c., though there is no direct evidence
about this and the change may have come later, perhaps even in the
fourth century. In tragedy at least, the actor who won the prize was
entitled to be one of the three competitors in the following year." There
* LG. ii*. JI05 Bb, 1 .15, and Dio Cass, bcix. i6 ra tc ^lovvoia ttjv ittyiarrjv -nap* aârois
apx^v dpâs hf Tfj ioBijn rrj Aa/iTr/xSy cwcTcAcae. (For the combination of archonship
and agonothesia in this period, cf. above, p. 74, n, 7).
^ Aristot. Rhet, iii. I. 1403^23 f. vn€KplvovTo ydp avroi rd? TpaywSiay 01 TTOtrjral to TrpcoTOv;
Plut. Solon 29. 6 d IjoXwv .. cdedoaro toi*
, Oiamv adrop vnoKptvoptvoVf wonep cdoj rots
TroAatofj.
5 He must have done so, if the statement in Vit. Soph. 4, that Sophocles was the first to
abandon the practice, is correct {npwTOv KaroXvaa^ tt^v vnoKpiaiv rov ttoitjtoO 8m rrjv
»8iov mKpo<}>wv(av). For Sophocles* acting, sec below, p. 130, n. 4.
* This may perhaps be inferred from Athen, i. 22a, if he is not a dittography there.
5 Aesch. 15 vTTOKpir^ npiorKp p€v KXâvhpu), cttcitc koI rov Sevrepov ourw
inpo<njifi€ MvwtaKOv rov XoAxtSea* rdv 8^ rptrov vnoKpirriv adrd? e^cvptv, cus 8^ AiKaiapx^s
6 Afcocnjrto?, UojiOKXijs. See below, p. 131, and Wilamowitz, Aesch. Trag-j p. 5, note ad loc.
* Schol. Ar. Clouds 1267.
7 Istros, quoted in Vit. Soph. 6. See A. S. Owen in Greek Poetry and Life,
pp. 148 ff.
® Other references to Kephisophon say nothing of his having been an actor.
^ Schol. Ar. Knights 537; Anon, de Com. (Kaibcl), p. 7.

*0 Ibid., p. 8.
** Hesych,, ‘Suid.*, and Phot, s.v. woKpirwv' 01 noiijral eXdppavov rpets vnotepirds
is less certainty about the method of
comic actors. In the
selection of
third quarter of the fourth century Lycurgus have revived a is said’ to
contest of comic actors at the Xvrpoi, the victor in which had the right
to act at the ensuing Dionysia, but this only provided for one of the five
protagonists, and when or how long this method had previously been in
vogue unknown; nor is it possible to say how comic actors were chosen
is
for —
the Lenaia ^where the comic actors’ prize was probably instituted
—
about 442 B.c. or for the Dionysia generally either from the beginning
or from the institution of the prize for comic actors between 329 and
312 B.c. But there is no reason to doubt that each poet received his aetor
by lot. Under the system in vogue for tragedy, the actor allocated to
each poet probably acted in all four of his plays. The didaskalic inscrip-
tion^shows that at the Lenaia in 418 b.c. both the tragedies presented
by each of the two rival poets were acted by Lysikrates and Kallippides
respectively, and the same system was probably applied to the Dionysia.
But later, as the poets themselves became less famous than the great
three had been and actors developed greater professional skill, it was
obviously felt that it was not fair to give one poet the advantage of the
best actor in all his plays, and the system was cbanged.
(4) Three tragic actors were chosen as before, but each acted in a
single tragedy of each poet, so that in 341, when Astydamas, Euaretos,
and Aphareus each competed with three tragedies at the Dionysia, each
had the services of the three protagonists, Thettalos, Neoptolemos, and
Athenodoros, each in one play.^ It was shortly after this that Aristotle
stated that the actors were now more important than the poets.'*
It may be presumed that the five comic actors selected were still
assigned to the poets by lot, but at a late period we occasionally find the
same actor serving two poets. So in 31 1 b.c. Asklepiodoros acted for
Philippides and Ameinias, and in 155 Damon played not only for both
Ghairion and Biottos but also in the old play which preceded the com-
petition, while Kallikrates acted for both Philokles and Timoxenos. (Cf.
also 284 b.c.)
It is not definitely known how the second and third actors for each
group of tragedies were chosen or paid. (Presumably the protagonists

to S/xiâra,
kXtjpuj vefirjdevras vTTOKpivovpêvovs o viKTôas ci? roîov aKphajs nap€Xap.pdv€ro.
The phrase vnoKpiveoOai to Bpdfxa is used only of protagonists; there is no direct evidence
about the selection of the second and third actoi^ for each poet.
’ [Plut.] Vit. X
Oral. 841 f. See above, pp, 15 f.
^ /.G. 2319.
3 Ibid.
2320. In the following year Astydamas, Timokles, and Euaretos each offered two
plays only; the two protagonists were Thettalos and Neoptolemos.
^ Rfut, iii. I, 1403^33 Bvvavrai vvv twv noirjrwv oi viroKpirai,
were paid by the state,’) Demosthenes^ taunts Aeschines with hiring

himself out as ‘tritagonist’ to the actors Simylos and Socrates, but this
was Rural Dionysia and probably for the acting of old plays only.
for the
It seems likely that for rural festivals the whole body of performers (who
might be a troupe habitually acting together) was assembled by the

protagonist.
30. But the importance of the protagonist in the Athenian festivals
seems almost excessive, when we remember not only the possibility of

a play’s being spoiled by the bad acting of secondary characters, but the
heavy demands made upon these secondary characters in a Greek
play .5 It is the protagonist alone who is said to ‘act the play’, both in
inscriptions^ and in literature,* and only the protagonist could win the
prize for acting. It is, however, noteworthy that the prize did not neces-
sarily go to the actor of the successful plays. The didaskalic inscription
already quoted® illustrates this: in 418 B.c. the successful tragedies were
acted by Lysikrates, but the prize for acting went to Kallippides, and
there are other possible cases, of varying degrees of probability.
31. The public performance of lyric choruses and of drama at Athens
took die form of a contest, and elaborate precaudons were taken to
secure fairness in the selecdon of the judges and in their performance
of their duties. The exact methods adopted have been the subject of
much controversy, but an account can be given which reconciles the
few passages of ancient writers which bear on the subject. Plutarch,^
describing hoiv in 468 b.c. the archon by a bold stroke set aside the
regular procedure, shows incidentally in part what this procedure must
have been
fOciTO Se Ei’r avrov (Kimon) Kat TTjv tu>v rpayojScDy Kplmv ovopaaTTjV
yevopei’TjV. irptuTTjv yap SiSaoKaXlav rov SoôkXsovs cti veov KaBevros, 'Aipe^lci^v
6 apyiov, tfiiXovtiKias ovtrrjs Kal Trapard^fios rwv BtaTwv, K/Jirdr piv o{ik
tKXijpuioe Tov aywvos, oiy 8 e Klpwv ptra. rwv ovarpaTriytov irpo^XBuiv els to
Bearpov inotyaaro ttp Bew rdy vevopiapevas orrorSd?, ovk aijiyKev avrovs dneKBeiv,
dAA’ dpicEoaaj yvayKaae KaBlaai Kal Kpivai Seko ovray, otto ^vXys plas eKaarov
(or, as Helbig, djrd <fivXijs eva eKaarys) • d /eev oSv dytov Kat Sid to rwv Kpirwv
d^lwpa ryv <}>iXortplav (? ^lAoriKiav or rfj îXoripla) vnepdfiaXe, viKyaavros Se
TOO 27oôkAeooj ktA.
The point in the theatrical proceedings at which the archon must have
called in the generals to help must have been just before the performances
' One cannot guess to ivhat period Lucian, Icaromenippus 29 (a tragic actor paid 7 drachmai
f j Toi’ dyuji’o), rerers, but, to judge by the smallness of the sum, it should be a fairly early one.
‘ dt Car. 262. ’ See pp, 138 AT. < See pp. 106 ff.
’ c.g. Dcm. de F.L. 246. ‘ I.G, ii". 2319. Kimon 8. 7-9.
::

of tragedy, when had probably seen the Proagon and
the audience (who
was vehemendy
formed their prejudice in favour ofparticular competitors)
proclaiming its preferences, and would evidently put pressure on the
judges if they were drawn by lot in the regular manner from the ten
urns representing each of the ten tribes (see below). Instead of drawing
one name from each um, the archon called on the ten strategoi, each of
whom also represented one tribe, so that at least the tribal character of
—
the selection was preserved a bold expedient, but one whose felicitous-
ness, together with the popularity of the returning generals, might well
capture the goodwill of the excited crowd.* (The only difficulty is as to
the nature of the ‘accustomed libations’ offered by the generals, and the
point in the proceedings at which they were offered, and there is no
information available for solving this.)
32. Further details of the method of selection, especially in its earlier
stages, are found in passages of the orators
—
Isocr. xvii. 33 34 TIvBohujpov yap rov aKrjvlrijv KaXov/ievov, or vncp Ilaaluvos
.
anavra Kal Aeyet Kal ‘nparru, rls ovk otSev vpiov Ttipaaiv dvolâvra to? vSptas
KOI Tous Kpirds cfeAdvTa touj otto Ttjs ôvXrjs c/tjSAijffcWar; KoiVot oOTiy piKpaiv
iv€Kfv Kal irepl rov awparos KivSwevuiV ravras vrravoiyeiv iroX/xrjaev, af
OiaTjp.aapifvai piy •Jjaav vno ruiv rrpvrdvewv, KaT€a(f>paytafidvat S’ vtto r&v
yoprjyutv, i(f>vXdrrovTO S’ vtto rwv rafiiwv, ekeivto S’ c’v aKpOTToXei, ri Sei
6avp.dêiv, Et ktX.
Lysias iv. 3 . 4ôvX6p.T]v S’ dv drroXax^tv avrov Kpirr/v zJiowo-i'oir, !v’ iptv
ifiavepos iyevero epol Si-qXXaypdvos, Kplvas rrjv epT)v ûA^r vikolv vvv S’ eypaific
p€v ravra els to ypapparetov, dTTeXaye Se. Kal on dXrjBij ravra Xeyeo, CptAivoy
Kal AiOKXrjs loaaLV, oAA’ oufc eanv avrots paprvprjaai pr/ Siopoaapevois irtpi
^s eyw <l>evyoi, etteI cra^dis iyywr dv

rrjs alrlas on rjpets iJ/iEV avrov ol KpirrjV
ipâXdvres Kal ripwv h/eKa eKaOlêro,

Dem. Meid. 17 . Kal ovS’ evravBa eotij rijs v^pews, dAAd roaovrov avrw TTepirjv,
wore rov earejyavwpevov dpyovra Ste<l>9eipe, rovs yopTy/ovs avvrjyev ett’ epe,
ôwv, aireiXwv, opvvovoi TrapearriKws roTs Kpirats . . . . 18. . . . rrpoSia^Belpas
rotvvv rovs Kpirds rw dywvi rwv dvSpwv . epov pev v^ptaev to awpa, rrj
. .
<j>vXfj Se KparovoT] rov dywva alnwraros rov prj viKrjaai Karearr).
33. From these passages it appears that

(i) Before the festival (or before the particular contest) the Council
drew up a of names selected from each of the ten tribes. What
list
qualificationswere required we are not told, but it is clear that the

choregoi were present and had a voice in the selection, and that a choregos
* Though the victory awarded to Sophocles on this occasion was his first, he may already
have been well known and popular in Athens, and there seems to be no sufficient reason to
discredit the story. (See Forrest, C.Q.., N.s. lo (i960), 238 ff.)
could (like Lysias’ client) get someone pledged to support him put on the
list, and that violence (like that of Meidias) might be brought to bear
to influence the selection. That there was any demand for critical capacity
seems unlikely. Aristophanes {Eccl. 1154!?.) divides the judges into the
pvo classes of ooôi and rjSeais yeXwin-es, and claims the support of both.
(2) The names were then placed in ten urns, each containing the names
selected These urns were sealed both by the prytaneis
from one tribe.
who and by the choregoi, and deposited in the

presided at the Council
Acropolis in the custody of the public treasurers. It was a capital offence
to tamper witli them, though on the occasion described by Isocrates it
appears to have been done.
(3) At the beginning of the contest for which the judges were required
the ten urns were placed in the theatre, and the archon dre^v one name
from each. The ten persons selected swore to give an impartial verdict.'
(Here Meidias again attempted to influence them.) At the end of the
contest each wote his order of merit on a tablet ;
the tablets -were placed
in an um, from -svhich the archon drew five at random,^ and on these five
tablets the issue of the contest was decided.

34. It is obvious that the ten judges who heard the contest officially
might be influenced by the clamour of partisans in the theatre, and Plato
refers to this in the Laws
ovre yap rrapa Bedrpov Set tov ye oAtjOt] KpiT^v Kpiveiv pavdavovra ko.1 côtAijt-
ropevov vxro Bopiôv r&v rroAAuiv koi outoO diraiSeuaias, out’ atJ yiyvtucrKovra
81 avavSplav Kal SeiKlav ek toutou aroparos oimep tovs Beovs eTteKaXiaaro peXXctiv
Kpiveiv, €K roVTOV ipevSopet'ov d.noj)alveaBai paBvpws ttjv Kpioiv ov yap paBrjrrjS
oAAa SiSdoKoXos, tuj ye to SiKotou, Beardov pSXXov o KpiTTjs KaBlêt Kal h'avrtwoo-
pevos rots Trpr rjSovrjv pr/ TTpocrrjKovrtos opBws dvoSiSouai BearatsX
A Story, true or false, is told by Aelian* that at the first performance of

Clouds the audience noisily demanded that the judges should place
Anstophanes’ name first was unsuccessful.
on their lists; but the poet
The influence of the audience or of powerful persons may have been all
the greater because it was known how each judge voted. Thus Alcibiades
* This oath is referred to in Pherekrates, fr. 96 (K) and Ar. Eccl. 1160, where the judges
arc bidden ^niopK^lw
^
The tablet of the friend of L>'sias' client was not dra\%*n (dwcAaxe)j and so his promise
could not be fulfilled.
^ h.
659 a; cf. ill. 700 c-701 b, where some of the same points are made, and particularly
the protest against the
ayovaoi ôal •rrX'q&ovs and the Kporoi Inaivovs dwoStSoi'Tcs’ which pre-
\ailed in his own day. (See
below, f.). pp. 272
Cf. Lucian, Hannon, 2 kqi yop ovp koI cv Tofy dywcriv ot po* jtoAAoi dcma-i laoci KpoTtlaai
~0T€ Kai cvpt'cai, icpivouai 8c cTrrd
v itcitc n oaoi 5 n. The reference in cTrrd is inexplicable.
^ Var. H. ii. 13.
compete 'Now and then, of course, tilings went wrong. The

against.
Oedipus Tyranmis of Sophocles was defeated by the plays of Philoklcs, and
Euripides was placed below Xenokles (in 415, the year of Troades) and
Nikomachos, who is virtually unknown.' But we know nothing of the
other plays produced by Sophocles and Euripides on these occasions,
nor about the way in which the choregos or the chorus and actors dis-
charged their functions. Although there may have occasionally been
verdicts due to intimidation by the audience or by powerful persons,^
Plato speaks in the Laws^ as if the undue influence of the crowd had
only recently become serious, and the instances of corruption mentioned
by the orators also belong to the fourth century. Aristophanes^ suggests
that a poet’s chances tvere affected by the order in which competitors
had to appear. This was determined by lot, and the first place was re-
garded as the least and the last as the most advantageous.
36. Besides the plays or groups of plays entered for competition the
festivalwas enlarged in the fourth century b.c., as inscriptions show,®
by the performance of an old tragedy from 386 b.c. onwards, and of
an old comedy from 339 B.c. (Whether these performances took place
regularly before 341 b.c. in the case of tragedy and 31 1 b.c. in that of
comedy the evidence does not suffice to show.) In the fifth century the
only performances of old plays (with an exception to be noticed) were
presentations of unsuccessful plays in a revised form —of comedies perhaps
more frequently than of tragedies, though Euripides certainly revised
and re-produced his Hippolylus, and possibly other plays.® But the fact
diat two forms of a play were known does not necessarily mean that
both were performed at the City Dionysia, as the programmes of the
Rural Dionysia may often have included re-productions, in their original
or in revised forms, of plays which had appeared at the greater festival.’
*
Argt. O.T. ; AcHan, Vct, H. ii. *Suid/ s,v. iVcKoVax®?* • • • wapaSofo)? Evpittthriv #fat
Stoyvtv envTjae. Cf. p. 258.
* See above,
p. 97. On the taste and influence of die audience sec below, ch. vi.
3 Probably composed after
360 c.c. Sec 700 c-701 a (especially 700 c) and 659 a-c, and
above, p. 97. Eccl, 1158/^ ^ Sec above, p. 72.
^ Ar^t. Eur. Hipp. There were said to hat'c bwn livo editions of the Auloljcm and the
Phrixus — but the evidence —

(see Nauck, pp. 441, 627) is not perfectly satisfactor)’ and also of
of Sophocles (ibid., p. 215), On the PhrixuSf sec now P. 0^, 2245.
’ It would not be safe to draw any inference as to competitions of actors with single plays
from the dream ofThras>’llus before the battle of Arginusac (Diod. Sic. xiii. 97. 6) that he and
six of his colleagues as generals were acting the Phoenxssae of Euripides in the theatre at Athens
in competition with the hostile generals, who were performing Suppliants, But from Athcn.
xiii. 584 d it seems that Andronikos (fourth century) had been successful in a contest in acting
Epiônai (? of Aeschylus or Sophocles), and the story of Likymnios in Alkiphron (sec below),
alluding to his defeat of tivo rivals in acting Aeschylus* /TpoTo/irroi, even if fictitious, implies
tlial such a contest in acting an old play was possible. Such contests may have taken place
at rural festivals.
—
To the memory of Aeschylus was accorded the singular honour of a
decree that anyone who desired to do so should be allowed to produce
his plays at the Dionysia.' This was apparently something different from
the practice introduced in the fourth century, when it is evident that
plays of Sophocles and Euripides might be and were re-produced, and
that the text of them was liable to be tampered with by the actors who
produced them, so that Lycurgus passed a law to check this practice.^ In
341 B.G. the old tragedy produced (by the famous actor Neoptolemos)
was Euripides’ Iphigeneia] in the next year the same actor produced
Euripides’ Orestes. We hear also,^ apart from inscriptions, of performances
of a number of plays of Sophocles, and of the Kresphontes, Hecuba, and
Oinomaos of Euripides. In all these records some distinguished actor
Polos or Theodoros or Aristodemos or Andronikos spoken of as having — îs
‘acted the play’, and in some of them, as Demosthenes unkindly suggests,

Aeschines failed badly. Polos seems to have distinguished himself as
protagonist in plays of Sophocles, Theodoros in the Oinomaos and Hecuba
of Euripides. The only actor who is recorded as having ventured upon
Aeschylus at this period was Likymnios, who according to Alkiphron
defeated his rivals in acting Aeschylus’ Hpomixiroi,^ but the evidence of
the continued popularity of Sophocles and Euripides is very striking.
37. A revision of comedies for re-production is known to have been
made in several instances in the fifth century. Aristophanes’ Clouds is
said tohave been produced in two vereions, and ancient critics knew of
two plays produced by him called Elprprq, but were uncertain whether
they were the same or not.® There was also a second 0ecrp,oif>opidCovaai.
but the two plays called HXovtos were probably independent and
separated by a long interval of time. The Frogs was presented a second
time in response to popular demand,'^ owing to the good advice con-
tained in the parabasis, but there is no reason to suppose that it was
revised. Eupolis is said to have revised his Autoljikos,^ and such revision
* See above, p. 86,

2 [Plut.] Vit. Oral, 841 f. See below, p. 155; Page, Actors* Interpolations in Greek Tragedy,
pp. and appendix to Vurthcini’s edition of Aeschylus* Supplices,
2, etc.,
3 See Plut. Dem.
7, de Alex. fort. 334 a; Dem. de Cor, 180, 267, de F.L. 246; Aelian, Var.
H. xiv. 40; DIod. Sic. xiii. 97; Stob. Flor. 97. 28; Athen. xiii. 584 d; schol. on Soph. Ajax
865 ;
Philostr. Vit. Apoll. vii.
5 ; Plut. Pelop. 29 ; id. Crass. 33 Suet. Nero 21,3; Lucian, de hist,
;
Such performances were sometimes only in excerpt. Gf. p. 287, n. i.

conscr. i.
* Alkiphron iii. 12. He may have defeated them in competing for the privilege of pro-
ducing the old play; but some scholars treat the story as fictitious (e.g. O’Connor, p. 105),
and no actor named Likymnios is otherwise kno%vn.
5 Argt. iii to Ar, Peace. ® Athen. i. 29 a; see Kock, Com. Fragm. i,
pp. 472 ff.
’ Argt. Ar. Frogs, quoting Dikaiarchos (fr. 84 Wehrli) as authority.
® Galen xv,
p. 424 (Kiihn) ;
see Kock, op. cit. i, pp, 267-8.
THE CITY DIONYSIA lOI
seems to have been frequent in the time of the Middle and New Comedy,
the second version being sometimes given a different name. Thus Di-
philus revised his Svvcvpis^ and Alpuâireixi)? (perhaps renamed Evvovxos
Tj ETpaTuuTjjs),^ Antiphanes his AypoiKos (re-produced as BovraXlwv),^
Alexis his dij/vjjTpros"* and his 0ptj^ or ^pvyios,^ and Menander his ’EttC-
kAtjpos.® But such re-productions may have been at the Lenaia or Rural
Dionysia or some other festival; they are in any case a different thing
from the regular presentation of an old comedy outside the competition.
In 31 1 B.c. the play so presented was the Orjoavpos of Anaxandrides
in the late third century an inscription records the presentation of the
Phocians of Philemon, in 181 B.c. of the /iTroKrAeiop^ of Poseidippus, in
167 of the <Pdana of Menander, in 154 of the îXaOrjvatos of Philippides.®

There is no evidence as to the way in which the actor and the play
for re-production were selected. Some interpret the obscure references
to dy&ves xvrpivoL ashaving to do with a contest of comic actors held at
the time of the Anthesteria, to determine which should produce the old
comedy at the next Dionysia, but we have already seen that there are
serious difficulties in the way of this interpretation.®
APPENDIX TO CHAPTER 11
This appendix contains a transcript of practically all the inscriptions bearing

on the Dionysia and Lenaia, with introductions and notes where necessary,
and concludes with a summary of the main chronological conclusions.
Introduction to I.G. ii^. 2318

Since the inscriptionwas printed in the Corpus some changes have been
necessitated or suggested by the dkcovery of a new fragment, published by
Capps in Hesperia 12 (1943), pp. i ff. (with plates), and the transcription given
below embodies these alterations, and a few more, taken from squeezes.
The extant remains consist of parts of thirteen columns; these were pre-
ceded by two or three others now lost (col. vi and col. x are also missing)
the first extant column begins with part of the record for 473-472 B.c., and the
record goes down in a fragmentary form to 329-328 b.c. (in col. xiii). Under
each year were included, in an unvarying order, the archon’s name the names ;
’ Athen.247 b-c. vi. * See Kock, op. cit. ii,

p. 542. ’ Athen. viii. 358 d.
663 c. It is uncertain whether the title dij/iijrpioj ^ tPiAeVaipor combines those of

Id. xiv.
the hvo versions. s Id. x.
429 e.
373 c Harpokr. s.v. Spov. The remark of Atlienaeus (374 b) that Anaxandrides
‘ Id. ix.
;
destroyed his unsuccessful plays instead of revising them implies that revision was a common
practice. 7 /.G. ii*. 2323a.
® 7
I.G. 2323. (Also Misogynes of Menander, early second century.)
ii .
* See above, pp. rg f.

.

of the victorious tribe in the boys’ dithyrambic contest and of its choregos (but
not the name of the poet) ; next, those of the victorious tribe and choregos in
the men’s contest; then the names of the victorious choregos and poet in
comedy; and finally the same for tragedy —
each year until 450-
ii lines for
449 B.C., when the name of the victorious tragic actor was added, making 12
lines. Cols, i and ii each consisted of 140 lines, cols, iii to ix of 141. (Capps’s cal-
culations in Hesperia, loc. cit., are virtually decisive.) In the year 406-405
some disturbance was caused by the introduction of synchoregia, necessitating
but if Capps’s calculation (ibid., p. 8) is right, as
2 lines extra for that year;
itseems to be (see above, p. 87), this expedient was not carried beyond that
year. Most of the catalogue appears to have been inscribed by the same hand,
very soon after 346 b.c. on the attribution of the later fragments to the same
;
or different hands the experts are not agreed. Col. xi seems to have contained
1 53 lines, by means of crowding in the lower part of the column, while in the
lower part of col. xii the lines were placed at longer intervals. The record
probably ended at or before the time of the institution of the agonothetes
(about 316 B.C.).
The question of the date of the beginning of the record is bound up with the
problem of the heading. So far as this is preserved it runs over the top of cols,
ito iv, and reads (with undoubted restorations) [nPn]TON KHMOI HZAN
T[01 AlONYZJHI TPArniAOl A[. .
It seems possible that we have here part of a relative clause such as o^’
oiJ or ip' oS n'pwToi' Kwfioi ijaav rw Atovvou), followed by the beginning of
a main clause, which Capps conjectures to have run rpaywSol StipoTeXeis . . .
dy£uvi<javTej iv aorei oiSe veviKijKamv (Sr/fioreXets being supported, as the

appellation of the Dionysia, by the oracle in Dem, Meid. 53; cf. Thuc. ii. 15,
etc.). The difficulty of this is that the inscription contains so much more than
the names of victorious tragic poets, and Capps’s solution does not seem at all
certain. As regards the first part of the heading, up to about 18 letters are
needed if there were two lost columns, or up to about 27 if there were three.
It is possible, moreover, that the first part was not a relative clause at all,
but something like i-nl apôvros tTpanov Kuipoi âav rw Aiovvaw, continuing
. . .
rpaywSoi Si ini . . . KupitpSol Si ini TeXealvov (487—6 B.C.), following a chrono-

logical order. This would be possible, whether Kuipoi referred to the festival
as a whole (as instituted by the state), as is commonly assumed, or (as has
been more recently urged) specifically to dithyrambs. Marx, Kirchner, and
others believe that Kwpos was specially applied to the dvSpaiv, on the
strength of (l) Pindar, Pylh, v. 22 SiSeâi rovSe kco/iov dvipeuv (but dviptvv
is here explicitly mentioned), and (2) the Law of Euegoros in Dem. Meid. 10
Tory ev derret Atowmois i) nopTrij Kal oi natSes Kai 6 Kutpos Kal ol KwpwSol Koi 01
rpaywSoi, where, Kwpos — x°P°'^ dvSpwv, the order is that of this inscription.
if
The contest of men’s choruses may have been the only ‘event’ of the festival
at first, and so have been called by the more general name of Kwpos, but when
the boys’ choruses were added, though they were distinctly spoken of as oi
wafSey, they may have been popularly included with the men’s choruses under
;
APPENDIX TO CHAPTER II 103
the name (The lawgiver Euegoros is supposed to have reverted to the

KS/ioi.
original use of KtSpoy =
x'opo* avSptov but this is not very convincing, and many
;
scholars suppose that after Kal ol natSes in the law the words koi ol avSpcs
may have dropped out.')
But if Kwpoi means dithyrambs generally, or men’s choruses, then it might
be argued, the record must have gone back to about 509 b.c., since the
Parian Marble (ep. 46) assigns to the archonship of Lysagoras (otherwise un-
known) in a year which is either 510-509 or 509-508 b.c. the first contests of
xopol avSpwv, in which the victor was Hypodikos of Chalkis. (Some scholars
suppose that the composer or stone-mason had mistakenly written Lysagoras
for Isagoras, who was archon in 508-507 b.c., the year of the reforms of Kleis-
tlienes; there seems no justification for this. See Cadoux in J.H.S. 68 (1948),
p. 1 13.) But a record going back to that time would hardly fill three columns
unless it began with some preliminary matter. The column next before the ex-
tant col. i would have included 6 lines of the year 473-472 at the foot, and
2 lines of 486-485 at the head. The column before that would have contained,
at the foot, 9 lines of 486-485, and 1 1 lines of 487-486 —
the year in which con-
tests in comedy were probably introduced. Capps^ and Wilhelm reconstruct
the whole column so as to make it begin in 502-1 or thereabouts, supposing

that the festival was reorganized and tlie choregic system introduced at that
time, and it is perhaps more probable that tliis was the beginning of the
record titan that there was another column to the left, going back to about
509 and only partly filled. If so, the contests before 502-501 b.c. would have
been held under some less democratic system than that initiated in 502-1.
But the dates of the introduction of the boys’ contest and the competition in
tragedy remain unknown, and without fresh information there can be no
certainty as to the date when the record began.
There is a difference of opinion as to the relation of this inscription to the
work of Aristode entided NiKai dwi’vmaKal aariKal Kal ArjvaiKat. (So the
tide is given by Hesychius Milesius. In Diog. Laert. v. 26 it appears as NiKai
AiovvmaKal a', i.e. a single book.) But as we have no knowledge of diis work
except the title, the problem is insoluble.’ On the whole, the balance of prob-
ability is against connecting the two. The inscription in its original form
(without the later additions) seems to have been compiled about 346 B.c. or
within a few years of that date, and it must, of course, have been copied from
official records in Athens but it seems certain that Aristotle was not in Athens,
;
' Cf. I.G. 3133, and the commentary, perhaps unduly sceptical.
ii^.
* See especially Hesperia 12
(1943), p. 10.
’ See especially on one side Reisch in R.E. v, cols.
398 ff., and Zotschr. iisl. Gym. 58 (1907),
312 ff.; against, Korte, Class. Philo!, i (1906), pp. 391 ff. (with whom the view expressed
in tlie text is most in agreement), and Oellacher, Wiener Slud. 38 (1916), pp. 81 ff. There
is a good discussion in Flickinger, Greek Theater, ch. ix. There seems to be more probability
that the victors’lists, I.G. ii*. 2325, were based on Aristotle’s NiKai, but this also is no more
than conjecture. Other important contributions to the discussion of the inscriptions are those
of Wilamowitz in Gott. gel. Am. 1906, pp. 617 ff.; Korte, Rh. Mas. 60 (1905), pp. 425-47;
Jachmann, de Arislolelis didascaliis and Wilhelm’s masterly survey of the whole field in his
U.Z>.A. is as indispensable as ever.
at least not forany length of time, in the years 348-334 b.c. (Whether or not
the inscription in any 'vvay connected with the activities ofLycurgus in regard
is
to the drama can only be conjectured.) The inscription itself reads like a
transcript of an official record. It may have been continued down to the in-
stitutionof an agonothetes (about 316).
Reisch thinks that the rvall or walls on which the record must have been
inscribed may have been a temple-like structure in the eastern parodos of the
theatre of Dionysus, erected as part of the Lycurgean reconstruction. Against
thisis the fact to which Kirchner calls attention in LG. ii. 2*, p. 659, that all
the fragments, except one of the latest, were found on the northern slope of
the Acropolis; it is unlikely that the whole structure, or all its fragments,
should have been transferred from south to north, and it seems more likely that
the monument was originally placed in or near the Agora, perhaps among
other records compiled by order of the archons and kept in their custody.
LG. iiA 2318 [

Fasti’)
The heading so far as extant ran (in a larger script) over the first four
extant columns: viz. ]T )N KHMOI HSAN T[ni AIONYSjni TPArni-
AOI A[
Col. i CoL ii Col, Hi
[473-47^1 [460-455] [448-447]

_
77ai*5 to»'t[^ at‘$p&v a>]r Aapmp: tX^P"^^
ilfayi'T)9 <St 5 aaK€V K\€aiV€T[os £oiô]»fA'fj5 eStSacKcv
rpay<inZwv 'ôKptrfjs *Hp]aKX€CBTis
JlfpikXris Xoâp <X^PV
: ©apfpiajT txopijyn [*£774 Ttnapxlôv] [447-448]
[Tiri Aapip-or] [ 47 ^ 47 '] [rpoycutSdiM]

1 *£[p«;^0J7i? avBpwv
, .9. . .
.J fh!BaaK€v B{to[v €XOp’^€l
['Enl 0;A]o»fA/oiff [459-458] KtJp[a)tBu}V
[ Oivjljts 7TOv5tl>»* ;ivS[

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* avhpwv Tpo[ya>tSd)t'
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EvpvK\€iBij7 cxopijyet ^[oKptT^S
[/7oAu^pat7/iai]f' fS»3oo’ Ev<^p6vios fBiBa<TK€ *£fr[i KoAAtfidxov
[*£771 npaii€pYo]v [471-470] rpayajiBaiv
7ra]tSa)v TiîBva: fX°PV
Sf\’OK)>trjs
AiaxvXo^ (BiSaoKtv
drSp] tyi' ’Siri 'APpaims [#jS-457]
«x]op^ ’£pc;^ff 7jis TraiStov
Xapia^ AypvXijz ^xop"^
ylcoiTir at’Bpwv
Aeiv6<rrpaTO^ ^xopf^y
KOJfiiOlBwV
[’£771 [470-4^9]
[’£77* /Ivat/xa^tSou] [445~444\
[’£7Tt [457-458]
APPENDIX TO CHAPTER 11 105
Col. iv CoL V Col. vi {missing)
[436-435] [4^4~4*3] [*^Trt KaXXiov] [412-411]

*I<T 0 KpdTTj [9 ^xopijyei
*£*pfiiTr?TO? [c 5 /Sao#c£v
Tpaya>t 8 [wv ,
NlKOivAl
*Iojiu)v €\hiBaaK€v
U1T 0 K]pl[r7 ?
;ii*Ttoxt'Sou] [435-434!
[‘Etti )in€tinOv] [423-422]
[*Em Bcottojittov] [ 411-410]
IIata[vi txop'jy
Kdv6ap]os cSt[6 aa»fo*
Tpay}tt)i 8 c5 u
[’jErrJ Kpdr^Tos] [434-433! !^ TTaiaweps*:
M(]v€Kpd.rr}s c 8 [t 8 a<T#fC
^]oKpirqs Afmv[ta]KO?
*E7r]l MXâ/otf [422-42/]
*l7rrTo 9 o}vrl^ sratâtv
Aplorapyo^ AcKCi
Aiai^l^ dvSpoju [*Em râvKinnov]
Arjpoad^S €XopijY€i
K]<op.<iitZ<^v
<xo!pvy
[EvfToAtff € 5 /5 affK<v]
[*jEiTt
[433-432]
Col. vii Col. viii Col. ix
[’Etrl MUiovos] [40S-400]
[’EttI XoAAiou] [377-376]

[*En-i AdxriTOs] -399!
[ 400
[TttI Uopyltovo^ [368

-38^]
Apa\pdjs €5[/Saw]<»' [ÊnX XapiQavhpov] [37^375]

XfTTOKpiTTis NtK6<rrp]aTos rpayaj(5 [w»' f tr
*Em AJptoTOffpoTOujy [399-398] ApiaroKpdrtjs âXT)pZ [fX°P [ fxop^'yfO
7TaiS]o}v £o4>OK\r}S ihtSaoKCV [/7av8]io[vt? ovSpwr]
Vxop VirOKplTTlt KX€avhpo[s [Afojpxor ^yIy f'x°Pvy^‘l
avhpwv] 'EttI OfoSoTOV [38^-386] KCoJpcOlBwV
]e: t’xopv iraAoiov SpSfta trpwTo[i' ...ynjTos[ eyopljyct
[#ca)/ia)tSc!jvj TTapehtSaâv 01 rpoyfcuiSot ^t'a]âvSpi[87]? eSiSatTKcv
Vxopv Ayrioxi? naihwv rpaJyaJtSdjy
[•..ca. 9... eSi8a]aKcv E^Y€ttjs iToAAij; . . .y4yT)s[ cxopTjyei
Aiyijly av8paii» EoJôkXiJs [eSiSaaKev
*Iaoos KoXXv: «x®PVyf^*’ V7T]0KpiT[-is
*Errl *T]mTo[8dpayros [375-
3741
[TttI Ev 6 vkX€ovs] [ 398-333]
1
io6 THE CITY DIONYSIA
I.G. ii*. 2318 {cont^
Column X is missing. The following fragments remain of cols,

xi-xiii. (The
lines in this transcript are not printed to correspond for these columns as
they are for cols, i-ix.)
Col. xi '.EttI] iVl[/fOKpdTOUS‘ [333-33!!]

.. lA: [cxopijyei [ 34 S- 347\ Kc#fpo 7r[is iralhcov
€B[{BaaK€ Atd(âv[ros AXai€vs cô
rpayaiiBwv K€Kponls [avSpwP
KX\€ 6 p,axo^ Axa[pv: exop^ *
Ov^Ttop [ €XO
AljoruSa/ias cStSacTKC Ka)[^]a)(S[d>v
u]7roK/>iTi7? ©[cttoAos Aionei[6 Tis. • . . ex®
’jBJttI 0 €/llffTOK[A€OUS [347-34S] UpoKXtihlrjs « 8 i 8 oa#cc]
7T[atSa)v Tpaya>^S[d)^’]
Aiovva\_ C^p[a? ex®

AllKPauaiTtf 6.vZpojv (13 lines missing)
(53 lines missing) [imoKplTrjS^ iVlK[6tTTpOT05j l 33 !!-33 ’'i
Apiaro^dvovs l33
‘-33 o)
€K K«p]a/i: ixop'Q l343-34 !>] Trai[ 8 tt>»'
e]hiBaoK€ iVi/fdcrrpaTO? .^[xJapi'^c^ff e'x®
VTTOKplTTJS ^]07^vd8a)pOJ
*
JnnoOcovrW aySp^tov
*Em £<aaiYô\vs [341^341] ApxiiTTTOS iittpai€\ys e'xo
Aiyrjls rraih^tav [KCU/iCPtSdiv]
EvBvhrjpiOS dli]ofte[<v‘S' o[?J ex®

*/tr7ro0«iTts] dvSpoJi' cS]i[ 8 aa>C€
eV Kot\Xijs <Xopij
[KWftOJlSwi'] Col. Arm
Evwjw: [€X®P^ [iccuôhSwv'] [ 330-3 SS]
[
cSiSacKc] ...... e]#f Kt[papif(i>v
[rpayoHSwv] ‘Dtopvy]"
i^tO^lAoS € 6 lS[aOK€V
[AlaTuSd/tay cSiSoaKe] rpaywthwv

[uTTOKpiTT)? iVeotTroAcfiorj ti\r]pan€vr}^ K-q<l>i(7 i
‘Xop]w«
Ti/ioJÂ^y e5t?o[a>fcv
Col. xii VTrojKpiTT^r
rp]aywiScoy ^ 34 '-34 ol ^SijvdSwpoy
JippeveiSrjT Uaiavi: ixo ’Etti Krjijxiuoiftwyros [329-308]
AoTV^dftas eSt5[aa/co» ^JjTmioJt/aivTiy 7rai[6®>»>
imoKpiTTfS WcrrLaJAdy
*.E]?rl 0 € 0 <f>pi(TTo[v [ 34
<>-
339] Unplaced Fragments
iTrlaAaidi* 6pati\a irplwrolv Insignificant, except part of k.
TrlapcStSaâji* oU avhpwv]
Trai[8 (uv J loXvdyparos f . . .exop^y^*
(80 lines missing) Ka;pw[tSait'
Notes on details of I.G. ii*. 2318

Col. i. iStSaaKe, 473-472 B.c. Cf. Argt. Aesch. Pers. eVi Mivcovos
Tpaywhwv Altrxuôs iviKa 0 ivet, Ulpaais, PXaVKta, Upop-TjOei.
J7oAu<^pd(Tftaj]r, suggested by Lipsius to fit the space.
Col. ii. Evtjipovios eSi'Saaxe, 459-458 B.C. Cf. I.G. ii*. 2325.
SevoKXijs A(j>i8vaTos, 459-458 B.C. Cf. Argt. Aesch. Agam. iSiSdxBt] to Spapa
€7t1 apxovros 0 iXok\€ov^^ OXupnidSt irri (i.e. dySoT^Kocrrffj CTCt TrpwTOS AlcrxyXos
Ayapepvovi, Xor]<j)6poK, Evp^vlai, IlpwreZ aaTvpiKw'
€X°PVy^’' 'SêvoxA'^jAlîSrofoj.
Col. iii. KaXXlas iSlSaaKcv. Cf. /.G. 2325, and Capps, Am. jf. Phil.20 (1899),
P- 396.
J{'a[pKtVoj. After Lipsius.
Col. Cf. LG.
iv. ’EpiuTTTTos. 2325, and Capps, Hesperia 12 (1943), p. 3.
This was his first victory (436-435 b.c.).
'Io(p&v, son of Sophocles. He was second in 429-428 b.c. (Argt. Eur. Hip-
polylus). Cf. schol. Ar. Frogs 73.
Col. V. Kdv9ap\os. cit., p. 116, and LG. ii^. 2325.
Cf. Oellacher, op.
Miw[icr]Kos-. Cf. I.G. 2325 ; O’Connor, pp. ii 7 f. He acted for Aeschylus.
ii^.
Arjpoadamjs. The general in the Peloponnesian War.

Col. vii. NiKoarpjaTos. Cf. iP. 2325; O’Connor, p. 122.
Col. viii. Apa\pu>s, son of Aristophanes, who after 388 b.c. brought out
his father’s KAikoXos and AlaXoaiKtuv (Argt. Ar. Plutus). Whether the pre-
sent entry refers to one of these or a play of his own remains uncertain. See
p. 85, n. 9.
So\<fioKXfis eSiSacTKev, 388-387 B.C., son of Ariston, the son of the great
Sophocles; began to exhibit in 397-396 B.c. (Diod. xiv. 53. 6). Cf also col. ix
(376-375 B-C.).
Col. ix. Avaâvhpi^rjs eStSaoKev, 376-375 B.c. His first victory at the Dionysia
was in 376 (Marm. Par., ep. 70).
b.c.
Col. xi. AarvSdpas iSiSaoKs, 348-347 B.C., i.e. Astydamas the younger,
whose Parthenopaeus and Lycaon were victorious in 341-340 B.c., LG. ii*. 2320.
Cf Capps, Am. J. Phil. 21 (1900), p. 41 ; Wilamowitz, Aischylos: Jnterpretationen,
p. 238. The name is supplied below (342-341 b.c.) by Capps, Inlrod. of Comedy
into the City Dionysia, p. 18, from LG. ii*. 2320. His plays in that year were
Achilles, Athamas, and Antigone.

OerraXos. Cf O’Connor, p. 103.
Col. xii. Cf LG. ii*. 2320; O’Connor, p. 123.
NiKocn-paros, 332-331 B.C.
Col. xiii. 330-329 B.C. Name completed on suggestion
Tipo]KXijs cSiSavKev,
of Korte. On distinctness ofTimokles tragic and T. comic poet, see T. Wagner,
Symbolarum capita quattuor; Korte, B.Ph.W. 1906, col. 903.
. . .
Unplaced. HoXodparos. Name suggested by Wilhelm, U.D.A., pp. 31, 33;

men from Cholargos of this name are known at the end of the fifth and at the
end of the fourth centuries.
Introduction to LG. ii*. 2319-23

These form part of a record probably engraved on the inner
inscriptions all
walls of a square building, on the Ionic epistyle or architrave of which the
Ibts of victors (LG. ii*. 2325) were inscribed in columns of 17 lines each. The
record was arranged in the order; (i) tragedies at Dionysia, (2) comedies at
Dionysia, (3) comedies at Lenaia, (4) tragedies )at Lenaia. (The allocation of
nos. 2321 and 2322 to ‘comedies at Lenaia’ is practically certain.) The record
of comedies at the Lenaia ended a very few years after 288 B.c., and it is not
likely that the record of tragedies at the Lenaia continued longer ; the whole
: ;
io8 THE CITY DIONYSIA

quadripartite record in its original form was probably inscribed at about this
date.
Reisch believes that the monument was the work of the agonothetes of
279-278 D.C., and that the dedicatory inscription survives in I.G. ii*. 2853
as restored by "Wilhelm [U.D.A., p. 90)
S]tupou [<P]pfa[p]ptor [Aioinj]ao}i d.[i’]€drjKev

. . . Kai ayu}]vodcT7)s [ytroperoy Ava^tKpdrrjS
But, in I.G. ii^. 2325, the list of victorious actors in comedy at the Lenaia
continues until far down in the tliird century D.c., and that of victorious comic
poets until 150 B.C., and as tliere is no ground for the suggestion, made by
Reisch, that their victories were won with old plays, it must be inferred that
eontests in comedy more than a century after the
at the Lenaia went on for
main didaskalic inscription was erected. The contests in comedy at the Dionysia
likewise continued, and the record of these (no. 2323) seems to have been made
up at intervals by different hands and with some gaps. It is generally assumed
tliat, so far as the record refers to the time before the AiSaaKoXiai of Aristotle
(Diog. Laert. v. 26), it was a copy of that svork, or at least followed it closely,
though omitting the part dealing rvith dithyramb, and that in continuing
Aristotle’s ^vork it followed the same plan. It includes the names of the actors
of each play and of the victorious actor, but does not mention the choregoi
the satyric play and tlic old plays which after certain dates the festival included
are recorded.
Since, on the lost fragment /.G. ii*. 2319, the record of comedies at the Lenaia
for the 280s is followed in the next column by records of tragedies for the
years 420-419 and 419-418, it follows that the list of tragic contests at the
Lenaia began relatively late. The date generally given is c. 432, but we do not
know’ the lengî of tlie columns or the position of this fragment in it. No sound
inference can be made from the list of tragic actors at the Lenaia (p. 1 15),
for,although we can date one ofKallippidcs’ five Lenaian victories to 419-418,
we do not know whether this is early or late in his career. Since there are some
tragic actors on the list for the Dionysia (which we can infer from I.G. ii'. 23 1 8 to
have begun in 450-449) who are not on the Lenaia list, contests at the Lenaia
presumably began some time after 449. However, the prev’ailing assumption
that tragedy at the Lenaia began c. 432, some ten years later than comedy
at the Lenaia, is not sufficiently supported by the evidenee.
I.G. iiL 2319—23 [AiSatjKoXiai)
JVb. 2320 (— ii. 973) TToi;] : TicmjSa/xar

twe: ©crraAtJ?
Tragedies ai Dionysia ujre; NeoTrroXêôs
AiTiyoi’Tjt VTTc; ^fli7ro5a)[/>o?
34 S-I [’.Etti Xwoiy^vovs aarvfit] Ejvdpcros 5[cu:] TevKpuit
wtJc ; A10i;i’o5£o/)o?
7raAai]ai /^€[o7rTdAeô? Ai;î}AAer u[Trc] : 0 «TTaAds-
.Eu/)[(7r]tSo[p . . . e]i d7r[€ : i^conroAe/toy
No. 2320 {cont.) we : AvaiKparlyjs

^âpcus] rptl rifXtamv KaXXiarpaTOS [Sev
AJpîAd;âjt ’/fio[vi
V 7T€l Nc07rT]dAc/tOJ
[vne: ABrjroBwpo^ wc; KaXXimTiB\r}s
Avyrji uffc: 0cTTa[Ads

w]o; KoAAiTTTTiShj] iviKa
vrro : iVcoTrrdAepos o'i#c[a 418-2 7 Êrr* A'\vTt^\w\vTOS S. .
341-0 ÊttI NiKofxdxov aarvpi

Ttpo/cA-^s* AvKovpYojL
No. 2321 (= ii. 974)
TToAatat ; AVo7rTdAefi[o? Comedies at Lenaia {?5th cent.)
’OpdoTiji EvpiniBo
j)Tat$
iTOT]i AarvBdpLas:
IJapBevonaicoi vttci 6rr[TaAdf
. . .y: AipioT 09i[anjs
ylu#fd]ow wrc ; NeoTnoXcluos . . .*08o/i]avT07rpda[j5cat?
Ttpo]KA'^? Scu: 0p{^(i)i wo. .e]nVa ,
uTTc:] OerraAd?
Êm. .o]y
Ol8/]7ro8l UTTC: N€ 07rT 6 X\€p. 0 S
Ev[dpj€TOS Tpl No. 2322 (=» ii.
974 b)
AlA»f]fC€[a)]vt we; 0€TTa[Adff
Comedies at Lenaia? (4th cent.)
. . . .]7jt uTre: NeotrTd[Ae/xos
wo: ©jerroAdy eViVa [SnJ:
340-33 eVt ©eoj^pdcTTOu <ra[TUpi we: KoAA
<PopKColi. */rpa#cAei[8»;? rpt' we
TTcXaiai ?M#c]daTp[aT09 6ed^tAo[s* ivôoAor?
Eu]pm^[Soo 2ôu]ai[/CQat? we
Ô'l- 1°
No. 2319 (5= ii. 972), Col. i
Jô. 2319 (= ii. 972), Col. a Comedies at Lenaia (3rd cent.)

Tragtdics at Lenaia
..re: ]aaTi8i?
etp we: Apifjroâjxos
we ]tj5 ffd/i: Avaawilopi^
wo [. . . . wVa we: Ayrji^dvris
420-13 *Eirl Al[oTi;îAou. . . wo: */ep]tun>poy ev/ica
Aya[^ffivovi S85-4 'EttI Ai]oTipov StfivXos
we *E<fi€]<iiai we ^ptord/iojôy
*Hpa[icAciS'i;s‘? 5eu: JidScopoy: 8eu: NeKpuii
0 T]O^[l we Apiorofiaxos
VTT€ AioBtopos rpi MaivopihfOii
VTTO wc Kij^tVioy
413-18 Apx[iov
ÊitI ô]n'i»c[/8]Tj? ri : TJotjTei
Tvpol Tt[ wc AlvTi^dvjij??
No. 2323 a (= ii. 974 c)
Comedies at Dionjfsia (4th cent.)
we; Alo/tAijTrtdSjcopofy
MevavBpos^ "TTefix *Hvi 6x<ot
we; KdXjXtrrnos rrpecr^vr
wo; KaAAt]Tr?roy vew: iviK *E[7tI rroAotai
*EttI I7oX4fi\(j}vo9 TToAoioi
0]jjoayptt»i Avdâv
TTOT] : <PlAt7r]7Ti8ljy iVfuOTtSl I
we: ôKjAijTrtdScupoy y
NiKoorlparos Sed p.
oa^rwcui
* A^*'cus, who was mentioned in a comedy of Hcrakleidcs, died

353 b.c. A comic poet
Theophilus u'as victor in 329 b.c. (but on this restoration Thcophilus would be an actor).
I 10 THE CITY DIONYSIA
No. 2323 a {cont.)
vTTi : K]aAXt:T7ror vtdnt

Afi€iv[]as Tpti AiroXeiirovaci
0VT05 €l^7}ôs T
vTT€l AaK^Xrjntodatpos St[ tc':
6ed^tAo]?(?) t/: IlayKpariaa

VTT€l , .tTrjtroj iVt[/cd<7T/)aToy ? Tre/*
[iUeVavSpof* TTC : /TJaiSuut i5[?rc
[V7T€l i5[7to : o'lVa

]
vrrol AaKX'rjmoBtapols [^^1 ]
[Jôte. Some lines which are too fragmentary to be informative are omitted.]
No. 2323 (= ii.

975) [ "lABTjvlaiwi
(some lines missing)
Comedies at Dionysta
thr[c
Col. t (c. 2I5-210 B.C.) Tipd0[for
'Epxtevoiv U7TC n[
[uTre NiKoBrjIfios KX€o[
[eVt ] OVK €y€viTO wf[
[cTri ?r]oAaiot *0Au[/i7r
^(OKevai îXij V7T[e
[ttoi; Aptoro^Kpdrr}^ Arre (some lines missing)

ujfff NiKoBrjfios
Cot. iii
[UTTC ]0S T]llp^ 6 tr^pa]T 0 S Av[rpovfi€vm

[ /7oi']^pat xmt [4]ioy€iTO)V
[vire ]
t7)s u?ro Kpdn)s mVo
[ *Efi-n]6p(i)i r88~i8y
[inre ]i;y *Em EvfXfidxov ovK ey[c>’CTO
j8;~i86
[wr« ]i)i *E7rl Btoô'ov OVK [cyeVero]
Ayv]oovvTi
[ 18S-18S
*EttI ZoitTvpov [TraAaifit
Col. (some omissions at beginning) Êpdrwv Mry[
] JlpoyaiioCvTt TTOTj Aal{}'rj7. .
[tJTTe ]a)v (some lines missing)

7r]pea^vTCpos red 184-183
[napaKara 6]i]Kei VTT€ *OvT^CTl^[o]?
[VTT€ ]fiaxos Kpirwv *Eif>€<Ttois

VTT€ EiOtfllXoS
]
[.
[UTTC ] Uapdfiovo? Navaywi
[ ]c^^Pois WC 'Oir/jaifAOS
[urT€ Ttfioorparos ^tXoiKetcoi
]
[VTTO c]itVa VTTC KaXXtoTparos
[*E7TI ou]>f iy^vero EwydvT)^ îXoSecnoTWt
['Em o]v TraAaiai viT€ 'EKaratos
[
Miaoy]di'€i Mei'dvSpou îX'qp.wv veto MtXTjaiai
[oti) Ji-t;? ^ScAâij v-ne ifpaTTjr
[utre ]o? VTTO 'Oinjoifios rv/[/fa
]
AaKTvXiioi 183-182
[,
[uTre ]o}V 'Em 'Epptoyevov ovk [eyejvcro
1 Gf. p. 85, n. 5.
* Webster, C.Q,., N.s. 2 (1952), p. 20.
3 Prof. S. Dow and Mr. C. A, P. Ruck have generously allowed us to anticipate their
forthcoming new edition of col. li. The change in the last line of col. iii is also theirs.
APPENDIX TO CHAPTER II III
CoL iii {cont.) wr[e

,, ]
182-181
[ujfo ^tVa]
167-166
'Em TtfirjaidvlaKro2 TrJoAaiat
[’JEttI
îXoarparols )inoKX€\io^€V€i Hoad ]
(some lines lost)
TTOTjl. . . .
(some lines omitted)

164-163
Euep[y€TOu ovk ^êro*
TTOr]
163-162
wc Ho
'IdXaos
*E]?rl *Epd(rT[ov ovk cyêro
O 162-X61
vnc
7\/io[ Evjepyerovvrt
'Em TIoa€i[Bu)viov ovk eyo'ero
[wrc
i6i-r6o
]
^WcjâTTOTtoiVTt
_ 'Em AiptorfoAa naXaiai
*iIpa#fA[
[wrt ]
to>]»» Ewt[p ”oiv
[
[vTTC ]Tjy Col. V
EvvaYttivi we KafieiJpixoT
vrre *E7r]iyc[v]ijj Avrpovpdip
wo we Koj5ciptXor
. .
7 * • * 0]^ irpaj[. wo NiKoXao^ diKa
CoL iv ^57- 15 ^
^roAaiai]
'Em Alv0etm)piou ovk eyeye[TO
rs^^S6
[ ]
'Em KQXXtarpdrov ovk cyêfro
TTOTj Movoirponm
[uTr<
^SS~^S^
]
At^2ac<tnôp[d
'Em MvijaiOeov naXaiSt
Adptov 0tXa07)yatcot ^tXi7T7Ti[8ov
[rae ]
no 0 iXokX^s Tpavpariat
IvpÔJl
{m€ ]o9
we KaXXiKpdrrjs
ilyvoovvTt
Xoipitov Amv KaTa\ptv 8 op 4 [vti)i
we Kpirohlrjpos we Adpwv
Biottos Aly»’ooui>n
NJtpdcd
we i7dj]v(Ko; we A dpwv
Ttp6^€vo7 EvyKpvTrrov[Ti
/Tap^fxovos Xoprjyovvri
w]€ M6vipios we KaAAi^paTTj?
AyaBoKXjfs * OpovDla[i
w]o XptToSTjô? eViVa
i6g~i68 we M]K[o]Aaoy
vno d'lKo}
*£r]iTl EvviKOV ow eyevcTo
i68-i6y
CoL vi
'Em •B’cvokAôuj ?raAai[a(
Moi’tpos 0a(7ftOTi ilf£v[av5pou vn}€ Aucripaxos
:to 7 TIapapovos tcBvtjkws »S QKoyra
we Adptov EaXapivtai^
Kptrwv AtroiXCii AT] 9 tatv
we Movifxos ^]iAa)i» «*tVa
BioTTos iloTjTer 143-242

we Adjxtov 'Em o] VK eyo'CTo
Adp 7njT0 s[ 142-242

we Ka . . . [’£’rri OVK eyêjro
'EîKp\drr)S. . . (The record ended c. 120 b c .)
.
* See Meritt, Htsperia 26 (1957), p. 74 ôr*

this change.
1 1I 1 I 1 1 1 1 I1 1
II2 THE CITY DIONYSIA

LG. 2325 = ii. 977 (Lists of victors)
(Some portions which are practically uninformative are omitted in this
transcript.)
Tragic Poets at Dionysia
Col. i Col. Hi
(about 10 lines missing) (7 lines missing)

485-484 îjaxu[Aor All! a?
Ev\irT}s I KapKt]vos A
472-4^1 IIo])ivj)pdan[oiv 373~37£ Aar\vhd.pas P 1
1
[- ?
N6&\i7 7tOS
T I 0eo]Se#CTaj P 1
46^468 API II .Mâ]pct;s II
Mâajros I ![-? . . . .ojjv 1
f. 460 Api<rr}(as
Tragic Actors at Dionysia
Coli Col. it (early 4th cent.)
VITOKpiTUV rp\<xytK&v (4 lines missing)

450-443 *HpaK\€t\ZTli Nil
NtK6paxQ\s eel
MvwIokos A]a[
[1] Aerji
AvBptov II Apl[cT
X\ox\î(rTparos I
M€V€K\pdrr]t 1 1 CoL Hi (late 4th cent.)

î<rx\vX[os
nXjtioSivrjs I
Po]pYoa8în)s 11
*E7Ta^p€lV(JJV 1
Comic Poets at Dionysia
CoL I CoL ii
[doriKal TTOi^Ttui'] TTjXeKXeijBijs I ! I
[KOI/ilKOJI'] > I
48^-486 [XtcoviBi;?]
438-437 ^€p[€KpdTf}S
I
43^435 *Epp\}mTos
427-426 Api[oTO<^dvvs
c. 480 MaYvrjjs A 425—424 .&uTr[oAts ] 1 1 1
I 423-422 Kd[v 9 apoj

XAAftft€]ra[f?]( 0pu[nXo?
415-414 Aplasias
459-458 £v^poV]tos I nXd\ywv
*EKâv]TiST}S 1 1 1 îXltovi^TjC
Kpari^vos P AvK[tS
Aiovêldijs 1 AcvIkwv
45^-450 Kpd]TI]S 1 1 vacat
447~448 iTaAAiaJff 1
1 1 1111 1 I1 1 1 1 1 I1 1
APPENDIX TO CHAPTER II
Comic Poets at Dionysta (cont.)
CoL in Col. vi
NlKOtf>WV (6 lines missing)

Oconofinlps
403-402 K[^]îao[8a)pos’ ....6]eoy 1
Iloo^nSiniros 1
CoU V Ill
c. 230 JIojaciîffTros 1 1 1
Saropltav I
AljTToAAoSojpo? I
NlKQpXOS 1
i
NiKopaxos
C, 2y3-2y8 P AplCTOKpaTTJ^ |[
1
Ja/i^|€vo; I
186-183 ylatnjylll
1
184-183 îX‘qp(i}\y
CoL vii
(6 lines missing)
S 55-154 Xa[tpiaiv
Ari
(5 lines missing)
no
0
Comic Actors at Dionysia
CoL it CoL iii
283-284 Api<n6p<x\x[os (8 lines missing)

Arjpyas I
c. 233 0tAoK]vSTjy 1 1
I ....5;r I
I
E^v?}o)p III
^plOTtOIV 1
]v 1
^tAco»'t3T;[y K^îJaoSwpoy 1
0tAoicA^[y Apio]Topiy7)^ II
iCaAAioTp[aToy Aiov\vatos 1
>11
(4 lines missing)
Comic Poets at Lenaia
CoL i CoL ii
/lijvQrK]a[i ‘noijlTwv c. 41 2-1 J7o[Aioxo?] I
[KO)fUK}wV Afe[Toyo'] 7jy i I
c, 440 5]€vo^tAoy I
0co[7ro/i7r]oy (
TijAcKAciSijy P i7oA[vC’7Ao]y 1111

Aptarofiitn)^ (
NlKO<f>{jUiV
Kpartvos \ 1
^7roA[Aoâ»»}i}y I
^cpeKpttTTjy 1
Al^[ctîay
’'Epfinmos 1 1 1
Ni^KOxap-qs?
4*9~'428 ^Ppvvixos 1
S€VO<f>UJV i
AfupTiAoy I
<PtAuAAtoy I
427-^426 Eu] 7roAty 1 1

dîA<{vtKoy I
]/
[K^^moScopoy] ( ?)
I 1 1 1 1 11 1

Comic Poets at Lenaia (font.)
Col. Hi Col. tv
c. 3/8-377 0iAiTr[Tror] | j
A'o/)jj[yor îo[vvaC\os\
/li aâ[v5pfl5Tjf 1 1 KA/[apxlof [
(PtAAa[ipoJf 1
jE'uôuAor P TJvplp^v] (
*Ej>irr7TCS |[ AXtcqvojp 1
/i]l‘Tnf>dl’Tj[^] PHI TifiOKXr}^ I
^T]vrJaifâ[)(os] I JTpoKXciBii^ I
iVavo[»K’pQT]ijj 111 321 or 320 ilf[/v]a»‘ 5 pof 1 [[

Ev<f>d\’rjh • Ci[*]Ai;;iwv 1 1
;iArftrll[ AJ?roAA^8<upo[ff
}lp\ttrT[ot^dlV III
îXirrrrlBtji ( |[
NiKdcrparosl^
KaXXidBijf I
after 311 ^/icoYnf |
AoKX 7j:TldBiii]fyOS? I
Cel. ri Col. nV Col. r »7
(11 lines missing) (9 lines missing) (9 lines missing)

.-I ;7o]Au[ *Eii}x]o'iBrjs I
. .]<>S{jp09 I Qifuo\r Mpi]cTwv 1 1
£0/i^'ST][r] II Novioi 1 1
/7of5at[T]i;ff I e<o5[ cHioi'veios 1
/il 00 K 0 [vp\hTj]s I ^ 33 - 13 ^ ^ya8o»cA'7ff 1
I /IpXtÂ^? 1
Oe<JScu[pof BiOTTOf I
*0]njCT( ill NiKoBt^fios 1
Tragic Poets at Lenaia
Col. Ill Co!. ;r

(2 lines missing) C. 330 I
II 4'iA[f]>'oy I
^roXAoSwJpor P Ala>«A7mdSi;f[
]ar I Kalpiot I
I Tt]fic5<rrpaT[os
K]paTi)l 1
c. 340 ^(rrvSJd/jay[
lSl[s
11 1 11 11 !11 1
APPENDIX TO CHAPTER II
Tragic Actors at Lenaia
inTOKpirwv rpayiKwv c. ^00 XaplBrjpos [

XatpcolrjpaTO^ I ^PtAimro? [
[Af€]v[cKp]aT7;? 1 <PuTIOff 1
ylC77T 6*]TJff I 1 Ev?roAc/io[s'

0/)acruô[uAoy] 1
MumW?]o? II AIpiOToSpr^/io?] 1
Mlpwv 1
NiKoorpc^TOs 1 1 KA]co[Safia]ff I
OeoSojpos i 1 1
’IiTTTapxos P
Apcivias I
Av]^pooBivT}5 1
iV(Eo]flToAr/ioy I
348-347 6 cTT]cAof||
11
Apiarlitov 1
qSi)? i
• •
BaKx[
jni Sr€fjt^[vXios
E[ ]r 1
S(i'wv I
Alp[tcrTo^]tt>v 1
A'apfes [
/7o[ Alm;i€[xT;y
TttoiXa[s
Îpxfor [ io[pYoaBanj^
/Tpa|io[r NtKWV 1
1 [
*l€pO}Lv\4jpw]v 111 Alpi(rroFi[Kos
<P.A[ rivppixo; [
iVi»c[ Ay^Twp 1
ap.[ &r]pap€v[7j^
KActToy [
CoL vi
*HpaK[ActTOf
r... A3 A^favS[poj
TTp KX€ 6 [Siopos KoAAikA^? 1 1
Aloxv[ôs Ejvp-ijpuyv 1
Aptpirq[cT09 *Jao]Kpdrt]S 1
’E7rQJLtc[lVC0V . . . .]in’Os 1
*EpOT[i(j)V ]os- I
A'jptclr ]oj 1
Col. vii Col. viii
/TafiîAo? t T^croy 1 1
XojaiSeos ’i^TrtVt^foy 1
1
IJoXdfcpiTO^ 1
Nadoajv I
Aplirrtov I
1 16 THE CITY DIONYSIA
Comic Actors at I^naia
Columns i and ii must have gone back to about 442 b c.
Cot, iii CoJ. w

^‘375 X'tiTjupor PI /7oAi>[KA^y?
1(
Ka]AAârpar[of
(8 lines missing) TToXvCvôlc
INI ITvOdpaToc I
Tlapîitov 1 KaXXlac 1 1
Avkojv ) I I
N[o]uat>f[pa7T7f J[i7/xTjrp]iof N
nirBcvc 1
ô]p[piwv *HpaKX€[Br]S i I
CoL V jpoy li
Apiorayopa^ .....] I
before 31 S I
KoAXimros i t i I
]rll
^
A[7]po7]Kpdrq5
JloKXijTrioSojpos p 1
0iX[d](rT4<l>avos I
/TjoAufUKToy I
rr[vppaX<vs 2^0 *£p/ioâiTOf 1

I
^T\oa^tii)v 1
ATj]p[o 4><!j]v I
s 86~sS3 */]cpwiupioff nil Col. vti

Aptcrofiaxoc 1 1
0iX[
A4pK€T0C 1 [ 0cp[
Ar)[fi
îAok[A'9s
Alpt<rTo»fpaTfls I
AvtoXvkos I
0iXo]i IBrjs 1
XtoKpdrrjs 1
Notes on LG, ii^ 2325

This record has been pieced together out of 41 marble fragments, nearly
all found on the south slope of the Acropolb, most of them written by the
same hand, but ^vith some later portions added by others. The record was
inscribed on the Ionic epistyles or architraves of the same building as carried
the didaskaliai, LG. iiK 2319-23, with 17 lines to each column. There is some
reason for thinking (with Reisch) that the building was tire votive offering
of an agonothetes in the year 279-278 b.c., though the record must have been
continued later. The order of the names is that of the individual poet’s or
actor’s first victory in his appropriate category. A number of dates are con-
firmed, or an approximate dating rendered possible, by entries in other in-
scriptions, particularly (for the later period) by those recording the Soteria of
Delphi and performances at Delos, (References are given by Kirchner.) Most
marginal dates are of this character, and should not be taken to refer to
a first victory at the festival in question.
;
Notes on details
Tragic poets at Dionysia
AioxvAos. First victory dated 485-484 b.c. by Marm. Par., ep. 50.
Son of the tragic poet Phrynichos (‘Suidas’, s.v.), whose name
TToAu^pao-ftcov.
will have appeared higher in the column. (Phrynichos’ only dated victory,
476, wth Themistocles as choregos, Plut. Them. 5.) One Dionysiac victory
known in 47 1 23 1 8, p. 104 here), third to Aeschylus and Aristias in
(I.G. iP.
467 AvKovpyeia rerpaXoyia. (Argt. Aesch. Septem).

NoBmiros. Mentioned Athen. viii. 344 c, and identified by Wilamowitz and
Wilhelm, U.D.A., p. 102, with Gnesippos.
MeVaros. This restoration was originally made by Capps (Am. J. Phil.
20 {1899), P- 40 i)j evidence of schoL Ar. Wasps 1502, but was
doubted by Wilhelm, U.D.A., pp. 102-3. since been revived by
Davison (C.R., n.s. 3 (1953), 144), Yorke (C.Q,., n.s. 4 (1954), 183 f.),
and Lesky (Hermes 82 (1954), p. 1), on the evidence of the new papyrus
fragment, P. 0>y. 2256, fr. 3, which seems clearly to refer to a Mesatos
competing with Aeschylus and Sophocles. (The date 463 seems very
likely ;
see p. 232, n. 3 below.)
AoTvSdpas. The difficulties about the two fourth-century poets of this name
have hardly reached a satisfactory solution. The relevant evidence is
that Diodorus, xiv. 43, says that an Astydamas produced his first play in
399-398 at the age of sb;ty, and that Marm. Par., ep. 71 gives a first vic-
tory to an Astydamas in 373-372. See, besides the references quoted on
p. 107, Reisch, Wien. Stud. 34 (1912), p. 338, n. i Snell, Gott. Nachr. 1966,
;
33-37; and, for a third-century descendant, p. 282 below.

0 £oSeKTas. Not only a tragedian, but a theorist of some note. See, for
example, Webster, Art and Literature in Fourth-century Athens, pp. 61 ff.
The epigram quoted by Steph. Byz. s.v. ^dcnjAi? gives him eight victories
one of these was presumably at the Lenaia.
Aj)apevs. His two victories were won with plays presented for him by
Dionysius (see p. 84, n. 7).
Avery fragmentary fourth column contains the beginnings of names which

may have been those of Aiantides, Homeros, and Dionysios, who were tragic
poets of the Alexandrian Pleiad.
Tragic actors at Diotysia
'HpaKXelSr]s.A victory in 447 (I.G. ii=. 2318). His first victory can be placed
in 449 (see above, pp. 72, 102).
MvwIokos. a victory in 422 (I.G. ii*. 2318).
The names in col. ii can be showTi to be early fourth-century. Hence 0 £[
is more likely to be 0 £[dSa)pos] than 0 £[TTaAdy]. (But see Snell, op. cit.,
21-25.)
ropyoodtvTjs. Painted by Apelles (Plin. JI.H. xxxv. 93).
1)8 THE CITY DIONVSIA
Comic poeLs at Dionysia
Mayi-Tjc. Cf. Anon, de Com. a' (p. 7 Kaibcl) aycot’iadftci-oc lUa;

eaxo’ ftScKa. (Scc also Di/A. Trag. Com.', 190, n. 2).
Ev^povioc. Scc l.G. ii*. 2318, col. ii (a victory- in 458).
Kparti-os. First victor)' perhaps 454, the year under which he appears as
clams in Jerome, but Plato comicus appears in the same year.
Kpdrrjs. Clams in Jerome, 451-450.
KaXXlas. cr. l.G. iP. 2318, col. iii (a victory in 446).
ylvcriTTros. (Cf. p. 1 2 1 .) Should fill tlic third or fourth space in col. ii, probably
the fourth, where Wilhelm, p. i lo, reports suitable traces.
eptKpaT7)j. The date comes from an emendation of Anon, de Com. a (p. 8
Kaibel) by Dobrcc vikS tVt OtoStopou (Otdrpov MS.).
'Epiusmos. Cf l.G. iP. 2318, col. iv (a victory in 435).
ÎptoToânjs. Victory probably won witli tlie Babylonians, 426. The long
controversy as between the rival readings /jp[toTo^n}y] and /lp[i<rropoTjs]
seems to have been finally settled in favour of tlie former. Scc p. 85, n. g.
EihoXio. \Vc have restored four victories at the Dionysia, since ‘Suidas’
gives him seven in all and the Lcnaia Ikt has three.
Kdidapos. Cf l.G. ii^ 2318, col. V (a sdetory in 422).
•Ppvnxos. First victory (which must have been at the Lcnaia) in 430-429,
Anon, de Com. a (p. 8 Kaibcl).
eifidiptas. A victory isith Kcjpaoral, 414 (Argt. Ar. Birds).
Niko4>wv. His AlSoji iV competed against Ar. Plutus in 389-388 (Argt. Pktus).
Kiji^taoSwpos. Cf Lysias xxi. 4 Arl 5 c EvkXcISov opgat-ros (403-402) Kwptp-
SoTs xopTjyCiv Kyj<f>woS<Iipcp (^Krj(l>tcroSdTtp MS.) c> Ikwv.
IJoaelSirmos. Cf. ‘Suidas’ S.v. rphto cret perd rd rcXcvrrjaai MeiniSpov SiSofar.
(Menander died in 292-291.)
Ptn-oXXdSwpos-. Of Carystos;
he ako won three Lenaian sictories.
0iXijpwi-. Philemon II, son of the elder Philemon; Sifakis, Studies, p. 29.
ôtiiKiS-rjs. Fourth at Lenaia in 285-284 {l.G. ii=. 2319).
0 jAijpcui’ (col. sd), Philemon III, last at Dionysia in 183 {l.G. ii-. 2323,
col. iii), where he is labelled iew{T(pos).
The contest in comedy at the DionysLi went on till about 120 B.C., cf
l.G. iP. 2323, col. \d (Reisch, Zeitsekr. cst. Gym. 58 (1907), p. 299).
Comic actors at Diorysia
Many of these names appear in the list of actors at the Lenaia and in the
inscriptions from Delos and Delphi.
Comic poets at Lenata

The beginning of tlie contest in comedy, both for poets and actors, is to be
placed in the period 445 to 440 b.c. See Reisch, ost. Gym. 58 (1907),
p. 308; Capps, A.j.P. 28 (1907), pp. 186 f
The sL\ names lost at the end of col. i must include those of .Aristophanes,
Philonides, and Archippos.
^vaiavSpiST}$. First victory at Dionysia in 376 [Mam. Par., ep. 70), another
there in 375 [LG. ii^ 2318). See pp. 105, 107.
MtvavSpos. The passage of Anon, de Com. (p. g Kaibel; p. 84, n. 5 here)
which refers to Menander’s first appearance is in fact corrupt, reading
itrl /IiokMovs (409-408 or 28&-285). îAokAeouj (322-321), which is
generally read, is Clinton’s emendation, resting on the Armenian version of
Eusebius which givesJsartdrtis' first victory' under that year. Jerome has
Menander primam fabulam cognomenlo opyrjv docens snperat under 321-320.

i (1906), pp. 313-28, argued for Jli-rtKAcou? (325-324),
Clark, Class. Philol.
for only in that year, not in 322-321, that Menander could have
it is
been anephebe. He is supported byDinsmoor [Archons ofAthens, pp. 41-42),

whose arguments seem conclusive. But we still have to allow for Eusebius,
and it seems most likely that he is referring to a Lenaian victory. We
suggest the following time table
342-341 . Bom [I.G. xiv. 1184; Dinsmoor prefers 343-342, but see Sealey,
C.R., N.s. 7 (1957). PP- 195-7)-
325-324. First production.
322-321 or 321-320. First Lenaian victory with ’Opyij.
317-316. Lenaian victory with /I uctkoAoj (Hy-pothesis).
316-315. First City \ictory (Marm. Par., ep. B. 14).
292-291. Death [I.G. xiv. 1184; Dinsmoor, op. cit., pp. 39 ff.).
He won eight victories in all, witli 105 plays (Apollodorus 244 F 43).
Wilhelm’s statement [U.D.A., p. 131) that he w-on three Lenaian vic-
tories seems to be a slip. We now know of two, and this list shows that
there cannot have been more than four, which leaves four to six for
the Diony'sia.
0 iX'qpwv.First victory at the Dionysia, 328-327 [Mam. Par., ep. B. 7)
a Lenaia victory in 307-306 [I.G. ii^ 3073; see p. 120).
Cf. I.G. ii*. 2323a for a victory' at the Diony'sia in 31 1 in the
^lAuTTri'STjj. ;
same year HiKoarparos was second. Philippides also had an important

public career, spending much of his time at tlie court of Lysimachus
(Plut. Demetrius 12; I.G. ii=. 657 (283-282)).
Tragic poets at Lenaia
AnoXAdScopos. Of Tarsus, to whom ‘Suidas’ ascribes six tragedies.

Alx^'or- The younger, from Sy'racuse (‘Suidas’ s.v.).
Tragic actors at Lenaia (sec also Snell, Gdtt. Pfachr. 1966, 1 1-13)
Some of these names appear in the list of actors at tlie Dionysia.
KaXXimrlSrjs. Victorious at the Lenaia in 419-418, I.G. iP. 2319.

AlpioToSTj/tor. Stillprominent in 348, Acschin. ii. 15.
OcdSaipos. Gave 70 Aeginctan draclimae (= 100 Attic) to tlie restoration
of tlic DeJpliic temple in 360 (Tod, G.H.I. ii, 140, wrongly dated 363).
'Imrapxos. Presumably the lover of Neaera (Dem. lix. 26).
NeoirroAeiios. A Dionysia win in 341 (LG. ii^. 2320).
GerraAos. Dionysia ivins in 347 and 340 (LG. ii^ 2318).
'hpofivjjpwv. Possibly a Lenaia ^vin in 307-306 (L.G. ii^. 3073 ; see below).
'HpaKAeiTos. Of Argos mentioned
;
in records of Soteria for 256 and 252.
Comic actors at Lenaia
0 iA:qfiwv. Acted for Anaxandrides (Aristot. Rhet. iii. I4I3'’25).

Ilapiiivcov. Cf. Tim. 157 {345 b c .) (p. 234, n.
Aeschin. in . i), and p. 171.
KdXXtirrros. One win in 307-306 (LG. ii^ 3073, see below) ;
won at Dionysia
312, appeared there 311 (LG. iP. 2323a),
' lepiovvjxos. One win in 286-285 (I.G. ii^. 2319)"
I.G. ii^. 3073 (Monument ofXenokles)

(Wilhelm, U.D.A., pp. aog ff. ; Capps, A.J.A. 4 ( 1900), pp. 76 f. ; Reisch, de Mus. Gr.
Cert., p. 83 ; B.C.H. 3 {1879), pl- 5 bis)
~
d 8 ij[ios e[xop4yet eir’ .Mva^tjKpdrous apyovror 3 ^ 7 3 ^^
a.yoivodi[rqs iEcvokA^s ^fiVtSos 27î)TTto?
TTOirjrrjs rpaywiSots ivtKa [âvdtrrpaTo]? 'HpaKketSov HXtKapvaaaevs
UTTOKptTTjr rpayaiiSote ei'tK[a ’lepofu^/jiwjv EvavoptSov KvSaBrjvaiOJS
TTOtrjTTjs Km/rmiPjorj eviX/ea îXt^[i<o]v ^dficovoe Ato[ieieve
irroKpiT^s KlwfiujtSots eviKa KdAXm'jTToe KaAXtov Eowievs.
The monument set up by Xenokles as agonothetes was about 14 feet high,

and the on which the inscription was carved was enclosed in a decora-
tablet
tive architectural setting. That the monument refers to the Lenaia, not the
Dionysia, is proved by the fact that tragedy is recorded before comedy (con-
trast the order of I.G. iP. 2318). Phanostratos is praised in a Delian decree
(LG. xi. 4. 528): Sifakis, Studies, p. 29.
LG. xiv. 1097 109^ (Roman fragments)

The by Dittmer, The Fragments
texts here transcribed follow the restoration
of Athenian Comic Didaskaliai found Rome, who
assumes a line of 74 letters.
in
See also Moretti, Athenaeum 38 (i960), pp. 263-82 with plates.
1098 a
(The poet first referred to is Telekleides, and the extant portion must have
been preceded by an enumeration of his three Dionysiac and five Lenaian
victories.)
Scvrepos) €j* a[ffT£i
] Evp.e(ywi
'E]nlEiS[
Kwp<MSi]at A^vaia [
APPENDIX TO CHAPTER II lai
STjippovs av[£SiSaf€
] rirapTos [ei' aarei
'Ha\t6hois crcotco[t
SrparlidliTais [name of poet

ETTl Se TTpl VtK1j]v KOI eTTt TO Tp[tTa KOt Ta TCTapra OVK iJAO c
] SevotjiiXos [
cm ra r^pCra Kal cm -ra [rirapra oCk tJASc.
Notes
/. I. Telekleides’ first won about 441-440 B.c. (I.G.
Lenaian victory was
2325) . He is identified (for this inscription)' by the titles Sreppot and 'HaloSoi.
1. 3. There is no archon
in this period beginning with JSuS[ { 1 3) Kort . ;
suggests that this a mistake for EvOvS-qpov (432-431 b.c.) Capps proposes
is :
an alternative restoration ’Sri Al]i/(ci58 [ous (archon 433-432 b.c.).

1 4. Koj/itutStg. in this and the next fragment implies that when this record
.
was compiled the name of the particular play (which failed to get the first
prize) was lost.
1 7. acataii, if correct, probably implies that there was a copy in the
.
Alexandrian Library. Perhaps read aa)t[?cTat?
1097
(The first poet referred to in this fragment is Kallias, one of whose two
Dionysiac victories was in 446.)
'EJttI AvtioxISov KvîcXwtpiv 454

]s (coJficuiSiai d iv a[crTct
jfOjJpcoiSiai ini riptoKAe[ouj 440
e]m QeoSwpov ZaTvpois [ 437
5 'Ynejpois KTiSrjpots ini nv\8oSwpov 43I
5aTpdx]ois E ini AvrioxlSov [ 434
A]vainnos ivCna pev [cv aoTci ini c. 440
ini rXavKi]Tmov Karax^vais [ 403
BdK;^;]aiS’ aSrai povai <jeoi[i.0VTai
10 c]m AtoipdvTov Atovvlocvi 334

B iv dtrjrct cm NtKOTiXov\s 3po
drcStSa^c ini Avmpdxov[ 433
r iv do-Tc]i ini MopvxtSov [ 439
CTTl 2lTpaTOKAco]uS Ko\€0<l>6pOls[ 4^4
Notes
I. 9. Some fragments of Lysippos’ BaKxai
(the only play of which the Alexan-
drians had a copy) are preserved.
II. 10-14. Probably (as Capps and Dittmer propose) a record of Aristomenes,
who must have had a long career; but the case is not perfectly made out.
K
1098
Begins with a record of the plays of Anaxandrides ; the preceding portion

must have recorded his seven Dionysiac victories (the first in 376 b.c. accord-
ing to Mam. Par.) and three Lenaian. It begins with the plays placed
second.
] enl Xicovo^ Mai[vofi€viOt 364

]s Aiovvaou yovaC[s
]
A^mpaKiuiTiSt F iv [d<rT«
eiTi /tudiorjrpdTou 'Epeydet €[m 368
5 'HpaK^Xet £771 Xapiffdv8po[u 375 {or ’AxtA]A£C)
£771 'j77]77oSdp.aVTOS ’lot €[77t 374

]
’0SuOCT£r £771 K7)^lOo8[dTOU 357 (or l?7jîao8[<opou
3 ^5 )
]
£771 AnoXXoBwpov ily[poiKois 349
8ia .Mva]fi'7777ou Arjvaia £77[i (or 8m dta>]fi7r770u)
10 Trjoitot £771 NaV(iiyevov[s 3S7

S] ev aarei itrl Xiaivos [ 364
<PappaKo/iai>]r£i £ 77 ! AyaOoKXêovs 356
] eirl 0ouS^fiov 35^
]ov Avrepcon £[771
'5 "Ej>nmos e]vtKa zl^vai[a

jt iv dc7T[£l
]l £77[l
£7ri] ApîoToS-qpiov 351
1. 16. Dittmer (p. 9) emends the to F, but the reading is clear on

first letter
Moretti’s plate. This may be a case where the Lenaia victories preceded those
at the Dionysia.
The whole inscription from which these three fragments come contained
the lists of plays produced by each poet in order of the places awarded to each
play, and under each rank (firsts, seconds, etc.), giving the Dionysian placings
before the Lenaian. It is conjectured that ‘the record probably extended back
to the introduction of Comedy into each of the two festivals, about 486 b.c.
for the City Dionysia and 442 b.c. for the Lenaia’ (Dittmer, p. 7). It was
probably derived from Alexandrian sources, e.g. from Callimachus’ mVaf kuI
avaypa^ twv Kara xporovs Kal dir’ dpx^S •yevofievctiv SiSaaKoXwv, and beyond
that from the official dtSao-zcoAiat at Athens. Korte and others think that the
great size of the inscription suggests that it occupied a wall in some great
library in Rome, where the fragments were found.
For a similar inscription, dealing with actors’ victories, and previously
assigned to Rhodes (I.G. xii. i. 125), see Wilhelm, U.D.A., pp. 205 ff., and
Moretti, Athenaeum 38 (i960), pp. 263 ff., who proves its Roman origin and
adds new fragments (Snell, op. cit., 13-21, has some speculative restorations).
Note also P. Tebt. 695, part of a list of tragedians (late third century B.c.).
Inscription in Hesperia 7 {^1938), pp. 116-18
Two fragments discovered in the course of the excavations of the Agora

are published by B. D. Meritt.
1. 14
Fragm. A. [ ]?
8[«;r]E
c- 5
[ rpl
[tiri ,MA]Kt)3 taSou apxov vacat
[ayoiVôOeTjjS NiKOKXrjs
[iroAJacat Kcup-coiSlai
[ifttAJA/ay ivtKa
lMiacL\vdpumois
[dtO£T(c]oupi8';j? Sell
[ 0 dafi\aTi MevdvBp
5
[ ]ff rpl Urtaxe 0 tX
[oarupoi^s rraXaiQcs
6
[ ]of iviK 'Eppei
[ ] 8eu jirXavlT
[ rpt] Ma0TjT[afs’ (?)
[iroAatat Tpa]y[cot8(a(
C.9
Fragm. B. [ rpl] <PuA[
C.8
[ Mevj^Kp
[•TTaAaiat T/>]ayuji8tat
t eJvtKa
r.8
[ II]o<j>o
[..y. 8]ev' ’JfiXov.
[ rpl Oi]SlTr[oSi
The inscription recorded the actors who were placed first, second, and
third in each of the contests in old comedy, old satyr play, and old tragedy,
and fragment A from fine 4 to the end is for the year in which Alcibiades was
archon, viz. 255-254 b.g. ITie date to which fragment B refers is imdetermin-
able it may be earlier or later. Meritt argues that the inscription refers to
;
the Lenaia, but see above, p. 41, n. ii.
Notes
A, ll. 1-3. Why should not these refer to the old tragedies of the year 256-
255 B.C.?
;

KcMlas. 2325 (p. 1 16 above). His first victory was about 265 B.c.
Miaavdpciirois. Capps (Hesperia ii (1942), pp. 325 ff.) stoutly defends this
against Korte’s proposal of îXavOpamoi (Hermes 73 (1938), pp. 123 ff.).
There can be no certainty, but Capps makes out a strong case.

Hrcoxe. Probably = Hruxet = Hrtoxrj. (See Kock, C.A.F. ii,
pp. 495 f.)
'EppLft. The only known Hermes was a satyr play by Astydamas.
The interest of the fragments is that they prove that instead of a performance
of a single old play of each kind, there was at this date a contest between the
old plays of each kind (or their actors), and that satyric plays were treated in
the same way as tragedies and comedies. Korte connects this with the collection
of old plays by the Alexandrians and the love of satyric plays at Alexandria,
though perhaps he overstates the case.
Chronological Summary
City Dionysia
Contest of tragic poets. Thespis c.

534 b.c. Record of LG. iP. 2318 (Fasti)
began ?c. 501 b.c.

Contest of comic poets. Probably 486 b.c. (‘Suid.’ s.v. Chionides). Continued at
least to c. 120 B.c. (I.G. ii*. 2323).
Contest of tragic actors, c. 449 B.C. (I.G. ii*. 2325 Wilhelm, U.D.A.,
; p. 9. List
begins with Herakleides).
Contest of comicactors. Began between 329 and 312 b.c. (I.G. ii*. 2318 proves
that there was no contest in 329, and I.G. ii*. 2323a that there was a
contest in 312 b.c.). Continued at least to about 120 b.c. (I.G. ii*. 2323).
Performance of old tragedies. In 386 b.c. first performance (I.G. ii*. 2318,
TTapeSlSaiav must imply that it was an ‘extra’) in 341-339 b.c. (I.G. ii*. ;
2320) it is introduced by TroAoto in each year, as if it was part of the regular

programme.
Performance of old comedies. In 339 b.c. first performance (I.G. ii*. 2318,
-rrapeSlSaiav) probably regular in 31 1 b.c. (n-oAata, I.G. ii*. 2323 a) ; last
record 154 b.c. (I.G. ii*. 2323).
JVbte. In the victors’ list I.G. ii*. 2325 there is no mention of prizes
given to trapc or comic actors who brought out old plays, nor in the
Fasti or didaskaliai, but in the inscription published in Hesperia 7 (1938),
pp. 1 1 6-1 8, there is a record of contests of old comedies, old satyric
plays, and old tragedies with a prize for the successful actor in each
kind, in the year 254 b.c., but it is not certain that the reference is to the
Dionysia.
Satyric plays. Not recorded in Fasti (I.G. ii*. 2318), but in the didaskaliai for
341-339 (LG. ii*. 2320) the list for each year begins with a single
satyric play.
For competitions of old satyric plays in 254 b.c. see note above. They
are evidently at this time placed on a level with tragedies and comedies.
Dithyrambs. Inscriptional record in Fasti begins in 473-472 b.c. Date of

earliest contests uncertain. Record in Fasti goes do\s'n to 328 b.c. Per-
formances probably continued to a late date (see p. 74).
Lenaia
Contestof tragic poets, c. 440-430 b.c. Proved by tragic actors’ list in LG.
ii'.2325. List of victorious poets goes down to about 320 b.c. ; but as the
tragic actors’ list (so far as extant) goes down to end of third century’ b.c.,
the contest of poets doubtless also continued.
Contest of comic poets, c. 442-440 b.c. {I.G. ii*. 2325. List of poets headed
by Xenophilus and Teleklcides, whose first city victory' was c. 445 b.c.).
The extant didaskalic record {I.G. ii*. 2319) terminated soon after 284 b.c.,
being immediately succeeded by a column recording tragedies at the
Lenaia, but the list of victorious comic poets continues beyond 150 b.c.
{I.G. ii*. 2325).
Contest of tragic actors. Began 440-430 b.c. {I.G. ii*. 2325). Extant victors’
list goes do;vn to end of third century B.c.
Contestof comic actors. Began c. 442 b.c. Extant victors’ list in I.G. ii*. 2325
begins about 375 b.c. but \vas preceded by two other columns, which
would bring to about 442 b.c. Extant record goes down to end of
it up
third century B.C.,but contests probably continued until after 1 50 b.c.
fote. A fifth-century date is confirmed if a statement in the Argument
to Aristophanes’ Peace, which runs irrcKplvaro MnoMoScopos ijnVa 'Epp^v
emended iviKo. 'Epptuv 6 vrroKptrqs, and refers (as
AoioKfidTTjr, is rightly
suggested by Korte, Ph. Mus. 52 (1897), p. 172) not to the extant Peace,
which was produced at the City Dionysia in 421 b.c., but to the second
play of tire same name composed by Aristophanes. See O’Connor,
pp. 48, 95, and, against Rose’s emendation, Russo, Aristofane, pp. 227 f.
No record, and no room for satyric play in I.G. ii*. 2319 (e. 432
Satyric plays.
B.c. onwards).
Old tragedies. No record.
Old comedies. No record. (In 284 n.c. the plays •were all new.)
DitJyramhs. I.G. 3779 records a dithyTambic victory at the Lenaia
ii*. won
by a cith.arodc early in tlic tliird century' n.c. (see p. 42).
:
Ill
THE ACTORS
A. Tertninologf, etc.
I . The word regularly used to denote an actor in tragedy or comedy

from the last quarter of the fifth century b.c. onwards was v-noKpirqs.
It first occurs in literature in Aristophanes, Wasps 1279 (422 b.c.),' and if

the inscriptional record commonly called Fasti {LG. ii^. 2318), though
itself engraved in the middle of the fourth century, transcribes accurately
the archons’ records of the fifth, the word was used from the first of the
victorious protagonist in the actors’ contest in tragedy, instituted about
449
The connected verb vnoKplvofiai is used in epic poetry in two senses
(i) ‘interpret’ omens or dreams;’ (2) ‘answer’ a question;'* and both
meanings are found later,’ the second mainly in Herodotus. The meaning
to ‘act’ a play or a particular part is first found in literature in the middle
of the fourth century but no doubt went back as far as the use of
vrroKpiTijs for ‘actor’ —
probably a century or more earlier. The word
vTtoKpuTLs, apparently in the sense ‘performance’, already occurs in Pindar,
fr. 140 b (Snell), 1. 15. It and the kindred word vttokpitikti are also used
by Aristotle of the orator’s or actor’s ‘declamation’ or ‘delivery’.’
* TOP €T€pov dpyaAeop ws qoôv.

S* viroKpiTTiv * See pp. 72 f., 102.
3 228; Od. xix. 535, 555, and probably Od. xv. 170, though either meaning would
U. xii.
be possible here. II. vii. 407; Od. ii. 1 1 1 ; Hymn to Apollo 171.
5 The first in Aristophanes, Wasps
53; Hippokr. Epist. 15; Theocr. xxiv. 67; Philostr.
Vtt. Apoll. ii. 37. The second frequently in Hdt. (30 instances in Powell’s Lexicon) : e.g. i. 2. 3 j
164. 2; and (of an oracle) 78, 3; 91, 6; in Attic only LG. i*. 410, and in Thuc. vii. 44. 5
(where the reading of the tradition is certain in spite of editorial ‘emendation* and cannot
bear the interpretation of von Blumenthal, Gnomon 19 (1943), p. 33, n. 2). vTroxrpiT^r is used
of the ‘interpreter* in Plato, Tim. 72 b (t^? 5t* aiviypdiv o 5toi koI ôvrdocaiy vrroKptTai),
and in Lucian, Somn. 17. The question which of the two senses provided the derivation of
the nomen agentis xmoKpirqs, meaning ‘actor*, has been hotly debated recently, without
a certain conclusion emerging. The probabilities perhaps lie with the sense ‘interpret*, ‘ex-
pound*. For discussion, see Lesky, Studi in onore di U. E. Paoh (1955), pp. 469 ff. ; id. Tragisch
Vtchlung der Hellenen, pp. 43 f.; Page, C,R.y n.s. 6 (1956), pp, 191-2 ; H. Koller, Mus. Helv.
>4(i957)*PP* 100-7; H. SchreckenbergjJPiîlM: vomWerdend.gr. Trag. aus demTanZj^lss.
Wurzburg (i960), pp. ill ff. ; Else, Wien. Stud 72 (1959), pp. 75-107; H. Patzer, Die An~
fdnge der gr. Trag. (1962), p 127, n. 4; Schneider, R.E.y Suppl. VIII s.v. imoKpirrisy largely
ignores the question.
* Dcm. de F.L. 246; Aristot. Eth. Pftc. vii. ii47“23, Rhet. iii. I403*2't.
7 Ibid. I4i3**23, etc.
tsS THE ACTORS
eStSacTKei'. (The genitives may depend on ixopijyei xopT]yos ^v, or on =
one of the lost words of the heading.) Some scholars think that in the
entries for 386 B.C. evl OeoSorov

; ttoAoiov Spapa TTpciiTo\y\
|
Trape- I
SiSaâv oi rpaytpSoC, and for 339 B.C, : tm 6eo<f>pdarov |

iroAatdv Bpapa
rrpioTov |
TrapeSiSaâv oi KwptpSoly tlic words refer to the actors in par-
ticular, but there seems to be no reason why

so, and thethey should do
intrusion of a second meaning into an othenvisc consistent inscription
seems hardly natural, even though in LG. 2323 the old comedy per-
formed is placed under the name of the protagonist.
The tvord rpaytphos (witli the plural -rpaycphoi) is rarely applied to the
poet. It is possibly so used in Aristophanes, Wasps 1480, 1498, 1505,
though tlie meaning ‘actor’ cannot be ruled out.’ Other possible (though
not quite certain) instances are Krates, fr.24 (K) tois Si rpayepSois
irepos acpvos aSatv Xoyos oAAoj oS’ eoriv, and (in the transition-period
between Middle and New Comedy) Diphilus, fr. 30 (K) tLs oi rpayuiSol
<}>aoiv, ois iôvoia \

cariv Xeyetv aratTa koI ttoiciv p6ix>is‘, and Timokles,
fr.6 (K) TOur yap rpayqiSoi^ TipSnov el ôvXei axoTiet tur dufteXovai |
advras.^ The use of KcopaiSoi in Plato, Laws xi. 935 d is equally uncertain :
Tt Se S-q; TTjv rwv KcupmStHv -npoOwpiav rov yeXoTa eis rods avdpwnovs Xeyeiv
tJ TTopaêxopeOa; The general meaning ‘comedy’ is not ruled out by the

mention of poets (comic, iambic, lyric) a few lines later on, though it is
be rendered generally ‘comic writers’

at least likely tliat KwpupSaiv should
(as by Rees). A more certain argument is derived from such passages
as Ar. Clouds 1091, where rpayuSoSa’ ix tIvwv; is used in a manner
exactly parallel to avvqyopovaiv ex tIvwv; and Sqprjyopovaiv ex rlvoiv;
and seems to imply rpaywSoi (meaning tragic poets) as a parallel to
avt'ijyopoi and Sqpijyopoi. In a number of other passages’ the tvork of the
individual comic poet is described by the verb xwpcpSeir, and probably

implies tliat the poet himself could be called xwpephos. An almost certain
instance in the Classical period is in Aristotle, Poetics, ch. xxii. i458''3i ff.
/Ipi^pdSrjs Toils rpayepSovs exoipwSei ori d ovSels dv eiTTOi ev Tq SiaXexrqi

TovTois xpiovrai.* There is no doubt of this usage in a few passages of
See O’Connor, pp. ig, 20, for the meaning ‘poet’. But the passage of Aristophanes
may imply simply that Philokleon, dancing tlie dances employed by the oldest tragedians
(Thespis and Phrynichos), challenges any contemporary actor to produce anything better.
The uncertainty is caused by the fact that at least one of the sons of Karkinos, svho accept
the challenge, \s-as a poet.
’ This is followed by a number of references to tragic heroes and heroines, but there is no
mention of poets, and Toij rpayipSovt may be quite general (= 'tragedy’}.

> e.g. At. Ach. 631, 655, Peace 751, and Aristot. Poet, xxii (see above) : cf. Ar. Them. 85
oTtq rpayiphS) Kal kokus avras Xtya. The word, however, may in certain contexts refer to
the style of the speaker’s delivery, e.g. Dem. de Cor. 13 Âfjco iw irpaydiha ical Sicfjin.
Another instance would be found inch. v. I449*’if. : KaXyap yppm KcupcuSdlv rrore
TERMINOLOGY, ETC. lag
late writers,such as PJutarch (ro rod rpayeoBov, foUo'wed by a quotation)

and Lucian ; Pollux' speaks of a poet (Eudoxus) rwv ve'cov Koypcph&v, and
a scholiast on Ar. Frogs 86 writes elal Se, wy âai, Svo SevoKXeTs rpaywBol
yeyovores-^
The use of rpaycpBos, KcoptpBos to denote the actor occurs in some
fourth-century -writers, ^ viz. Plato, Pkaednis 236 c tva Be prj TO rwv kcv-
pcpSuiv ôpriKov TTpdypa dvayKa^topeda Troieiv avrairoBiBovres aXX^Xots
(though even here the general sense ‘comedy’ is not impossible) ;
Chares
(a fourth-century historian), 125 F4 (Jacoby) vneKplBrjaav rpayepBol ph’
BerraXos ktX. ; and Aristotle, Oecon. i. iv. 1344*20 ^ Se Sid ri]s Koap-qaecos
ovSh’ Siaj>epovtja, icrri rijs rSiv rpaycpScdv iv rfj OKevij rrpds dXXqXovs opiXia.^
The words are regularly used of the actors in the inscriptional records of
festivals at Delphi, Delos, and elsewhere from about 280 b.c. onwards,®
as well as in late writers such as Plutarch, Athenaeus, and others. In
these inscriptions it isrpaywBos and KiopwBos are normally
striking that
used of the protagonists in old plays, the other actors being called either
imoKpirat or crwaycovurrai,^ though {rnoKpiTrjs could be used of the pro-
tagonist as well, anB if he produced an old play he was called vnoKpirqs
rraXaias KwptpBla^ or rpaywBlas. There seems to be no instance of rpayip-
S 6i or KcopipSos being used of the protagonist of a new play ;
this is always
vTTOKpvrqs,
This idiomatic use of rpayipBos in later times to signify the protagonist,
as distinct from the vvoKpirai who took the lesser seems to be con-
roles,
firmed by a scholium on Demosthenes de Pace 6. Demosthenes uses the
words KariSwv NeoTTToXepov rdv irTOKpirqv, and the scholiast states that
in hisown time (i.e. in that of the unknown scholar whom he is probably
quoting) he would have called him rpaycpBos. Some words in the scholium
are out of place, but (as restored by Capps^) it should run inroKpirds :
eKciXovv oi apyaloi rods vw rpaycpBods Xeyopevovs, [royy noiqrds, oiov rdv

EvpimSqv Kal /ipicrrocjxivrjv] rods Be vvv imoKpirds {oSroi Be ?jcjav Silo) rdv
pev Bevrepaycovicrrqv rdv Be rpiraywviarqv, avrods Be rods rroiqrds rwv
£ apxaiv fStuKtv, if the emendation which Bywater once favoured, were adopted (see
Gudeman ad loc.). Note also Poet. 1449*5, where Aristotle uses the word rpayîSoSiSdoKaAoi
in the sense ‘tragic poets’. rpayaiSoi' perhaps means ‘poets’ in Call. Fr. 203. 44.
‘ vii. 201.
* The use ofthe word here may be a reminiscence ofthe scene in Wasps 1478 ff. (sec above).
> On Dem. de Pace 7 tl y£p tv dioyiaov rpayipSois cBeSaBe, see above, p. 127, n. 4.
* Here the context requires that the rpayaiSot shall be individuals, and excludes any more
general meaning. (The Oeconomicus, however, is possibly a third-century work, and it is not
Aristotelian as it stands, though much of its material may be.)
* See (for a brief account) Theatre of D.,
pp. 240 if., and below, Ch. vii.
* It is unnecessary to distmss here whether there arc any exceptions to this general rule as
laid doivn (for example) by O’Connor, p. 15. r
J, ag (igo8), pp. 206 ff.
130 THE ACTORS
Spafidrcov rpayiuSoiis f(al rpaycpSoSiSaoKaXovs, followed by a further
scholium, rpaywSovs' rovs troLrjrds, otov rot' EvpiTrlhry' Kal /ipiarotftdtrjv. In
the sclioliast’s time (or that of his authority, perhaps an Alexandrian ol

the tliird or second century n.c.) the tragic ‘team’ included a rpaymSo's
and two vTroKpirai.'
Professor G. F. Else has tried^ unconvincingly to carry this distinction

between rpayepSos and vnoKpirijs back to the earliest days of tragedy. Of
these early days Aristotle in the Poetics^ writes : kox rd re rCiv wroKpirSiv
TrMjOos e$ ci'oj els Suo Trputros AlayyXos ijfyaye nal rd rod yopoO riXdrruot
Kal rov Adyoi’ TTpcurayoivtcrrrjv •napeoKevaoev rpets Se Kal oioji'oypatfilav
EoifionX^s. (The ‘t%vo actors’ of Aeschylus arc generally assumed to be the

poet himself and one other. In his latest plays he required three actors
tvho arc similarly assumed to be himself and two others. The three actors
of Sophocles’ later career did not include himselfas he had ceased to act.'*)
Witlt this passage must be connected Themistius’ account* of Aristotle’s
report: Kal oil r:poaiyopcv ApiaroreXei ori rd fiev npCdrov d yopos elaimv
•^Sev els rovs 6eovs, Oecrms Se rtpoXoyov re Kal âiv eêvpev, AlaxvXos Se
rplrov vrroKptrds Kal oKplâvras, rd Sc rrXelui rovrcoi' Ilo(f>OKXeovs dircAav-

aapev Kal EvpiviSov. Assuming the text to be correct, Thespis, acting by
liimsclf, delivered a prologue
set speech ^vc do not know ^vhat he
and —
called himself or was
was the second stage in tlie lustorj' of
called ; this
—
tragedy then Aeschylus (tliirdly) introduced ‘actors’, i.c. two persons
at least, not merely declaiming speeches but acting a plot and conversing
witli each other and probably with the chorus, and these would be called
vTTOKpiral (he liimsclf being one of them). The lost passage of Aristotle
which Themistius cites was probably the basis of Diogenes Laertius:* to
See later (Ch. vii) on the

* tcov rfx^'Tratf of whom these teams were members.
G. F. Eke, T,A.Pui, 76 (1945), pp. i-io. Sec further, IFiVn. Stiuf. 72 (1959), pp- 75
*
iv, 1449*15. On tlic text of this passage see R. Kassel, JVi. Muj. *05 (1962), pp. ii7ff.
3
* We arc told that he played the I>tc

in his ThamyroSf and played ball in the AounVea (or
Pl}nlnai)t to tlic delight of llic audience (Ti/. Soph. 5; AUicn. i. 20 f; Eustath. Od.^ p. 1553.
63; see ako p. 93, n, 3, above). Tliis is commonly supposed to mean that Sophocles nc\'cr
acted, but there seems to be some misunderstanding. It is difhculi to imagine who pla)cd the
lyre in Thamyras except the hero liimsclf, and Eustatliius explicitly sa>3 tliat it was in tlic
part of Nausicaa that Sophocles played ball in the P/)7jtriai. If so, these were probably early
pla>3, and Sophocles only later gave up acting, fiid r^v ISCav /uKpo^viai-, and perhaps ako
because of tJic rise of professional actors.
* Orat, 26, 316 d. See Lcsk>', Trag. Vichtmg dn HellmerPt
p. 41 svi'th n. l.
® iii. 56 cf. ‘Suid.* s.v.
: ovros irpwror rptou' r_;^pjJoaTO vroA'pcTaff #faôv/icV^
T/JiTaycovioTTj J
and Fit. Soph. 4 Trap* rpaytuhiav fpaOc, Aral rroXAd cAfaivovpyrjcfv
Cl* Tof? dyd)at. npwTov plv KoroXvaat tî» wrdicpictv tow ttoujtov 8td tSiov piKpo^WJ’tai' (?rdAai
yap Afal d iTonjrq? ihreAfpfrcTO adroV), Tody hi xopft'rdy Troiâay diTi cc', Afai tov rpirov viroKpirfiv
fi(vp€v (I follow Ekc*s punctuation). If Aeschylus in his latest pla>3 adopted tlic innovation
of Sophocles, it is easy to see that the change might be attributed by some svriters to himself.
Cf. Cramer, Anted. Par, i, p. 19; Philostr. Fit. Apolt, vi. 1
1, Horace, A.P, 278.
TERMINOLOGY, ETC. 131
TtaXaiov if ry rpaycvSla Trporepov p.€V povog 6 x°P°S SieSpapaTiâf, varepov

Se Oecnris eva VTtoKpiTTjV^ efeOpev mrep rov SiavaTraveadai rov X°P°^s
Sevrepov Aiaxvôg, top Se rpiTov IiO(f>OK\rjs Kal mjpenXijpcoae rrjv rpaywSlav.
Further, the Life of Aeschylus states: ixpôaro Se v-noKpiT^ -rrpwTw p,ev
KXedvSpcp, eTTetra Kal top Sevrepop avrA vpocnjilie MwpiaKov top Xa^KiSea-
TOP Se rpirop VTTOKpiTrjp aSrog eêvpep, cog Se AiKalapxog d Mecrcnjpiog,
So<f>oKXrlg. {-npantp does not of course mean was the first
that Kleandros
vmKppi^g ever so called, but that he was the first employed by Aeschylus
in addition to himself. Mynniskos would only have acted in the poet’s
latest plays, ashe was still active many years after Aeschylus’ death.^)
Out of these notices a very probable account can be constructed. Tragedy
began with a choral performance of rpaywSoi to this Thespis added a
:
prologue and set speech delivered by himself.^ The speech (which, at any
rate, as Diogenes asserts, gave the chorus a breathing-space) may or
may not have been an answer to questions by the chorus. If it was, and
if vTTOKpirqg in the meaning ‘actor’ derives from the sense ‘answerer’, the
speaker could have been termed vnoKpiTqg because of this ; or the term
may have come into use at any time when he or his successors (before the
time of Aeschylus), or Aeschylus himself, began not merely to declaim
but to converse with the chorus, or, at latest, when Aeschylus called in
Kleandros as a second actor and conversed with him (and probably with
the chorus as well). Aeschylus and Kleandros could certainly be called
vTioKpiTai, ‘answerers’ of each other or of the chorus so, of course, could
Sophocles’ three actors, and so in Aeschylus’ last plays could Aeschylus,
Kleandros, and Mynniskos. But it is quite uncertain whether the true
derivation of vnoKpinjg is not from the sense ‘interpreter, expounder’ (see
above, p. 126, n. 5), and more particularly there seems to be no sufficient
ground for supposing (with Else*) that, when Themistius says that
Aeschylus invented vnoKpiral, the word excludes the part played by the
poet himself as actor; or .that in the Life of Aeschylus the writer implies
* i.c, himself, but the \vritcr is concerned only with the form of the drama, not %vith the
names of the actors. We cannot tell whether Thespis called himself vnoKpirqs*
* LG, ii». 2318, col.
5 (p. 105 above), 422 b.c.)
1 403*^23 ^CKpivovro yap avrol rds rpayipZias ol irotiyral to TrpwTov,
^ Aristot. Rhet. iii, l.
and Plut. Solon 29. 6 idedaaro tov Gdamv avrov viroKpivop^voVf warrep ‘jJv rof? TToAaiors.
The note of Pollux, iv. 123, cAcdy 8* t\v TpaircC® '”‘P® SeaniBos efy Tty dva^ds rots
Xoptvrais arnKpivaro may be true, and Thespis may have substituted his more dignified pro-
logue and speech for this crude procedure; but the note is of very doubtful historical value
(sec Dith, Trag, Com?-, pp. 86-88).
* Photius s.v. XfTTOKpivtoQai* ro dyroKplveoBai ol woAaio/* >fal 6 i5 ;roxptr^y cvrevBtv, 6 diro-
Kpivd/xcvoy Tip xopV* ^f. Hesychius, s.w. vnoKpivovro, uTrowpinJy; ApoUonius Soph. Lfx, Horn.,
p. 160 B.
5 T.A.P.A.
76 (1945), pp. 5f.
>32 THE ACTORS
that Kleandros was a mroKpiT-qs^ and the poet was not. In the very sentence
which precedes, viroKpirai is used in a sense which must cover the poet’s
own role as actor, and in many passages ofAristotle it is equally inclusive.
Else supposes that Thespis and Aeschylus called themselves rpayqiSol, as
from vnoKpirai. They may or may not have called themselves or
distinct
been called TpayepSoi; about this there is no evidence, but it is most
improbable that either Aristotle or the writer of the Life should have
introduced in a particular sentence \vithout warning a restricted sense
of (moKpiTal, inconsistent with their use of the tvord elsewhere. The
partial specialization and differentiation of the words rpaymhos and
inroKpiT^s — ît was never complete —belongs apparently to the organiza-
tion of the Aiovvaov rexviTat in the third century. (The victorious pro-
tagonist in the fifth and fourth centuries was always recorded under the
title of vTTOKpi-rqs in the Fasti, as also are the actors named in the victors’
lists {LG. ii=. 2325).)
3. The words TrpwTiiywvLCrrqs, SexrrepayajvtOT^s, and rpiTaywi'icmjs,
with the corresponding verbs, are occasionally, though rarely in extant
literature, used of actors in the theatre, and the first two of participants
in other contests. TTpcoTayujpKmjs and TrpioTaywvtoretv could be used meta-
phorically of the leader or most important agent in any activity involving
effort, and they are several times found in this sense in the fourth century
B.C., viz. Aristotle, Pol. v (\'iii). 4. iSsS^’go tucn-e to koXov aXX’ ov to
BrjpiwSes Set nptarayojvierretv. Poet. iv. I449’I7 TOV Xoyov TTp(tna.ymviaripi
napecTKevaaev Klearchos (an historian of the fourth or third century),
fr. 19 (Welirli) rijs vTnjpeulas irpwTaywvicrr^s. It is not known to what
writers ‘Suidas’ is indebted when he says of Chionides, ov koI Xeyovai
TrpojTayajvcoTriP yeviadai rijs dpxaias KcapcpSi'as, but the word must mean
‘originator’, ‘first poet’, not ‘first actor’. They arefirst used with reference
to the theatre in extant literature by Plutarch, Praec. ger. reip. xxi. 8i6f.
aroTTOv yap eori Tov pev ev rpayipSia. TTpa>Tayajvi(jTrjV GeoSwpov rj IJwXov ovra
paadwTov T(p TO rplra Xeyovri ttoXXolkis eTreoBai Kal TTpoaSiaXeyeaBai rarrei-
voi?, av eKetvos eyri to SidSrjpa Kal to OKrjTrrpov, ev 8e Trpdêaiv dXT]Bivats
ktX. ;
and Vli. Lysandr. 23. 6 otov ev rpaycpsiais emeiK&s tjvppaivei rrepl tolj
VTTOKpnds, TOV phi dyyeXov Tivdj Bepdriovros emKelpevov npoawnov evSoKi-
petv Kal TTpmraywviaretv, tov Se SidSTjpa Kal OKrjTTrpov ôpovvra prjSe aKoue-
oBat (fiBeyyopevov. (Plutarch also uses TTpcoTayaiviaretv in its general sense,
without reference to the drama.^) In Lucian, Column. both the technical
7
' Else, op. cit., pp. 5-6, misunderstands vptoTw (see above).
^ de Alex. fort. 332 d, and de Aius. 1 141 d tvpwTaymvKnovaxi^ SrjXovort rijs rronjaews, sc.
as compared with the flute).
and the general senses are in mind np&Tov

: . . . Trapaydywnev t6v irpiora-
ywvicrr^v rov Spaparos, Aeyw Se rdv TroiTjTrjv Trjs SiajSoAijs. The reference
to the theatre found in a note of Pollux with regard to the use of the
is
stage-doors, which is certainly untrue of the Classical period Tpidiv Si

Twi' Kara ttjv (jKTjvfjv Ovpwv ^ peoT] piv âaiXeiov
^ crTrÂaiov t) olkos evSoôs
fj ttSv rov TTpcvTaycvviarovvros rov Spdparos, rj Si Sefta rov Sevrepaycvvi-
arovvTos Karaytoyiov. It is quite uncertain of what period or play Pollux
is speaking. It also appears in Plotinus iii. 2. 17 djcnrep eV Spdpan rd piv
rdrrei avros 6 TTOi-qnqs, rots Si xprjrai ovaiv ^Srj ov yap avros TTpcvrayw- -
viarrjv ovSi Sevrepov ovSi rpirov iroiet, dAAd SiSovs’ eKdarw rovs npoa-q-
Kovras Xoyovs ijSij diriScoKev eKdarcp, els o rerdyOai Seovj^ and in the
scholiast on Euripides Phoenissae 93 ravra prjxavaa9al (fiaa-i rov EvpinlSriv
iva rov irpiorayoivicrrrjv diro rov rijs ’loKdcmjs irpoacvnov peraoKevdar).
Apart from the passage of Pollux just quoted (where it means ‘second
actor’), we find Sevrepayoivurrqs used in the general sense of ‘seconder’
of ‘supporter’ in Demosthenes, de F.L. 10, exuiv "laxavSpov rov Neonro-
Xepov SevrepaycuvKrrjv (where it seems pointless to suppose a reference
to the actor’s profession, even though Neoptolemos was an actor and the
scholiast took the reference to be to Ischander’s position in Neoptolemos’
troupe —he was now referred to solely as a politician), and in Lucian,
Peregr, 36 d in Ilarpwv SaSa exovv, ov <j>avXos Sevrepaywvicrrqs. The only
passages in which it is generally thought to be used with reference to the
drama are in the lexicon of Hesychius, where it is rendered by Sevrepos
dywvi^dpevos (and even this may be quite general), and the inaccurate
scholium on Demosthenes, de Pace 6 quoted above.’
On the contrary rpiraycvvKjrqs and rpiraywvicrrelv are always used
(except in thissame scholium) with reference to an actor, and this actor
is nearly always Aeschines, taunted by Demosthenes. It is, however, ex-
ceedingly unlikely that this was its sole use or that the word was coined
by Demosthenes."* He uses it first in de F.L. 247. The whole passage (246-7)
must be noted
ravra piv yap rd lapêta eK ^PoiviKos ioriv EvpimSov rovro Si to Spapa ovSemi-
Tror' ovre OeoScopos our’ ApiaroSrjpos vncKplvavro, ois oSros rd rplra Xeywv
SiereXeoev .... Mvrtyovrjv Si £o<fioKXeovs TToXXaKis piv OedScupos, TToXXaKis ’S’

/ipicrroSTjpos VTTOKeKpirai, iv •fj
Trenoirjpeva lapêta koXws Kal ovpfiepdvrajs vptv
' PoUiLX 124. See Theatre ofD., pp. 2381.
iv.
*Apparently the poet has a protagonist, etc., assigned to him, and so xp^rat ovmv iJSij
(accepts them as assigned), but he does give to each (Ta-rrei avros) the speeches adapted to
his rank. Plotinus’ date was in the third century a.d.
’ pp. 123 f. Some late instances of the metaphorical sense are found in the scholia to De-
mosthenes and in ‘Suid.’ s.v. Appo'yaarqs (quoted by Rees, Rule of Three Actors, pp. 33-34).
As suggested by Rees, op. cit., p. 34.
134 THE ACTORS
‘jToXXd.Kis OUTO? elprjKws Kal aKpi^ws i^CTTiaTafievos irapeXiTTCV. tore yap S^ttou
tovQ' OTi if anaai rot? hpap,aai rots rpayiKots fiaiperov iariv woTrep yepas rots
rpirayojviarats to too? rvpawovs Kol rods ra aKrjrrrpa eyovras ctoteVai.'
This passage (delivered thirteen years before the speech On the Crown)
does not suggest that T/jtrayojvttrnj? was anything but a current and
understood equivalent for o ra rplra Xeycov, or that Demosthenes had
invented it ad hoc. Besides this, the comic poet Antiphanes wrote a play
called Tpnaymviarris, which may or may not have had any reference to
Aeschines, but may have been brought out at any date after the death
in 380-379 B.c. of Philoxenos (the dithyrambic poet), who is the subject
of the only extant passage. This passage seems lilcely to have been written
while the memory of the poet was still fresh (and therefore before Aeschines
was well known). The date of Antiphanes’ death is uncertain, but may
have been about 334-330 B.c. But in the speech On the Crown in 330,
Demosthenes gives Aeschines the full benefit of both words (129 rov koXov
avSpidvra Kal rpiraycoviaTrjV aKpov eieOpetfsi ae ; 209 <L rpnaywviord ; 267
rrovqpov Svra Kal rraXcrrjv Kal rpiTayaivicmjv I 262 [naOiocras aatnov rots
PapvoTovois emKaXovnevoLs vnoKpiraiSy SipiVKa Kal EuiKparei, irpiraywvi-
areis ; 265 fTpiTaycDvicrreis, eyd) S’ idecopovv) ;
cf. [Plutarch] Vit, X Oral,
840 a (on Aeschines) coy Se ArjixoaBevr); (jyqcriVf inoypafxiiaTevcov Kal

rpiraycoviardiv ApiaroS'jp.w S rocs ZJcowmoty SiereXei.
On the whole the probability is that TrpwTaywvicmjs and npcoTayajvi-
cnetv were used from the first of the actor who took the principal role in
a play,^ though was only late, if at all, that they became officially
it
recognized technical teniis, and they never appear in inscriptions that ;
both TTpcoraycovioTqs and SevrepayuiviaTrjs were used from an early date

with the metaphorical sense of ‘leader’ and ‘supporter’, though the
latter was evidently used much more rarely; and that Tpiraywvicrrqs,
whenever it first came into use, gained an indelible colour from its use
by Demosthenes as a weapon of derision with which to beat Aeschines.
(Thus in the Life of Aeschines we read rpiTayoyviarrjs iyevero rpaycpSiwv,
and in Bekker’s Anecd. Gr, 309. 32 Tpiraywviar'qs' d Ala)(ivr]s dSoKipwraros
ru>v VTTOKpirwv ev rfj rplrri rdêi KarapiO/wvfievos ; in ‘Suidas’, S.V. EojioKXrjS'
oSros TTpuTos rpialv ixp'qaaro irroKpirats Kal rw KaXavpievcp rpiraywviorfi :
• This (even if not simply untrue) obviously cannot apply

to plays in which (as in Oedipus
Tyrannus) the principal part was that of a king, but only to plays in which the king ortyrant
was a tyrant in the modem sense, and all that was required was violence and declamation,
rather than subtlety or skilful display of emotion. The schol. on this passage says that, accord-
ing to luba, the reason for assigning such parts to the tritagonist was that ^ttoV tan iraflyriKa
Kal xmtpoyKa.
^ The ‘competitive’ implications of -aytovianjr strongly support this view.
all these, even the last (notice the participle) are indirectly influenced
by Demosthenes.) The derisory sense does not attach to the word itself,
which could not mean 'third-rate agonist’, but to the implication that
Aeschines never rose above the lowest place in the troupes of three actors
(with their choruses) who toured the country-places in which he acted.'
It cannot be discovered when the three words acquired a semi-technical
sense with reference to the stage. They are, as has already been noticed,
unknown to the inscriptions of the third or second century, in which the
actors other than the principal one, the TpaywSoy or /cwpwSoy, are some-
times termed owayoiviaraL But by the third century a.d. there seems to
have come about a division of the profession of actor into three classes,
and the three names had reference to these and not to the position of the
actor in a particular play as determined by the poet.^ Normally, at
all periods, the best actor would have taken the part or parts of greatest
importance in the play, but a somewhat mysterious remark of Aristotle^
may mean that Theodoros (in the fourtli century b.c.) always insisted
on taking the part of the character who appeared first, thinking that the
first speaker always won the sympathy of the audience.
B. Number of Actors and Distribution of Parts

r. The passage has already been quoted in which Aristotle traces
the history of the form of tragedy, whereby it acquired first two and then
(with Sophocles) three actors, —
and so attained its cf>vcns îts complete
development. Apparently Aristotle (in the second half of the fourth
century) knows nothing of any fourth actor, and it follows that (with
some exceptions to be considered shortly) every play had to be
trifling
presented by three actors. It would be a necessary consequence of this

that not more- than three speakers could take part in dialogue at any one
time, and it is to this artistic principle (conceived as having an aesthetic
' See esp. O. J. Todd, C.Q,. 32 (1938), pp. 30 ff. The implication may not have been true
(itshould be noted that the actors with whom Aeschines is said to have worked, men like
Theodoros, Aristodemos, and Thettalos, were among the most distinguished actors of the
fourth century: cf. l.G. ii=. 2318, cols, xi, xii (p. 106 above), 2325, col. ii (p. 115 above),
pp. 168, 279, etc., belo^v), but neither Demosthenes (nor his audience) is likely to have been
over-sensitive about this.
' Plotinus iii. 2. 17.See above, p. 133.
^ Pol. vii. 17. I336'’28 tows yap ov kokws eAcye to roiovrov Boohatpos 6 Tjjs rpaywhtas
VTroKptr-qs' ouSeri yap ttwttotc trapijKov cauTOo wpociadycu', ouS^ tcov cvrcAdiv viroKptTWV, ws
oiKoiovptvwv Twr 0eaTwy rats TrpwTats aKoats. The interpretation given above is that of
Liiders, O’Connor, and others, and is obviously better than supposing diat Theodoros re-
arranged the play or the parts so as to bring the protagonist on first. (It is probable that the
prologue was often spoken by the second or third actor.)
;
:
136 THE ACTORS

basis) that Horace and others’ refer, but vnoKpiral in Aristotle and else-
where —the plural of vnoKpir^s, actor —
cannot possibly mean merely
‘speaking persons present at one time’, as Rees and others appear to
assume.^ Moreover, the phrases often used, literally and metaphorically,
for first, second, and third actor’s parts never hint at a fourth.^ Nor is it
likely that in a contest to which great importance was attached the State
would have provided three actors for one competitor and four for another.
Some tragedies in which the difficulties caused by this limitation have
led certain scholars to treat them as exceptions to the rule will be con-
sidered later.
It may be assumed that in the fifth and fourth centuries satyric drama
was subject to the same rule as tragedy. Three actors are required in the
Cyclops of Euripides, the only complete satyric play extant ; the Ickneutai
of Sophocles, so far as the extant remains give any indication, could be

performed with two.'*
As regards comedy there is less certainty. A late grammarian^ states

that it was not until the time of Cratinus (i.e. about 455 b.c.) that comedy,
which had hitherto been a disorderly performance, was reduced to order
—
and the number of actors reduced to three a statement which must be
received with caution in view of Aristotle’s admission of ignorance on the
subject® —
and of the impossibility of distributing the parts of some of
Aristophanes’ plays between three actors only. This will be considered
later, but in the meantime Tzetzes may be thought to be perhaps handing
down a tradition from some earlier source. The ‘disorderliness’ even of

Aristophanic comedy was further reduced in the time of the New Comedy,
* Horace, A,P. 192, and the commentators thereon (Diomedes 455 (Keil), and Porphyrio),
who note that a fourth person, if present, is always mute : cf. schol. on Aesch. Choeph, 899
efdyycAo? €is I7v\dS 7}v, iva fiij S' Acya»a(K.
\L€X€.(jKiva.ma\ o
* Rees, Pair of Three Actors. Rees rejected the ‘three-actor rule* as a misunderstanding
so too, more recently Schneider, R.E.j Supph viii. cok. igi-3. Discussions on this point
have been many; O’Connor; Kaffenberger, Das Dreischauspielergesetz in der gr. Tragodie
e.g.
(diss Giessen, igii) O, J. Todd, loc. cit.; E. B. Ceadel, C.Q,. I94i> pp. 139
; ; A. C. Schlc-
singer, Proc. Am. Phil. Assoc. 1929, p. xxvi, and Class. Philol. 25 (1930), pp. 230 ff.; 28 (1933),
pp. 176 ff.; 46 (1951), 32 f.; Flickinger, Greek Theater^, ch. iii. The treatment in the text is
an attempt to adhere to the evidence and the possible meaning of words, without reciting
the whole history of opinion on the subject.
1 (K) /itaôjaa/xevor ra irpibra rwv iniov Xeyeiv (of the actor Hegelochos)
3 e.g. Strattls, fr.
Dem. de F.L. 246 ra rpCra heywv (of Aeschines as third actor in a troupe see above, p. 133)
:
Menander, fr. 418 (Ko) xd Stvrep* del t^v ywaiKa Sei j

’^yeôviov riov oXtov
Tov dvSp* Lucian, Tyrannicid. 22 Td
; xrpCyra eyw vTrcKpivdpijv, Ta Sevrepa 8^ o ‘Trafs,
rd rpCra 8e 6 Tvpaivos aurds.
* Aesch. Dictyulki perhaps required three; see Lloyd-Jones, Loeb Aeschylus^
ii, p. 535, n.
3 Tzetzes (Kaibel, 8e d Kparivo^ KarioTrâe pkv npoirov to o' KcopwSiq.
p. 18)
npootoira ptxpi xpiwv, arqaas r^v araîav. (He has just said that 01 Trept Sovoapttova rd srpoaoiTra
draKrtos cIotôv.) (Quoted in full, p. 149, n. 3,)
* Aristot. Poet.j ch. v. 1449’’4 f.
NUMBER OF ACTORS AND DISTRIBUTION OF PARTS 137
and the evidence of the extant remains of Menander will have to be

considered.
2. In any case the performance of the three actors was supplemented
by the employment when required of mute persons (Kwâ irpoacana), or

perhaps of persons who if not absolutely mute could be left out of the
reckoning. (Instances will be given below.) Such additions to the cast
are very often stated to be covered by the term Trapaxopijyrifia, but this
name must be used with caution.’ The word appears only in four scholia,
and in a confused and probably corrupt passage of Pollux ottotc dvrl
rerdprov viroKpirov Seat rivd t<3v x°P^vrcuv eivetv ev <iSfj, TrapauKrpiMv
ffoAetrai to TTpaypa, d>s ev HyapLepvovi AloxvAov' el Se rerapros viroKpmjs
ri 7rapa(f>9eyiairo, tovto ‘irapaxop^yqpLa ovofidêrai Kal nenpaxOal âaiv
avTo ev Mepcvovi AlaxvXov. The first clause gives a highly improbable
sense to vapaaKijviov, and the words evAyafienvovi /ItcryuAou are an obvious
dittography from ev Mipjvovi AlaxvXov ; the contingency described in it
the singing of words by a member of the chorus instead of by a fourth

—
actor does not appear to have occurred in any extant play. The second
clause describes the addition (irapa-) to the actors’ parts of something
spoken by a fourth actor. Memnon has perished, and the scholia give
only four instances of a Trapayopi^yrina, viz. the parts played by Bla in
the prologue of Prometheus Vinctus and by the Areopagites in Eumenides
(both being silent, and so not in accordance with the definition of Pollux),
the children of Trygaeus weeping for their father in Aristophanes’ Peace,
and the unseen chorus of Frogs in Aristophanes’ play.^ Evidently the
word could be used loosely of any special extra provision of persons.
It is in any case a late technical term,^ though the thing perhaps denoted
by it occurred occasionally in the fifth century.*

3. The chief disadvantages of the limitation of the number of actors
remains, were the occasional neces-
to three, as exemplified in the extant
sityof dividing one role between two or more actors (a division rendered
possible by the use of masks), the frequent necessity of assigning two or
* See especially Rees, ‘The Meaning of Parachoregema*, in Class. Philol. 2 (1907), pp.
387 ff* ^ Poll. iv. 109 f.
^ Schol. Prom. 12 cv vapaxop^y^yân ctSoiAoTrotiyfffiaa schol. Eumen. 573

‘tfapaxopi)yrqpaTi avrw clmv ol AptoTTaytrat /4i)8aôv SiaAcyo/zevoi J schol. Peace 1
14 ra roiavra
frapaxoprjyqfiara /caAouaip, ofa vvv ra TraiSta wotcf KaAovi'ra top nar^pa' etVa irpos ov8ky eri
TovTOij schol. Fro^s 209 TQora KoActTat âpaxoprfyijfxaraf eTretSri ovx opaiprai tw ^
dearp^ ol ârpa^foi, ooSc o aAA’ eacodev fitôvvrai rovs ârpaxovs. o 8^ dXr}6ws
Twp tuaejSalp I'eKpt^v avvetmjKO’.
^ Ithas notliing to do with x^PlY^^ sense in which the word was used in the Classical
period these x^P^yot belonged to the remote past, and the significance of the word is con-
;
—
nected with the secondary^ meaning of xop^yefp ‘furnish*. The history of this and kindred
words is well worked out by Rees, op. cit. * See below, p. 143.
L
>
3" Tin: ACTORS
nioif p.irf; in Mi(T<-.si(Jii to the same tutor, and the need in a few plays of
Miglunint; changes’ of rnstninf, in order to enable tiie actor to tala- up

a didereitt role after a very brief iiiter\’al. 'I’here were also in some plays
awkward situationn (jiartienlarly those involvinj; the sudden lapse into
silenec of a rliararter now

by a Hwjov -npiynwrov) wliich would
playcii
have been fpil over if a fourth artor bad been available, and at times
some ineongi iiity may have Ireen felt by nntisnally severe spectators svhen
the diderent loles taken by one and the same |)erformer were very
unlike one another.' A survey of the plays will illustrate these points.
.j. In Venae, the first surs'ivini,' pl.iy of .Aewhyhis, there arc only two
actors. One pl.tys the part of Ato-.s.i until nearly tlie end of the play, the
other those of the .Messentjer and 13 arius. 'I’hr f.irt that when Atossa
lias gone off. It I. Bji to get a rh.iiige of raiment for Xerxes (expected
to arrive immediately) she never returns' evidently means that her actor
had Xerxes from I. 907 to the end of the play, perhaps
to art the jiart of
bceavise he had a better .singing voice than the artor who played the
Messenger and Darius. Tlirre seems never to have been any difiiculty
in the same artor's taking both m.ale and female roles in the same play.
IVrnale roles wcie in any rase t.iken by male actors.
The Sup/'Hanls ag.iin, though it retpiires tsso artors, hardly makes full
use of thrm.^ D.m.ius is present from -.23} to 323 svlitle the King 1 . 1 .
of Argos is convcn>ing with tlie rhoius, but for most of the time docs not
ntlei a woni, and only a single word of the te.xt slinws that he is there
.at all (
1 .
3ip Bt'fXav SfecuSa, rartpa rov6‘ e/ioi" t-ar/xif) ;
he speaks Only
the short speceh, II. .500 p. At
775 he goes off to get hclp,‘ but docs 1.
not himsclfsome back with the rescuers. His actor returns as the Egyptian
herald at I. 872, and departs just after 931, ami reappears at 980 having
resumed the prison and costume of Danaiis. The brief but animated
dispute between the King .ind the Herald (II. ot 1-65) is the only dialogue
between two actors in the play. The fact that the parts of Danaus and the
Herald of tlie enemy are played by tlic same artor w.as of course
* Cf. lAJCian, 16 oT/jqi 5 / c* ko» juiy v**! tt'? orijj'ijr »*DX,'«inC Tox*f T^y»xov*y
/iO oif ^ o o»*— fiKftot fttlXn o

roT AVrp^rof
rj fufirâaniip^ fur* o^/yoi* tiA/njf T-o tcP rot»7 rov
there IS no ctrlamts tins rrfm tt> litfTrrcnt pAtu n tKi plsr. Ter Usu rf p^ns of this
kind, rf. Air. 31 ; 1*«
* TJir ms-slcrious and tnrrnpi line 850 was p^rhnjn intrndcrl as preparation for the
qiicrn*s fadtirr to rrapp<*nr.
^ Tordate of thr
live srr p 1232, n. 3.
* {nîVoic O'
tyuj 6* dpaf)»oi‘f AafJtut. He liintj, howeser, that he ma> l>c drla)ed and
instnicts ihc chorus how to IkIiast in that cai^. Ser Ixrlow on the failure of Xoulhos to
reappear in the list scene of nuripidca* let
concealed by the use of masks, and if the long actor’s robe enveloped most
of his body this may have assisted the concealment. At 1. 234 the play
perhaps illustrates a consequence of the simple structure of the drama
when was dominant and there was only one actor, in the fact
the chorus
that the King first addresses the chorus and not their father, whom he
might have been expected to notice. In the same way Darius in Persae
addresses the chorus first, and not the widowed queen-mother, and Kly-
taimnestra in Agamemnon makes an elaborate address to the Argive elders
before saying a word to her husband after his ten years’ absence. Drama-
tic convention and tradidon is probably uppermost, though her so doing
is a most effeedve stroke of characterization.
Seven against Thebes down to 1 1004 requires only two actors, of ^vhom
.
one takes the parts of Eteokles and Antigone, the other those of the
Scout and Ismene. The final scene in our texts ( 11 1005-78) perhaps .
requires diree actors (Herald, Andgone, and Ismene), but it is -widely

believed that the scene was added in some later revision of the play,
and, if so, not before the latter part of the century.'
Prometheus Vinctus apart from the opening scene could be acted by
bvo ^vhom one would play Prometheus throughout, the other
actors, of
Okeanos, lo, and Hermes. The first scene requires actors for Hephaistos
and Kratos, as well as Prometheus and the mute Bta, and those who*
\vish to dispense -with a third actor here imagine that Prometheus was
represented by a gigandc hollow puppet, and that when Hephaistos
goes off at I. 81, the actor of that part goes behind the puppet and slips
inside it, and thereafter speaks as Prometheus, ha-ving just time to per-
form the necessary manoeuvre during the six lines uttered by Kratos (widi
a possible dramadc pause). This would not be impossible, but the im-
probability of Prometheus’ being so represented is so great, particularly
in -vie^v of his apparent freeing in the second play of the trilogy, that it is
more likely that the opening scene of the play (which on other grounds
is be placed fairly late in Aeschylus’ career) was one of his first
to
ventures upon a three-actor cast.^
In Agamemnon, one actor must have played Klytaimnestra throughout,
and the parts of Agamemnon and Kassandra require two further actors (it
isonly in 11. 782-974 that all three actors are on stage together) the parts ;
of the ^Vatchman, the Herald, and Aigisthos could be variously assigned
• But see Lloyd-Jones, C.Q.., N.s 9 (1959), pp. 80-115, osp- 95 f-

^ Like Wilamowitz, Aischylos: pp. 1 14 T. ; Flickinger, Greek Theater*, p. 166
Inlerpretationen, f.,
174; Kafienbcrger, op. cit., pp. 27 ff., and many others.

’ See Theatre of D.,
pp. 37-38, 42, and the references collected in J.H.S. 79 (1959), p. 60,
and by Lesky, Trag. Diehtung der Hellenen*, pp. 77-S2.
140 THE ACTORS
to the actors of Agamemnon and Kassandra. The latter part alone in-
volves singing: Klytaimnestra is given only recitative (

11 . 1462-1576).
Apart from one short passage, Choephoroi could easily be played by
—
three actors one as Orestes, a second as Electra and Klytaimnestra,
a third as Pylades and the Servant. The parts of Aigisthos and the Nurse
could be assigned to any one of the three actors. This scheme involves
a ‘lightning change’ from the costume of the Servant into that of Pylades
—
between 11. 886' and 899 not at all impossible with practice, if it may
be assumed that Pylades does not enter until a few moments after the
—
entry of Orestes at 1 892 ^^vhcre again a dramatic pause would be most
.
effective. But those who dislike lightning changes imagine the introduc-
tion of a fourth actor to speak the three tremendous lines assigned to

Pylades (900-2). Aeschylus may well have been bold enough to transgress
convention in this ^vay, but it does not seem to be necessary' to suppose it.^
In Eumcnidcs each of the three principal characters Orestes, Apollo, —
—
Athena requires its actor; one actor must have added the parts of the
Py thia and the ghost of Klytaimnestra to that ofAthena. Hennes ( 11 89 ff.) .
is a Kw<f) 6v TTpoacoTTov. Tile most striking feature of this play is the intro-
duction of the jury of Areopagites, and of the members of the final great
procession, who take part ivith the chorus in the united celebration.^
5. The plays of Sophocles, with the exception of the posthumously
produced Oedipus all be acted by three acton ivithout
Coloneus, could
serious objection, provided that no such objection were felt to the per-
formance of male and female roles by the same actor,^ and that reasonable
care were taken in the choice of actors physically suited to the play.
Thus in Ajax it seems likely that a single actor played Ajax and then
Teukros. In the opening scene, and in the last, all three actors are needed,
and the silence of Tekmessa in the latter part of the play is explained by
the necessity of ha\dng her role in the last scene played by a KCD<j>ov
npoaumov (she goes off at 989 and returns, ^vith an ‘extra’ wearing her
mask and costume, at 1 168). How the remaining roles (Athena, Odysseus,
Menelaus, Agamemnon, and the Messenger) were assigned to the two
other aetorsit is impossible to infer from the text of the play, since for
most of the action not more tlian two speaking figures are on stage at
a time: it is no more than a plausible guess that Agamemnon and
* Not 889, as there is no reason to suppose tliat the same attendant is addressed.
* Discussions of this scene are innumerable: see, for example, Kaffcnbcrger, op. cit.,
pp. 1 7 f. ; for a different \ lew from that given in the text sec Rees, op. cit., p. 43.
^ Sec especially \V. Hcadlam,
J.H.S. 26 p. 268.
The fact that female roles ^^crc in any case placed by a male actor really’ removes the
objection.
;
Menelaus were played by the same actor.' The child Eurysakes was
played by a mute throughout. In Antigone the part of Kreon- involves
one actor almost throughout the play : it could be combined only wth
that of Eurydike. The actor of Ismene must also have played the Guard,
and Antigone’s part may have been combined with that of Haimon : the
remaining parts (Teiresias, and the two Messengers) could be assigned
to either of the two last-named actors. In Electra the heroine is played by
one actor throughout, Orestes and Klytaimnestra by a second, and the
Paidagogos and Aigisthos by a third ; Chrysothemis might be taken by
either the second or third. Rees^ is not justified in saying that ‘it is
beyond the po^ver of an ordinary actor to play successfully characters so

widely different as those of the girl Chrysothemis and the old Pedagogue
under any arrangement’, especially in interlaced order. Chrysothemis

was played in any case by a male actor, and if he could change from
one tone to the other once in a play he could do so t%\'ice. In the Trachiniae
a single actor is likely to have taken first the part of Deianeira and then
that of Herakles. Rees considers this objectionable in every way, partly
because of tlie difference in temperament behveen the two persons (a
difference for ^vhich a good actor could certainly prepare himself in an
interval e.\tending over 150 lines), partly because the parts would need
actors of very different physical proportions. But there is no reason to
think that Herakles, though sturdy and strong, ^vas particularly tall, and
the rest trould be a matter of mask and dress. The sequence of scenes
in the play suggests that another actor combined the parts of the Nurse,
the Messenger, and the Old Man, while a third played Hyllus and
Lichas. The silence of lole throughout is both inevitable and pow'erful.
There was, of course, no actor to play her part, but Sophocles gains
dramatic effect and exploits the technical limitation her silence has some- :
thing of the same emotive effect as that of Kassandra in Agam. 1047 ff.
Oedipus Tjrannus and Philoctetes present no great difficulties. In the
former one actor plays Oedipus throughout, a second Kreon and the
Messenger from Corinth, a third the Priest, lokasta, and the Herdsman.
The parts of Teiresias and the second Messenger could be played by
either of the last two. In the latter, the principal actor will probably
' Kaffenbcrger, op. cit., pp. 1 5 f. A

possible disTsion would be (fl) Odisscus, Tekmessa
(h) Athena, Messenger, Menelaus, Agamemnon.
* There is a puzzle here : it is a natural assumption that the part of Kreon was played by
the protagonist, yet Demosthenes asserts (xix. 347) that Aeschines, .as tritagonist, had fre-
quently played the part of Kreon in Aniigont. The likeliest explanation is that Demosthenes
is lying : he has an axe to grind, in the point he can extract from Kreon ’s qjeech (Ant. 1
75 If.)
put into the mouth of Aeschines, and the bland assertion that tyTants were always played
by the tritagonist is itself suspicious (cf. p. 134, n. i, above). t Op. dt., p. 57.
1446-1500). At more than one moment speech or lyric utterance is

expected and not forthcoming, and it must be that Ismene is here
represented by a mute ‘extra’, just because the poet had no fourth
actor.
Many proposals have also been made for the distribution of the parts
between tliree actors,* but all involve the splitting of Theseus’ part be-
tween two actors at least.- A compromise has been suggested by Ceadel,
who major one in the play
believes that the splitting of Theseus’ role (a
and one Athenian sensibilities) could not have been brought
close to
off without incongruity.-* Ceadel invokes the possibility that the actor of
Antigone left the stage either at 509, where Ismene goes to make offerings
to the Eumenides, or in the course of the stasimon 668-719, and that an
‘extra’ returned immediately, wearing her mask and robe, to play her
part during the scene ^vitli Kreon up to her forcible removal (847). In
this scene Antigone speaks only some six or seven lines(7206, 7226,
8286, 844, 845b, 846b), and Ceadel believes this to be not more than
could be given to a 77apaxop7jy7jpa (the same as plays the silent Ismene
from 1098 to 1555, and in Ceadel’s view, sings her brief part in the final
scene). Thus his scheme is (a) Oedipus, Messenger, ( 6 ) Antigone (ex-
:
cept 509 or 720 to 847), Kreon ; (c) Stranger, Ismene (324-509), Theseus,
Polyneikes; (d) napaxopyyy/ia Antigone (509 or 720 to 847); Ismene
(1098-1555 and 1670 to end). But it is not very likely that Antigone did
leave the stage at either of the moments suggested by Ceadel
at 509 the :
words of Ismene, though they be addressed to Antigone as she

could
followed her off, strongly suggest that Antigone did not move at all, and
that Antigone should go off during a stasimon ^s’ould be quite unpre-
cedented, besides leaving no trace in the text. In any case, suggestions
such as Ceadel’s represent only tinkering with the conventions of Greek
staging, in order to mitigate the sense of incongruity felt by a modern
reader, accustomed to modern theatrical forms. It is better to go back to
Ceadel, op. pp. 143 f.

cit.,
^ The number of actors playing Theseus can be kept to two by assuming that the brief
l>Tics given to Ismene (1724 IT., perhaps 1688-92, 1715-19) are sung off-stage by the actor
who is just about to appear as Theseus, and mimed on-stage by the npoaonrov who has
played Ismene earlier (1098-1555): cf. Kaffenberger, op. cit., pp. 236; Flickinger, Greek
Theater*, p. 181.
5 Ceadel laj-s stress on Oedipus’ words to Theseus on his entrance at 1. 891, c5 îAtot’, eyi-aii-
yap TO rrpoo(j)an~qpa aov, words -which, he argues, would be particularly obtrusive if uttered
just when Theseus was being played for the first time by 3 different actor (with presumably
a different voice) from the one who had previously taken the part. But Oedipus is blind,
and tliese words serve to concentrate our attentions once again (cf. 11. 1 ff., 21, 81 ff., 1136,
138, 1466, lySff., 192 ff., 495 ff., etc.) on this crucial dramatic fact: see John Jones, On
Aristotle and Greek Tragedy, pp. 2i8f., 2246
144 THE ACTORS
the tougher line laid do^vn by Kaffenberger, and to accept that the
sequence of entrances and exits in the first half of the play (especially
Ismene’s delayed arrival, her departure at 509, and Antigone’s removal
from the stage at 847) clearly indicates the allocation of parts in the play.'
As Kaffenberger himself points out, the staging conventions of the Greek
theatre are irreducibly incongruous to our differently conditioned sensi-
bilities ; the use of masks, of male actors playing female roles, the scale
and layout of the theatre are all strange to us, and it is doubtful tvhether
our sense of the incongruous in matters of detail is a safe guide to Sopho-
clean practice.
6. There is no play of Euripides in which the parts cannot be dis-
tributed ^vithout serious difficulty between three actors, except in so far

as, in four plays, brief singing (not speaking) parts are assigned to young
children.- WTiere these appear on stage, they obviously cannot have
been played by grown-up actors, and must have been taken by a boy
as a Trapaxo/j^yjjpa (%vith one or more as mutes if required), and spoken
or sung either by the boy himself or by a singer behind the scene.^ Such
may have been the case in Alceslis 393-415, and Andromache 494-545,
where there is a lyric dialogue between the young Molossos and his
mother, and Suppliants 1113-64, where there is a KopLfxos between the
children and the chorus. In Medea the children’s voices are only heard
from behind the stage.
It will already be clear from the discussion of Aeschylus and Sophocles
that the assignment of parts to actors can only be attempted within
varydng limits of probability. In particular, though tve can hope in many
cases to divide the roles of a play into three ‘sequences’, we can never
say which actor took which sequence, unless on the basis of some external
evidence or on grounds of general probability (i.e. that the first actor
had to take the most rewarding). Even here the possibilities will vary:
it rvill seem clear to most readers that the first actor played Medea in
Medea, but may he not have played the demanding, and hence perhaps
rewarding, sequence : Aphrodite, Phaidra, Theseus in Hippolyliis, rather
than the title role? In what follows no attempt is therefore made to
indicate the roles played by the first, second, or third actor, and un-
certainties or anomalies are explicitly referred to.
* For Kaffenberger’s discussion of Oed, CoLy see his DreischauspieUrgesetz, pp. 22-26, 36,
42 ff.
* There are also scenes in ^vhich children appear but do not speak, e.g. Eui^-sakes in
Sophocles’ Ajaxj the children of Polymestor in Hecuba 978, and the daughter of Teircsias
(if she was a child) in Phoenissaz 834,
3 Cf. De\Tient, Das Kind
auf der aniiken Buhne; Dale, edn. of Euripides, Alcestisy introd.,
pp. xix f., and note on 393-415, p. 85.
Akestis. The play could be performed with two actors : see Dale, Alcestis, p. xix.
(a) Apollo, Alcestis, Herakles, Pheres; (i) Thanatos, Servant, Admetus:
this distribution would almost certainly involve a pause, with the stage
empty, between 11 746-7- The chorus departs in slow procession after
.
Admetus, whose actor then re-enters as the Servant. If diree actors were in
fact used, then the likeliest distribution would be: (a) Apollo, Admetus;
(b) Alcestis, Pheres, Herakles; (a) Thanatos, Servant. With hvo actors, the
silence of the restored Alcestis in the final scene could be explained by the
lack of an actor to play her part: he is now playing Herakles. But the dra-
matic and emotive effect of her silence is another example of a playwright’s
exploitation of his technical limitations.
Medea, Medea; (6) Nurse; (c) Paidagogos: the remaining parts (Kreon,
(a)
Jason, Aigeus, and tlie Messenger) could be assigned to either (4 ) or (c).

But tlie play could perhaps be performed by two actors (a) Paidagogos
11 49-91), Medea; 4 Nurse, Kreon, Jason, Aigeus, Paidagogos (1002-20),
( . ( )
Messenger.^
Heraclidae. (a) lolaus, Eurystheus; ( 4 ) Herald, Makaria; (c) Demophon:
the Servant and Alkmene could be either ( 4 ) or (c), and the Messenger
(784-891), if he is not the same character as the Servant (see Murray, n. on
Dramatis Personae), could be (a).^
Hippolytus. Perhaps (a) Hippolytus, Messenger; (

4) Aphrodite, Theseus,
Phaidra; {c) Servant, Nurse, Artemis. But the withdrawal of all three actors
from the stage at more than one point (c.g. 120, 731, i loi) makes the dis-
tribution very uncertain.
Andromache. Perhaps (a) Andromache, Orestes, ? Messenger ; ( 4 ) Hermione,

Menelaus, ? Thetis ; (c) Serving Woman, Peleus, Nurse. Again a very un-
certain distribution three actors are on stage together only at 11. 545 ff.,
:
and probably at 878 ff. The child ofAndromache was probably sung off-stage
by (c) for discussion, see Kaffenberger, op. cit., p. 26.
:
Hecuba. Perhaps (a) Hecuba ( 4 ) Polyxena, Agamemnon (c) Odysseus, Serv-

; ;
ing Woman, Polymestor: Talthybios and Polydoros could be ( 4 ) or (c).

One of the few certainties is that the Serving Woman and Polymestor were
taken by the same actor; tlierefore, at the Serving Woman’s second ap-
peartmce (953 ff. : for her presence, cf. 966 ff.) the part was taken by a
Kuipov npoacoTTOv.
Suppliants, (a) Adrastus; (4 )

Theseus; (c) Aithra, Herald, Athena. The Mes-
senger could be 4
( )
or (c), and the remaining parts (Evadne, Iphis) could
be played by any of the tliree actors on tlie complex entrances and exits
;
' See Page, introd. to his edition, p. xxxi and n. 3, nn. on 11 . 8ao-i, 1250 ; contra, Regcn-
bogen, Eranos 48 (1950), pp. 42 f.
“ Not, certMtily,
by dividing the part of Medea between two actors, as implied by Ritchie,
The Authenticity of the ‘Rhesus’ of Euripides, (1964), p. 128.
^ The
children of Herakles are present throughout as Kcopa TTpoatoera; so too Akamas in
U. tiBIf. For the non-appearance of Alkmene in the Makaria scene (474 ff.) and of lolaus
in the dosing scene (cf. especially 11 .
859 ff., 936 f.), see Kaffenberger, op. cit., pp. 31
f.
;
146 THE ACTORS

of the last three hundred lines, see Kaffenberger, op. cit., pp. 33 f. For the
supplementary chorus of children, see above, p. 144.
Herakles. (a) Amphitryon; (b) Megara, Theseus; (c) Lykos, Herakles. The
Messenger is most likely to have been played by ( 6 ), but perhaps by (a)
(Amphitryon is off-stage in 11 887 ff.) Iris and Lyssa, who appear above
. :
a deserted stage, could have been played by any of the three actors.
(For lack of a fourth actor Herakles and Lykos never meet (Kaffenberger,
op. cit., pp. 38-40), but the suggestion (ibid., pp. 37 f.) that the death of
Megara, which seems to have been an innovation in the legend by Euripides,
was suggested by there being no actor for her in the latter part of the play
is pure speculation.)
Ion. Ion; (b) Kreousa; (c) Xouthos, Prophetis, Athena. The Old Man
(a)
isprobably (c), though he could be (a); Hermes could be (b) or (e), the
Servant (a) or (r).
(Again the lack of a fourth actor explains why Xouthos never reappears,
as he might be expected to do, in the last scene. But in 11 i r 30-1 he hints .
that he may be late in returning, and so far prepares the audienee for his
absence.')
Troades. (a)Hecuba; (b) Poseidon; (c) Athena. The part of Talthybios could
be combined with that of Menelaus or of Helen and played by either [b) or (r)
those of Kassandra and Andromache (certainly played by the same actor)
combined with the part not given to the actor of Talthybios and played by
(c) or (b).
Electro, (a) Electra ; (b) Orestes ; (c) Peasant, Old Man, Klytaimnestra, Kastor.
The Messenger, who could be played by either (b) or (c), is perhaps more
likely to be (6), in order to balance the parts. For discussion, see Kaffen-
berger, pp. igf. : Pylades is a kwôv rrpocrwTToy throughout, even when ad-
dressed (e.g. 11. 82 ff.. Ill, i34of.); the absence of a fourth actor is felt.
For the silent Polydeukes, Kaffenberger compares Akamas, silent but pre-
sent with Demophon in Heraclidae 1 18 ff.
Iphigeneia in Tauris. The parts of Iphigeneia, Orestes, and Pylades require

three separate actors ;
the parts of the Herdsman and Thoas could be com-
bined with those of Orestes or Pylades those of Athena and the Messenger
;
could be played by any of the three actors. The Herdsman, if he re-enters

with the captive Orestes and Pylades, is there (456-70) played by a Kcopov
npoaumov so too probably are Orestes and Pylades in the brief scene 1 222-33.
;
(Kaffenberger, op. cit., pp. i6f., suggests that Thoas is played by the actor
of Orestes and cannot therefore address him hence the ritual veiling ordered
;
by Iphigeneia. He cannot address Pylades as being the secondary figure.

But the Messenger, who enters at 1284, could be played by the actor of
either Iphigeneia or Orestes, and Thoas could therefore be played by the
actor of Pylades: the stasimon (1234-82) allows a change of costume.)
See above (p. 138) on the similar position of Danaus in Aeschylus’ Suppliants.
Helen, (a) Helen; [h) Menelaus; (c) Servant (597-757), Theonoe, Theokly-
menos. Teucer could be played by (6) or (c), the Old Woman by (a) or (c),
the Messenger and Kastor by (a) or {b). If the speaker of 11 1627 ff. is a .
second Ser\'ant (as Clark suggested) and not the chorus (as in the MSS.
on this point see, most recently, Barrett on Hippolylus 1102-50, p. 367 of
his edition; Dale, Helen, pp. 165 f.), tlie part could be played by {b) or (a).
Pboenissae. A very tentative distribution would be (a) lokasta, Antigone (ex-

cept 1270-82), Teiresias; (6) Paidagogos, Polyneikes, Kreon, Antigone
(1270-82) ;
(c) Eteokles, Menoikeus, Messengers, Oedipus. If the scholiast
on 1. 93’ can be relied on, the appearance of the Paidagogos alone from 88
to 102 intended to give the actor of lokasta time to change into the
is
costume of Antigone, but in one later scene (1270-82) lokasta and Antigone
appear together and must tliere be played by different actors. The purpose
of the manoeuvre must have been to give the singing of the elaborate arias
of the two characters to the same specially qualified actor (lokasta, 11. 301 ff.
Antigone, 103 ff., 14851!., 1710!!). A
difficulty arises in that Oedipus
also sings (1539 ff., 17141!) the second Messenger and Oedipus must be
:
played by the same actor, but the remaining parts could be reallocated;
e.g. Teiresias/Menoifceus could be exchanged; the Paidagogos could be
eitlier (b) or (c).^
Orestes. Again very uncertain. Perhaps

(a) Orestes, Messenger; (b) Electra,
Menelaus, Phrygian; Helen, Tyndareus, Pylades, Hermione, Apollo.
(c)
There is uncertainty, in particular, over Electra’s final exit probably at —

1 1352 (! 161 8 perhaps suggests that she is off the stage). Her part and that of
.
the Phrygian are the only ones which involve the singing of lyrics there is :
therefore a certain likelihood that they were given to the same actor (possible
wth a quick change between 1352 and 1368). The roles of Menelaus and
Tyndareus could be reversed and if they are, then Apollo must be given to
(b) the Messenger could be played by (c). Hermione in the opening scene
;
(i 12-25) and Pylades in the last scene (1567!!) areplayedby
in both scenes there is no fourth actor available, and in the latter (1592)
Euripides resorts to the striking device of having Orestes reply to a question
addressed to Pylades: see Kaffenberger, op. cit., pp. 13-15.
Bacchae. (a) Dionysus, Teiresias; (i) Pentheus, Agaue;
(c) Cadmus, Sen'ant,
first Messenger. The second Messenger (1024!!) could be given to (a) or

(r), perhaps even to (6).
Jphigcneia in Aults, (a) Agamemnon, Achilles; (6) Menelaus, Klytaimnestra

(c) Old Man, Messenger, Iphigeneia, ? second Messenger. The ending
first
of the play is gravely corrupt as the text stands, it is scarcely possible for the
:
* TQura aodat âfft tov EvpintSitv tva Tov TrpoyrayojvtOTTjv airo rov ttjs 'loKaanjs TTpoo-
w-rrov perauKajaup' Sid ou ovvciTLipaLverai adroi Avtiyovtj, oAA* varepov.
- Thescholium is unique and its source undiscoverable,
but it deserves to be taken seriously:
it cannot be simple inference from the Ritchie (op. cit., p. 128) suggests that actors were
text.
responsible for this (later) allocation of roles, in order to give lokasta’s prologue speech to
the protagonist : for this see above, p. 135.
:
148 THE ACTORS

second Messenger to be played by (a). Complex arias are given only to
Iphigeneia.
Hypsipyle. The remains are too fragmentary and the order of scenes too un-
certain to allow of any assurance as regards the distribution of roles ;
but as
Hypsipyle, Amphiaraus, and Eurydike appear together in one scene, these
parts must have been taken by three separate actors in the surviving frag-:
ments lyric utterance is given only to Hypsipyle. Both of Hypsipyle’s sons

appear to have had speaking parts (fr. I. i 7 Bond 11 =
6ff. Page; fr. 64 .
Bond 11 =
304-6, 336-7 Page),’ and both appear and speak in a scene in
.
which Hypsipyle and Amphiaraus are also present; but there is nothing
to show that a fourth actor is required the few words that Thoas speaks in
:
this scene may have been given to a irapaxop^yrjiia or even spoken from
behind the scene while Thoas was played by a kwôv TrpoaaiTTov. The play is
a late work of Euripides.^
In the lost Kresphontes of Euripides we are told that Aesehines as third
actor took the part of the tyrannical king—Kresphontes (the leading part
that of Merope, being taken by Theodores).^
Rhesus. The extant Rhesus has frequently been thought to be a fourth-century

play,and not the work of Euripides.'' However that may be, many scholars
have been convinced that the scene in 11. 642 ff. requires four actors, playing
Odysseus, Diomedes, Athena, and Alexandras, all present at once. But Dio-
medes is clearly sent off at 6366 (before the entry of Alexandres), while
Odysseus must go off after 626, and has in fact captured the horses of Rhesus
(as 1. 671 shows) before re-entering, presumably with the chorus at 674. In
the interval the actor of Odysseus, after a quick change, played Alexandres
between 642 and 665, and made a lightning change back into the costume
—
of Odysseus between 666 and 674 quite possible if prepared for, especially
if the interval were prolonged by the confused and excited entry of the chorus
at 674.5 If this be allowed, the following distribution would be possible

(a) Hector, Odysseus, Alexandros; {b) Aeneas, Rhesus, Athena, Muse;
(c) Dolon, Shepherd (Messenger), Diomedes, Charioteer. But all that is eer-
tain is that Hector, Aeneas, and Dolon in the opening scene, and Odysseus,
Athena, and Diomedes later require three separate actors.
The general objection made by Rees and others to the assignment of

incongruous parts to the same actor in many of the above schemes has
already been briefly dealt with. Such incongruity would be serious if
* On the presence of both Thoas and Euneus as speaking characters, especially in fr. 64,
see Bond, Euripides: *Hypsipyle' (*963), pp. ii, 126 f.
* Onthe date of Hypsipyle, see most recently Bond, op. cit., p. 144.
3 Dem. de Cor. 1
80 ; Aelian, Var. H. xiv. 40. He similarly took the part of the cruel
Oinomaos,
perhaps in Sophocles* play of that name: see p, 50, n. 5 above.
The case against this view, and for attributing the play to Euripides, has been argued
most recently and most effectively by Ritchie, The Authenticity of the ^Rhesus* of Euripides. An
important reply to Ritchie by Fraenkel, Gnomon 37 (1965) , pp. 228-41.
5
See Ritehie, op. cit., pp. 126-9.
there were any elaborately naturalistic acting attached to each part, and
above were scope for facial expression, which is one of the chief
all if there
modem means of expressing individual character and feeling, but the

use of masks (and probably the conventionality of costume), as well as
the relatively statuesque acting,* left individual expression mainly to the
tone of voice, which a competent actor would have been able to adapt
as the part required, in so far as even this was possible -when the voice
was masculine throughout. To judge ancient acting by the standards of
modem and Western acting is a quite mistaken proceeding.
7. It is ewdent that the practice as regards the number of actors was
not so strict in comedy as in tragedy, and it appears that, though there

^vere three principal actors, there was much more freedom to introduce
additional performers for small parts. If comedy originated in a more
or less disorderly I'evel, it can be understood that this did not include
regularly constructed dramatic scenes, at least until elements from the
Dorian mime were introduced into the revel, ^ and it is not impossible to
accept the tradition recorded (probably after passing through many
hands) by a late writer that Cratinus reduced the disorderliness and, in
some sense, fixed the number ofregular actors at three.* Nor is it surprising
that Aristophanes himself should have retained some of the old freedom.'*
The opening scene of his first extant play, Achamians, involves at
one point (
11 , 94-125) four, perhaps five, speaking parts.* Three of the
* But the statuesquencss of the acting in the fifth century is an open question; see below,
pp. 171 ff. 2 cf, Dith. Trag, Com.=, ch. iii.
^ Tzetzes, Prol. de Com. i6 (Kaibel, p. i8 =

Dubner, Anon, de Com. v) Kal aM} 8c ^ iraAoid
cairr^ff 8 ta^cpc(* fcat ydp ot o' ArriKij npiorov cruonyad/io'oi to CTTiT^Sev/ia Tijs KoifitpSia^
(âai* Sc 01 ?rcpl Sovoaplwva) to TTpdaaijro aTaicro)? flurjYov *cai ycAoij povos to KOTaOKCuaJd-
p€vov. cTTiyci’d^ci’oy 8c d Kpartvos kotcottjoc pkv TTputrov to o* rrj Kwptphtq. npoatDTTa p^xpl Tptdiv,
<mjcas aTOîd;’, #cai rw rijs KatpwSta^ to trpoaedijKef too? kokwj •n’pdocrop-
Toy Sta^dAAoji' koi cuenrep Sijpoa!^ /idoriyt t^ KWp^Si^ KoXdêvv. dAA* cri piv ical oôy dp;faid'
TijToy p€T€iX€ Koi Tjpepa ircoy T^y dra^toy* d /xcWoi ye .Mpioro^dn^y peffoBevaas rexyixdrrepoy
ttjv' KwpwSiay twv peS* coirrou dveXapipei’ o' oTraaw eTTiuTjpo^ Rarefy.
^ The most recent (and important) discussion of the problem of the distribution of parts
in Aristophanes is that of C. F. Russo in-4 nj(^nr (1962), pp. 1 12-19 (i4 cA,), {Kmghls)^
*
49-55 182-5 (Clouds), Q04-5 (iKoj/ij), 225-7
. 252-4 (fiirds), 278-84
302-3 (TTiesjn.), 332-4 (Frogs), 346-7 (Eccles.), 360-1 (Pluhis). Russo attempts to assign parts
to protagonist, deuteragonist, and tritagonist, but admits that considerable uncertainty is
involved. He stresses (rightly) the great difficulties caused by uncertainty over the assignment
of lines to speakers in the text of Aristophanes: manuscript evidence on this point is of no
autliority, and the large number of characters, many of them all but anon^nmous, in Aristo-
phanes creates many problems on this sec Wilamowitz on Lyststr. 74, 1216-41 ; J. Andricu,
:
2> Dialogue antique (esp. pp. 91-95, 169 f., 209-1 1, 214-18, 249-52, 258 ff., 275-81) ; Russo,
op. cit., pp. 66-74 Dover, C.R., N.s. g (1959), pp. 1 96-9 ; Fraenkel, Beobachtungen zu Aristo-
»
(1962), pp. 61-65,92-94, 121-3, i32-5;J.G. B. Lowe, /?«//. Inst. Class. Stud. (London),
9 (>962). pp. =7-4=: Ifrrma, 95 {1967), pp. 53-7>.
* TIic ambiguity turns on whether Amphitheos leaves the stage at
55, to return just when
wanted at 1 29, or remains on-stage throughout : the latter is Russo’s view ; for the former (and
more probable), see Dover, Lustrum 2 (1957), pp. 58 f.; id. Mata, N.S. 15 (1963), pp. 8f.
150 THE ACTORS
parts —those of Dikaiopolis, Amphithcos, and the Ambassador same (the
actor probably played Thcoros later in the scene) —^wcrc presumably

taken by the three principal actors, but the Herald (present throughout
11.43-173) calls for a fourth actor, however described, and an extra is
needed for the King’s Eye, Pscudartabas (who speaks only two lines of
gibberish, but is on stage at least from 11 94 to 125). The ‘fourth actor’
.
is then available to play a number of other brief parts later in the play,
amounting probably to not more than 30 lines. One of these parts was
probably that of the second sycophant, Nikarchos (908-58) some :
scholars have found a difficulty in that a joke implies that this character
was a small man, and realism demands that he be not played by an
actor who elsewhere plays normal full-grown persons. But a joke is a joke,
and the point of this one does not require a grotesquely small figure.
A possible distribution would then be one actor (almost certainly the
;
protagonist) Dikaiopolis; a second. Ambassador, Thcoros, Euripides,

Lamachus, Megarian, Theban, Farmer, Paranymphos; a third, Am-
phitheos, Dikaiopolis’ daughter, Euripides’ slave. Sycophant, Messenger
from Lamachus, second Herald, Messenger from priest of Dionysus;
a fourth, Herald, Megarian’s daughter, Nikarchos, Messenger from the
generals; extra, Pseudartabas.
In Knights only three actors arc needed, one representing the Sausage-
seller, a second the second Slave (‘Nikias’) and the Paphlagonian
(‘Kleon’), a third the first Slave (‘Demosthenes’) and Demos.’
We
have Clouds only in a revised or partly revised form. Obviously
Strepsiades is played by one actor throughout, Socrates by a second, and
Pheidippides by a third the second also plays the
;
first Creditor (‘Pasias’)
and (56-58), and the third the second Creditor
Strepsiades’ slave
(‘Amynias’) and one or perhaps two pupils of Socrates (133-221 1493- ;
1505). But in the text as it stands, four actors are required in II. 889-1104,
since it seems clear that both Strepsiades and Pheidippides must have
been present during the dispute of the two Aoyoi. Socrates perhaps was
not,^ but his actor cannot have taken the part of either of the Aoyoi, as he
speaks at 1. 1105, and even if he returns then, \vould have had no time
at all to change his mask and costume. The scene as a whole, then,
appears to call for five actors, and the fourth and fifth actors would have
parts wholly in excess of what is given to such actors elsewhere in
* Droysen and othere, followed by Coulon, put 11 1254-^ . mouth of the first Slave
(‘Demosthenes’), on inadequate grounds: sec Russo, Amto/ane, pp, isqf. If they were right,
a fourth actor would be required for ‘Demosthenes’ here, ôugh not necessary earlier in the
play
* Cf. I. 887 8’ aTrecoftai.
extant Aristophanes. But it is quite uncertain what happened in the

play as originally constructed.’
Wasps could not be performed without four actors. Two are required
for tlie parts of Philokleon and Bdelykleon, and the actor of Philokleon
may also have played the first A third may have played
Slave (Sosias).
the second Slave (Xanthias), the Dog from Kydathenaion, and the
.MpTowcuAt's; a fourth, the Reveller and the Man with a witness (
11 1415 ff.),
.
but other arrangements are equally possible. The Boy (

11 . 230-414) and
the three sons of Karkinos, who are dancers, in the last scene must have
been taken by extras.
In Peace the parts of the first Slave (1-49) and then Trygaeus must
have been taken by one actor ;
a second took those of the second Slave
(1-113 and 824-1126), Hermes, Kydoimos, and probably the Arms-
dealer; a third, those of Polemos, Hierokles, and the. ApsTravovpyos. The
extra performers required include the daughter of Trygaeus (114-48),
and the small sons of Lamachus (1270-94) and Kleonymos (1298-1301),^
as well as the mute figures of Peace, Opora, and Theoria. The distribution
of the parts from 1210 to 1264 depends upon whether the various
Armourers, who in some texts speak in succession under different names,
are not rather (as some editors have suggested with probability) all one
”OnXwv KaTT-riXos ( 1 1209) offering different objects successively. In that
.
case they could all be taken by the second actor and the different pieces
of military equipment carried by two Koiâ Trpoaw-na, the Kpavoiroios
(1255: cf. 1213) and the do/)u|oos (1213, 1260).
Birds could be performed, for all but one scene, by three actors, with-
out involving impossibly swift changes of costume, and the sequence of
entrances and exits suggests that it was so performed, in spite of involving
more parts (twenty- two) than any other extant play of Aristophanes. One
actor would play Peisetairos throughout the remaining parts could
;
be assigned as follows a second actor, Euelpides, Poet, Meton, Decree-

:
seller, first Messenger (1122-63), ^^s, Kinesias, Prometheus, Herakles;
a third. Hoopoe’s servant. Hoopoe, Priest,’ Oracle-monger, Inspector,

second Messenger (1168-84), Herald from earth (1271-1307), Parricide,
Sycophant, Poseidon. The Triballian god would be an extra, speaking
a few lines of nonsense. A large number of walking-on parts includes the
bird-slave Manes (1311 ff.) and the figure of Basileia in the final scene.
The swiftest change occurs just before the exodos, when one of the actors
* For some interesting suggestions, see Russo, op. cit., pp. 155--71.
^ On children’s parts in Aristophanes (al\vays song or recitative), see Russo, op. cit.,
pp. 226 f.
>52 THE ACTORS
involved in the embassy of gods must change into a Messenger during
the lyrics, 11. 1694-1705; they were perhaps preceded by dumb show
(cf. 1693).
Lysistrata includes a conversation of four characters very early in the
play (11. 77-244), but for the most part could be acted by three actors,
with a few very minor roles, amounting to not much more than thirty
lines, given to a fourth. The part of Lysistrata would occupy one actor
almost throughout, and could be combined only with that of the Spartan
youth (1242-1320). A second actor could play Kalonike, the Proboulos,
first Woman (728 ff.), Kinesias, Athenian (Wilamowitz and Coulon’s
Prytanis: 108&-1188, and probably 1216-95); a third, Myrrhine, first
Old Woman (439-607),' third Woman (742-80), the Spartan Herald,

the Spartan (1076-1 188) and the second Athenian (1221 ff.). This would
leave to extra performers the speeches of the second Old Woman in the
scene 439-607 (3 lines), the second Woman of 735-41 (3J lines), and
the fourth Woman of the same scene (760 ff. 2 lines), plus the Woman ;
of 830-844 (2i lines) : all or most of these could have been taken by the
fourth actor who must 11. 77-244. The baby of Kinesias
play Lampito in
(879) could be an by a child, but the ‘baby’ could as well
extra, played
be a doll and its cry mimicked by Kinesias. A large crowd of walking-on
parts includes numerous ‘women’, mostly anonymous, and ‘men’, as well
as some unnamed trouble-makers (1217-40), apparently slaves.*
In Thesmophoriazousae one actor must have played Euripides’ relative
(‘Mnesilochus’) a second, Euripides and the first Woman; a third,
;
Agathon’s slave, Agathon, the second Woman, Kleisthenes, and third

Woman (759-935), and the Archer. The Archer at his first appearance
(923 ff.) is played by a Koipov npoucaiTov, but goes off with his prisoner
at 946, and returns, played by an actor, at 1001.* The part of the Pry-
tanis (929-944 8 lines) calls for a fourth actor. The ‘chorus’ which sings
:
with Agathon in the rehearsal scene (loi ff.) is certainly not visible it is :
either imaginary, mimed by Agathon (a suggestion already made by the

seholiast on loi f.), or sings off-stage, like the chorus of Frogs in Frogs.*
Frogs could be played almost throughout by three actors one taking :
the part of Dionysus, a second those of Xanthias and Aeschylus, and

a third those of Herakles, Charon, Aiakos, the servant of Persephone,*
* On the hvo anonymous speakers in this scene, see Russo, op. cit., pp. fzypf.
* See Wilamowitz on 1216-41 ;
Russo, op. cit., pp, 282-4.
3 Russo, op. cit,, pp. 153 f.
* So Fraenkcl, Beobachtungen zu Aristophanes, p. 1 12, n. i.
* Probably male, not female, as the oath fia top (508) indicates : see J. Werres,
Die Beteuerungsformeln in d. att, Korn. (diss. Bonn, 1936), p. 44.
the Hostess, and Euripides a fourth would be required

; for the very small
parts (so far as spoken lines are concerned) of the Corpse, Plathane, and
Pluton. The play involves the three actors almost constantly, and gives
one of them Dvo major parts (Xanthias and Aeschylus) in succession.
Greater use of a fourth actor would enable these parts to be separated,
but it remains notable that Xanthias disappears from the scene once
Aeschylus appears. The unseen chorus of Frogs ^vas no doubt sung (off-
stage) by the same chorus-men as formed the regular chorus of Initiated.

The \valking-on parts include the Girl with the castanets (‘Euripides’
Muse’, 1305-64).
Ecclesiazousae can also be arranged for three actors with a very little
help from a fourth. One actor plays Praxagora, the second Man(746 ff.),
and the first and third Old Women ;
a second, the first Woman, the first
Man (Blcpyros’ neighbour: 327 ff.), Chremes, and the Young Man
(938 a third, the second Woman (35 ff.) Blcpyros, the female Herald,
ff.) ; ,
the Young Girl (884 ff.), and the Maidservant. A fourth would then
take the tliird Woman (who speaks 3 lines in a dialogue of four characters)
and the second Old Woman (1049-95).
^Vhcthcr or not Plutus was acted by three actors depends on tvhether
the part of Plutus was divided between two actors, perhaps with different
masks —the one representing him before, the other after his restoration
one actor might take Karion, Poverty (415 ff.), the Old
to health. If so,
Woman, and Plutus from 1 771 onwards; a second, Chremylos, the
.
Just Man, and Hermes; a third, Plutus blind (1-286), Blepsidemos,

Chremylos’ Wife, the Sycophant, the Young Man, and the Priest of
Zeus. But a four-actor distribution remains more likely.
It seems probable, therefore, that in the Old Comedy the greater part
of the work ^vas done by three actors, but that for a particular scene,
^vhen required, or perhaps when available, or for very small parts, a
fourth ^^’as employed. When four persons converse, one of them takes
a vety^ small part (though tlie opening scene of the Lysistrata is somewhat
exceptional) and the chorus docs not join in the dialogue. It was obviously
a and less expensive matter to provide an occasional or un-
less serious
important fourth actor for a single comedy, which is all that each com-
petitor offered, than for three tragedies, and the structure of comedy
was looser from the first than that of tragedy.’
’
tViUimowilz (on l^sislrala 1114) suggested that women (not men), appearing naked, took
watkingKjn parts in several of Aristophanes’ plan's. His list includes dmAAayai in Lysistrata, the
girl flute-player in the girl in Tktsrt. 1 175 ff., the girl flute-player and Basilcia in Birds,
Dikaiojwlis’ girl-friends in the exodas of Aehatniasa, and Theoria in Place. If the thesis is
accepted, one might add Bnoi-Sat in Knights and the Muse of Euripides in Frogs.
M
154 THE ACTORS
8. \Vhether there was any fixed custom in regard to the number of
actors in the New Comedy it is not possible to say. Until recently the
remains of Menander’s plays’ were too fragmentary, and the assignment
of lines to particular characters frequently too uncertain. It is not safe
to argue from the Roman comedy to the Greek ; nor do we know %vhether
or at what time a virtual dhdsion of the play into Acts came into vogue
and with it the permission of intervals during which the scene was
empty and changes of costume could be made.
The discovery of Dyskolos has made it a good deal easier to discuss
the problem, though it w'ould still be unsafe to generalize {Dyskolos was

a very early play of Menander). Allocations of the parts in this play to
both three and four actors have already been proposed. G. P. Goold*
decides firmly for a three-actor solution :
(a) Chaereas, Cnemon, Daos,
Sostratus (in 11 .522-73 and 611-19), Simice (e.\cept 574-96), Callip-
pides; {b) Sostratus (except 522-73, 611-19), Getas, Gorgias (in 635-8);
(c) Pan, Pyrrhias, Cnemon’s daughter, Gorgias (except 635-8), Sicon,
and Simice (in 574-96). J. G. Griffith^ offers alternative allocations:
with three actors (a) Sostratus, Getas (in 402-80, h79-969) (fc) Chae-
: ',
reas, Cnemon, Daos, Callippides; Pan, Pyrrhias, Gorgias, Sicon,

(c)
Getas (in 546-619) ; extra, Cnemon’s daughter and Simice. This is more
nearly workable than Goold’s suggestion. Assuming four actors, Griffith
suggests (a) Sostratus (A) Pan, Cnemon, Callippides, Simice (in 620-
: ;
38 and 874-84) ; (c) Pyrrhias, Gorgias, Sicon, Simice (in 574-602)

(d) Chaereas, Daos, Getas ; extra, Cnemon’s daughter. The extra might
be dispensed Avith by assigning : (a) Cnemon, Daos, Callippides, Simice

(in 620-38, 874-84); (6) Sostratus; (c) Pan, Pyrrhias, Gorgias, Getas;
(d) Chaereas, Cnemon’s daughter, Sicon, Simice (in 574-602). But the
possible permutations and combinations are numerous,* and it may be
questioned whether the problem can ever be settled from the text. We
should perhaps rather note the epigraphic evidence from the Delphic
* The number
ofactors in Menander’s pla>’s has been frequently discussed, e.g. in Legrand’s
Daos, pp. 365 ff. ; K. Rees in Class, Philol, 5 (1910), pp. 291 ff. ; Graf, Szoaische UnUTSUchungen
zu pp, 29-49; Kdrtc,i2.£'.,s.v. Mcnandros (9), cols. 755 f» etc., but there arc still too
many *unkno>vn quantities’to allow of any certain solution of the problems.
^ PAoonix
13 (1959), pp. 144-50.
^ C.Q.., N.S., 10 (i960),
pp. 113-17. Sec ako Webster, StuJifS in Menander^, pp. 225f.;
J.-M. Jacques, Minandre, Lc Dyscolos (Budi), p. 76, n. t, 80, n. 1 (both opt for three actors).
* Among
outstanding uncertainties arc the exits of Chaereas and Pyrrhias in II. 134 ff.
and the first cntr>* of Cnemon in the same passage; the re-entry of Pyrrhias before 1. 214; the
speakers of II. 300-1 (? Pyrrhias) and 515-16 (? Getas), No distribution yet takes account of
Sostratus* mother, plausibly conjectured by Ritchie as the speaker of II. 430-1, 432-4,
43^7> 440-1. Also, do we know what length of pause >vas cither normal or tolerated when
the stage was empty (for which sec Griffith, op. cit., p. 1
13, and add 1. 455) ?
Soteria (see below), which shows that in the third century the comic
team was normally composed of three actors. Yet it seems likely that
there are extant scenes of Menander’s plays which could hardly be per-
formed without four actors, e.g. the Arbitration scene in the Epitrepontes,
and the one which follows it immediately, as there would be no time for
Daos, the defeated litigant, to change his mask and dress and reappear
as Onesimos.' In the Perikeiromene there is a scene (217 ff.) in which
Polemon, Sosias, Pataikos, and Habrotonon are all present at once and
all appear to take some part in the conversation, and a later scene in
which Glykera, Pataikos, Doris, and Moschion (at first in hiding, but
interjecting ‘asides’) all seem to take part. (Moreover, in both these plays
the employment of three actors only would certainly entail some very
awkward divisions of the same role between two or even three actors.)
The evidence as regards the number of actors employed in each play,
after the organization of actors’ guilds in all parts of the Greek world, is
confined to the series of inscriptions recording the names of all the per-
formers at the Soteria at Delphi from about 275 b.c. onwards.^ At each
festival three (or two) troupes of performers of tragedy and four or three
troupes of performers of comedy

and in each troupe are
are recorded,
three rpayaiSoi or KojfiwSoc (with a flute playerand in nearly every case
a didaskalos).^ This implies that for any one play only three actors were
—
available the protagonist and two others, who in some other inscrip-
tions are referred to as crvvaywviaral. But there is reason to believe that
the actors of the later period (like the fourth-century Athenian actors
whom Lycurgus compelled to keep to the authorized text of the great
poets) took great liberties with the text of older plays,and may have got
over difficulties by this means. They would naturally select for action
only such of the newer plays as their companies could conveniently
• In the Epilreponles Onesimos and Smikrincs would each require a single actor; a third
could play Daos and Habrotonon ; the fourth, Syriskos and Chairestratos ; but the distribution
of the parts of Simmias, Charisios, Pamphile, Sophrone, and the Cook is quite uncertain.
In the Sarnia one actor would play Demesis, a second Parmenon and possibly Chr>’sis also,
a third, Nikeratos, Moschion, and the Cook. The division of the parts in the Perikeiramme is
(with the text as it is) very difficult to ascertain ; but Polemon obviously occupies one actor
entirely, and Daos, Glykera, and Habrotonon could be played by one actor, and so could
Sosias and Moschion ; a fourth could take Doris and Pataikos (no part of Myrrhine’s role
is extant). But objections to this arrangement will easily suggest themselves.
' See below, pp. 283 f. (and refs there given), and Rees
in Am. J. Phil. 31 (tgio), pp. 43 ff.
The latter’s difficulty,no tragic chorus is mentioned (though there were seven comic
that
choreutai until a late date) and that nevertheless each tragic troupe had its flute player
and didaskalos, may be solved if we consider that the flute player would be needed to ac-
company any lyrics sung by a rpaywias, and that there may have been enough for the
didaskalos to do in conne-xion with these musical portions.
^ IVhcre no didaskalos is mentioned, the protagonist or a leading member of the chorus
may have fulfilled the task.

;
156 THE ACTORS

perform (that the same actor might take two very different parts is sug-
gested by references in Lucian and others; see p. 138, n. i above).
c. Delivery, Speech, Recitative, Song
I . The presentation’ of a play, whether by actors or chorus, involves

three elements —the utterance of the words, the use of gestures, and the
movements from place to place on the scene

(or absence of movement)
of action, whether on the level ground or on a stage.
The practice of Greek actors included speech unaccompanied by music,
speech accompanied by an instrument (or what is conventionally termed
recitative), and song. The first was normally employed for the portions
of a play written in iambic trimeters (the metre considered most akin
to prose speech),^ whether in dialogue or monologue, the second for the
delivery of tetrameters and of iambics inserted in the midst of lyric
systems, the third for lyrics. The texts which give direct evidence on this
subject are few, and except as regards recitative raise no difficulties
(1) Aristotle, Poet. iv. 1449=21 ff. to t« (xirpov (of the earliest tragedy) eV re-
Tpaperpov lapêtov eyevETO. to piev yap irptoTOV rerpapirpto ixputvro S(a
TO aarvpiKrpi Kal op^rjartKcorepav eivat rTp> TTOiTjcm'. Xeêws Se yevopevrjs
(‘when a spoken part was introduced’ ?) airfi 1) to olKetov pirpov
eSpe, pdXtara yap XeKTiKov rwv perpcuv to tapêtov iortv. orjpetov toiItow
TrXetara yap lapêta Xiyopev ev rij StaXeKrtp rfj rrpos dXXi^Xovs.
(2) Aristotle, Rhet. iii. 8. I4o8‘’33 ff. o S' tap§os avrri ianv rj Aefj? ij riov
TToXXwv Sio pdXiara rrdvTwv rdiv perpwv lapêta tftOeyyovrai Xeyovres.
(3) Aristotle, Poet. vi. I449b28ff. Xeyu> Se 7]Svapevov piv Xdyov (as used by
tragedy) rov eyovra pvBpdv Kal dppovlav Kal peXos, to Se ywpls rots elSeat
TO Sid pirpwv €Via pdvov rrepalveaBai Kal irdXiv irepa Sid peXovs.
(4) Xenophon, Symp. vi. 3. oSv PovXeaBe, warrep NiKoarparos 6 imo-
Kpirfisrerpdperpa rrpos Tov adAdr KareXeyev, ovrcO Kal vrro tov avXov vptv
StaXeywpai; (Nikostratos was a famous tragic actor of the last part of the
century. See O’Connor, pp. 122-3;
fifth 2318, col. vii ; 2325, col. i.)’
(5) [Plutarch] Je Mus. 1140 f. dAAd p-rfu Kal ApytXoxos rrjv rwv rpiperpoiv
pvBporroUav rrpoaeêvpe Kal r^v els rolls ovx opoyeveis pvBpovs evraaiv*
' The Greek word for ‘present’ is StanOemi; e g. Plato, Charmii. 162 d aXKi fioi eSoftr
opyiaSrjvtii qutw toanep rronjTrjs vnoKpirij KaK&s hiaridevri to eavrov rrot'qparaj and Laws n.
658 d paiptpBoi' . . . OSvaaeiav rj rt Ttav 'Haiohetaiv hiariBevra.
KaXtvs ’IXtdSa Kal *
= According to Aristotle, passages i and 2 below, but cf. Maas, Greek Metre (trans. Lloyd-
Jones) (1962), para. 77 ; Dale, C Q, , n s. 13 (1963), p. 48 and n. 2.
= The Xenophon passage is somewhat ambiguous : it might be taken to imply that tetra-
meters were no! always ‘recited’ to a flute accompaniment (otherwise why mention the
name of the actor’), and refers perhaps rather to a ‘recital’ at a symposium than to a per-
formance in the theatre.
* r^v . . . evraaiv : the combination of iambic with rhythms of another type, eg. (as he ex-
plains later) an iambic + paeonic line.
DELIVERY, SPEECH, RECITATIVE, SONG J57
Ka'i TT)V irapaKaToXoyTjv Kal ttjv -nepi ravra Kpovoiv (‘recitative and its ac-
companiment’) tTi 8e Tuiv lap-Peiwv to to. p.£V XiyeaBai Trapa rr/v Kpovaiv
. . .
(‘uttered to an accompaniment’) rd S’ aSeadai, ApxiXoyov <f)aai KaraSetât,

eid’ OVTU) ;^p^(Tat70 at rovs rpayiKovs TTonjrds, Kpeôv Se Xaôvra els Sidvpdp-
^mv xpfjuiv ayayetvX otovrai Se Kal Ttjv Kpovaiv rrjv vnd r^v aiS^v^ tovtov
npivTov evpetv, rovs S’ dpâlovs ndvra irpoaxopSa Kpoveiv.
(6) Aristotle, Problems xix. 6. Sia tI rj irapaKaraXoyr] ev rats aiSats^ rpayiKov;
i) Sid TTjv dvajpaXiav (‘the contrast involved’); TraBrjTiKov yap to dvwpaXes
Kal ev peyedei tvxt)s Tj Xv-rrqs' to Se ofiaXes eXaTTov youiSes*
Lucian, desaltat. 27 (speaking with contempt of the actor who ‘sings’ the
(7)
iambic parts of a play) etr’ evSoBev avTos KeKpaycas, eavrov dvanXCiv Kal
.
KaTaKXuiv, evloTe Kal TrepidSiov to. la/tfieta.
(8) Athenaeus xiv. 636 b. ev ols yap, âl (sc. Phillis of Delos), tovs Idpôvs
^Sov lap^vKas eKdXow ev ois Se TrapaKaTeXoylôvTO to. ev Tots pieTpois
KXetpidpPovs. [The MSS. have rrapeXoylôvTo.}
The term TrapaKaTaXoyf),^ applied to the recitation of lines to the ac-

companiment of the flute, the instrument best suited for tragic use,®
is found only twice (in Aristotle’s Problems and in ‘Plutarch’) and the
corresponding verb once (in a conjectural reading in Athenaeus). The
invention of TrapaKaTaXoyrj was ascribed to Archilochus, from whom the
tragic poets adopted it. The word is equivalent in meaning to KUToXeyeiv
trapd TT]v Kpovaiv,’’ and it would appear that the accompaniment was on
a higher note or notes than those employed by the actor. Whether the
actor or the flautist kept to the same note or notes, wholly or mainly, is
never stated; we have in fact very little notion what this ‘recitative’,
later accompanied by the KXeililapiPos, was like. (It can hardly have
Krexos (4th cent, b.c.) was the first to introduce recitative (as distinct from singing)
into dithyramb.
^ wro TT/v wSyv, i.e. on a higher note or notes than the utterance of the reciter. The use of
wrd for higher and virt'p for lower was derived from the position of the higher and lower
strings of the harp as held by the player. (Another terminology based on the position of the
notes of the flute was also in vogue. See Weil and Reinach’s edition of the de Musica, p. in.)
’ Probably refers to iambic lines inserted in or bettveen lyric strophes. See Dale, Lyric
Metres of Gk. Drama, pp. 197 f., and below, pp. 162 ff.
* On this passage, see the commentary of Flashar in Aristoteles: Werke in deutscher tdber-
setsung, herausg, von E. Grumach, vol. 19 (1962), p. 602.

* See Maas, R.E., s.v.
; Christ, Metrik d. Griechen a. Romer^, para. 744.
® Plut. de E ap. Delph.
394 b Kal yap d avAdy dê Kal TTptprjv erdXpTjae ^wvfjv e(f>* Ipepoimv
difndvav rdv Se irpanov xpdvov eiXKcro rrpds rd rrevBrj Kal Trjv rrepl Tatrra Xetrovpytav ov pdka
evTipov ovSi ipaiSpdv elxev, eW epix^-q rravra rraaiv,
r KaraXeyeiv = with no suggestion of music.
recite (generally ‘recite at length’ or ‘in full’)
In LG. ix. 2. 531. 12, 46 (Larissa, about i b.c.) Karakoyq is hardly inteUigible: it occurs
twice, once wth the adjective rroAoid, once with ve'a, in a list othenvise largely of athletic
contests, though the last two items arc eyKidpiov XoyiKov and eyKtdpiov erriKdv. Hesych. Kara~
Xoyq' TO Ta qapara pfj vtto peXei Xdyeiv is obscure, but KaraXoyq here is thought to =rrapa-
KaToXoyq. (He also applies tlie term qapara to the anapaestic tetrameters of the parabasis,
which sverc recited, not sung.) See also below, p.323.
.
158 THE ACTORS

required a special instrument in Classical times if, as is generally be-
lieved, It as employed in the iambics inserted among lyiics. There \vould
hardly have been time for the vapid change of instruments implied.)
The use of the flute in the parabasis of comedy seems to be proved by
Aristophanes’ Birds 682—4 KoSXiôav KpeKova |
ovAdr ^9iy[iaoiv
Tjptvor?
I
apyôv r<Si’ ava-raiarmi’ (schol. ad loc. TToXKaKis npos avXov Xeyovm
rds Tiapafidaeis) The transition in Aristophanes’ Peace 1 17 1—2 from sung
lyrics to recited trochaic tetrameters in the same sentence would be
much more difficult unless both were accompanied by the same instru-
ment. The scholiast’ on Aristophanes Clouds 1352 Aeyea’ srpos
Xopdr) speaks of the chorus’s dancing during the deliveiy^ by an actor of

—
the various tetrameter systems trochaic, anapaestic, and iambic, and
(if this is more than mere ad hoc invention) as tlie choral dance must in
all probability hat e been accompanied by the flute, the same accompani-
ment must have served for die actor delivering his address. It is not
surprising that this intermediate kind of delivery' is sometimes called
‘singing’, sometimes ‘speaking’. Hest’chius speaks of d> djraiora as ra iv
rats TTapa^daeai rwv ^jopcDi’ aapta-ra, though Aristophanes himself de-

scribes the chorus as ‘speaking’ the parabasis.” (There is the same in-
consistency as regards the close (or exodos) of comedy, which generally
took the form of recited or sung lines,” but is described by a late gram-
marian'* as to Xeydfcevov rov xopov ^where, hoivever, Xeyopaov

eirl reXei —
may be used in the general sense of ‘utterance’, as Xeîs often is.)
2. This account represents the general agreement of scholars based on
the scanty e\'idence which has come down to us. But it raises or leaves
unsolved a number of interesting questions. For instance, is it to be
assumed that w'henever trochaic tetrameters occurred they were accom-
panied (in the Classical period) by the flute, e.g. in the dialogues of
Aeschylus’ Prrw 155-75 215-48 (betiveen the Queen and the chorus,
including the description of Athens and its government, in stichomy'thia),
703-58 (between Darius and the Queen in i\hich the narrative of the —
mainly draivn out in alternate question and answ er) ; or in the
disaster is
* avTWS êyov —pos ore tou v—oKpiToC Trj\ o xop'^?

8<o Kai c/fAcyo»*rat ci? to “•Aeroror ci Tof? Totoôt? to Tcrpafirrpa to diaâicriAa ij “o
Std TO poStW e^-irrciv o ‘-ovroty toi TOtoi?TOj piBfxdi
* Knights diTyp rwv dpxcuwi KcapcDBohitdcKoXos |
•^vdyAroJev Acô»‘*oj
enj rpos TO Oârpov 'âpapfjiatj j
ovK a» tovtov
^ Poll l\ . 108 o ^Sov, and schol on Ar, ITcJ/w 270 a-rep tt] e^d 8 a> too dpdparos
dScrat The scholiast quotes the endofP/uhw, where thecliorus (in Uso concluding anapaestic
tetrameters) end with Sft ydp #fa*d— iv roir'ou ^SoiTor t~'€c6ai
* Tract Cotsl (Kaibel, Other late grammarians use the rpos rd>
p 53) definition
reXei rov x^pot pijais
DELIVERY, SPEECH, RECITATIVE, SONG 159
altercationbetween Aigisthos and the chorus (with a speech of 8 lines

by KJ)taimnestra) in Agamemnon 1649-73? The matter of these dia-
logue scenes does not itself perhaps suggest musical accompaniment, and
we might have here simply a survival of the use of this metre in tragedy
before the iambic trimeter was introduced for the purpose of dia-
logue.* But the sharp break in tempo and the rise in tension in the
Agamemnon passage is quite palpable.^ Similarly, in Sophocles’ Philoctetes
1402-8, the brief dialogue between Neoptolemos and Philoctetes, as
they are starting for the ship, showing a high degree of excitement and
leading up to the anapaests of Herakles’ entry, and the tetrameter entry
of Theseus in Oedipus Coloneus (887-90) occur at moments of great
dramatic tension, though the words of each passage hardly in themselves
suggest music or song. But it is in Euripides, and in his later period, that
the use of this metre for dialogue is most frequent.^ {Philoctetes is, of course,
later than much of Euripides’ work.) The first instance is in Herakles
(855-74), as the dialogue between Iris and Lyssa reaches its climax, and
Lyssa prepares to go to work. Again there is a sharp break and jerk into
the new metre. In Ion 510-65, in the excited dialogue between Ion and
Xouthos, when the latter claims Ion as his son, most of the exchange
is in half-lines, the speakers interrupting one another constantly. The
exodos of the play ends with 1 7 lines of dialogue in this metre, indicating
a certain intensifying of interest, but not in themselves obviously calling
for musical accompaniment. Rapid dialogue, with each line divided
between two speakers, is characteristic of many of these Euripidean
scenes in tetrameters, e.g. Iph. Tour. 1203-33 (between Iphigeneia and
Thoas), Helen 1621-41 (between Theoklymenos and the Servant), Phoe-
588-637 (between Eteokles and Polyneikes), Orestes 729-806 (be-
nissae
—
tween Orestes and Pylades rapid stichomythia followed by divided
lines), 1338-401 (between Iphigeneia and Klytaimnestra)."*
Iph. Aul.
Stichomythia (alternate question and answer, each taking an entire line)

is also common in these scenes, and there are a few connected speeches,
as in Troad. 444-61 (the highly emotional ending of Kassandra’s reply
to Talthybios), Iph. Taur., loc. cit. (when the dialogue is over), Bacchae
604-41 (mainly Dionysus’ narrative of the miracle in the palace), Iph.
by long
Aul. 3 1 7-40 1 (where 18 lines of excited dialogue are followed
and same metre, delivered by Menelaus and
bitter speeches in the
Agamemnon), 855-916 (where 45 lines of stichomythia, in which the
* So Aristot. Pott. iv. 1449^21.
* See Fraenkel on Agam. 1649 ff., and compare Soph. O.T. 1515 flf.
’ See Krieg, Philologus gi (1936), pp. 42-51; Imhof, Aim. Hilv. 13 (1956), pp. 125-43.
* The brief dialogue in Rhtsus 683-91 is also mainly in broken lines.
i6o THE ACTORS
Old Man, Achilles, and Kly taimnestra take part, are followed by a speech
ofKlytaimnestra), and 1338-1401 (where the excited dialogue ends with
a long and dramatic speech by Iphigeneia in the same metre).' It is
not difficult to imagine musical accompaniment associated with most
of these dialogues and speeches, and it seems probable that in most of
them the metre connotes excitement or tension, and that Euripides in
particular developed its use in this sense.
3. It seems probable that the anapaestic dimeters used in every play
of Aeschylus were generally given in recitative accompanied by the flute.
This may be taken as certain where they are uttered by the chorus as
they enter the orchestra, preceded by the flute player, as at the beginning
of Persae and Suppliants and in Agamemnon 40-103, or when they form an

introduction to a sung choral ode, as in Persae 532-47 and 623-32, and
before the Kofinos, 907-30,and also in Agamemnon 40-103, already cited,
and 355-66, and Eumenides 307-20. It may also be assumed that these
dimeters were delivered in recitative in the long dialogue between Kly-
taimnestra and the chorus, 1448—1577, when the utterances of the Queen
in this metre contrast with the lyric strophes and antistrophes of the
chorus.^ A similar contrast with the lyrics appears in the great litany of
Choephoroi, where it is the chorus which from time to time speaks in
a more subdued emotional tone than Electra and Orestes, and concludes
(476-8) with the appropriate prayer. (A similar difference of tone seems
to be marked in the two couplets in this metTtin Septem 879-80 and 886-7.)
The metre is used sometimes to express the moral of what has gone
before or to utter an appropriate prayer; e.g. in Agamemnon 1331-42,’
and Choephoroi 719-29, 855-68, 1007-g, 1018-20. In Prometheus 93-192
we have a hint of the formal device, common later in Euripides, by which
this metre is used for the whole first scene in which a principal character
speaks, and the semi-musical mode of utterance may well have been
employed. Aeschylus also occasionally uses the metre when the chorus
first sees or greets one of the characters, as (for example) in Septem
861-74, where Antigone and Ismene are discerned, and Agamemnon

782-809, where their address of welcome to Agamemnon is couched
in anapaestic dimeters. In Prometheus 284-97 Okeanos announces
* Other tetrameter passages in Euripides arc Ion
1250-60, where Kreousa is urged by the
chorus to take refuge at the altar, Phoen. 1335-9, where the hurrying messenger announces
disaster to Kreon, z.nd Orest. 1549-53, where the chorus spies Menclaus approaching.
* On the structure of this scene, see Fraenkel, Agam. iii,
pp. 660 f.
3 Gf. Kranz, Stasimon,
pp. 162, 202. The use of a brief anapaestic sequence here, at a
moment of crisis and as a cadence before the long-awaited murder, instead of a lyric
stasimon, is parallel to Euripides’ later device of a single astrophic stanza : cf. Hipp. 1268-82,
Bacchae 1153-64 with Dodds’s note. The case is somewhat similar with Choeph. 855 ff.
DELIVERY, SPEECH, RECITATIVE, SONG i6i
himself in the same metre. In the possibly spurious final scene of

SepUm and in Choephoroi the metre isemployed in the exodos, and tlie
flute may have been used, as it doubtless was when the chorus marched
out.'
Sophocles employs anapaestic dimeters in the Aeschylean manner in

Ajax and Antigone. They arc also used in the preludes to the kommoi of
Trachiniae and Tyrannus. (In the parodos of Electra they arc sung.) In
Philoctetes 14.1-200 it is the metre in which Ncoptolcmos expresses himself
in alternation with the lyrics of the chorus, when they arc looking for
Philoctetes, and in Oedipus Coloneiis 136-75 it is much used in the agitated
scene when Oedipus first confronts the chorus, both in dialogue and in
the last lines of strophe and antistrophe. In both scenes the matter
itself seems neither to require nor -to exclude recitative. In Euripides
anapaestic dimeters are constantly in use. They occur in the parodos of

the chorus {Alcestis 77-85, Hecuba 98-153), and in highly emotional scenes
at or near the beginning of a play {Medea 96-203, Hipp. 170-266, Hecuba
59 If., Tread. 98-121, Iph. Taur. 143-235, in all of which the emotional
deliver^’ of the recitative seems more natural than bare speech) and in ,
Ion 82-183 suits the liveliness of the boy’s utterance. Its appropriateness
to the dialogue of Agamemnon and the Old Man at the beginning of
Iphigeneia in Aulis opening dialogue of Rkesjis is perhaps more
and to the
questionable. It may be doubted whether in Medea 1081-1115, where
a passage in tiiis metre takes the place of a choral ode, and in Ion 859-922,
where dimeters form a considerable part of Kreousa’s monody, the ana-
paests may not actually have been sung rather than recited. In the
funeral proce,ssion in Alcestis 861-934 Admclus laments in anapaestic
dimeters, alternating srith the lyric strophes and antistrophes of the
chorus. It has been thought that this contrast is an element in the charac-
terization of Admetus,- and if so, his part was perhaps recited. In
Andromache there is a similar contrast between tlie anapaests (515-22,

~
537 44 ) i^f tlie brutal Mcnclaus and tlie terrified lyrics of Andromache
and her child, but it is difficult to be positive whether Mcnclaus required
a flute accompaniment, or whether the metre merely expresses the urgency'
of his commands. Nor is it cas\’ to be certain whctlicr the brief moralizing
238-43, arc to be thought of as spoken or as recited. (On

lines, Alcestis
the other hand, the prayer in

741-6 is virtually lyric in tone.) There is
the same doubt about Heraclidae 288-96 and 702-8. The chorus’s brief
276-^3, uhrrc the chorus changes ifs penition,

*
nrt of Ptir^.fl\ais
J
uhrrr the crirs oflo rushing a^ây arc in ihU metre.
s^û^r
* in II ? 73 -n alto Atimetui’ t!i\tr«5 does not !>c\ond anapirttic dimeters. Ihiticr Dale,
n on II. aBo/T. and Introduction, xxii-xxix.
i 62 THE ACTORS
cry of sympathy in Medea 357-63 seems to call for more than mere speech.
Almost all the plays of Euripides employ anapaestic dimeters to conclude
the exodos, and in nearly all of these scenes recitative and the flute may
be assumed in most there are only a few formal or almost formal lines.'
;
A few special cases do not fall clearly under any of the above heads: e.g.
Hippoljtus 1282-95, where Artemis begins her address to Theseus with
12 dimeters of fierce denunciation, whether accompanied or not; Troades
782-98, comprising the whole brief tragic episode in which Talthybios
carries Astyanax away, and certainly calling for the more intensifled
tone; Electra 1292-134.1, an emotional scene of parting between Orestes
and Electra in the presence of the Dioskouroi, who conclude with 14 lines
in the same metre; and Iphigeneia in Aulis 1276-82, where 7 lines of di-
meters, shared beUveen Klytaimnestra and Iphigeneia, precede the
latter’s lyric monody.
There may be a difference of opinion as to the employment of recita-

tive in some of the passages mentioned. But the most difficult class of
passages consists of those, very numerous in Euripides,® in which a few
lines in the metre are used to announce the approach of some human
person or a god ex machina or of a procession or whatever it may be. In

most of these recitative to the flute seems not impossible, e.g. Andromache
494-500 at the end of a choral ode, or Hippolytus 1342-6, prelude to along
anapaestic recitative by the actor: most lead into or out of a lyric scene,
but in a few it might be thought absurd. In the present state of our
knowledge the test must be mainly subjective but it is hard to believe;
that anapaestic dimeters were never simply spoken, the metre itself being
in that case sufficient to emphasize the appropriate tone.^
4. It should be noted that the word TrapaKaToXoyij is not (in the few
instances of its occurrence) applied to anapaestic dimeters, and poets
were probably free to employ any of the three methods of delivery. The
word does appear to apply to iambics delivered to an accompaniment,
* Five plays Medea, Andromache, Helen, Bacchae) end wth the lines ttcAAoI fiop<f>ai rwv
{AlcestiSj
haipiovtcov (or TToAAtSi' rafxlas Zevs cV *OXvfnTa}) j
ttoAAo S’ dÂTiro^y Kpaiuovoi Beol, J
Kal ra
hoKTjdcvT* ovK ireXfoB-q, ruiy S’ d8o#fT;rai»' nopov qvpe Beos’
j
ToiovS* toBc npaypâ] and
—
j
three {Ipk. Tour., Phoen., Orestes) with a prayer for victory

w /xcy® (re^vq NiKq, rov eftov plorov
KaTe;ôij —
Kal fiq Xqyois cr€<f>avovaa which is really extra-dramatic. The schol. on Ar.
{
|
IVasps 582 states definitely eBos S^ cv TaTs* eôSotr tiuv

’
TpayoiSia? ôpiKcov TrpoawTTtoy
vpoqycicBai avXqrfjv tuore avXovvra TTponffiTtew. See above, p. 158; Barrett on Hippolytus
1462-6; Dodds on Bacchae 1388-92. With these formulaic lines, compare the trimeter
prayer to Nike which closes Menander’s Dyskolos Epitrepontes (fr. ii Korte), and
Sikyomos 422-3 (Kassel), and also Poseidippos* Apokleiomene (P. Heidelb. 183).
2 Ale. 28-37;
^^PP- 1342-6; Androm. 494-500, 1166-72, 1226-30; Suppl. 794-7, 980-9,
iii3-22;//;rra^/«442-50^ Troarf. 568-76, 1118-22, 1252-9; 988-97, 1233-7; /j&A.
456-66; Orest. 1013-17; Jph. Aul. 590-606; Phoen. 1480-4.
3 See further Maas, Greek Metre, para.
76.
;
but it has already been noticed that there can be no certainty what
exactly were these accompanied iambics adopted by the tragic poets
from Archilochus, or those described by Athenaeus (after the almost un-
known Phillis of Delos) as ev 01? napaKareXoyiôvro ra ev rplj fierpois.
In fact a large proportion of the iambic trimeters associated with lyrics

form part of symmetrical epirrhematic structures in which the lyric
strophe and antistrophe are each followed by the same number of
—
iambic lines tivo, three, four, or five, or more rarely by a single line
it seems at least possible that these iambics were recited, and the contrast
between these recited iambics and the sung lyrics may be what is referred
to as iraOrjTiKov in the Aristotelian Problems xix. 6 (see above, p. 157).
There are instances in all three poets, affording impressive and sym-
metrical structures. Thus in Aeschylus’ Suppliants 34.8-406 each choral
strophe and antistrophe is followed by five iambic lines in the mouth
of the King; and in 736-63 the dochmiac strophes of three lines
11 .
alternate with four iambic lines divided betv’een King and chorus in
Persae 256-89 choral strophes of three or four lines alternate with the
trimeter couplets of the Messenger; in Septem 203-44 and 683-711
Eteokles utters three-line groups of trimeters in alternation with the
choral lyrics, and it must be admitted that Eteokles’ sentiments seem to
demand violent speech rather than musical accompaniment. In Agamem-
non 1072-1113 also, the trimeter couplets of the chorus are in strong
dramatic contrast with Kassandra’s wild lyrics,^ and may well have been
spoken. Kassandra’s own
end first lyrics with single trimeters (1082,
1087, etc.) and later with trimeter couplets at 1138-9, 1148-g, 1160-1,
and 1 1 71-2, and as there is no break in the sense or change of tone, these
may even have been sung. Conversely the trimeters of the coryphaeus
give way suddenly to excited dochmiacs at 1121, in mid-stanza, and at
1140 their utterances become wholly lyric. In Sophocles’ Ajax, 11 348-93 .
are parallel in form to the first of the instances from Agamemnon, the lyrics
of Ajax being broken by one, two, or three trimeters of the chorus. The
same typical form is found in where Orestes’ trimeters
Electra 1232-87,
occur behveen the lyric strophe, antistrophe, and epode of Electra, and
in Oedipus Coloneus 1447-1499, except that each group of five trimeters
is a dialogue, and should perhaps be thought of as spoken rather than
recited. In other passages of Sophocles the symmetry is more complicated

(e.g. Ajax 891-914 and 925-60, Electra 1232-87, Oedipus Tjrannus 649-96,
' Sec Kranz, Slasimon, p. 15.

^ On the structure and development of this complex and brilliant scene, see Fraenkel,
Agamemnon iii, pp. 487!., 538-40, 623-7.
i66 THE ACTORS
TOifiXa-rroOpar (having said that he is making up a passage, ardaiv peXuv
I
cK Twv KidapcuhiKwv vofiwv eipyaafievrji’) , and that Aeschylus in putting
together a nonsensical selection of lines from Euripides calls for a l)Te
{eveyKaru} ns to Xvpiov —doubtless the lyre ^vhich his rival had just been
using), is sufficiently explained if it is remembered that neither poet
could sing the other’s lines and accompany them himself (as the travesty
demanded) on anything but the lyre certainly not on the flute. The —
argument of Kranz' that the fact that the Furies in Eumenides 332^ de-
scribe their vp-vos as dj)6ppiKTos implies that other choral odes in tragedy
were accompanied by the jioppiy^ is absurd it is enough that the music ;
of the lyre was the common accompaniment of cheerful songs in real

life.^ On the other hand, it is quite possible that, in adopting die musical
style of his friend Timotheos and the new school,'* Euripides may also
have employed the lyre, the instrument whose capacity tvas especially
developed by Timotheos. A lyre, in fact two, are portrayed on the
Pronomos vase,^ in which the central figure is the flute-player Pronomos,
surrounded by satyrs and actors in the presence of Dionysus, but it
would not be safe to draw any inference from this as to the extent of the
use of the lyre in tragedy or satyric drama. When theatrical companies
were organized in the third century, each seems to have included a
single flute-player.®
It is probable that the flute-player in tragedy and satyric drama wore
no mask. There is indeed no literary evidence ;
but where satyrs are de-
picted as dancing to the flute, as on the Pronomos vase, the krater by
the Niobid Painter of about 460 b . c . in the British Museum^ (though
this may not be connected with a theatrical performance at all), and
many others, as well as on the Pompeian mosaic® representing the
* Sfastmo/if p. 139.
* Cf. S* ai'ev Aupa? ofnos Bpijuav *Epivvos aôBiBapcros fOwBev Bvpot.
990 j j
3 The application of the epithets aôpor aKtBaptv to Ares in Suppliants 68 1, and the fact that
the chorus (ibid. 696) in invoking blessings on Argos pra>’s ayviov t’ eV (rropiaTOiv <f>(p€o6a)
4>dp,a ^lAoôppiy^, has no discernible bearing on the use of the 1>tc in tragedy ; and Horace,
A.P, 216, which Kranz also quotes, has no reference to tragedy at all.
See below, pp. 260 f.
* Fig. 28. See below, pp. iSSf. The vase is certainly not the reproduction of a scene in a
play.
^ Cf. pp. 283 f. below. It is not known to what period Sextus Empiricus refers {adv. Math.
vi. 1 7) when he wites waavrwf Si (sc. irpor Xvpav jjStro) Kal rd rrapd rofj rpayiKoti pfXij »fai
crdoipa tfivaiKov Ttva cttcxo^’to. must be admitted, exactly what he means.

Xoyov (nor, it He
cites Eur., fr. 839 (from the Ckjysippos) as an example).
’ See Dith. Trag. Com.^y pp. 117-18, List of Monuments, no. too, plate XVa
p. 601, no. 23). Sec also pp. i84f. below.
* Theatre of i)., fig. 98. The picture of a rchcars2il
of tragedy on an engraved stone in tlie
British Museum, figured byWiescler, Theatfrgeb., Taf.xii. modern; see O. M. Dalton,
45, is
Cat. of ike Engraved Gems of the Post’Classical Periods, pi. 32, 894.
rehearsal of a satyric play, the flute-player is never masked. As regards

comedy, it seems uncertain whether Procne in Birds 665 flf. is to be regarded
as wearing a bird-mask or not when she comes fonvard to accompany
the anapaests of the parabasis. On the vase-paintings representing birds
and horsemen, with a flute-player, the latter seems to be wearing only
the regular mouthpiece {<j>opêia)d
We read little of instruments, other than the flute and lyre, accom-
panying the actor’s delivery but in Hjpsipyle^ the heroine accompanies
;
her song to her infant with KporaXa probably a rattle ^which Aristo- — —
phanes parodies by castanets played (probably) by the ‘Muse of
Euripides’ {Frogs 1304 ff.):
KaiTOi Tt Set
Xvpas em tovtwv; ttov 'otiv rj rots oorpaKois
avTrj KpoTovaa; Sevpo, Mova' EvpirriSov,
rrpos •^vrrep imn^Seta ravr’ aSetv peXr].
D. Voice and Enunciation

There is much evidence to show that Athenian audiences attached great
importance to the actor’s voice, though the Athenian sound-vocabulary
is not always so clear as to indicate exactly the qualities looked for,
and most of the evidence is comparatively late. Obviously the voice

needed to be strong enough to carry throughout the vast theatre^ without
shouting as bad actors were liable to do, but this must not be over-
stressed.-* The large theatres demanded practised voice-production rather
than violent effort, and in fact the acoustic properties of the theatre of
Epidaurus are such that a clear but not forced delivery of the speaker’s
linesfrom the normal place is audible as far as the uppermost row of
seats, a distance of some 150 feet.* (The remains of the theatres at Athens
(where the distance is very considerably greater) and Syracuse give less
good, though not bad, results ; but their condition makes a satisfactory
test impossible.) Thus, while peyaXo^xovla, ev(j)ajvla, and Aa/iTr/sonj? were
* Dilk, Trag. Com.=, pp. 152 fT., Monuments,
nos. 23 ff., Plates VII-IX.
List of
= HypsipyU, fr. i. ii. 8 ff. Bond =
Page. Cf. Bacckae 123 ff. , 158 f. : rvfiTrava.
22 ff.
^ Note the ^tKpot^wvta which was responsible for Sophocles’ giving up acting : Vtt, Soph.
4.
* Cf. Zeno ap. Diog. Lacrt. vii. 20 =
fr. 327 \'on Amim. On the topic of the vocal demands
of ancient acting, cf. esp. B. Hunningher, Acoustics and acting in the theatre of Dion. Eleuthereus
(Mededel. Nedcrl. Akad. van Wet., Aid. Lcttcrk,, n.r., 19. 9), 1956, esp. pp. 26 ff. Hunnin-
ghcr suggests that the restriction of actors to three ^vas largely due to the extreme vocal
demands made on the actor, and compares the modern difficulty in finding an adequate
Heldentenor.
* This ^N'as demonstrated when the late Mr. H. A, L. Fisher recited a passage of Homer to
myself and others there many years ago. (On the supposed effect of masks in increasing the
volume of sound in the actor’s voice, sec below, pp. 195 f.)
:
1 68 THE ACTORS
commended, and it was by his voice that an actor was commonly judged,
great stress is also laid on beauty of tone and adaptability to the per-
sonality or mood of the character represented. Plato speaks of the actor’s
fine voiee (Zawr \'ii. 817 c), and Dionysius the tyrant of Syracuse (early
in the fourth century), in choosing actors to perform his play at Olympia,
chose Tovs ev^rn’ordrovs twv vnoKpirdiv . . . ovroi Se to fiev TTpSirov Sia
TTjv ev<j>un'lav eênXrjTrov Tour aKovotâgJ Demosthenes, when his voice
failed to produce its effect on the Assembly, is said to have exclaimed
Touy VTTOKpiTas Setv Kpiveiv ck rrjs ^CDvrjs, tovs Se pijTopas ck rrjz
Neoptolemos, the tragic actor in the fourth century, who was also em-
ployed as an ambassador between Philip II and Athens, is described as
TTpcDTevuiv Trj peyaXo^wviq. Kai Tp But the need of adaptability is
frequently emphasized — first of all by Aristotle, who is speaking primarily

of the orator but illustrates the point, and particularly the necessity of
having a voice to suit the part, from tlie drama ;
e.g. {Rhel. iii. i, I403*’27 ff.)
tort Se avTT) ph’ e’l' Trj <j>ct)vfj, ttu)S OLvrfj Set ypijaOac rrpns cKaarov rrdOos, oiov
rrore peydXji xal rrore ptKpa Kai ttotc pear), Kal rruis tow TOfOiy, orov ofem
Kai âpeia Kal pear), Kal pvOpots rlai rrpos eKaarov, and {Rhct. iii. 2 .
1404*’ 1 8 ff.) Seo Set Xai’Odveiv rrotovin-as Kal p-q SoKetv Xeyeiv vtrrXaopivws
dAAa rreîVKOTOJS' toOto yap -niOax'ov . . . Kal otov r) OeoStopov ejxwxr) rterrovBe
npos Tr)v Tiuv dXXuii’ vrroKpiTuiv. r) pev yap toO AeyojTor eoticci' efrai, ai S’
aXXorpiai. (Theodores’ skill in drawing tears from his audience even —
from so hardened a tyrant as Alexander of Pherai may have been as —
much the result of his voice as of his acting.'*) At a later date rrXdapa was
used in a less unfavourable sense than rrerrXaap^’ws (the equivalent of
‘artificial’) in Aristotle, and (with kindred ^^’ords) signified adaptability,
as in Plutarch, Quacsl, Conv. vii. 71 1 c Tipoaeem Se imoKpiais rTperrovaa ret)
rjdei Twv irroKeipevuiv rTpoacorrwv, Kal ûnajs rrXdapa Kal ay^pa, Kal Siadeaeis
(‘delivery’) erropevai tow Xeyopevois. Lucian [Piscat. 31) implies the same
principle : Kal to rrpdypa opoiov eSoKex poi KaBdrrep dv et tw vrroKpiTqs
TpayipSias, paXBaKos avTos wx’ Kal yvvaiKetos, /l\'tAAea rj Qqaea r) Kal
Tov ’HpaKXea vrroKpivoiTO avrov, pqTe /?aStftoi' pqTe Pocov iJpcutKor, dAAa
' Diod. Sic. XV. 7.
' [Plut.] Vit. X 848 b. Cicero, on the other hand [de Oral. iii. 224), makes a good
Oral.
voice the 6rst requisite for an orator abo. The anecdote in Alkiphron iii. 12 (4th cent, a d .) .
of an actor named Likymnios who defeated his rivab ropw Tin xai yeyatvorrpiti tjxxjrrjpart is
probably hetitious, but illustrates the same standard of judgement some 600 years later.
t Diod. Sic. xvi.
92. 3.
< Aelian, Var. //. xiv. 40 (as Mcrope in Euripides’ Kresphonles) ;
Plut. de Alex. fort. 334 a ;
de
laude ipsius 545 e ;
cf. Dittcnbcrgcr, S)ll.^ 239 n, 67 and refs, there. The same power was a
boast of Kallippidcs (Xen. Symp. iii. 1 1 KaXXiTnTihrjr 6 UTroKpiriJr, oy {mepaepvvverai on
Svrarat ttoAAous KAaiorras KaBlêiv). Compare also Satyrus’ ability to transform a speech
Plut. Dem. 7. 1-5.
VOICE AND ENUNCIATION i6g
BpvTTTo/ievos VTTo TqXiKovTip TTpoattiTTelw ;

and (Jifigrin. 1
1 ) fir] Kal Kar’ oAAo
ri yiviopai rois vrroKpiTals eKeivois ofiotos, oi rroXXaKis y Myafitfivovos ^
Kpiovro? ^ Kal 'HpaKXeovs avrov irpoawTTOv dvetArjôre? ypaaiSas riptf>L€-
apevot Kal Seivor ^Xirrovres Kal piya k€)(T)v6t€s piKpov (f)6eyyoVTai Kal layyov
Kal yvvaiKwSes Kal rrjs ’EKa^rjs f] TloXvêvrjg rroXv Tarreivorepov.
The with which Polos, the famous actor of about 300 b.c., could
skill
perform the very different parts of Oedipus as king and as beggar

is referred to by Epictetus {diss. fr. ii, p. 464, Schenkl, ed. minor):
Tj ovy opas on ovK ev^tovorepov ovSe rjSiov 6 IIwXos tov rvpawov OlSirroSa
VTT^Kplvero 4 TOV ETTt KoXwvw oAtjttjv Kal rTTwyov;'
The actor naturally had not only to adapt himself generally to the
character represented, but to control every inflexion of his voice so as to
express exactly the mood of the text, and so Aristotle^ treats an ability
to distinguish the ‘modes of speech’ — question, prayer, threat, command,
statement, and so on —as an essential part of vnoKpinKr]. He also^ treats
as essential to the actor’s art the power to repeat the same thing in a
variety of tones : avdyKt] yap peraPdXXetv to avrd Xeyovras, orrep warrep
oSoTTOiet Tui VTTOKpt'veodai . . . ofov Kal 0 cXi]pwv 6 vrroKpLTTjS irroUt ^ re rfj
Alraf avSplSov repoi>Topavla, ore Xeyoi “’PaSdpavBvs Kal IJaXap^Srjs'’ ,

Kal
fv Tcp rrpoXoycp t<3v Evae^dtv to “c’yco” . . . dvdytcT] yap vnoKpiveaBat. Kal pi]
tuj iv Xeyoin-a tw avTtp rjdei Kal Tovep eirreiv. (Unhappily the point of the
examples of Philemon’s skill is lost to us. Anaxandrides the comic poet
was composing from about 380 to 345 b.c.)
But there must have been plenty of actors even in the Classical period
^^'ho did not come up to the highest standard and performed at the Rural
Dionysia rather than in the City. Such were Simykas and Sokrates, the
PapvoTovoL —the ‘roarers’ — to whom, according to Demosthenes,'^ Aes-
chines joined himself u'ith poor success. Pollux^ enumerates the terms
which unkind critics might apply to bad actors ; eiTT-ois S’ dv âpvarovos
vrroKpiTrjs, ôp^wv, TrepiPopûiv, XrjKvOlîov, Xapiryyiâiv, ijiapvyylôiv âpv-
(fxovos Be Kal XerrTOcfiojvos Kal yvvaiK6(f>an'OS Kal arprivocfitovos Kal oaa avv
TOVT019 dXXa ev Tois rrepl <âivTjs eipr]Tai. An amusing Story is told by
Philostratus^ of an actor in the time of Nero who terrified the people of
Ipola in Baetica, when pretending to reproduce the melodies sung by
Nero at tlie Pytliia in a resounding voice [irrel i^dpas TTjv jtwvTjv yeywvov
e(f>6eyâTo), SO that they fled from the theatre warrep vao Salpovos
' Compare the stor>’ of Polos playing the part of Elcctra in Sophocles’ play : Aul. Cell.
A'.I. vi (vii). 5; Bieber, H.T.-, pp. 157!. For Polos’ powers of endurance as an actor, even
in old age, cf. Plut. an sent 785 b.
’ Poet. xix. t456'’io. r Rhel. hi. la. 1413^31 ff. * de Cor. aGa.
* iv. 1
14 (referring to ii. 1 1 1 f.). ^ I 'it. ApoU. v. g.
N
l ^0 THE ACTORS
i[iôr] 9 evTes. Another story' speaks of an actor called 'HmipmTris (either
because this was his name or because he came from Epirus) who,
dpicrra <l>wvrjs e)(OJV, evSoKip.(jjv S’ in' 0 avp.a^ 6 fj.€vos \ap.nporipa tov
etaiOoTos, dared to compete against Nero himself and refused to lower
his tone until Nero’s own actors murdered him on stage.
There are several allusions to the careful training to which actors
subjected themselves, fasting and dieting themselves and using every
opportunity before and in the intervals of the performances to test their
voice and bring it into condition; c.g. in Aristotle,^ Sia ri rols p-erd
rd air la KtKpaydaiv ij tfxavr] hiaÔclperai; koI ndvras dv idoipev rods
^wvaaKovvras, otov xmoKpirds Kal xopevrds xal rods aAAouj rods roiovrovs
fcj 9 eu re Kal irqareis oi-ras rds peXiras noiovpevovs.^ Hermon, a comic
actor of the late fifth century, is said to have missed his cue while he was
trying his voice outside the theatre.'*
The keen sensitiveness of an Athenian audience to the quality
especially, perhaps, the clearness —
of an actor’s voice is sho^vn by the
pains taken by the actor to come up to the standard. Their appreciation
of the recitatives of Nikostratos in the fifth century has already been
noticed, 5and the importance to the protagonist (to whom, if successful,
the prize for acting was open) of winning their favour is quaintly illus-
trated at a much later date by Cicero’s statement® that the Greek actors
of his day, who played the second or third part, modified their tone, even
if they had better voices than the protagonist, so as to give him his chance.
The sensitiveness of the audiences required not only good voices but
clearness and and the comic poets of the fifth
correctness of enunciation,
century' were never Hegelochus who had pro-
tired of mocking the actor
nounced the line, Eur. Orestes 279, (k Kvparwv ydp avOis av yaXiji'’ dped,
as if it had ended with yoAiji’ dpwJ They were not above being amused
*
Lucian, /êro ix. * Probl. xi. 22.
^Cf. Alhcn. viii. 343 c, 344 d; Plato, Laws li, 663 c; Plut. Quaest. Conv. xx. 737 a-b.
Pollux IV. 88 d fih' dirrjy rov Q<drpov rijf dnojretpwfxo'of. Ciccro, df Orat. i. 25 1,
speaks of tragic actors ‘qui ct annos complurcs scdcnlcs dcclamitant, ct cotidic, antequam
pronuntient, voeem cubantes scnsim excitant candcmquc cum egerunt sedentes ab acuiissimo
sono usque ad gravissimum sonum rccipiunt cl quasi quodammodo colligunt* ; and Lucian
(d^ sal/at. 27) with some contempt desenbes the tragic actor as IvSoOev avrdy KCKpoywy,
cavTov Kal KaraKAtSv’, o/ôtc kgI nfpt^Stvv rd lap^cta, Kai to Sij aioxiôv fi€X<pSwy
rdf avptfiopds kqi pdvT^y T^y vrtevdinov taxfrov,
p» 156 above. Cf. Miller, AMangrs, p. 353 tyw wnjaw ndvra koto NiKoarparov' €iprjTat "7
^
âpoipia nap* EvôuXoi rdi r^y pfor^y Koip^Stay noiyjrrj (fr. 1 36 K) . 5 ^ d NtKoorparos vrroKptr^y
rpayiKoy SoKoiv KaAAiWouy dyyÂovy «p7K€ia»; Corpus Parotm. Gr. i. 395; ii. 160.
* In Q_. Caec. Divin. 48. Cicero also {Orator
25, 27) highly extols the impeccable taste of
Athenian audiences as judges of oratory.
’ Ar. Frogs 303 and schol. ; schol. Eur. Orest
279 ; Strattis, frs. 1 , 60 (K) ; Sann>Tion, fr. 8
(K) j 'Suidas' s.v. *Hyi\oôs writes Toihov 5 ^ koi coy drepn-^ ôsvriv IlXdruiv ckcojttci.
VOICE AND ENUNCIATION 171
—
by mere tricks of voice the imitation of animals and inanimate noises
if they ‘came off’, as when Parmenon imitated the squeaking of a pig or
Theodoros the sound of a windlass but few audiences do not occasionally
let cleverness get the better of good taste.
E. Gesture
The actor’s qualifications included a command not only of voice but

of gesture in the widest sense. It is difficult to reach any firm conclusion
on the degree of statuesqueness, or alternatively of vigour, which we
are to visualize in the Greek actor’s playing of his role. In part a belief
in a highly statuesque style of acting arose from a failure to distinguish
between the earlier and the later periods in the history of Greek costume.
The thick-soled KoOopvoi —raising the above
actor’s feet several inches
the ground —and the costume of the Rieti 63) imply that statuette (fig.
the actor is as far as possible stationary, and the narrow raised stage
would make careless movements inadvisable. But (as will be shown be-
low) these are not to be found in the Classical period.
On the contrary, in the fifth century the texts of the plays seem to
imply, as we shall see, a high degree of mobility, even of rapid movement,
kneeling, prostration,and a free play of gesture, and this is not excluded
by what we know of fifth-century costume. It was only facial expression
that was unalterable, owing to the use of masks.^ But it is precisely here
that our difficulties begin, for the texts of the plays imply a degree of
emotional expression which, if conceived naturalistically, was impossible
for a masked actor. Thus two masked actors might embrace, and this
happened often,^ but kissing was impossible, yet it is described ;* nor
could there be any display of tears, though they are often mentioned.
Thus, according to the text, the eyes of the chorus in Prometheus fill with
tears of sympathy for the sufferer Electra bursts into violent weeping
at the sight of the lock of Orestes’ hair,® and later in the play^ the Nurse
enters in tears ; the chorus weeps at the sight of Antigone being led away
* Plut. de aud. poet. 18 c, Parmenon’s rivals, resolved to defeat him, brought a real pig into
the theatre, and when squealed the audience cried tJ peV, dAA’ oiSh vpis Tr/v flappAovror
it
Sv. The rivals then released the pig, confounding the audience, and so creating a new proverb.
(Plut. Quaesl. Conv. v. 674 b-c.)
^ This point is by Robert Lohrer, O.S.B., Mienenspiel imd Maske in d. gr.
discussed at length
Tragodie (Studien zur Geschichte u. Kultur d. Alterfums, xiv. 4-5), 1927; Hunningher,
op. cit., pp. ijfT.
’.Eur. Hfl. 623!!., /tec. 410, /an 1438, Ate. Ji33f., Med. 1070 If., /"Aoen. 306 If., etc.
* Eur. Ale. 402, 7>oai/. 762, P/ioen. 1671, Herakles 486.
5 11 . 14411., 399ff. ® Choeph. 185-6. Cf. 457.
' 1. 731. Electra is also spoken of as weeping in Soph. El. 829 (t! iraf, ti SaKputir;).
172 THE ACTORS
to death;' Antigone weeps at the loss of her father;^ Admetus bursts
into tears more than once so do Medea-* and Kreousa.^ In other scenes
in Euripides, Andromache or Adrastus or Klytaimnestra are seen weep-
ing.* Or it may be Herakles or Menelaus or Ion or a faithful servant,’
or the chorus.® In Euripides the incongruity is often concealed by the

Greek habit of covering the head and face when in tears'* (the frequent
tears of Agamemnon in Iphigeneia in Aulis'° recall the famous painting
inspiredby the play in tvhich he is seen veiled to conceal his grief)," or
by turning aside so that the face was invisible.'^ The head is sometimes
bowed to conceal emotion.” Changes of expression and signs of temper
or mood which are mentioned in the text had always to be imagined by
—
the audience as, for instance, when Klytaimnestra announces to the
chorus the fall of Troy :'•*
XO. x°-P^ P'- ZaKpvov tKKoXoviiivTj.

KA. cu yap tfipavovi^Tos ofipa aoO KaTTjyopCi,
and now and then the impossibility of changing the expression is almost
apologized for in tlie text. The Eumenidcs became friendly, but could
not show it in their faces, and Athena has to reassure the Athenians'®
€K Tutv <f>o^€pwv T&vhe vpoacoTTcuv I
fxeya nepBos 6pu> rotaSe rroXl-ais. Electra
in Sophocles’ play explains that she cannot show in her face the joy
which she feels, owing to her long association with sorrow and hatred
OP, ouTojy S’ onws pTjTTjp u€ p.r) 'myvuxjfTai

<f>aiSp(p irpoaumip vwv erreXOai’Tocy Sopow
oAA’ tuy ctt’ arjj rij pdrrjv AcAcypeio;
OTtVa^’- oral’ yap tvrvxnawpev, rort
Xatpeti' rrapeorac Kal ycAdr cAEV^tptuy. . . .
jtiil. 803-4. (When Ismene enters in tears at 1.

527, the tears might conceit ably have
'
been depicted on the mask and remained there during tlie short scene that follows.)
- 0 {d, Col. 1709-10 Old yap oppa of rdS’, w Trarep, fpor otcvei SoKpoDi. Cf. 1250 f. (Poly-
j
neikes).
5 Ale. 526, 530, 1067. MfJ. 905, 922, 1012. 5 /on 241, 876.
* Aiu/rom.
532, Sufipl. 21, Iph. Aul. 888, 1433.
’ Herakles 1394, //<^m 456, Ion 1369, El. 502.
' H<pp. 853, Herakles 449, 1045, Suppl, 49, 96, 770.
o Hipp. 243 ff., Hec. 487, Suppl. 286, Herakles 1 1 1 1, 1 198 ff., El. 501 ff.. Ion 967, Orest. 280,
Iph. Aul. 1 1 22 f.
Iph. Aul. 477, 496, 650, 684.

" Curtius, li'andmalerei Pompejts, pp. "go f[., pi. V.
Med. 922 f., Androm. 942 ff., Iph. Aul. 851 f., Hec. 968 ff.
1 Soph. O.T. 1121, Eur. Orest. 957ff, Ion 582 ff Cf Sen. Ep. i. it. 7.
'*
Aesch. Agam. 270-1. But the chorus are here probably facing away from the audience:
cf. Lohrer, op cit., p. 166.
5 Eumen. 990-1 Lohrer, op. cit., p. 173; Hense, Rh. Mus.
:
59 (1904), pp. I74ff
Soph. El. 1296 ff., 130918 Lohrer, op. cit., pp. I47ff
:
:
GESTURE 173
HA. fHjTTjp S’ hi oiKoiS' av HT] Setcnjj -nod' tor

yeXwTi ToipLov <âiBpov otpcrai Kapa.
pLiaos T€ yap TraAatov ivTe-njKi p,oi,
KO-TTel a' EdciSov, outtot’ eKXyîo yapa

SaKpvppoovcra,
and in Euripides’ Orestes^ she retains her gloomy expression to deceive

Hermione
TrdXiv KaTdaTr]9' -rôvytp p.h’ 6p.p.aTi
Xpoa t’ dSÂfu TUiV SeSpapLevcDV irdpi'
Kaydi aKvOpuiTTOvs 6iX[idTU)v efco Kopas,

di? Sfjdev ovK elSvia Td^€ipyaap,dva.
In the Suppliants of Aeschylus (II. 70-76) and Choephoroi (II. 24-25) the
gashes spoken of as torn in their cheeks by the chorus will have had
to remain visible throughout the play as blood-red marks upon the
—
masks unless indeed they were left to the imagination from the first.
It is true, of course, that certain more or less mechanical devices were
available to the poet to distract his audience from any incongruity that
might be between the unchanging image of the mask and the momen-
felt
tary expression of emotion implied by the actor’s words. Thus a sudden

access of joy or grief could obviously be accompanied by embraces or
other movements which would, for a few moments at least, hide the mask,
and so soften any sense of incongruity which the audience might feel.
The look of astonishment or fear at the appearance by a god ex machina
would not be missed, as the actors would have turned their backs to the
audience. In comedy indeed the two sides of a mask might have different
expressions (e.g. the angry and the kindly father), of which the actor
turned the appropriate one to the spectators.^ Opportunities for a change
of mask would have been not infrequent, but there is no evidence to
suggest that an actual change took place commonly, if at all. It is generally

assumed that such a change was made in the final scene of Oedipus
Tyrannus and in Helen (i i86ff.), and perhaps after the blinding of Poly-
mestor in Hecuba (10491!.), in Cyclops (663 ff.) and, after the death of
Alcestis, to the mask of Admetus {Ale. 512!!, cf. 425!!.).^ But in any
* 11 . I3i7ff. Cf. Hense, Die Modificimng der Maske indergr. Tra^., pp. 6 f. ; Lohrer, op. cit.,
pp. lopff,
2 Quint, xi. 3. Maske, cols. 2075 f., gives other references. A,
74; Bieber, in R.E. s.v.
Rumpf, A.JA, 55 back to the 5th-cent. painter Parrhasios.
(1951), p. 8, traces this
3 See Hense, Die Aiodijicmmg der Maske tn der gr, Trag,, where there is a minute discussion
of all possible instances, including those in lost plays. It is perhaps doubtful whether the
avoidance of scenes of death and violence was really due to the obligation to employ masks,
which could not respond to such circumstances, but it was at least convenient.
: a
74 THE ACTORS
case there will have been many moments in Greek tragedy when the
changes of mood and emotion within a single scene might be felt as
placing a great strain on the unchanging expression of the mask: for
instance, the scene ofHerakles’ discovery of Alcestis’ death [Ale. 747 ff.),
or of Agaue’s return to sanity [Bacch. I 2 i 6 ff.).’
To return to the question of gesture. The importance which the
Athenians attached to gesture is illustrated by Aristotle’s precept^ that
the poet should not only keep the scene before his eyes in composing his
play, but should also, if possible, include the gestures in his composition,
and so make the demonstration of passion or feeling by his characters
convincing (Set Se tovs fivBovs awiordvai Kal Tjj Xeêi avvairepyaêaBai on
judAiara npo opfidTOiv ndepevov . . . oaa 8e Swarov Kal rots ayrfiiaaiv ow-
aTTfpYa^dpLevov niBavdiTaroi yap diro rije avrtjs (f>vcreo}S ol iv rots udOealv
elaiv, Kal yeipatvei 6 ytip.at,6p.evos Kal xaXeTraCvei 6 opyiôpevos dXrjdivuiraTa),

There is no suggestion of statuesqueness here, though Aristotle does refer
later^ to the possibility of overdoing the amount of gesture [mpiepyd-
êaOai rots (njpewis) Or using gestures inappropriate to tragedy, and
records that Mynniskos (the actor of Aeschylus) nicknamed his younger
contemporary Kallippides ‘the monkey’ from his excess of gesture —
record which is apparent disproof of any inevitable statuesqueness in the
last third of the fifth century.'* That Euripides’ practice was in accordance
with Aristotle’s precept is shown by the frequency with which movements
and gestures are precisely indicated in the text; e.g. twice in Hecuba,
first when Hecuba appears (11. 59 ff.)
dyer', <L TralSes, TTjV ypavv npo Sopwv,
dyer’ dpOovaai t^v opoSovXov,
TpwdSee, vplv, TTpoaffe S’ dvaaaav
XdîTe ifidpeTe ircpTreT dtlpcrdpov
yepatSs upoaXa^vpevav
Kayw OKoXiw okIttcoui^
SifpeiSopiva airevato PpaSvTrow

ijXvatv dpBpwv nponBetaa,
’ See Lohrer, op cit., pp. 12: f.

^ Poet. xvii. I455®22. Cf. Rhet ii. 8 avdyKij ewavepyaôftevov^ ax^paai /cat i^tovals Kal
eaOijai /cat oAtoj v/ro/eptaet cAectt'OTEpoi/y eivai.
’ Poet. xxvj. I462‘‘6.
* Though we shouW remember that what is ‘excessive’ in gesture is very much a relative
matter. Aristotle himself points out that certain reciters of Homer and singers used ‘excessive
gesture’. For Kallippides, see p tig above. An othensise unknown Pindaros was criticized
on the same ground (Ar., ibid. I46i’’35).
5 Vita SophocUs 6 says tliat the crooked staff, according to Satyrus, was first introduced by
Sophocles ; cf. Plut. de lib. educ. 2 d ras ye pipe Kap-nvXas twv wroKpiTcjv âKnjplas dnevBvvetv
dp-qxavoy.
GESTURE 175
and, secondly, when Polyxena describes the gestures of Odysseus (

11 .
342-4)
opdi or’, ’OSvcruev, Seîav.v^' etfiaros
KpVTTTOvra xetpa Kol TTpoaoinov epnaXiv
arpiijjovTa, p.ij oov TTpoaOlyca yeveidSos.
The second passage is very like Andromache’s words to Peleus {Androm.

572-5) ••
dAA’ dirria^to a , <L yipov, rtuv aiov ndpos

mn/ovaa yovartuv — eêarl poi
Ttj^ <ri]s XaîaBat t^tXrdTrjs yeveidSos —
pvaal pe Trpos Bediv.
In these and very many other passages it is right to speak of Euripides as

composing rols axqpaat. awairepyaôpevov. Moreover, it can probably
be assumed that passages of lamentation are accompanied by the usual
gestures of mourning or distress such as beating the head, whether these
are mentioned or not.' The problem is to decide with what degree of
naturalism the gestures and movements thus described or implied
were actually executed by the actors. entries and
For example, hurried
exits are frequently indicated in the words of some speaker;^ and so
are many other instances of rapid or violent movement, such as the
struggle of Philoctetes and Neoptolemos {Philoct. 816), or of Electra
and Orestes in the latter’s madness {Orest. 253 £f.), or the flight of Helen
into sanctuary {Helen 543-4)
oux die Spopala ttGXos rj ^dKyr] Beov

rd^xp ^vvdijio} kwXov;
and, most striking of all, Ajax rushing to fall on his sword (Soph. Aj. 865).
The possible range of movement described in the text includes kneeling
in supplication as Andromache does {Androm. 572-3) and many others,
falling and lying prostrate on the ground, as do lolaos {Heraclid. 75, 602 ff.,
633) and Hecuba {Hec.

438 486 ff; Troad. 37, 463), and crawling on
ff.,
all fours as the Pythia does in Eumenides and Polymestor in Hecuba
(1058).'* (Kjieeling or prostration and kissing the ground before a human

’ Those who want a more minute classification of gestures and ways of expressing emotion,
including the most obvious, in the dramatists may find it in F. L. Shisler’s article jiiA.J.P.
66 (1945), pp. 377 ff. or in Spitzbarth, Unlers. zur Spiellechnik der gr. Tragodie (1946).
’ Soph. AnI. 766, EUctra 871 ; Eur. Androm. 545, Troad. 306 f., Orest. 725 ff.
e.g.
^ In Oinomaos, Aeschines, as Oinomaos, tripped and fell when in hot pursuit of Pelops
and had to be picked up by Sannio the chorus-trainer (Dem. de Cor. 180 and Vit. Aeschin.).
The play was perhaps not Sophocles’ play. See p. 50, n. 5. But there is no justification for
laying the blame on his KoSopvot as some scholars have done.
* Further references in Spitzbarth, op. cit.,
pp. 24 f.
176 THE ACTORS
being as practised by Orientals is confined, in the extant plays, to Persae
152 ff., Phoenissae 293, and Orestes 1507.) Scenes of active violence in-
volving the actors —common in the Old Comedy, but rare in extant
tragedy —are found near the end of Aeschylus’ Suppliants (825 ff.), in
Oedipus Coloneus (820 ff.), and Heraclidae (59 ff.).
As we read all this, what are we to visualize ? If we remember the un-

doubted fact that facial expressions such as weeping, which were cer-
tainly not visible on stage, are frequently described in the plays, we must
at least reckon with the possibility that the descriptions of striking and
vigorous movement that we meet in the plays are not unequivocal evidence
for the occurrence of these same movements in a naturalisric performance
by the actor. We are simply ignorant of the degree of stylization that
prevailed, even in gesture.'
It need not be doubted that the pathetic acting of Theodores and
Polos and other great actors depended upon their use of gesture as well
as upon been mentioned how Theodores could
their voice. It has already
move even Alexander of Pherai to tears, and how Polos gave his im-
pressive rendering of Oedipus as a wanderer; and how before them
Kallippides boasted of his power to draw tears from his audience.^ It is
obvious that the Old Comedy allowed every kind of gesture and move-
ment to the actor, and
no inconvenience of costume nor sense of
that
delicacy restrained him. The
lack of refinement became less in the later
comedy, the masks and costume of which will be discussed later.
* See, most recently, P KxrioXKyGreekScemcComenUonsxnlhtFifthCtnluryBC (1962), pp Gpf
* Abo\e, p 168 and n 4.
IV
THE COSTUMES
The general descriptions of the actor’s appearance which have come
dotvn to us are all late, and their applicability to the actors of the
Classical period at least very doubtful. Lucian (in passages which will
be referred to later) wrote at a time when it tvas the custom to exaggerate
the height and size of the tragic actor to the point of grotesqueness,
and the compiler of the Life of Aeschylus %rhich appears in the scholia
to his plays ascribes to that poet quite uncritically inventions which
were introduced into tragedy at any period; his sources cannot be
traced.'
The chief written source of information is to be found in the catalogues
of Julius Pollux, in the second century a.d., and these face us w'ith
considerable problems in source-criticism and evaluation. There are two
main by a long account of the theatre and theatre
passages, separated
buildings. The first (iv. 115-20) is an account of costume, in the im-
perfect tense throughout. The emphasis is on clothing, masks being briefly
dismissed koI eemv elvetv TTpoow-nov irpoacavelov TrpoawTrls, poppoXunetov,
:
yopyoveiov. The only literary references which are at all clear are to the
rags of Telephus, presumably in Euripides, and to a comedy called the
EiKvd3 vtos', both Alexis and Menander wrote plays of that name. The
second passage (iv. 133-54) by contrast deals only with masks, and is in
the present tense, except when w'e are given an old name for one mask.^
The tragic list gives no indication of date, except in references to Euhippe
‘in Euripides’^ and to Sophocles’ Tyro. The comic list dismisses Old
Comedy very briefly, and is concentrated on w'hat it describes as New

Comedy, but refers to no play or author.
The difference of tense and the illogical separation of the two passages
suggest fairly strongly that tve are dealing w'ith two sources, though
* Cf. Cramer, Anecd* Par, i. 19 ct ndvra Tt? jSovAcrat rd ircpl

evp-qâra Trpoai'c/itu’ ktX.
* *39 17 KaraKOfios • • , wdAot Sf Tapdpfpco/ios iKoXeiro,
3 PoHuk names no play. It is imagine -where Euhippe might ha\c appeared in
difficult to
Euripides except in one of his Melanippc plan’s, and there is no trace of her in the evidence
for cither. The possibility that Pollux has given a mask to a character -who does not appear
in any play is alarming.
178 THE COSTUMES
most scholars have dealt with the passages together. It certainly is a ques-
tion of looking for sources. The slightest familiarity with Pollux forbids
the supposition that he made personal inquiry of a theatrical troupe. He
was a man of books, and this makes it hard to believe that he is simply
describing the theatre of his own day. His sources are in all probability
Hellenistic. Beyond this we can hardly go on our scanty knowledge of
Hellenistic scholarship. Various names have been suggested. Juba, king
of Mauretania, writing at the end of the first century b.c., is more likely
to have shared a source with Pollux than to have been his source,' and
the same is probably true of his contemporary Tryphon.* The latest
investigator' has argued that Pollux used the SKevoypa<j>iK6s of the third-
century Eratosthenes, a work of which we know nothing but its title, but
his arguments bear no great weight, and, although Eratosthenes’ work
of at least twelve books on Old Comedy was extremely influential, there
is no evidence that he touched tragedy or New Comedy, which may not
have been classical enough for him."' Interest in New Comedy appears to
begin with Eratosthenes’ junior, Aristophanes of Byzantium (c.257-
t8o b.c .).5 He certainly wrote a work on masks {nepl irpoutoTrwv), but the
only fragment of it which we possess seems to conflict with the account
of Pollux.*
It would be hypercritical to make the accounts in Pollux later than
Hellenistic. The first passage on dress can be taken to purport to be an
* The was argued by Rohde, Ve Julii PoUucis in apparatu

case for Juba’s Oearpitc^ *Iaropla
sctnico fnarrando fontibus (1870), and disproved by Gordziejew, Quaestionum de Julii PoUucis
fontibus caput (Warsaw, 1936). The one rêrcncc to Juba in Pollux (v. 88) has no reference to
theatrical subjects, and is almost certainly an interpolation.
* Tryphon was favoured by Bapp, *De fontibus quibus Athenaeus in rebus musicis
iyricisque enarrandis usus sit’ (Leipz. Stud. 8 (1885), pp. 85-“i6o) ;

he is never mentioned
by Pollux. Their relationship is discussed by Gordziejew, op. cit.
3 Gordziejew, op. cit., pp. 335-41.
* The fragments are collected by Strecker, De Lycophrone Euphronio Eratosthene comicorum
interpretibus (Greifswald, 1884). Pollux cites the work on comedy at x. 60. The only possible
trace of New Comedy in Eratosthenes is in Strecker, fr. 92; Athen. iii. 123 e quotes New
Comedy references for the word fieraKepas and at ii. 41 d quotes Eratosthenes for a definition
of the word, but Phot. s.v. shows that the word came in Philyllios, and Eratosthenes may
have been commenting on him.
* For his interest in Menander, see
Syriani comment, in Hemog. ii. 23 Rabej Euseb. Praep.
Ev. X. 3. i 183 c (Testimonia 32, 51, 61 in Korte’s edition of Menander).
2 ;/.G. xiv. 1
^ Athen. xiv.
659 ® Xpuai-mro^ 8 ’ d ^(Adaoôr tov fiaiatova arro rov fiaaaadai oicrat KCK^rjodai,
o?ov TOP ap,aB7j Kai TTpbs yacrepa vcvcvKora, dyvoCiv on Maiatov yiyovcv KOJpitphlas VTTOKpir^s
Meyapevs to yeVo?, dr Kal to ‘rrpoocorrciov evpc to ott* avrov KaXovficvov ptaiooiva, to? Aptaroj>dvris
^Tjoiv d Buâvrios €v tw Trepl ffpootoTTOJv, €vpf fv avrov ^doKwv Ka\ to tov depaTTOvror ^poowTTOV Kal
TO TOP fiaycipov. Aristophanes evidently treated the masks of piaiocov and OepaTTivv as distinct,
whereas Pollux speaks of the natatov OepaTTotVi odAos dcpaTroiv, and depaTreop Tdrrt^, and has
no special cook-mask. For other discussions of Pollux’s sources, see Bethe, R.E. s.v. lulius
(Pollux) , and Robert, Die Masken der neueren attischen Kombdie (Halle Winckelmannsprogramm,
1911), pp. 58 ff.
THE COSTUMES 179
account of classical practice ; the second passage, on the face of it, does
not claim to be more than an account of contemporary third- or second-
century practice. We must bear Pollux in mind when we look at the
archaeological evidence, but it is dangerous to force his classification
on material which it may not be intended to fit, and due caution will
be needed in matching words to objects.
The evidence of the plays themselves needs no less cautious handling.
Though it is not very likely that a character described as fair-haired will
in fact be dressed as dark, what has always to be borne in mind is the
possibility that the poet is describing something because it cannot be
seen.' Given the general convention of masks, if the audience is told
that a character is crying it \vill be prepared to accept the fact without
demanding that the mask be obviously tear-stained.
Our chief reliance must be on the contemporary archaeological re-
mains, and here again we are immediately faced with problems of
artistic convention. We have no masks or costumes which were actually
worn on the stage. The masks of terracotta or marble which have been
found (many of them perhaps votive copies) differ for the most part
from original masks in linen, cork, or wood, at least in not representing
coverings for the whole or the greater part of the head, but only the
face and part of the crown, and they may have differed in other ways.*
The costumes of drama come to us through the eyes and hands of artists,
and the artist may have several levels of reality. He may portray a scene
of rehearsal or dressing-up and give us exactly what he sees, but when
he passes to the portrayal of a dramatic scene, the dressed-up actor
may be transformed in the artist’s eye to the character he poitrays. In
some cases, we may only be left with an extra-dramatic flute-player to
warn us that we are on the stage and not in the imagination. In extreme
cases, the flute-player will also disappear and the scene become in-
distinguishable from a pure representation of myth. However strongly
we may feel that the artist is influenced by a dramatic performance he
has seen, we cannot prove it, and the scene is no longer useful evidence
for thecustoms of the stage.
These considerations make it desirable to describe the pieces of e^vidence
individually and as a whole before we try to extract detailed information
from them. We have tried to confine ourselves to the use of originals, for
* This important caveat has recently been well applied to the question of stage-settings by
Arnott, Greek Scenic Conventions, pp. 91 ff.

® The eyes, for instance, are sometimes painted in and not left blank. The treatment of
the parts of the face round about the eyes in the theatrical masks themselves may well have
varied greatly.
Agora
Fig. 32. Oenochoe fragments from Athenian
33 Actor (^) and choi us-man
Bcll-kiatcr from Yallc Pcga
TRAGEDY AND SATYR PLAY i8i
on a boot, like the right-hand figure in fig. 34. Clearly the materials for
identifying tills figure are insufficient. We can only say that it is dressed
and shod differently from the other two, and is thereforean actor rather
than a chorus-man. The right-centre figure is a boy, presumably an
attendant. He holds by strings a carefully painted mask. Its flesh is
coloured ivhite, the details picked out in black. The short black hair is
bound low over tlie brows ivith a purple fillet. However, the artist cannot
be reproducing the mask exactly, for he has filled in the eyes, and it may
perhaps also be doubted whether the mouth, as shown, is quite wide
enough open for acting purposes. It is, however, sufficiently clear that the
intendons of the original mask-maker were naturalisdc, with no attempts
at any kind of exaggeration. Miss Talcott noted that the mask corresponds
exactly ivdth the description given by Pollux' of tlie mask of a maiden
whose hair is cut short as a sign of mourning; 17 Sk Kovptfios napBevos
^paxea ev kvkXco Ttepi-
diTi oyKov exei rpixaiv Kar€ifiriyp.4v<xn' SiaKpicriv, Kal
KfKapTai, vTToixpos Se TTjv xpoidx'. This may be no more than a coincidence,
but the mask would certainly suit a young heroine. Webster, however,
believing the left-central figure to be male and observing that the fillet
is appropriate to a maenad as well as to a mourner, regards the mask as
a chorus-mask for a maenad. But considerations of composition perhaps
make it more likely tliat the two central figures should be connected,
and, in default of further evidence about the left-central figure, the
matter must be left open.
Clearer evidence about a maenad chorus comes from a bell-krater in
Ferrara, of slightly later date (perhaps 460-450 b.c.) (fig. 33).^ This has,
on the face which concerns us, two figures only. On the right, the per-
former is already fully dressed and in action. The mask (seen in profile)
has its mouth open and the eyes undefined. It has tight black hair and
appears to continue over the head in a sakkos, which covers its wearer’s
own little of which escapes. The chiton is ankle-length and un-
hair, a
decorated.s Over it is worn a fawnskin. The boot is soft and pointed.
There can be no doubt that here we have a member of a maenad chorus,
straightforwardly represented. On the left, a very young man looks on,
holding, apparently by the back of the head, a mask of which we get
a front view. Its very long curly hair is orange-brown, and does not
cover the ears. For the rest of the mask, however, ^\'e are at the mercy
‘ iv. 140.
-
Riccioni, Arle antica e modtrna 5 (1959), pp. 37-42, pk. 17-18; Aifieri-Arias, Spina:
guida al Museo archealogico in Ferrara (Florence, ig6i), p. i8r, pi. Ixn.
^ The
horizontal line belotv the buttocks, and a vertical line on the right shoulder, may
have been intended to indicate a short himation.
182 THE COSTUMES
of the artist’s not very accomplished drawing. Eyebrows and nose are
rendered in one continuous line, the eyes are filled in, an open mouth
is unconvincingly drawn. Certainly a mask for a young man, and the
association with the maenad has inevitably led to Dionysus’ being sug-
gested. On this vase, however, unlike the last, the mask-carrier is dressed
and shod, and it seems very likely, though perhaps not quite certain,
that he is to wear the mask. He also wears a full-length, undecorated
chiton, but over it he has a black-bordered himation, secured on the
right shoulder and leaving his left arm free. His footwear is merely
sketched. It has no points, but whether the random drawing indicates
soles on calf-length boots or the top of sandals seems extremely uncertain.
The third of these dressing-up vases is a pelike in Boston, of c. 430 b.c.
(fig. 34),' and shows two chorus-men preparing for a chorus of women.
They are identically dressed, this time in shorter chitons, leaving the
shoulders free, and have the soft pointed boots. The one on the left,
already fully dressed, holds a himation. The one on the right is still
pulling on a boot. He wears a band to restrain his own hair. His mask
ison the ground. It has a full head of hair with a wide band, and has
an ear-ring. Otherwise, it is not unlike the last, a straightforward female
face. There is no clue to the character of the chorus.
We must now leave the dressing-room for the stage, or, rather, what
the artists make of the stage. Fig. 35* shows us the artist’s view of a stage
maenad c. 460 b.c. Here the chorus-man has completely melted away,
leaving behind the character he portrays, with long dank hair and naked
breast. Were it not for the perfectly real flute-player, in his long, highly
decorated, sleeved robe, whom we shall meet again frequently, we should
not know we are on the stage at all. Clearly we cannot safely use the
picture of the maenad as evidence, even for dress. She wears a himation
very like those on the Agora oinochoe, and nothing else. Has the
chiton vanished in the melting process, or were there choruses which
really did not wear it? We may be excused, too, for disbelieving in
the kid’s leg which she brandishes, but her sword is perhaps more
credible.
The flute-player is again our mtiin link with reality in the earliest
portrayal of a tragic scene, on some hydria fragments in Corinth of the
* A.R.V.^y p. 1017, no. 46 (Phiale Painter) ; Caskey and Beazley, Att. Vases in Soston, x,
pi. 29/63 ; Buschor in Furtw.-Reich., Gr. Vasenmalerei iii, pp. 134-5, Abb. 62. That tragedy,
and not comedy, as some have supposed, is intended, is indicated by the absence of any
feature suggestive of the Old Comedy. Beazley compares the Thracian women killing
Orpheus {A.R.V.^, p. 1014, nos. i-jz).
* A,R.V.^y p. 586, no. 47; Beazley, Hesperia 24 (i 955 )> PP- 3i2f-> pl- 87.
Berlin
in
Pelike
flule-player.
and
Maenad
35.
pig.
Cervetri
from
Pelike
Chorus-men.
34.
Fig.
TRAGEDY AND SATYR PLAY 183
second quarter of the by the Leningrad Painter (fig. 36).’

fifth century,
Here he stands His robe, not certainly sleeved, is partly
to the left.
patterned with black circles with brown centres, partly with a large
maeander. His short hair is wreathed with red leaves and has a chaplet.
The scene depicted is therefore presumably theatrical. It is certainly
remarkable enough. On the top-centre fragment, an Oriental, distin-
guished as a king by two sceptres, rises from a pyre, already in flames.
At least four other Orientals show varying degrees of astonishment. One

of them is holding a sickle-like object, perhaps for tidying the fire. Where
there are overlaps between the Orientals, there is no difference in cos-
tume. We can describe it as a flapped head-dress (kidaris), a garment of
thick material ornamented with a pattern of black circles marked with
a spot, worn over an ornamented, sleeved undergarment. Only one still
has his legs, and he. wears trousers, patterned with rows of lozenges
alternating with wavy lines. His feet are apparently bare. The central
figure, the king, is only distinguished by slight additional ornament on
his kidarisand a dark wrap with a light border. The faces are bearded
and natural, with no suggestion of masks. Beyond this, there seems no
reason to doubt the artist, who may well be giving us a relatively accurate
account of theatrical Oriental costume. The lack of differentiation be-
tween actors and chorus should be noted. On present evidence, the sub-
ject cannot be identified.
The flute-player also brings into the theatre a number of scenes with
satyrs, but here there is a second important indication, for, even without
a flute-player, can be regarded as certain that satyrs who are in any
it
way dressed, notably in tights, are not real satyrs, but stage satyrs. The
earliest of these is not spectacular. On a black-figure oinochoe of the
last decade ofthe sixth century in a private collection in London (fig. 37)^
Dionysus, accompanied by two maenads and a naked satyr, looks to the
left towards another satyr, fully clothed in chiton and himation. He is
dancing, but full dress is not dancing dress, and the suggestion that he is
not simply a dancer, but an actor, ‘a man dressed as a satyr who is at
the same time impersonating some other human or heroic character’,
is worth attention, though his relationship to the beginnings of satyric
drama and to Pratinas^ must remain uncertain.
'
p. 571, no. 74; Beazley, ibid., pp. 305-19, pi. 85. Webster, M.I.T.S., p. 44,
suggests Aeschylus’ Persae, Page, Proc. Comb. Phil. Soc., n.s., 8 (1962), pp. 47-49, a Croesus
play; neither suggestion is very convincing, since a pyre is not a tomb, and the king is
rising from it, not on it.
* Boardman, Bull. Inst. Class. Stud. (London), 5 (1958), pp. 6 f., pi. I.
’ Dilh. Trag. Com.^, pp. 65-68.
184 THE COSTUMES
The characteristic tights appear first about 480 b.c. or a little earlier
on a cup by Makron in Munich (fig. 38).’ The spotted tights represent
a hairy skin, but otherwise the chorus-man has melted into a satyr, bald
in front. Similar satyrs but with full-length tights appear at about the
same date on a stamnos by the Eucharides Painter in the Louvre (fig. 39).^
They are breaking up the ground with mallets. The subject appears on
five other vases,^ one of which (fig.
43) is certainly dramatic. In the other
vases, a woman or goddess of disputed identity rises from the ground
among the satyrs. She does not survive on this vase, if she was ever there,
but there is no doubt that a scene from a satyr play is here represented.
In a hydria in Boston (fig. 40),'' probably by the Leningrad Painter like
fig. 36, of the second quarter of the century, the dramatic nature of the
scene is indicated both by the tights and the flute-player. In fact, we are
tied even closer to the life of the stage by the appearance on the extreme
right, behind the flute-player, of an elderly man in a plain himation,
evidently an ordinary man, perhaps the choregos. The flute-player re-
sembles those in figs. 35 and 36, except for his beard. All that has melted
here are the masks. The five satyrs are again bald in front. They carry
parts of a couch and perhaps a seat, which they will set up in preparation
for some feast.
The representation of actors in a satyr play comes with a calyx-

first
krater in Vienna by the Altamura Painter of 470-460 b.c. (fig. 41).* It is

tied to the stage by a satyr chorus-man playing the lyre, only differing
from those which we have already considered by having his tights
ornamented with a cross. Hephaistos carries the tools of his trade in
both hands and on his back. He is wreathed and wears no chiton but
a black-bordered, plain, thigh-length himation which leaves his left arm
free. He wears soft pointed boots decorated at the top with a border
and flaps. He is escorted back to Olympus by Dionysus, ivy-wreathed,
with kantharos and thyrsos. He wears a knee-length chiton decorated
with dots between groups of vertical lines and a black-bordered himation.
He is barefoot. The masks have melted, but there is no reason to doubt
that the general picture is fairly close to the stage.
A calyx-krater in London by the Niobid Painter, c. 460-450 b.c. (fig. 42
* A.R.V.^, p. 475, no. 267; Brommer, Satyrsptele\ no. 5, fig. 5.

^ A.R.V.^j p. 228, no. 32 ; Beazley, Scritli Libertini, pp. 91-95.
3 Discussed by Buschor, Feldmause {S.B. Munich, 1937).
A.R.V.î'^. 571, no. 75; Beazley, 24 (1955), pp. 3iof.,pl. 86b; Brommer, Satyr-
spieU^jiio. i,pp. 12-15, fig. 6; Caskey and Beazley, Att. Vase PaintingsinBoston/inf^^.fîf.
5 A.R.V.^y p. 591, no. 20; Brommer, Satyrspiele^ no. 13, fig. 20.
* A.R.V,^y p. 601, no. 23; Beazley, Hesperia 24 (1955), pp. 316-18, pi. 88a; Webster,
MJ.T.S.j p. 45; Dith. Trag. Co/ti.*, pp. iiyf. (List of Monuments, no. 100).
presents difficulties and surprises. On one side, the upper zone has an
eight-figure representation of the Pandora legend ; the other side again
and six women
has eight figures, a flute-player in full dress, a civilian,
dancing in sakkos, chiton, and himation, but of varying lengtlis and
decoration. The lower zone has on one side a flute-player in plain clothes
playing for four Pans and on the other a scene of satyrs at play. This last
has certainly nothing to do with the stage. The Pandora scene might
be related to the stage, but only indirectly. On the face of it, however,
the vase attests the possibility that a chorus of Pans might replace a
satyr chorus, and it is hard to see what is represented in the upper zone
if it is not a chorus of tragedy.
In a small picture on the neck of a volute-krater in Ferrara (fig. 43),*
c. 450 B.C., we are tied to the stage only by the flute-player and a civilian.
We have already come across the subject. A goddess, crowned and
sceptred, with chiton and a himation which veils the back of the head,
is rising out of the ground. Behind her stands a man, carrying two torches,
wreathed, with a short chiton and another garment over it. Six satyrs
with mallets and a small boy are seen dismayed. In the artist’s eye they
have become real satyrs ;
their tights have melted.
Satyrs in tights appear again at roughly the same date on fragments
of a cup by the Sotades Painter in Boston (fig. 44).* They are again
accompanied by a goddess, in plain chiton and himation, with hair in
a sakkos, carrying a sceptre. She is either seated or, again, rising out of
the ground. One of the satyrs has his tights ornamented with a cross
in a circle (cf. fig. 41). These ornaments become more prominent c. 425-
420 B.c. in two works by ‘the Painter of the Athens Dinos’. In one of
them (fig. 45) ,3 a dinos in Athens, four members of a satyr chorus strike
attitudes before a flute-player in full dress and four civilians; on the other,
three fragments of a bell-krater in Bonn (fig. 46),'* at least three chorus-
men stand before a flute-player in full dress. In both these, we are nearer
the rehearsal than the stage, and we must be very close to the actual
appearance of an Athenian satyr chorus.
The value to us of flute-player and satyr-tights should now be clear.
Without them, we are on dangerous ground. There are several scenes
' A.R.V.^, pp. 6 1 a, no. i, i66a; Beazley, ibid., pp. 311 f., pi. 88b; Brommer, Salyrspiele^,
no. 15, pp. 51 f., fig. .{g.
“ zl.fl.K*,
763, no. 4; Brommer, Satyrspiele-, no. 14a, fig. 8.
p.
A.R.V.^, p. 1180, no. a; Brommer, ibid., no. 2, fig. 2.
’
* A.R.V.^,
p. 1180, no. 3; Brommer, ibid., no. 3, fig. 3. The fragments with figures of
Poseidon and Amymone in decorative robes with sleeves once associated with these (Bicber,
Das Dresdner Schauspielerrelief, p.
17) do not belong (Bieber, Ath. Mitt. 36 (1911), p. 273;
Buschor in Furtw.-Reich. iii,p.
139).
0
i86 THE COSTUMES
from the late fifth century where we may be tempted to think that a stage
scene has inspired the artist, though the satyrs’ tights have melted, but
they arc not strictly evidence. We illustrate

two which arc not wholly
improbable, one (fig. 47)’ depicting Prometheus in a decorated robe
with short sleeves, bringing fire in a reed to the satyrs, the other (fig. 48)'
Orpheus with a short chiton and Thracian cloak with a satyr entranced
by his song. The ease for their dramatic nature depends on the association
of satyrs wdth mythical figures whom one would not expect to find them
accompanying. How near the theatre we arc, we can only guess.

We come now to the most complete and magnificent piece of evidence
for fifth-century stage costume, the volute-kratcr in Naples (fig. 49)^ by
the Pronomos Painter, from the last years of the fifth century or the
beginning of the fourth. On the main picture Dionysus and Ariadne,
certainly divine and irrelevant to our purposes, arc seated on a couch.

The scene is crowded. In the foreground we can pick out two ordinary
Athenians, the seated poet Demetrios and the lyre-player Charinos. There
sits in the centre the flute-playerPronomos in the usual full dress. Scat-
tered over the scene are ten men, mostly labelled with ordinary Athenian
names, wearing furry' drawers which support the satyr’s tail and phallos;
one, at the top left, has smooth tights. Only one has yet put on his bearded
mask and is already sketching a step, but the others have identical mashs
at hand. Linked to them by the mask he carries, towards the bottom
right, is an eleventh, wearing a sleeveless, ornamented chiton and a hima-
tion, perhaps the leader of the chorus. On the higher level, immediately
to the left of the right-hand tripod, is another satyr figure, whom we can
call Papposilenos, an older man, black-bearded, though the others were
clean-shaven. His costume is tight-fitting and sleeved, represented as
brown with tufts of white all over. He has a leopard skin and staff, and
holds up his mask, which is svhite-bcardcd and white-haired with an
ornate diadem and ivy leaves. He has no label of human or stage name,
but there is no reason to doubt that the artist paints what he sees. Three
figures remain for consideration, one to the left of the couch, one perched
' Some, with less probability, regard the central figure as Dionysus rather than Prometheus.
See Beazley, A.J.A. 43 (1939), p. 636, who figures other vases depicting Prometheus and
satyrs; Brommer, Sal)rspule^, nos. 187-1993, figs. 42-46. Aeschylus wrote at least one satyr
play called Promethms, produced with Ptrsae in 472 d.c. : see Lloyd-Jones, Loeb Aeschylus ii’,
fr. 278. However, Beazley now {A.R.Vy, p. 1 104, no. 6 (Orpheus Painter)) describes the scene
as ‘Dionysos (or Prometheus) chastising satyrs'.

^ A.R.Vy,
p. 574, no. 6 (Agrigento Painter) ; Brommer, ibid., no. 95, fig. 53.
t A.R.Vy,
p. 1336, no. I. Buschor in Furtw.-Reich. iii, pp. 132-50, pis. 143-5; Bulle, Em
Skenographie, pp. 27-29; Beazley, Hesperia 24
(1955), p. 313; Arias and Hirmer, A History of
Greek Vase-Painting, pp. 377-80 (with additional notes by Shefton), pis. 218-19, are the most
important discussions outside Bicber and Webster.
Vulci
from
Cup
chorus-man.
Satyr
38.
Fig.
London
in
Oenochoe
37-
Fig.
Fis; 40 Sau r chorus-men and nutc-pla\ ei
H\diia from Athens
on it, and one to the right. The last does not need his label to identify
him as Herakles. The club and lionsldn he bears do that, though his
sleeved, ornamented chiton, yello\v-bro\vn corslet, and high, ornamental
boots are less distinctive. When rve come to his head, horvever, there
seems to have been some melting under the artist’s hand. Though he
carries a mask, his face has already become that mask, though the mask
has a lion’s head too. The same thing has happened to the left-hand
figure, who already has the same straggly hair as the mask he carries,
though that has a tiara too. His sleeved chiton, himation, and boots
are all heavily ornamented. The
figure that perches on the couch is
more enigmatic. Here there seems to be a distinction between the face
and the mask. Both are beardless. That a woman is being represented is
certain; tliat the face is female seems less certain. The hair is done up in
a bun with a band, while the mask has long hair and a tiara. Again,
a sleeved, ornamented chiton, though the himation is plainer, but this
character is barefoot.
The melting has caused trouble in the interpretation, but the exact
metaphysical status of the ‘actors’ need not concern us. It is generally
agreed tliat the Oriental tiaras point to the unnamed figures’ being
Laomedon and Hesione. It is simplest to suppose that they and Herakles
arc characters in a satyr play, and the view that they are figures from
tragedy has nothing to commend it. The position of the flute-player
Pronomos and the pattern of the name-labels suggests that the vase (or
a hypothetical votive picture which it may represent) was concerned to
stress the part played by the musicians, poet, and chorus. The personalities
of the actors have been suppressed. There is no reason to doubt that ^vc
are given here a fairly faithful picture of stage costume.
Very close to the Pronomos vase in style and date are some fragments
from Taranto in Wurzburg (figs. 50, a-c)‘. Interpretation of it is even
more difficult, but it is agreed that here again there is a group of
divinities in the upper zone, surrounded by a dramatic cast, and that
there are a number ofsupemumcrar)' figures, neither divine nor dramatic.
The flute-player be seen, but the chorus has melted in the
is clearly to
same way on the Pronomos vase. They carry their curly-
as the actors
haired masks, which have their mouths open but the eyes painted in,
but their hair has become tliat of tlieir masks. They are a female chorus,
and the artist may have felt that the contrast betis’een male chorus-men
'
51-56; Buschor, Studies presented
p. 1338; Bullc, Corolla Curlius, pp. 151-60, pis.
to D. M. Rohinsm pp. 90 ff. ; Arias and Hirmcr, loc. cit. Be-azlcs' points out that the sleeves
ii,
given to the poet in Wirsing’s reconstruction arc not paralleled by tlie Pronomos \ase.
1 88 THE COSTUMES
and female characters was one wliich he did not wish to make. Those
members of the chorus we can see all have long, sleeveless chitons, orna-
mented in different ways. They are all barefoot. For the actors, our
evidence is more or less confined to the top fragments of fig. ôb. There is
no reason to place these fragments together, as Wirsing has done on his
reconstruction (fig. 50c). To the right of the seated goddess, an arm in
a sleeve of lozenged pattern holds a mask with an arched hairline and
short forehead hair; the impression one gets is male, but it is broken.
On the top-right fragment, there is a figure with a white chiton, gathered
with a belt, and an ornamented cloak holding a staff, and another with
a plain chiton ornamented with circles with a fawnskin over, which
suggests Artemis. We seem to have here reasonable evidence for the
dress of tragedy.
Close to these two vases in date is the relief from the Peiraeus (fig. 51).'
Dionysus is on his couch rvith a female figure, whose name has been
mostly obliterated. He is visited by three actors in long, sleeved chitons
with high belts ; the middle one wears also a long overgarment. The two
to the left carry tympana. The left-hand one may have been wearing
a mask, now obliterated. The middle one carries an old man’s mask with
longish but tidy hair, high forehead, gaping mouth, and beard. The
third mask is more an oldish man.
controversial, but appears to be of
In the fourth century, the quantity of evidence for tragedy from Athens
itself drops off sharply, and there is little worth illustrating. The most
interesting pieces are a relief in Copenhagen (fig. 52),^ dated by Webster

360-350 B.C., of an actor dressed as a woman, with the long, sleeved
chiton, himation, and soft boots, holding the mask of a middle-aged
woman with long hair and sloping brows, and a red-figure fragment
(fig. from the Athenian Agora showing a long-haired, white-faced
53)’
mask, 375-350 B.c. In default of good Athenian evidence, we cannot
resist going outside Athens to illustrate a Gnathia fragment from Taranto
in Wurzburg (fig. 54)^ from the middle of the century. On this we have
Studniczka, Melanges Perrot, pp. 307 ff.; Bicber, Denkm., pp. 104-5; H.T^, p. 32, who
thinks that the right-hand mask is feminine or at least youthful ; Buschor in Furtw.-Reich.
iii, pp. Studies presented to D. M. Robinson ii, pp. 93 ff.; Webster, G.T.P., p. 41 ; M.I.T.S.,
p. 32. Most of these are tempted to associate the relief with Euripides’ Bacchae, very close in
date. The association would be more convincing if any of the actors was more maenadic in
dress.
^ Poulsen, Billedtavler,
pi. 17, no. 233; Webster, G.T.P., p. 43, pi. 9.
Webster, Hesperia 29 (tgbo), pp. 258, 278, Aia, with pi. 65.
3
Bulle, Festschrift fir James Loeb (1920), pp. 5 fr.,pl. ii, figs. 1, la, 6; Eine SKenographie, p. 5.
To Bulle the poverty of the costume suggests a king in exile, and the combination of it with
a sword brings it into relation svith a royal figure on an early Apulian amphora in the
Vatican, bearing a sword and taking refuge at an altar. The story, he thinks, is that of Thyestes
Vase
Pronomos
The
49.
Fig.
b
Fig. 50a, b. Krater fragments from Taranto

a tragic actor, with a sword in his left hand, and in his right the mask of
a bearded man, fair-haired with curly brows. The eyes are fully painted
in. He wears a short, reddish-brown, sleeved, and belted chiton fringed
at the bottom, with a cloak of the same colour and high, laced, and
decorated boots.
None of the masks we have so far seen are particularly exaggerated or
unnatural. In particular, they all lack the oy/fo?, the very high forehead,
characteristic of later tragic masks. A good example of such a later mask
is to be found on a wall-painting from Herculaneum (fig. 55), • generally
agreed to be the copy of a votive tablet dedicated by a victorious tragic
actor, probably towards the end of the fourth or early in the third
centur)' b.c. The principal figure is the actor, a man with a fine face, who
has just taken off his mask and ruffled his hair in doing so. A kneeling
female figure is writing an inscription beneath the mask, which stands
in its receptacle above a low pillar. (There is a second actor in the back-
ground.) This mask is very different from those hitherto considered, with
its high oyKos- and long hair hanging on each side, its wide-open mouth,
and staring eyes.
Such evidence as is most of it non-Athenian, suggests that
available,
the oyKoj came in in the last third of tlie fourth century, and Webster has
plausibly suggested that ‘this change was due to the statesman Lykourgos
in the sense that when the theatre was rebuilt in stone [between 338
and 330] and adorned with the statues of Aeschylus, Sophocles, and
Euripides, the new masks were also introduced to match the stately new
setting’.^ The Athenian evidence for the date of the change is not as good
as one could ^vish. We have seen the evidence for naturalistic masks down
to the middle of the century,^ but the earliest evidence for the oyKos-
masks is and a broken terracotta. The
derived from a copy of a statue
Roman copy in the Vatican (fig. 56)^ derives, it has been argued, from
the Lycurgan statue of Aeschylus. The mask which the poet carries has
and Pelopia; he dates both vases early in the fourth century. Rumpf {Phil. Woch. 52 (1932),
cols. 209-10), on the other hand, denies that the actor represents a king in exile, and thinks
his costume may have been a normal one at this period, the lack of decoration being merely
indicative of a difference in fashion. He dates the vase in the time of Alexander the Great.
The costume could be the actor’s off-stage clothes. Sec also Robertson, Greek Fainting, p. 163.
* For a coloured
reproduction, see Maiuri, Roman Painting (Skira), p. 92. (We now think
that what is represented is a picture of a mask, not a real mask.)
’ G.T.P.,
p. 43; cf. Hesperia 29 (1960), p. 258.
’ Webster adds the
Phaidra painting from Herculaneum (Bieber, H.T.^, fig. 591), the
original of which is dated by Rumpf [Malerei und Zeiohnung, p. 136) c, 340.
* The
head (of Euripides) does not belong to the original, and is here omitted. The
eyebrows, nose, and beard of the mask are much restored. See Studnicaka, Heue Jahrbucher
3 (1900), p. 170; Webster, J.H.S. 71 (1951), p. 229; Hermes 82 (1954), p. 307-
;
190 THE COSTUMES

a high oyKos. The terracotta mask from the Agora (fig. 57),' which has
a clear archaeological context of 325-300, has lost its top and now looks
unimpressive, but the nature of the break has suggested that it once had
a considerable head of hair. The earliest surviving oyxos on an Athenian
mask perhaps that on a colossal bronze mask from the Peiraeus
is
(fig. 58) the oyKos is low, but distinctive, the hair waved, the brows
sloped, the beard curly it may go back into the fourth century.
;
3. We can now proceed to a discussion of the history of tragic costume,

which can be conveniently divided under the heads of masks, dress, and
footwear.
There is much uncertainty as regards the use of masks in the earhest
period of Athenian tragedy. Aristotle probably did not regard them as
’
having been worn from the first,^ and the tradition followed in ‘Suidas’
lexicon held that Thespis, who gave the first performances of tragedy,
first disguised his face, when hung flowers
acting, with white lead, then
over it, and only then took and that, after Choirilos
to plain linen masks,
had done something unspecified to the masks and robes and Phrynichos
had introduced feminine masks,"* it was Aeschylus who first used coloured
and terrifying masks,® contrasting apparently with the masks eV ponj
0001^ of Thespis. A similar tradition lies behind Horace’s lines®
ignotum tragicae genus invenisse Camenae

dicitur et plaustris vexisse poemata Thespis,
quae canerent agerentque peruncti faecibus ora
post hunc personae pallaeque repertor honestae
Aeschylus et modicis instravit pulpita tignis
et docuit magnumque loqui nitique cothumo.
That Horace’s history is in part confused or wrong does not affect the
probability that he is recording a tradition prevalent in his day about
Aeschylus.
Thompson, Hesperia a8 (1959), pp. 141-2, pi. 29, T

88; Webster, Hesperia 29 (1960),
pp. 258, 279, A6.
* References in Webster,
p. 31, ABi. It is eighteen inches high.
® He says nothing about masks in tragedy; for comedy he appears to regard them as having
been ‘introduced’ after comedy started, though he does not know who introduced them
*’
{Poet. V. I
449 4 ).
* Though rij aKTjyp might mean ‘introduced a female
YvvatKelov npoowTrov eierrjyaycv o'
character’. For the work of these
early poets, see Dith. Trag. Com.^, pp. 63-65, 68-69.
* ‘Suid.’ s.v. Aiaxoôs' . offror tepwros evpe srpoaoiTreta Seted real gpuipaai Keypiopeva
. .
egeiv Tovs Tpayt'coilr, /cal rats dp^vXais rots KoXovpievois fp^drats Kexprjodat.
‘ A.P. 275-80; cf. Dith. Trag. Com.^, pp.
69, 79-82, and on cothumo see below, pp. 2046".
On the mistaken use of the words magnumque loqui to support the fancy that the mask was
formed as a speaking trumpet, to increase the loudness of the voice, see below, pp. ig5f.
On the stage, see Theatre of D., pp. 69 if., esp. 72, against which, Amott, Greek Scenic Conven-
tions, pp. I -4 1.
Fii;. 31. Relief from Pcimeie
Fig. 540. .\ctor and mask. Gnathia krater fragment from Taranto
Fig 54 A Detail of Gnathia fragment from Taranto
Tig 55 Actor and ma«k Painting from Herculaneum

Agoia
192 THE COSTUMES
start at least as early as fig. 34, and are prevalent where the evidence is
strong enough. The overriding impression is one of attempted naturalism.
There is very littie distortion to be seen in this period, except round the
mouth, where it would be necessary for practical reasons. Since vase-
painters normally fill in the eyes, there is little we can usefully say about
them. Editors do not always report on colours, but one gets the impression
of variety here. There is certainly a good deal of variety in hair-styles,
eyebrows, noses, wrinkles, and so on. Obviously, some masks resemble
others. Mask-makers would have a general idea of what sort of effect
they wish to produce, but traces of standardization are not strong in
this period.' Where appropriate, the mask might incorporate hair
adornments or headgear which would help to adorn or identify the
characters.^
In general, the texts of classical tragedies corroborate this picture,
though the evidence is not large in quantity. A number of instances sug-

gest that a hero or heroine who was regarded as beautiful or admirable
wore fair hair; such were Phaidra, Iphigeneia, and Helena,^ Hippo-
lytus and in some plays Orestes,'' in contrast with the wicked Polyneikes,^
but that the âv$ 6s was not necessarily everyone’s ideal may be inferred
from Pasiphae’s imaginary handsome man.® Orestes in his distress in
Euripides’ play of that name may perhaps have had a special mask dis-
playing his squalor f and it seems almost certain that the feminine beauty
of Dionysus in the Bacchae must have been shown in his mask.® Personages
in mourning are described as shorn,® and the locks are said to be cut off
during the play.'® Where the complexion of foreigners was in question,
the mask-maker could doubtless oblige; the chorus-masks in the Sup-
pliants of Aeschylus may have presented a dark complexion —the a^rraXav
NeihodepT] TTapeidv (
11 . 70 ff.) of a fieXavdes TjXwKTvnov yivos (
1. 154)3
haps with traces of gashes in the cheeks, self-inflicted in distress (1. 70 ; cf.
Choephoroi 24-25).
* Webster, M.I.T.S., pp. 10-13, closest analysis of resemblances.
* c.g. the kidaris in fig. 36, the tiaras and ivy leaves in fig. 49.
3 Eur. Hipp. 220, Ipk. Tour. 174, Helen 1224.
Eur. Hipp. 1343, El. 515, Jph. Taur. 52.
* Eur. Phoen. 308 Kvav 6xp<*yra ;âtTa? irXoKaptov.
® Eur. Cretans 14—15 (Page) rrvpoijs Sc ;âtTi^S‘ Ka\ nap* ofifiaTov oeXas j
olvionov f^€Xafin€TT€p-
[Kaijvwv yiwv.
^ Eur. Or. 223-6 OP, vnoPaXe nXevpots nêvpdf Kav^piuBrj K 6fj.T}v a^cAc npooconov' Xenra yap
|
Xevaaoj Kopatr. HA. tS ôarpvx<iiv irivwScs aÂiov Kapa,

|
coy ^yptcuaat Sid /laKpdy dAouaioj,
j
® Eur. Bacch. 455 fF. nXoKapos re yap oov ravaost ov ndX-qs vno, yevvv nap* avrrjv K€Xvp.€vo 9f
|
n 69ovnXiojs' XevK^v 8e ;^potdv €K napaoKev^s

j
^Xiov ôXatmv, dAA* vno o/ftfiy, ryv j
APpoSinjv KaXXovrj dtjptofievos-

^ Eur. Or.
457 f. Tyndareus is fieXdfincnXos t(ovp§. re Bvyarpos nevSipip K€Kapp 4vos.
j
Soph. Ajax 1173, EL 449; Eur. Helen 1087.

and literary evidence, then, combine to suggest that

Archaeological
the poet and his mask-maker enjoyed great freedom, and there is no
hint of any unnaturalness or exaggeration.
We have seen that there is no evidence for the oyKos on the tragic
mask before the end of the fourth centur}% We can dismiss out of hand
the views of Robert, who attributed to the fifth century certain of the
originals of various south Italian rvall-paintings where the oy/co? is to be
seen.’ We can further confirm the conclusion we had provisionally
arrived at, that the list of tragic masks in Pollux (iv. 133 S'-) is not
earlier than the early Hellenistic period, for in it the oy/cos- is repeatedly
referred to.
This however, worth a summary, since it gives a good idea of
list is,
the range of masks available, even in a period of standardization. It

enumerates 6 tragic masks of old men, 8 of young men, 3 of servants, and
1 1 of ^vomen of various ages. Miss Bieber^ and others, notably Prof.
Webster,^ have tried with some success to find specimens corresponding

to each of them among we give
the extant archaeological remains, and
some references who wish to pursue the subject
to photographs for those
further. The basic distinction between old men and young is between
bearded and non-bearded. Of the old men, the oldest is the ivpt'as
white-haired, the hair attached to the oy/coy, and the beard closely cut
he is ‘long in the cheek’ (emfnjKTjs- wv rd? Trapetdy, themeaning of which
is not quite clear wthout a certain specimen).^ The X^vkos iv^p is grey-
haired, with a low oyKQs and curls round his head, a stiff beard (if this
is the meaning of yA’etov TreTrrjydy), projecting eyebrows, and a rather
pale complexion {TiapaX^vKov to xpdlp®)-® The cnrapronoXws is a dark-

haired man, turning grey, with a somewhat pale face {muixpos). The
pe'Aay dwjp has a dark complexion, curly hair and beard, a large oynos,
and a cruel face.® The iav66s av^p has fair curls, a smaller oyKos, and
Kenlaurmkampf u. TragSJienszene (22nd Halle Winckclmannsprogramm, 1898), pp. 15 f.

*
* Ji.E. s.v.
Maske, cols. 2077 IT.
’ FesUchtifl Andreas
Rumpf (1952), pp. 141 ff.; G.T.P., pp. 45!?.; MJ.T.S., pp. Ii4f.
BoUi Biebcr and Webster make suggestions as to how these masks might be used in the pre-
sentation of fiftli-ccnturj' pla>'s, but wc think these suggestions more likely to mislead than to
enlighten the reader about how the plays were originally presented.
^ A puzzle is raised here by ‘Suidas’ s.v. TrpirxfioiBrjvat' ^vpnjBijvai' to yap too Tlpidpov rrpou’
wrrov (vplas tori' (cf. Hcsychius s.v. wpiapcoflijoo/iot). These references have suggested that
Priam wore this mask. But Pollux lists a special mask for Priam, and in Pompeian svall-
paintings Priam has a considerable beard (cf. Bieber, H.TA, figs. 765, 768). The lexicographers
look as if they arc going back to Old Comedy and an older, different, tradition.
* Bieber finds an e.xample in the left-hand mask on Denkm., no.
63, and it certainly corre-
sponds fairly well with Pollux’s description. Among ^Veb3tcr’s examples arc fig. 58 here
and Bieber, H.TA, fig. 768.
‘ W. compares fig.
58.
TRAGEDY AND SATYR PLAY >95
KaTOKo/xos, with long white hair and a moderate oyms, and rather pale
one family of MSS. adds that she was once called Trapaxpcanos
(faded). The iXaiBepov ypdSiov has a fair complexion,’ a small oyKos,
and her hair falling to her shoulders; the mask signifies calamity.
The oIkctikov ypahiov —
the old slave-woman ^wears a lamb’s-wool cap —
instead of an oyKos, and has a wrinkled face.^ The oIkstikov (leaoKovpov
(half-shorn) hasmoderately long hair, only partly grey, a low oyKos, and
a pale complexion, while the Si^depln^ (leather-clad) is younger and has
no oyKos. The KaraKopios long black hair, a pale face, and a
look of pain.^ The pLeaoKovpos dtXP^ differs from the last only in having
shorter hair;'* so has the pLeaoKovpos -npoatâros (half-shorn fresh), but
she is not so pale.® The Koupt/xoj TtapOevos^ has no oyKos, but her hair
parted, combed back, and cut short, and a somewhat pale complexion,’
and the second Kovpifios irapBevos is similar but without the parting and
close-cut hair, tu? e/c ttoAAou Svarvxovaa.^ The Kop-q has a youthful face,
‘such as that of Danae or some other young girl’.
Pollux also masks of tragedy sKOKeva -npoowna such as

lists special — —
those of Actaeon wearing horns, the blind Phineus,’ Thamyras with
one blue eye and one dark, Argos with his many eyes, Euhippe changing
into a horse. Tyro with her face bruised by her stepmother Sidero,
Achilles shaven in mourning for Patroklos, Amymone, Priam, or the
masks of a Titan, a Giant, a River, a Triton, a Fury, Death, or per-
sonifications such as /luWa, Otcnpos, "yjSpi?, ^TTanj, Me9q, “Oki’os, i>06vos.
Muses, Nymphs, Horai, and Pleiades. This section contains the two ex-
plicit references to fifth-century drama, Euhippe ‘in Euripides’, Tyro
in Sophocles, whether in original or in revival, but the degree of variety
he allows even beside his standardized masks, encourages the belief
for,
that fifth-century mask-makers had a fairly free hand, as well as the

greater naturalism that emerges from observation of the monuments.
Before turning to dress, it is only necessary to refer briefly to two
suggestions which have been made with regard to the peculiarities of
the tragic masks: (i) that they served to make the actor’s voice more
resonant, so that it could carry throughout the vast theatres ; (2) that the
*
Reading UTrofavffov ttjv j^poidv, rather Chan TTfv voAidv*
^
Perhaps cf. Bieber, fig. 591.
’ example, Bieber,
Cf., for fig. 773.
* ^V. compares Bieber, H. T.^, figs. 575-6.
* W. compares Bieber, fig. 769. ‘ See above, p. 181.
’ W. compares Bieber, H.T.^, fig. 567; a late fourtli-century example, G.T.P., pi. iia.
* Perhaps cf. G.T.P., pi. rib.
’ VV. compares the blind mask of the early third century B.c., Mon. Piot 38 (1941), p. 1 13,
fig- 9-
196 THE COSTUMES
grotesqueness of the later masks, and particularly the high oyKoy, was in
some way connected with the introduction of the raised stage.
The first suggestion is based on a passage of Aulus Gellius (v. vii) who
is quoting the work of an earlier writer, Gavius Bassus, de Origine Vocabu-
lorum: ‘Caput’ inquit ‘et os coperimento personae tectum undique

unaque tantum vocis emittendae via pervium, quoniam non vaga neque
diffusa est, in unum tantummodo exitum collectam coactamque vocem
ciet <(et> facit. Quoniam igitur indumen-
magis claros canorosque sonitus
tum vocem facit, ob earn causam “per-
illud oris clarescere et resonare
sona” dicta est, o littera propter vocabuli formam productiore.’ The sug-
gested derivation, of course, does not bear looking into, and some modem
experiments with masks manufactured so far as possible on ancient lines
make it extremely doubtful whether in fact masks ever did anything to
increase sound. Certainly no ‘megaphone effect’ could be produced by

linen masks such as Thespis is said to have used, so that it cannot have
been their original object and it is doubtful whether such effects could be
;
satisfactorily achieved without the use of metal.' When Roscius intro-
duced masks into tragedy in Rome (if he did so),^ it was not to enhance
the resonance of his voice, but to conceal his squint.
The theory that the introduction of the less natural type of mask
coincided with the introduction of the raised stage is supported by Bulle,^
but he dates the latter change in the second half of the fourth century b.c.
and this may be more than a century too early,'* at least as far as Athens
is concerned. It may be that when action began to be confined to the
relativelynarrow stage instead of the wide orchestra, it was necessarily
more restrained and statuesque, and masks of the newer type, which
were suited to actors facing the audience (and that from a greater dis-
tance) and seldom seen in the round, would commend themselves as
suitable ; but the earliest of the masks with a high oyKos seem to belong
to the last third of the fourth century, and cannot have been suggested
by the alteration in the place of action, unless indeed these masks came
first into vogue in theatres away from Athens. So much is obscure with
regard to the relevant dates that it would be rash to lay down any positive
statement. Certainly the most repulsive forms of tragic mask, at which
Lucian scoffs, were the result of the depraved taste of the imperial period.^
Cf. Dmgeldein, Habtn die Theatermasken der Alien die Stimme verslarkt? (Berlin, 1890);
Hunningher, Acoustics and Acting in the 'Theatre of Dionysus EleuthereuSf pp. i8f.
^ Beare, The Roman Staged, App. 3 Festschrift fur James Loeb, p. 19.
I.
^ Theatre
of D. pp. 182, etc. For the date of the introduction of the oyKor-mask, see pp.
189 f.above.
^ Lucian, de salt. 27 npoaunrov vnip fccâA^r dvarcivopicvov eiriKclpievos KaX aropa Kegijros
vappeya cuj KaTamopcvos tous flcoTas, xtA. (cf. Tox. 9, Callus 26, Anachar. 23, lup. trag. 41).
4. We can now turn to dress, and begin with the literary evidence.
That the characteristic tragic costume, whatever it was, was the invention
of Aeschylus’ was a strong tradition in the Roman period, the statements
to this effect being associated with the attribution to him (certainly
false, as will be seen later) of the thick-soled kothornoi. The earliest of
these statements is that of Horace,^ according to whom Aeschylus was
personae pallaeque repertor konestae. The same tradition is found in Athenaeus
and Philostratus (both about a d 200). . .
Athen. i. 2 ld Kal AlaxvXos Se ov fiovov iêvpe Trjv rijs aToXijs euTrpeVtiav Kal
Upopavrai Kal SqBovxoi appiiwoVTai, dXXa Kal
trefivoTTjTa, Tjv ^-qXtuaavTes ol
TToXXa ay^para opyâriKa avTos eêvplaKuiv dveStSou rots yopôrats. XapaiXimv

yovv TTpcoTov avTOv p-qai ayr^pariaai Tody yopovs opyrjaToSiBaaKdXois ov yprjad-
pevov, dXXa Kal avrov rots yopots ra ayrjpara rroiovvra rwv opyijaeuiv, Kal
oXais rraaav rrp> rijs rpayipSCas olKovopiav ets iavrov rrepitarav. irreKplvero
yovv peri too etVdroj ra Spapara. /ipiaropavr^s yovv —
napa Se rots KwpiKots y
rreplr&v rpayiKiuv anoKetrai marts —aotet avrov AlayvXov Xeyovra “rotoi
yopots avTos ra ayrjpar errolovv".
Philostr. Vit. Apoll. vi. ii, p. 219 K (after enumerating many improvements
of tragedy by Aeschylus) 6 8’ evOvprjdels pev iavrov tvs emi^tov too rpaywSiav
voietv pdiyyotro, evdvprjOels 8c Kal Tr)v rexvrjv ws rrpoapva r& peyaXeitp paXXov
rj rw KaraPepXrjpivqi re Kal imo irdSa, uKevoTroitas pev rjparo elKaopivrjs rots
rwv rjpwcuv eiSeatv, OKpiâvros Se rovs vrroKpiras ive^lâoev, ws “aa ckciVoij
Palvotev, corfl^paai tc trpwros eKooptjoev, a rrpoapopov rjpwat re Kal rjpwtaiv
•qaBijadal, odev Adrjvatoi rrarepa pev airov rrjs rpaycvSias 'qyovvro.
Philostr. Vit. Soph, i.

g, p. 1 1 K
XiKeXla Fopylav iv Aeovnvots rjveyKev, is
ov avapepeiv -qywpeOa tt]V rwv aoptarwv reyvrjv, wtnrep is rrarepa- et yip rov
AiayvXov evdvprjdeCrjpev, ws rroXXi rfj rpaywSCa ^vve^dXero eaffrjrC re avrqv
KaraaKevaaas Kal oKpiPavri vprjXw Kal -qpwwv etSeaiv d-yyiXois re Kal eâyyeXois
KOI oiserrl aKrjvrjs re Kal otto mcqvrjs ypr/ rrparreiv, rovro av et-q Kai 6 Fopyias
rots oporiyvois.
A certain caution is necessary here. Athenaeus ascribes to Chamaileon

(about 300 B.c.) certain statements about Aeschylus’ treatment of the
chorus, but he does not refer to him as his authority in regard to costume,
and in his phrasing {aXXi Kal . . he seems to distinguish the two state-
.)
ments, and to refer to Chamaileon only for what follows. Moreover, the
last sentence of the passage seems to imply that, whether for himself
or for Chamaileon, the recognized authority on Aeschylus was the Frogs
'
There was a tradition that Choirilos exercised some influence on the costumes of
also
tragedy : ‘Suidas’ XotpiXos.
s.v. Kata, Ttvas Tofy irpotjuiTrelois Kal
. . . OKTjvjj tcuv otoXwv
firexetpijcre. Even the emendation oK€vfj leaves the meaning very uncertain.
* A.P
278 (see above, p. igo). On this Porphyrion comments: ‘Aeschylus primus tragoediis
coturnos et syrma et personam dedit horum enim trium auctor est.’
;
, :
198 THE COSTUMES

of Aristophanes," and this also seems to be the case with Philostratus.
But all Aristophanes"" (half a century after the death of Aeschylus, and
with the comic poet’s aim of producing an absurd effect) says is that
Aeschylus’ heroes wore more dignified robes than ordinary men
AI. KoXXws eiKos TOUf ^[xiBeovs rots p^fiaoi fielôcri

Kal yap rots t/iOTioiS' ruiiav ypwvrai ttoXv aep.voripoiaiv
a.[j.ov xpTjcrrws KaraSeiâvros SifXvp.'qvcL) av. EY. Tt Spdaas;
AI. TrpuiTov p.ev Tou? âaiXevovras paKi' dfimaxwv . . .
Moreover, it may be of some significance that Aristotle in enumerating

the innovations made by Aeschylus in tragedy never refers to costume,
except that, if Themistius is right,^ he did ascribe oKpiâvras (some kind
of footwear) to him.
None of these references is very specific about dress, but there is a more
specific reference in the very unreliable Life of Aeschylus,'^ compiled from
many sources and of unkno^vn date. It evidently repeats the same tradi-
tion as the passages already quoted, but in a rather strange phrase it
does allude to the sleeves and the avpfia r® np&ros Aicr^^vXo^ TrdOem ya^
viKiorepois Trjv rpaycpSiav Tjvâev . . . rods re vnoKpirds xeiploi crKendaas
Kal T& (jvppaTi eôyKwaas peiôai re rots Kodopvois peretoplaas. cwppa is
a word which appears late in Greek literature; its derivation suggests
that it means a robe so long that it trails.
Apart fi'om this evidence, which is not easily assessable, it would be
unwise to conclude more from the literary sources than that it was perhaps
had given the
believed, fifty years after die death of Aeschylus, that he
kings and heroes of tragedy a more distinguished costume than they
previously wore, and that writers of a much later date interpreted the
authors of the fifth century to mean that he had invented the costume
to which they, and probably previous generations, had become accus-
tomed in tragedy.
We can now turn to the archaeological evidence. The main points of
interest are the development of the chiton with fitted sleeves and the
growth of ornamented fabrics. Outside fig. 36 with its Oriental sub-
ject, most of our earlier fifth-century evidence has nothing particularly
* All these
^vriters must have used also some authority, now lost, for Aeschylus* supposed
use of the high-soled kotliomos. See below, p. 205.
* Frogs loSoff.
3 See below, p. 205, n. 3. Aristotle’s low rating of the art of the a/ctuoTroio? {Poetics 1450**
15-20) is hardly sufficient explanation.
^ 14. The paragraph is omitted by
Q, and Triclinius and was thought by Wilamowitz
{Aesch. Trag.y p. 5) to be interpolated from some other ‘Life*.
5 Cf.
Porph^Tion, above, p. 197, n. 2.
Equcnsc
Vico
from
Hcll-kratcr
Actacon.
and
59.
Fig.
rcsiNsinirrsim
niicii
dramatic about it. The costumes of figs. 33, 41 would not be particularly
out of the ^vay in real life, and decoration is more or less confined to the
borders. To leave chorus-men out of account, sleeves are not fitted in fig.
33 or 41 Fitted sleeves in the theatre start, as far as our scanty knowledge

.
suggests, wth the flute-player. He has them at least from the late archaic
period,* his dress rapidly becomes heavily ornamented (figs. 36, 40).
and
‘Sleeves, whatever their origin, must have been welcome to the flute-
player, wth his raised arms, in cold weather, whether the performance
was indoors or out of doors.’-
Fitted sleeves and heavy ornamentation next appear, for us, with the
actors of Oriental parts in fig. 36 At least one of the Orientals has fitted
.
sleeves, but we cannot be sure about the king. Then we have a longish
gap filled only by the doubtfully theatrical where Prometheus’
fig. 47,
chiton hardly has sleeves but is heavily ornamented. That fitted sleeves
to an ornamented chiton are worn, and used by artists in this period for
divinities outside theatrical contexts, is attested, e.g. by the Lyssa on a
bell-krater of about 440-430 b.g. (fig. 59) her chiton is very short.
By the end of the century this style of dress isdominant in tragic con-
texts, if the evidence of figs. 49-50 is enough to go by, and it is this which
is generally regarded by scholars as the typical tragic dress. How far it is
really peculiar totragedy is uncertain. In the fourth century, particularly
on south Italian vases, it is a most frequent costume for deities, heroes,
and heroines, in scenes whose connexion with the theatre is at best doubt-
ful.'* The temptation to associate such scenes mth the theatre is, however,
sometimes very strong. For example, the Andromeda krater from Capua
(fig. 60)5 is Attic and very close in date to the Pronomos vase, and has
costumes ofa similar style. In the centre the heroine stands with her hands
fastened to the rock, clothed in a robe reaching the ground the lower ;
and upper parts of this robe show bands of decorative figures or patterns.
It is worn with a cloak. The sleeves reaching
a single garment, but here
band of decoration. Cepheus, the father of
the wrist bear a conspicuous
Andromeda, and Perseus her deliverer are on either side of her; Hermes
' See Beazlcy, Hesperia 24 (1955), p. 308 with n. 7, and cf. fig. 61.
* Beazlcy, loc. cit.
A.R,V.\ p. 1045, no. 7, by the Lykaon Painter from Vico Equcnse.
^
Some examples were collected in the first edition of this book, figs. 165-73, 175-91.
*
* Metager,
Jtepr/sentations, p. 340, no. 70. In some of the many vase-paintings of the
Andromeda legend (ob\’iously a popular subject) the costumes arc of a quite different t>'pe.
See Metzger, op. cit.; Engclmann, Arch, Stud.,
pp. 63 ff. and S6chan, £tudeSj pp. 256 ff.; cf.
also G. M. Daw-son, Romano-Campaniati Landscape Painting,
p. 143. It has been suggested that
the Ethiopian on our krater may have represented a member of the chorus, which would
have been female and Oriental (cf. Euripides, fr. 1
17 N).
200 THE COSTUMES
and Aphrodite (in a robe \vithout sleeves, but bearing some of the same
patterns as that of Andromeda) stand on a somewhat higher level; and
to the left is the seated figure of an Ethiopian in a sleeved costume richly
decorated in every part, and reaching to the knee ; below it the legs are
encased in tight and highly ornamented trousers. The scene as depicted
is plainly not one that can have been represented in the theatre. The
case for supposing that it was depends on the great popularity of Euripides’
Andromeda, first produced in 412 b.c., the nearness in date of the vase
to the play, and the similarity of the costumes to those of the Pronomos
vase. The case is neither contemptible nor wholly cogent.
For the fourth century, as we have seen, evidence for costume in Attica
is slight. We should only remember fig. 54 as a warning that, at any rate
in one part of the theatrical world, greater simplicity of dress was possible.
The origins of this special form of dress have been much disputed.
The view that it was taken from the regular festal robe of the Peisistratid
epoch* seems to have little to commend it; the fashion then was for a
sleeveless garment of white linen.^ The sleeved chiton does go back into
the sixth century it appears in the second quarter of that century on
;
a neck-amphora in the Louvre ‘A it is worn by Poseidon on a Corinthian

clay tablet,* an ivory statuette of a priestess from Ephesus,* a flute-girl
on an Attic oinochoe c. 530 b.c. (fig. 61),® and by Dionysus on an Attic
black-figure amphora c. 500 b.c. (fig. 62).’ From the last example, it has
been inferred® that the garment was specially associated with Dionysus,
and passed from him to the actors, his ministers, but the numerous later
representations of Dionysus so dressed'* prove nothing about the origins
of the dress, and there is no early evidence that it was specially connected
with Dionysus.’®
The tradition” that the officials of Eleusis changed their dress in ad-
miration of Aeschylus’ innovations in theatrical costume has naturally
raised interest in a possible Eleusinian connexion with the theatre. Both
’ Pringsheira, Arch. Beitr. zur Gesch dcs Eleusinischcn Kults,

p. 14; Kortc, Feslschr. Deulscker
Phxlologenu SchidmSnmr in Baselj 202.
^ Rumpf, Phtl. iVoch.
52 (1932), cols, 208-10; Bieber, JiaArfi. 32 (1917), pp* 18, 102.
3 Bull. Museum
of Ftm Arts, Boston 47 (1949), p 88, figs 4-6.
See abo Amelung, R.E. 111, s.v. ;fcipi 5 aiTo?
Hogarth, Ephesus, pi. XXII.
s
® A.B.V.,p. 154, no. 45;Karou20u,

p. 34, no. 42, pi. 42 3; van Hoorn,
Choes and Anthestena, no, 768 Cf. perhaps Karouaou, op. cit., no 48, pi 40. 7.
^ Biehcr, Jahrb. Arch.
32 (19x7), pp. 19 fT, Taf. i.
® Ibid and Bieber,
, pp. 25-26.
’ c.g. Bieber, figs. 81-89
Note, for example, that tlic Am«vsis Painter, ^^ho often painted Dion)^!^, never depicts
him thus, Athen. j. aid (sec above, p. 197).
(part)
Priene
of
Archelaus
by
Relief
64.
Fig.
202 THE COSTUMES
actor in a made-up dress with fitted sleeves which they will certainly have
appreciated.' Effective though the normal fifth-century Athenian chiton
and himation might be, they were easy to disarrange and a handicap to
rapid movement. A made-up garment, on the other hand, could restrict
any unwanted fullness of material to what could be controlled by a belt,
would be easier to move in tidily, and easier for the making of quick
changes. The fitted sleeves would not only be warmer; they would be
invaluable in disguising the male forearms of the actor of women’s parts.
We need look little further for the explanation of the garment’s success,
even though its origins may rest in some doubt.
For further evidence about possible variations in tragic costume, we
must turn to the text of the plays. Individual characters are frequently
said to appear in mourning. Electra is doubtless in black in the Choephoroi,^
in Sophocles’ Electro} she is described deiKet avv aroXa, in Euripides’
Electra she is a slave* and wears rags.® Mourning is
at first mistaken for
worn by Admetus in Alcestisp by Helen in HelenP by lokasta in Phoenissae,^
and by Tyndareus in OrestesP The plight of Philoctetes'" and of Oedipus
at Golonus" in late plays of Sophocles, and of the shipwrecked Menelaus'^
and the sick Orestes'® in Euripides, is indicated by their garments, and his
introduction of Telephus and many other heroes in rags is one of the
many innovations with which Euripides is taunted by Aristophanes.'^
Special functions were no doubt specially indicated; Kassandra, for
example, in Agamemnon was dressed as a mantis}^ But there is no descrip-
tion in any extant play of the dress in which kings and queens and their
children would normally appear in the theatre, and it is therefore im-

possible to compare costume with the decorative robes shown in
their
vase-paintings. But a passing mention may be made of the special effects
of which Euripides sometimes made use, such as the black and horrible
Thanatos of Alcestis,^^ the fine clothes in which Hermione decks herself
in Andromache,'^'’ and the robes, perhaps bridal garments, in which Evadne
' Brooke, op. cit, pp. 64-66, throws a strong beam of good sense and practical experience here.
2 11. 16-18 imply this, 3 1. 191. 4 H. 107-10.
3 1.185 rpvxq Ta8* ip-Qv TrerrAwp.
* At least if this
is the correct interpretation of 11 . 819, 923. 512, 826 only note the difference
of his hair. ’ 1. 1186 —

note the change in clothing.
® 11.
324“^ aTTfTrAo? iâpioiv XevKwv, <5 tcki'ci', hv(j6p(f>vai(i 8*
| TpvxO "rdSc oKort' j
1 457.9
.
*0 Philoct,
39, 274. ” Ogd. Col. 555, 1597 *
*2 Eur. HeUn 416,
421, 554, 1079, 1204. ” OresUs 391.
*4 Ack. 412 ff.; Frogs
1063 ff. Not wholly trustworthy, perhaps; ‘rags* may be a relative
term, and a joke is a joke.
*5 12643*. See Fraenkel ad loc. (in, i* j,
p. 584). 843.
11 147 ff. Koafiop pkv
. Kparl xpvogas aroXpov tc j
;^pa>Tos' Tdi'8e TTOiKtXoiv TrerrXwv |
ou Tcov AxiXXgios ovSk UrjXews dno S6fi(ov dnapxds 8eup*

\ dtfriKofirjVt dAA’ €k AaKatvrjs
\
I^napTiartBos xôi'os' \
Afei'cAaoj ravra Saipctrai woTijp.
arrays herself before leaping into her husband’s funeral pyre in Suppliants^
Ion also appears to have been richly clad as the minister of Apollo,- and
in Rhesus Rhesus’ golden armour must have made a sensation.^ But, on
the whole, the evidence from the texts is scanty, altliough we cannot
blame the dramatists for not describing what die audience could see."*
We may close this section on costume w'ith Pollux’s account of the

costumes of the past, whenever that past was. He writes Kal iadriTes fiev
rpayiKal ttoikIAov (outo) yap CKoXecTO 6 x^twu), ra 8’ em^Xijpara ^vcrrls,
ârpaxls, ;yAa/xus' Bidxpvaos, ypvaoTTaerTOS, araros, (jioiviKis, riapa,

KoXvTTTpa, plrpa, dyprjvov to S’ rjv irXcypa cf ipLwv SiKTVwSes rrepl Trav to
acapa, o Tfipealas e’rreôAAcTO -rj ns aXXos pdims' KoXnwpa, o v-nip rd
TTOiKLrta o'eSuoito oi MrpeCs Kal ol Hyaplpvoves xal oaoi roioCroi. eâ^rris
avtrrpeppdriovn 7Top(ûpovv ^ ôivtKovv, 0 irepl TT/i'xe‘P<s eixov ol rroXepovt'res
^ ol OrjpmiTes- d Se KpoKtards ipdriov Aiowaos Si airrcp expijTO Kal paaâXi-

crrrjpi dx’8lv(a The ttoik Aov is
presumably the sleeved chiton with
Kal Qvpaip.
which wc have been chiefly concerned.* The ^varis is an over-garment,
described by the scholiast on Ar. Clouds 70 as to KpoKwrdv Ipdnov 0 ol
rjvloxoi pixpi rov vvv <f>opovai TTopTrivotn-es' xpdxx’Tat Se avT(p Kal ol rpayiKol
paaiXeis; the ârpaxts (green) and (ftotviKismay have been distinguished
from this principally by their colour, as may also the ‘golden’ or ‘gold-
sprinkled’ xXapvs.'^ The KpoKioros (saffron-coloured) was already worn by
Dionysus in Aristophanes’ Frogs.^ Of the KoXrrwpa worn to give the im-
portance of increased size to royalty there is no certain illustration, nor
of the dyprjvov, the nctivork of woollen threads ivorn by seers.’ The oraros
or oraroy x^'ecuv seems to have been a stiff garment falling from head to
foot without a girdle.” The ‘flowery girdle’ of Dionysus is not referred
to elsewhere.
At a late date tragic actors used padding above and below the waist
(TTpomeprlSta and TTpoyaarplSia) to increase tlieir size, and so incurred
tlic ridicule of Lucian.” The word uwpdnov is sometimes said to
JI. 1 054-5 cr«t 77 5^ T^Sc TOV X^po' KOCfKlS £T. OtXd Tt OVTOS O Oro)ifl07,
^ j
VQTtp.
^
II.326-7. J 11 . 382-4.
*
See in general Dierks, De iragiccrum khtrioûm habitv scenico etfiud Grceccs (Goltingcn, 1883).
’ iv. 116-17.
* Tlic ;(iTtoi’
{oKuTof or {wSiwTor, referred to by Pollux in a non-thcatriral context (\'ii.
55% rnu^t have been much the same.
’ Golden
clothing is sometimes charactcrblic of the actor in Lucian (.VMim. 16, Gallm 26).
1 .56 and schol.; cf. W. HcadlamV note on Hcrodas viii. 28.
.
* See
above, p. 202, n. 15.
See s.\'A'. oraroj and errdStop, and ‘Suid.’ s.v. opOo<rrdhia‘ ot* ararot
J
Cl Se cri';>o/io‘Ot ovprot,
Lucian, /uft. tree.
4* dvdyKT; St'Otr ^drepo*' TItuXov .UptCTrdStjpoi' Kai Sarvpov T;y<ro?ai
^<01*^^ eiioi Tore ^ rd -^pdoajTra tiu»* OtHv aiVd ical rovt eVSaTOf kci tovj toSt^pci? >;iTw»ar
204 THE COSTUMES
be used of die actor’s robe generally,' and somedmes to mean such
padding.
5. Widi regard to the footwear of the principal tragic actors, the state-
ments of the older textbooks to the effect that the actors wore shoes in
which the thickness of the soles was increased to four or even eight to ten
inches, as in the Ried statuette (fig. 63),- are no longer supported by any
scholar of reputation. They are due mainly to an indiscriminate use of
evidence ivithout any regard for chronologic The facts are really simple.'
There no evidence at all of the use of such thick soles until late in
is
the Hellenistic age, and many scenes in the extant plays would have
been impossible if such shoes had been worn. Reference has already been
made'' to the frequent scenes of rapid and even violent movement which
the texts of tragedy imply. \\Tiatever the correct interpretation of these
scenes, a sufficient disproof of the use of soles several inches thick is
afforded by the scene' where Agamemnon orders an attendant to remove

his shoes as he dismounts from his chariot. Can we suppose that he
suddenly became several inches shorter, or that (as some have suggested)
what the attendant really did was to fasten the thick-soled shoes on, and
that die king trampled on the purple carpet (and probably up some steps)
with these? Moreover, such shoes are not to be seen on any early monu-
ment. The example is perhaps to be found in the middle of the
earliest
second century on the relief of Archelaus of Priene (the so-called
b.c.,
Apodieosis of Homer) in the British Museum (fig. 64),® in which the
#calxAofivSas Koi kqI TTpoyaarptBia teal ccu/iarta #cat xdAAa, ots CA'fu'ot a€p.vvvovat
TpaywZlaVf oTrep yeAotoTaTor olfiat ; di salt, 27 cai Acyctv TTpoareprlBia /cat TTpoya<TTpi*8:a, Trpoa-
d€Tr}v KOI €mr€xyT]Tr}v âxvrrjra irpoenToiovfievo^, It can hardly bc inferred from tlic former
passage that the great actors of an earlier age used Uicse devices, though Lucian uses their
names to represent the profession.
* Poll. ii. 235, iv. s.v. otuparta* ra dvanXaanara ots 01 th’OKpiral Siaadrrovaiy
115; Phot.
aihovs. oihafs JJAdreov (the comic poet). (The reference may be to comedy.)
., with its very high dyKos, very wde-open mouth
^ This work of tlie late second century a d .
and eyes, and the stilt^like effect its combined pegs and boots convey, is a model of what the
classical actor did not look like, has done incalculable harm to the conventional picture of
the Greek stage, and still appears on the dust-jackets of books by those who should know
better.
^ The whole
matter was independently {and almost simultaneously) cleared up by K. K.
Smitlj, ‘Use of the High-soled Shoe or Buskin in Greek Tragedy’, Harv. Stud. Class. PMl. 16
(1905) A. Korte, *Der Kothum im funften Jahrhundert*, Festschrijl Deutscher Philologen
in Basel. Important later discussions arc by Bieber, Dresd. Schauspielerrelie/f
pp. 42-69 ; Karou-
zou, J.H.S. 65 (1945), pp. 38-41 ; Webster, G.T.P., p. 37.
Above, pp. 1 75 f. A
number of instances are collected by K. K. Smith, op. cit., pp. 1 35 ff.
* Aesch. Agam
944 ff. dAA’ c? Soêi cot Tav0’, wrai nr dp^vXas Avot Ta;iôs, irpoSovAop
{
efiâaiv ttoSo?, koI rotaSi

j
aXovpydaiv Bewv ns TTpoacttBei' o/ipaTO? )3aAoi
[
t^Bovos.
® B.M. Cat. Sculp, iii. 2191 ;
sec Fraser-Ronne, Boeotian and IFest Greek Fombstonesy p. 182,
n. 45 for the date.
tra^c Muse wears a thick-soled shoe. This is fairly closely followed by

a marble base from HalikamassoSj' in which she is distinguished from
othen by ornamental shoes with soles probably sometvhat less than three
inclics high. After this date there are many (though not many extreme)
instances.
It may be doubted whether the view that the thick sole is classical
would have gained any currency at all but for the existence, here again,
of late passages in svhich dramatic practices current in the ssriter’s own
day are attributed to the old masters. Aeschylus is once again the prin-
cipal victim. His very unreliable Life^ speaks of liim as roti? tc v-rroKpiras
ycipret OKi-ndaas xal tw aupfiart eôyKtauas [xeiôai re rots KoQopvois /nereto-

p'loas. Horace, Ars Poelica 280, seems to have the same stor^' in mind, et
doevit magnumque loqui nitique cotliumo, and so does Philostratus.^ But there
is also a story about Sophocles Istros, an Alexandrian scholar of the
late third century B.c., seems to have credited him witli some kind of
innovation: tfnqal Be “larpos Kal ras XevKas KprjTTiBas avrov eêvpTjKci'ai,
as vroSovi'TQi o* re uTroKpiral koX ol xopevral. There must surely have
been some differentiation according to the characters represented ;
it
seems improbable that all should have worn w’hite shoes ;

but the word
KprjmBes does seem to imply some kind of sole,® though there is no further
cHdence for their use by Sophocles.
Attempts have been made to extract some kind of sense from these
texts. Since the monuments rule out a \'isible sole, Miss Bicber® has
suggested that the innovation consisted of putting a low sole inside the
hoot. Mmc Karouzou,’ on the other hand, relying on tlie monuments
^'‘c arc about to examine, has thought that Aeschylus’ novelty had
'
Trendelenburg, ‘Muscnchor’ (Berlin IVinckeltneamsprogramm 36 (1876)).
’
§ 14: sec above, p. ig8.
1 oKptgairos 5 c tous ôiepiray o’cîâoo’. Tbemist. Or. 3*^ ^ also ascribes

* I iC ApclL vi. 1
^
e»7'<,3aiTar to Aeschylus, and oKptâs is a synonym for KoOopi os in Lucian, jVrro

9 and Philoslr.
1 il. Seph. i.
9. I (sec above, p. 197). (In dassical Grceh, c.g. Plato, Syvipos. 194 b, it denotes
a platform.) Lucian, who saw
their absurdity', also uses epgdrat as a synonym for KoOopvoi
of die thick-solcd shoes cf. de salt, ccy piijKos appv 6itdv di Bpvmos c/iâratr
;
cro^-oipoor, Gallus 26 tcvv KoOdptcar ttji' ArdSean' c/copytorcirTji’ Kat ov Kara Aoyor tov rroSor
an absurdity' exposed to view ss'hcn an actor
tumbled down, ipgarat also appear in ‘Suidas
S-S. rl(oy;vAos . . ovrof srpwToj cvpe
.
rais dpgvXats Totr /caAovpAoir c/rgdrats K(XP^<rOai. Pollux,
c."! the
other hand, regards the cpgdTsjr as a distinctively comic shoe, iv. 1 1 5 ko! to vTToSrjpara
rpayiKa X'ot epjSdScr, c/igdroi 5c rd KtapiKa (cf. vii. 9*)' loots here as if Kai
. f**’"
sppacej is a gloss intended
for cp^drat; tfigds seems to have been used in the Classical
ordinary' shoe, such as would also be worn in comedy; it was probably never
confined strictly to one
Is'pc. Cf. Pollmc S'ii. 85 cp/?d5 cr' ciVcAcr ;«'> -rd iVdSi;pa, epdxiay 5 t
ciprpa, 3^ ( 5 fav srot?dp:-otj Tancn'Ois couco'. tpiâTiys is found in classical literature only
tn some mss.
of Xen. de eip.-il. xii. to, where it svould mean a riding boot.
* > da Sephtxlis B.
.-Inr.'if. i,
p. 272. 19 K-pj—Ij. 5) dhor fcoSiJpaTor d> 5pi*rov 1^3^“ ix^vros rd *.'007171070.
Ortsi. Sdanupulerretuf,
p. 52.
7JMS. 65 (l945). PP' dot'
2o6 THE COSTUMES
nothing to do with the sole, but consisted of enlarging the whole shape
of the boot. But this seems too far from the texts, and it is doubtful
whether they are worth saving.
We must now turn to the monuments, and it will be convenient to
take actors and chorus together. With the very doubtful exception of
the left-hand figure in fig. 33, there is no trace of anything like a sandal.
Footwear, where worn, or at least when the artist thinks it worth showing,
always comes some way up the leg. Of these boots there are, on dramatic
monuments, two main kinds. Firstly, there is a loose, soft, undecorated
boot, often with a pointed toe. When choruses of women wear anything
on their feet, they wear this (figs. 32-34), and an actor is wearing it for
a woman’s part in the fourth century (fig. 52). This is certainly possible
wear in everyday life too, and we figure a woman pulling them on after
her bath (fig. 65).' A variation, with a decorated band and pendent
tongues at the top, is worn by Hephaistos in fig. 41. The second is a laced
boot, which begins for us as early as the left-central figure! n fig. 32.
There is not enough of it left to tell how decorated it was, and a laced
boot need not be decorated, as pictures of Lyssa (fig. 59) and Thamyras
(fig. 66)^, both perhaps not too far from tragic costume, though not
certainly tragic, and of the Periclean period, show. Decorated laced boots
are prominent on the Pronomos vase (fig. 49), were perhaps to be found
on the Peiraeus relief (fig. 51), though we have lost the painted decoration,
and continue into the next century and further afield, even with a plain
costume, with fig. 54. The laced boot can be traced back to close to
600 B.C, in all sorts of contexts.^

A third possible form of boot is the cuffed boot, of which the top turns
over, and apparently even looser than the first. It has no certain ap-
pearance in tragedy, though it appears on an interesting red-figure
lekythos with a muffled figure, 460-450 n.c., which Mme Karouzou
has claimed for the stage (fig. 67),'* and we shall find it again in comedy
(figs. 83-84).
It may be thought that such boots are peculiarly characteristic of
Dionysus, that the stage adopted them in his honour, and that the
^
Kylix in the Torlonia Museum in Rome, p. 821, no. 3 (Boot Painter). See Biebcr,
op. p. 51 for other instances.
cit.,
^ Hydria in Oxford,
p. 1061, no. 152,
^ See Webster, G.T.P.y p. 37.
* Op. cit., pp. 38 £f., fig. I and pi. iv a. The latter is reproduced here by her kind per-
mission. She argues that the figure wearing the shoes is that of an actor, or of the caricature
of an actor in a satync play, not altogether convincingly, though there are some attractive
arguments which deserve careful study, *A woman running in after bathing’ (Beazley, K.*,
p. 645, no. 7).
boot
on
putting
Woman
65.
Fig.
Fig. 66. ThamjTas
Fig. 70. .-Xinphora (Dion>’sus)
Fig. 74. Stamnos (Henncs)
Probably their dress was of some rich fabric, * and it was held by a girdle.
(In I. 719 of the same play Danaus describes the Egyptian invaders who
aftenvards break into the orchestra as wearing white garments over
their dark skins.) The chorus of Persae must have worn the dress of elderly
Persian nobles. Fig. 36 gives us a good idea of the possibilities ;
patterned
cloth, trousers,^ the kidaris. The Phoenissae of Euripides may also have
worn an Oriental costume, but it is not definitely indicated. Choruses of
Greeks have other characteristics. The chorus of Herakles has the sticks
befitting its age.^ So does the chorus of Agamemnon, but whether that
chorus has swords as well h^s been hotly disputed. ^ In Choephoroi the
chorus wears the black robes of mourning;^ in Euripides’ Alcestis they
change into such robes at the appropriate moment,’ and in his Suppliants
they wear, if not actual mourning, at least ireuXuifiaT oi5 OecopiKoiP In

Eummides the chorus may
be themselves black-skinned they are dressed ;
in black, until perhaps at the end of the play they are adorned with
scarlet cloaks.’ In Sophocles’ Ajax and Philocietcs the chorus consists of
seamen, who were doubtless appropriately habited, and Philoctetes notices
with pleasure'® that they are dressed as Greeks I
cttoA^s indpxei. •npoarcpiXecndTTjs In Rhesus the chorus must have

ip-oi).
been in military uniform. For the maenad chorus of Bacckae we have

adequate artistic evidence (figs. 33, 35, ?34)."
On the monuments we a full cast that so rarely get it is hard to say
much about distinctions between the chorus and the actors, or inside
the chorus. We 36 there is little distinction between
can say that in fig.
Oriental actor and Oriental chorus. In fig. 50, however, it seems to be

true that the actor and flute-player wear sleeves, though the chorus does
costume
not. Choruses are not invariably uniform. In fig.
34 the length of
seems to differ; in fig. 42 differences are more marked, and even the
49 has two aberrant members, one much more

satyr chorus of fig. richly
dressed. The possibility that he is leader of the chorus or semi-chorus lies
to hand.
*
TToAu/i/rwp TTiTrXojv in generally’ rendered ‘damask*.
I. 432 is
^ Trousers are also worn by the Etliiopian in fig. 60, who is conjectured by some scholars
to represent the chorus. See p. 200.
^ U. 254 ff. (cf. 107 f,).
**
1
75 -
-
* See U. 1351, 1651, and Fraenkel

and Denniston-Page ad locc.
®
n. 1.
They arc not in mourning at 11 215 fF. They go out with Admetus for the funeral
’
.
at 740-6,
and return in mourning
at 861 (cf. 923).
* 97.
52; 370 (cf. 352) ; 1028.
iti
11. 223-4. ** Fawnskins seem to be implied by II. ff.
210 THE COSTUMES
n. Comedy
1. The archaeological evidence for comic costume is, for the present,
in a curious condition. There is sixth-century evidence, notably in the

portrayal of animal choruses, which looks as if it ought to be relevant,
but only the very latest of these representations, if any, can overlap with
the beginnings of organized comedy in Athens. There is then a sharp
gap, with virtually nothing that can be claimed as evidence for comedy
before the last quarter of the fifth century. Since the ecirlicr evidence
has been illustrated and discussed in Dithyramb, Tragedy, and Comedy,'
it will be convenient here to begin after the gap, with evidence which
coincides in date with the career of Aristophanes.
It is further convenient, if no more, to make a division between Old
and Middle Comedy on the one hand, and New Comedy on tlic other.
On the literar)' side, there is the greater naturalism of New Comedy;
from the archaeological point of view, there is, as will be seen, a sharp
distinction in dress; for the historian, there is the convenience that
Pollux has much throw on New Comedy, and the greater stan-
light to
dardization of theatrical costume facilitates a classification of the archaeo-
logical material by his catalogue. Yet the division is only a convenience.
The dividing line which we think we see near the beginning ofMenandcr’s
career is unlikely to have seemed so obvious to contemporaries. As will
become clear, many features of New Comedy were anticipated in Middle
Comedy, and, on the other hand, it is not likely that the standardization
of masks achicv'cd by the Hellenistic period was completed at a blow,
say, in the year 325 u.c. With these qualifications, wc can proceed. For
Old and Middle Comedy the more satisfaetor)’ mode of procedure is to
describe the evidence and then discuss it; for New Comedy we can stait
from Pollux’ catalogue and illustrate it.
2. We begin with a cup fragment from the Agora (fig.
75 ),= c. 430 B.c.
The presen'ed figure is male, wears tights seen on his arm, and over
them apparently a short chiton. He has something, pcihaps a stick, in his
right hand. His claims to be connected with comedy rest on his similarity
to later representations.
Next in date comes a chons from Anasyssos (fig. 76),^ c. 420 n.c. To
'
Ed.pp. 152-4, pis. G-g.
2,
p. 945, no. 28; Hesperia 29 (i960), p. 2G1, pi. 67, B i.
2
J
p. 1215, no 1; Capiito, Diontso 4 (1935), pp. 273 fT, figs. 1-5; Brommer,
SatjTsptek'^ figs. 21-23; van Hoom, no. 276; Webster, }lpx> 'Etp, 1953-4, ^ 5* 4 »
P*
7 'rcndall, Phljax Vases, no. 1, Its Attic origin was svrongly doubted m
Theatre of D., p. 74. For
Its relevance to the stage, cf. ibid. ; Webster, G.TJ\, pp. 7, 20; Arnotl, Greek Scenic Com entions,
p. iG. There is general agreement dial the actor represents Perseus.

Fig. 76. Chous from Anavyssos
chariot)
centaur
and
Herakles,
(Nike,
Gyrene
from
Chous
77a.
Fig.
c
Tig. 776, c. Chous fioni Gyrene (ccntauis and comic dancer)

COMEDY an
the left are t^vo seated spectators. On a low stage reached by steps there
posUires a figure with tights, a twisted-up phallos, and a himation draped
over his left arm, ^s•hich supports a bag and carries a scimitar. The
author of this book thought that this was a portrayal of mime, rather
than of comedy, but there seems to be no good evidence for phallic mime
or stage mime in Attica in this period,’ and comedy seems to be most
likely here, with the audience pars pro loto. The mask has melted into
the actor’s face in the familiar way.
A chous from Gyrene in the LouvTe (fig.77),^ c. 410 n.c., is more
elaborate, and a representation of mime even more improbable. On
a chariot there rides a caricatured Heraklcs, distinguished by club and
head-dress, wearing a long sleeveless chiton and himation. His face is
mask-like rather than a mask, but we shall find the goggling eyes, short
fat nose, and shorUsh beard in at least one other representa-
large mouth,
tion of him (fig. gi). Nike holds the reins, with wings and himation;
her snub nose and dark hair also recur (fig. 85). The chariot is pulled
by four centaurs, vciy' hair)' about the face, with well-marked brows.
Before them prances a dancer with two torches, tights, long phallos,
a scarf, and a bearded face, one eyebrow up, one down.^
We can take next a group of four chocs, all belonging to the last
twenty years of the fifth century or a little later, distinguished by a strong
childish influence, even if the figures may not all be children. We need
not discuss here whether the fact that they arc chocs points to the
existence of comedy at the Anfhcstcria,-* though the view of Mmc
Karouzou® that there were children’s comedies at the Anthcstcria seems
highly improbable. If they arc children, they arc imitating their ciders,
as so often on chocs, but here the elders whom tliey arc imitating are comic
actors. We begin with two, whose relevance to comedy cannot be doubted.
On a fragment (fig. 80)* a child approaches a comic mask on an inverted
amphora. The mask is bearded, and has a liooked nose and raised brows.’
On a vase in Leningrad (fig. 78)® we have a larger cast. To the right,
'
Webster, Îpx. 'E^. 1953-4, "i ~ whole article, pp. 192-201, is the most
PP- ' 94 5 '
useful introduction to the costume of Old Comedy.
’ p. 1335, no. 34 (Nikias Painter) ; best photograplis in A J.A. 55 (1951), p. 10,
fs*- 5-7; Htsptria 24 (1955), pi. 3 lb, Trcndall, Phlyax Vasts, no. 3.
^ Tor Uiis phenomenon, see Rumpf, A.J.A. 55 (1951), p. to-
< Above, pp. I of., I5f.; tVebstcr, 'Apx- ’E^‘ 1953 -4 . PP- > 95 -C.
’ A.J.A. 50 (194G), p. 137.
‘ van Hoorn, no, 213; Webster, loc. cit., p. 19G, fig. i ; Trcndall, Phhtox Vasts, no. 4.
’ Webster compares Biebcr, li.TA, figs. 17C, 524.
* van Hoorn, no. 585; Webster, G.T.P., pp. 61 ff., Apx- 'E^ 1953-4, ii, p. 198; Beazley,
Eispma 24 {1955), p. 314; Trcndall, Phlyax Vases, no 6. We owe the photographs to the kind-
ness of Prof. V, N, Andreyev.
212 THE COSTUMES
a flute-player in hisnormal dress. To theleft, another flgure in ornamented
chiton, apparently unsleeved, carrying a mask. The three central figures
are in chiton and tights. Left-centre has a himation over his, draped on
his left shoulder, and his right arm is supported on a stick. The central
figure is seated, with long phallos. Right-centre is standing, with coiled
phallos. Left-centre and right-centre have caps to protect their heads
from the masks, centre has just a headband. The four left-hand figures
have between them five masks. From left to right, (i) bald in front, dark
hair, with a slightly lighter, long beard (2) above, scanty white hair,
;
hooked nose, and a beard, possibly a crown, which has suggested Zeus ;
(3) held by the seated actor,

bald head and scrubby beard, mild in ex-
pression; (4) turned-up nose, dark shaggy hair, and scrubby beard;
(5) on the ground, full head of neater

hair and beard. the whole, On
apparently, we have here good evidence for comic dress, c. 400 b.c., with
a fair selection of male masks, only mildly caricatured in style.
Slightly earlier, perhaps c. 420-410 b.c. (fig. 79),' we find a child

wearing tights and a short and carrying a torch. He is accom-
chiton,
panied by a child carrying a cake, and a dog. His nose is turned up,
his hair receding. More remarkable is the character with padding, tights,
and long phallos in fig. 81 f his mask may be like that of no. 3 on the
Leningrad chous. It is hard to tell what he is doing.

The next group of vases which calls for description dates from 400 b.c.
or a unique in technique. The vases, oinochoai, are

little earlier.^ It is
unglazed, and the various colours are applied direct to the clay, and
not to any over-painted wash. It is reasonable to connect them all with
comedy. They have a general air of caricature about them, and two of
them supply Attic models for south Italian phlyax vases, whose connexion
with comedy is undoubted.*' The first four were found in a group in the
Agora; the fifth, now in the British Museum, was bought in Athens,
though the dealer said it came from Alexandria. It would, however, be
unsafe to assume that the subjects of the group were connected. The
first (fig. 82) is inscribed [flEAlAjS TYPn NHAEY2. Below the last
name is part of a pink face, with black shaggy hair, presumably Neleus.
It is safe to deduce that the recognition scene from Sophocles’ Tyro
van Hoorn, no. 854; Webster,

*
I953”4» P- 1975 Trendall, op. cit., no. 2.
Compare fig. 4 here. We do not quite understand why this is not also claimed as evidence for
comedy.
* Karouzou, A.J.A.
50 (1946), pp. I32ff., figs. 9-10, who thinks it a parody of Eumenides;
van Hoorn, no. 117; Webster, Apx- 'E4>. 1953-4, P- ^971 Trendall, op. cit., no. 5.
2 Crosby,
24 (1955), pp. 76-84, pis. 34-37; Webster, Wim. .ymc/. 69 ^1956), p. 112;
Hesperia 29 (i960), pp. 261-3; Trendall, Phlyax Vases, nos. 9-13.
For these, see below, pp. 216 ff.
Chous
Bi.
Tig,
Chous
79.
Fig.
(photographs)
Obeliaphoroi
b
84a,
Tig
Fig. 84c. Obcliaphoroi (water-colour)
Fig. 86. Dion>’Sus and Phor-
(photograph and water-colour)
Fig. 87. Oarsman on fish
(photograph and water-colour)

;
214 THE COSTUMES

a poet holding a roll. With his right hand he holds a clear comic mask,
with tidy hair and beard, raised eyebrow, wide mouth; later parallels
have suggested a slave mask. In the background is an old man’s mask,
with a good head of hair, wrinkled brows, and a short wedge-beard.
But apart from these two last examples, the evidence in the first half
of the fourth century mostly comes from terracotta figurines. These
require careful handling. The positive ground for linking them with
comedy is the similarity of their faces to the masks on certainly comic
monuments like figs. 77 and 78. The negative ground is that it is hard to
imagine what other feature in Athenian life these figures, particularly
the phallic ones, represent. But even when the case for taking some as
representations of the comic stage is accepted, individual cases are always
problematic, and such rule of thumb tests as that an open mouth ought
a comic mask do not always work. (The problem, of course,
to point to
becomes more acute after the disappearance of the phallos from comic
costume.) There are further problems of origin and date. Terracottas
were dispersed widely over the Mediterranean by copies. One may
when there is no example from Athens.
suspect an Attic prototype, even
A terracotta type may have a long history in itself, after it has become
divorced from the stage which inspired it. Useful termini ante quem are
provided for some terracottas by the finding of examples at Olynthos
(destroyed in 348 b.c.) or by the reconstruction of the Pnyx at Athens,
c. 330 B.c. termini post quem are harder to come by.
;
The terracotta material and we must select. A good idea of

is rich,
the range of characters is by two sets of seven terra-
fortunately given
cottas in New York.' All fourteen were found in the same grave in Athens
seven are in red clay, seven in yellow. Other copies of them have been
found all over the Greek world, some at Olynthos, some in a rather
earlier context (c. 370-360 b.c.) at Taman in South Russia. The sets
therefore seem to originate fairly early in the second quarter of the

century, perhaps a little earlier.
The yellow set (figs. 89-95) has (i) a nurse and baby, (2) a woman
with raised arm, who has been said by various scholars to be giggling,
weeping, and unveiling, (3) a Herakles with club and lion’s skin, and
hand mouth, wearing a short chiton and the phallos, (4) a man with
to
conical cap, and hand to right eye, wearing a short chiton and the
phallos, (5) a man carrying a basket, with tidy hair, wrinkled brow,
* Richter, Bull. Metr. Mus. 9 (1914), pp, 235 f,; best figured in Webster, Greek Terra-
27-33. "The parallels are collected in Webster, O.M.C., pp. 22-28. See also
cottas (1950), pis.
Bieber, pp. 45-47; Thompson, Hesperia 21 (1952), p. 143; Webster, Hesperia 29
(i960), pp. 266-^.
man
Fat
man
99.
Seated
Fig.
102.
crossed
Fig.
legs
with
Man
man
g8.
Seated
Fig.
loi.
woman
Fig.
Old
97.
Fig. altar
on
seated
veil
Man
raising
100.
Woman
Fig.
y6.
Fig.
COMEDY ai5
and a longish, pointed beard, with chiton and phallos, (6) a water carrier
with the same mask, and blue himation, (7) a seated slave with crossed
legs and hands round knee, and the same mask as (5) and (6). If all these
belong to the same play, we might think of a Herakles play, with his
food and drink provided for. The red set (figs. 96-102) again has two
women and five men : (8) a woman, raising her veil with her right hand,
and hand on hip, (9)
left an old woman, her right hand in himation over
her head, left hand on hip, (10) a man standing with his legs crossed and
arms folded, himation over his head, neat hair and beard, forehead very
wrinkled, phallic, (i i) a very fat man with wreath on forehead, himation
round his shoulders, bare body, his left hand holding phallos, wearing
slippers, (12) a figure holding a purse, wearing an and seated on
an altar, perhaps for sanctuary, peaked hair, one eyebrow up, one down,
long pointed beard, phallic, (13) another seated man with conical cap,
i^cofils, and skin cloak, left hand to mouth, phallic, another seated
man with fuzzy hair, very high brows, triangular beard coming to a point,
phallic.
In both sets, the figures seem to have a good deal of padding. All four
women have chiton and himation. For the men, the short chiton pre-
dominates and the phallos is visible except where the stance hides it.
Differentiation of costume is more by accessories than anything else. All

male figures are bearded.
The third quarter of the century is most interestingly represented by
two reliefs of comic choruses from the Agora. On the first (fig. 103),' of
which we possess four fragments, we find padded chorus-men, not phallic,
wearing tights indicated by a fold over the ankles, short chitons, chlamy-
des, flat hats, and staffs resting on their left shoulders. They are wedge-
bearded. To the right is a figure with long chiton, and one fragmentary
figure has a rounded beard. These two are presumably actors. The
second (fig.is very similar, but its chorus is in two rows. They also
104)^
have the flat caps, tights, and short chitons, have very similar masks,
and are not phallic, but they have no staffs or cloaks.
This chronological survey can be concluded with a reference to the
masks on the inscription from Aixone discussed in Chapter I (fig. 25).^
We argued there that the archon Theophrastus who dates the inscription
was the archon of 3 13-3 12 b.c. rather than the archon of 340-339 b.g.
Webster and RumpD have preferred the early date, partly because they
'
Webster, Hesperia 29(1 960) , pp. 263-5, pi. 66, B 7, maintaining his view that it is a chorus
of soldiers, but considering a chorus of kings. ’ Ibid., p. 265, pi. 66, B 33.
’ Sec above, * >lpx- ’Ej>.
p. 49 and n. 3. 1953-4. P- i 93 -
;
2i6 THE COSTUMES

find the masks more characteristic of Middle than of New Comedy.
But the difference of date is not great, and, even though the masks may
be difficult to classify as New Comedy masks, this may only reflect the
fact that masks did not become standardized very quickly. From left
to right we have (i) a mask with a good head of hair and a shortish
square beard ; (2) a female mask with a mop of hair and a straight nose
(3) a mask with fuzzy hair and a triangular beard coming to a point
(cf. fig. 102) ; (4) a clean-shaven male mask with longish hair; (5) a girl
with short, parted hair.
3. We have already referred to the series of fourth-century south
Italian vases, known generally, but perhaps misleadingly, as phlyax
vases.' The <fi\vaKcs are referred to by Athenaeus^ as the Italian equiva-
lent of the Spartan comic dancers, the but without any in-
SeiKrjXiarat,
dication of the date. They are not known

have taken literary form
to
before Rhinthon of Taras, who lived in the time of the first Ptolemy,
presumably early in the third century.^ For the greater part of the fifth
century and the whole of the fourth, in fact, from the cessation of activity
of Deinolochus** to Rhinthon, there is no tradition about indigenous
literary comedy in south Italy and Sicily. What we do have
is a vital
tradition of vase-painting, represented by about 150 vases of various

south Italian fabrics, depicting comic performances of many kinds, the
parody of heroic legends, and particularly those of Zeus, Herakles, and
Odysseus, and scenes depicting revelry, the trickery and punishment of
slaves, and other parts of eveiy'day life, and covering most of the fourth
century'. They are in fact contemporary with Attic Middle Comedy, and
parallels with most of their themes can be found ^vithout difficulty in its
literary fragments.^ How far are they under Attic influence? A good deal
must certainly be allowed for in the way of a local prehistory,® enough,
probably, to forbid the incautious use of evidence which has no Attic
parallel as evidence for Athens, But there is evidence which points to
Athens and which authorizes the student of Attic drama to cast a cautious
eye at these lively scenes.
Two such pieces of evidence have already been noted. The Attic poly-
chrome oinochoai in figs. 84 and 87 have been seen to have direct de-
scendants among these vases. Two more vases are linked to Athens by
* For a full list and bibliography, see A. D Trendall, Phlyax Vases, Bieber, ch. x,
has a good selection of illustrations.
^ XIV. 621 f-622. Sec Dith. Trag, Com,^,
pp. 138-9.
3 For the evidence for
Rhinthon, see Kaibel, Com, Gt. Fragm.y pp. 183 fi*.
See Dith. Trag Com *, pp. 289-go.
5 Webster, ‘South Italian
Vases and Attic Drama*, C.Q.. 42 (1948), pp, 19 ff
* See Webster, G.T,P,j
pp. 98-101.
COMEDY siy
inscriptions. On New York by the Tarporley Painter

a calyx-krater in
c. 400-390 B.c. (fig. 105),' an old man in tights and phallos, that is, %ve
can safely say by now, naked for stage purposes, stands on tiptoe, his arms
above his head. He speaks KardSTjo' avui tw
: 'he has bound my —
hands aloft’, in part of an iambic trimeter. He is not visibly bound, so he
is presumably under a spell. To his left, a younger man, also stage-naked,
stands holding a stick and saying vopaperre^Xo —

a stage barbarian, then,
speaking stage-barbarian, like the toôttjs in Thesmophoriazousae, and in-
cidentally, perhaps completing the line. To the right, on a low stage, rest
a dead goose and a kid in a basket. Perhaps the old man is alleged to have
stolen them. In any case, also on the stage is an old woman with out-
stretched arm. She says iyui napMôj. Whatever that means, she is not
being sympathetic. At the top of the vase is a comic mask in profile, with
straggly dark hair and beard. To the top left stands a youth, genuinely
naked, labelled TPAPOI AOS. He is presumably not part of the act, but
a tragic actor waiting for his turn to perform. The dialect is apparently
Attic, and rve do not seem to be far from the Aristophanic theatre. On
a mid-fourth-century bell-krater by Asteas, not yet fully published,^ the
fifth-century lyre-player Phrynis^ is being dragged away by Pyronides.
Much of Phrynis’ activity was in Athens, and Pyronides in the Demes of
Eupolis is a nickname for the Athenian general Myronides; it hardly
looks likely that tliis subject is purely south Italian.
Fig. 105 has already made it clear that south Italian tights and phallos
are not distinguishable from those of Attica, and there is much else in
these vases to remind us of Attic comic representation. In fig. 106,^ for

e.xample, Hermes and Zeus plan an assault on Alkmene. Gods or no gods,
they wear the short chiton. They are only distinguished by their attributes,
and the face and crown of Zeus have a distinct resemblance to mask (2) in
fig. 78. It is not that full dress cannot be employed when a full-scale
parody of heroic scenes is in question. When comedy plays the joke of

reversal, and Kassandra pursues Ajax to sanctuary at the foot of Athene’s
statue® (fig. though the masks are not.
107), the costumes are tragic,
Comparisons of masks on these vases with Attic vases and terracottas
have been made with some plausibility by Webster and Trendall.® The
* Trendall, op. cit., no. 78; ihe most useful discussion is by Beazley, A.J.A, 56 (1^52),
PP- '93-5. P>- 32-
' Trendall, op. cit., no.
55.
^ See Dith. Trag. Com.-,
p. 43.
* Trendall, op. no. 59 (by Asteas, 350-340 b.c.).
cit.,
*
80 (by Asteas, 350-340 B.c.).
Trend.all, op. cit., no.
^ Compare their Inde.xes of Masks Trendall,
; op. cit., p. 65 ; Webster, O.M.C., pp. 66-68.
For the key to their nomenclature, see Webster, ibid., pp. 7-12.
Q
: :
ai8 THE COSTUMES

difficulty here is that a representation of a mask by itself or on a terra-
cotta is necessarily static, closer to a real mask; for the south Italian
vase-painter, which is important, and he will make the

it is his scene
expression of the mask conform to the needs of the comic moment.' Allow-
ing for this, the influence of Attic costumes and masks on south Italy
seems secure.
4. We can now proceed to a survey of the costume of Old and Middle
Comedy, and begin with the masks.
It is clear from the literary evidence that Old Comedy enjoyed com-
plete freedom in the production of masks to suit its characters. Pollux^
draws a sharp distinction between Old and New Comedy in this respect
rd Se KCDfiiKa TTpoarmira ra fitv Trjs naXaiag Ktu[j.U)Slas (Lg to ttoXv rotg npoaw-
TTOig cSv eKCoptuSovv OLTreiKaêTO r/ cm to yeXoiorepov icr)(r]p.dTi<jTO, to. Sc
njg veag ktX. It from the texts that the masks of living persons
is clear also
burlesqued by the poet might be recognizable portraits, though no doubt
with some degree of caricature. The point is proved by the exception
when in Knights^ the poet says that none of the mask-makers dared
to produce a portrait of Kleon
KOI pi] SdStd'' ov yap iortv i^rjKaopevog-
V7TO Tov Scovg yap avTof ovSslg ijdeXev
Tali' CKevoTTOiwv ctKocai. TrdvTcog ye pi]V
yvtaadrjaeTav to yap OiaTpov Senior.
But it may be assumed that, if the two slaves were meant for Nikias
and Demosthenes,'* they would have been recognizable by their masks.

In Cratinus (fr. 71) Pericles was similarly represented with his abnormal
head, 6 ayivoKeâXog Zeiig 6Sl TrpoaepxeTai. That the mask of Socrates in
Clouds was likewise a portrait is confirmed rather than disproved by the
story,® true or false, that Socrates himself stood up in the theatre so that
everyone (and particularly the many strangers present) might see who
was meant. The mask of Agathon in Thesmophoriazousae^ was probably
an effeminate-looking caricature. Other living characters introduced by
Aristophanes were Lamachus,’ Meton, Kinesias, and Euripides and his ;
‘ This was pointed out by Wiist in R.E. xx. i, col. 302, s.v. tPAtiaxcr.
^ iv. 143.
^ II. 23off. (see Neil’s note ad loc.). What truth there may be in the scholiast’s statement
that Aristophanes played the part himself, it is impossible to say.
This is doubted by Dover, C.R., n.s. 9 (1959), pp. 196-9. On portrait-masks in Aristo-
*
phanes, see now Dover in KOMQIAOTPArHMATA {Studia Arislophanea ... IT. J. IT. Koslr
in honoremt 1967), pp. 16-28.
5 Aelian, Var. H. ii. 13. s gee 11 . 191-2.
Whether Lamaehus’ mask included some traditional features of the Boastful Soldier,
’
who seems to belong to all periods of comedy, there is no evidence to show. His bombastic
crests are certainly mentioned. See Webster, G.T.P, p. 67.
COMEDY 219
contemporary Eupolis introduced Pericles, Nikias, Alcibiades, and Kal-

lias. All of these could have been made immediately recognizable by
their masks. The use of portrait-masks probably went out of fashion by
the end of the century, and Platonics’ makes it characteristic of the
fifth
Middle and New Comedy that they deliberately avoided such resem-
blances and made use of masks wdth features so exaggerated that they
could not possibly be like any real human being. (He ascribes the change
to the fear lest any mask should even by accident resemble some Mace-
donian ruler.)
Besides these portrait masks, full play for invention was no doubt
offered for special masks, like the BaaiXecos ‘0(l>9aXn6s in Achamians, con-
sisting, according to the usual interpretation, of a huge eye and a Persian
beard,- and of the Servant of the Hoopoe in BirdsA Pollux, in giving his
list of special masks,"* says that they might be comic as well as tragic.
Some of them certainly sound adapted to the special choruses of comedy
and to its abstract characters, like MeOjj, whom we know to have been
a character in the Pjtine of Gratinus.s There were many animal choruses
in the comedies, and wore appropriate masks, like their
these doubtless
and when the choruses were not strictly
sixth-century forerunners;*
animal, but at the same time not human, as in Aristophanes’ Clouds,
grotesque masks could be invented to suit the poet’s fancy. Thus the
Clouds were like ^vomen, only half-disguised (11. 340 ff.)
IjT. Xeôv St) (101, rl TraBovcrai,

etvcp y’ elalv aXrjBws, Ovrjrals eifacri ywai^lv;
ou yap iKetval y' elol roiairrai. US2 . <f>epe TTotai yap Tti’es elmv;
ET. OVK oiSa aad)WS‘ stâaiv youv iploimv TTfirTapa’oioiv,
Kovyl yvvai^lv pa AC ovS’ oriovv avrai 6 e pivas eyouuii'.
Choruses were often composed of subspecies of their title, and in plays
like Aristophanes’ Birds or Eupolis’ JIoAet?, where the text describes

members of the chorus indmdually, they were doubtless disdnguished
by differences of accessories, even if not by different masks.
Yet, portrait-masks and special masks aside, there \vould remain in
Old and Middle Comedy a considerable residue of characters who needed
to be distinguished in more general terms as ‘old man’, ‘slave’, ‘young
* Sta^pay Ko/iwStuip (Kaibcl, p. 5). He stales expressly that the characters of Menan-
repl
der, ver)’human tliough ^ve feel them to be, wore these hideously exaggerated masks.
* Ach, 90 ff. (For details, see Starkic’s note ad loc., and for a different interpretation of the
passage, see Damste, 43 (1915), pp. 433-41. Sec also Morrison, C.Q,. 41 (1947).
p. 126.) 3 II. 6off. See above, p. 195.
5
On these special masks, see Webster, G,T.P., pp. 57-59.
* Sec Diih. Trag, Cbm.*, pp. 152-4, pis. 7-9.
220 THE COSTUMES
^\'oman’, and so on. It is here that a tendency to standardization would
set in, New Comedy. This tendency
of the type which later dominated
will have gro\vn and worked forwards, and vdll have been more marked
in second-rate and derivative work. It is not sound method to work as
Robert did,’ and as Webster did in his first article on this subject,^ and
take Pollux’ catalogue,^ explicitly referring to New Comedy, as a basis
for classifying early material. It inevitably leads to casting Old Comedy,

and then visualizing it, in terms of Hellenistic masks. Webster’s later
method is much sounder, to take the Old and Middle Comedy archaeo-
logical evidence by itself and classify it by the resemblances which can
undoubtedly be traced between different representations.'’ His latest
list® distinguishes forty-three masks (Pollux has forty-four for New
Comedy), but it may be doubted whether even this does justice to the
resourcefulness of the mask-makers and the freedom ^vhich they allowed
themselves,® and it must be remembered that the part of the evidence
attributable to Old Comedy is still very small. Changing fashion, as
beardlessness, for example, became more respectable, tvill have played
its part.
5. When we turn to costume, the main question is the prevalence of

the wearing of a leather phallos attached to the tights of characters
representing males. Many incautious statements have implied that it
was always worn and always visible, a view attacked with some force,
but some extravagance, by Prof. Beare.’ At the centre of the literary
evidence stand the lines of Aristophanes’ Clouds ( 11 537-9), in which .
he says of his comedy
(JiS Se aclxfipiuv earl ûaet aKi>j>o.oO'’ irpwTa piv

ovSh’ paâp^’T] okvtwov KaOeipevov
ipvBpov aKpov 7Ta)(V, rots natSlots tV ^ yeAcus,
and the scholiast on it, eiaêarav yap ol KwpiKol Bie^wapcvoi Seppdriva

alSota yeXolov This may be only an inference, but it is certainly
a fair inference. In the words of the author of this book, the lines are
‘ Die Masken der neueren

atlischen KomSdie, especially pp. 63 fF., 85 ff., 108 IT.
^ Rolands Bulletin 32 (1949), pp. 122 IT. ’ iv. 143-54 below, pp. 2238".).
< G.T.P.,
pp. 55-73; O.M.C., pp. 65-88. s O.M.C., pp. 7-12.
® His mask B, for example, could be considerably subdivided.
t Modern discussion starts witli Kortc,
Jahrb. Arch. 8 (1893), pp. Gpff., and tlte earliest
doubts were those of Thiele, Xeue Jahrb. f. d. klass. Alt. 9 (1902), pp. 420-2. The Beare-
Webster argument on the point will be found in C.q., n.s. 4 (1954), pp. 64-75, 5 {’955)"
PP' 94“95> 7 (’957)1 PP' >84-5, 9 (1959), pp. 126-7. Beare was particularly cavalier with tlie
archaeological evidence, ending by implying that Middle Comedy might have been less
decently dressed than Old Comedy. See also Dover, Lustrum 2 (1957), pp. 56-57; id. MaiOy
N.S. 15 (1963), pp. 12-13.
COMEDY 221
‘unintelligible unless the practicewere at least common, and it is not

likely to have been common unless it were quite primitive and at one
time essential’.' But it also seems to follow that the actors in Clouds do
not wear a visible phallos. The attempt made by Kdrte and supported by
Webster to throw the emphasis on KaOeifievov, with an implied contrast
with a tucked-up phallos, comparing the two positions of the phallos
in fig. 78, is not noticeably successful. There is no evidence to show that
one position was regarded as more decent than the other. Attempts
to show that a visible phallos was worn even in Clouds by the use of
11.
653 f. and 734 are not pressed, even by Webster.
There are other passages Old Comedy- which have been thought
in
to require a visible phallos, some to be a direct indication of it with
a deictic pronoun. Beare rejects them all, as needing no more than
gesture. Some of the cases are certainly not strong,^ others at least in-
decisive,'* but, to take the scenes with Kinesias and the Spartan herald in
Lysistrata^ and between Mnesilochus, Kleisthenes, and the First Woman
in Thesmophoriazousad' as a minimum, we find it hard to agree with Beare
that they lend no support to the phallic theory. Beare points to parallel
remarks about the female atSofov as a reductio ad absurdum. Some of these
certainly expose the weakness of some of the male evidence: some of
them seem to us to be explained by the use of rvomen in walking-on
parts, which we may follow Wilamowitz in believing in,^ though Beare
and Pickard-Gambridge® did not.
Beare is puzzled by the cases of Mnesilochus in Thesmophoriazousae,
inquiring ^vhcther he takes his phallos off, and Praxagora and her women
in the Ecclesiazousae, inquiring whether they put some on. These questions
are only valid against a view that a man’s phallos ^vas visible all the time.
Clearly in both cases the relevant parts are covered by cloaks.
As we have already said, the basic comic costume of tights plus
phallos represents stage nudity. The most common dress we have seen
on the monuments is a short chiton, which leaves the phallos visible.
But the exigencies of the performance may require other clothing which
^vill cover it. One common case wall be if a man dresses as a woman.
Mnesilochus® puts on a saffron qtoTtoi*, urpopLov, KeKpvpaXos, plrpa,
' Dith. Trag. Com.^, p. 144, n. i.

* Listed and discussed by Beare, C.Q,., N.s. 4 (1954), pp. 70-72.
’ Ach. 592, Clouds 653, 734, Peace 1349, TTiesm. 59,
* AeJs. 157 f., J2i6, U'aspj 1342 fT., Peace 141, TTiesm. I4iff., 215-16, 1114,
* Lysistr. 845-957, and particularly 863, 928, 937; 980-1013 (the cloak is an ineffective
disguise, and may fall aside at 989).
‘ Thesm, G43-8. ’’
See above, p. 153, n. I.
’ In Haigh, All. Th.i, p. 259. " Thesm. 253-62.
222 THE COSTUMES
ey/aifcAor, and shoes. One may also suspect that parodies of heroes, tragic
or non-tragic, will have often involved the use of a relatively long tragic
robe. Herakles has no opportunity to be phallic in fig. 77, nor Ajax in
fig. 107. And if, experimentally, as apparently Aristophanes in Clouds, the
poet wished to abandon the phallos, the cast could be dressed in longer
chitons without difficulty.
The mere absence of the phallos could make a point about the actor’s
effeminacy. Agathon in Tkesmophoriazousae does not have it,' that is,
he is like the character in fig. 83.
The evidence of the- monuments we have considered is clear. Figs.
25 and 78 are certainly connected with comedy the rest of the vases and ;
terracottas are connected to them by the masks. Tights and phallos

and the short chiton are dominant, and we are justified in speaking of
them as the normal costume of Old and Middle Comedy. Variations
and accessories were doubdess frequent.
It is clear both from the fragments and the monuments that many
themes characteristic of New Comedy were already stardng well within

the period of Middle Comedy. It is not unlikely that, parallel to this
development and the growing standardization of masks, there was also
a trend to greater decency of comic costume. Webster has produced some
evidence to point this way, but it is still very scanty.^
Webster has argued^ that the chorus did not wear the phallos. His
evidence for this comes from fig. 87, who docs not have to be a chorus-
man, and figs. 103 and 104, who come late in Middle Comedy. The case
be made out. Is the dancing figure in fig. 77 really an
does not seem to 8*
actor and not a chorus-man?
The question of padding remains for consideration. As with the phaUos,
the problem of origins confuses our approach. Actors are said to be phallic
because a chorus-leader was originally phallic there is some evidence
for padded dancers as part of the origins of comedy,^ but does it follow
that all comic actors were padded? In the texts, the fatness of some
characters is certainly mentioned,® but it is hard to see how one would
* TTiesm. 141 t/? auToy# w rrat; irortpov <05 dvr)p Koi ttov Treoy;
* Hesperia 29 (i960), pp. 269 f. He lays some emphasis on the terracotta, Olynthiis XIV,
no. 388 (before 348 b c.), but we do not know why the young man is wearing a long clpak,
or whether he wears it all the time. The slave statuettes he discusses are interesting, but not
conclusive. 3 Ibid., p. 262.
•*
Sec, for example, Dith. Trag, Com.^, p. 171. There
only Corinthian evidence (ibid.,
is still
pi. X c) for this‘forerunner*. s Ibid.,

pp. 169-71.
* Clouds 1237-8, Frogs
663 f., where Dionysus, hit on the belly, might be hurt without his
padding, for which cf. 200 and schol.; Antiphanes, fr. 19 K; Anaxandridcs, fr. 69 K. Sec
Bcare, C.Q.-J N-s. 4 (1954), pp. 68-69.
COMEDY 223
distinguish fat and the not-so-fat, if all were padded. How-

beUveen the
ever, it does be the case that most representations of comic
seem to
actors are padded, though not by any means all tliere is, for example, ;
no trace of padding in fig. 76 or 84. Perhaps the joke could be played

both ways. Commentators have been less assiduous in collecting jokes
about thinness than about fatness, but Plutus 558 ff.
IJevla . . . ov yiyvdaKWV on rov UXovtov Trape)(w êAriovas avSpas

Kal TTjV •yvcop.TjV Kal TTp> l&€av. irapa rip p.EV yap TroSaypwvres
Kal yaarpwSeis Kal TrayvKinjixoi Kal Tiloves elaiv daeAyaij,
Trap’ ipoi 6’ loyi'OL Kal a<jirjKU)Sw Kal rots ixOpots avtapol
indicates that, as with the phallos, there were points to be made by the
absence of padding as well as by its presence.
6. We can now turn to New Comedy and the guidance of Pollux’
lists. be recalled that there are really two lists, the list of masks
It will
(iv. 143-54), which is explicitly about New Comedy, and a description of
costumes, in the present tense. We begin with the list of masks.' It may
not be complete or completely accurate, and the artistic representations
with which we illustrate it may owe something to artist’s licence, but

a discussion of it should give a fairly adequate idea of the resources of
New Comedy.
Old Men
(1) The TTpioTos rrav-rros, the oldest; his head is close-shaved, but with
a full beard ; his eyebrows indicate gentleness (y/xepcoTaro? rds o^pvs)
he has tliin cheeks, a downcast expression, a pale complexion, and a
cheerful forehead (to pinurrov vnoâiSpos —
he does not frown).
i.e.
(2) The Sevrepos rrdrrTTos is thinner, with a more intense and gloomy
look, a rather pale complexion, a full beard, red hair, and bruised ears.
(3) The Tjye/rtbr rrpeoPvrrjs has his hair raised in a ore<f>dvT]—a kind
of roll or ‘wreath’ of hair, running round his head, a hooked nose, a flat
face, and the right eyebrow raised.-
(4) The TTpeCTjSimj? paKpOTTOiyiov rj imcreluiv has a arejtdvj] and a long

beard; his eyebrows are not raised, and he looks lethargic {vwdpos).
(5) The 'Eppwvios is growing bald {dvaâXavrias), has a long beard,
raised eyebrows, and a piercing look (to ^Xeppa Spipvs). According to the
' The fundamental discussion is that of Robert, Die Masken der neueren attUchen Kotnodie.
Other important discussions are by Bicber, R.E. s.v. Maskc; Simon, Comicae Tabellae (1938),
particularly for the Pompeian wall-paintings we have passed over here; Webster, G.T.P.,
PP- 73-92 Monuments tlluslraling jVew Comedy, pp. 5-24.
;
^ For the origins of the raised eyebrows of Old Men nos.

3 and 7, see Rumpf, A.J.A. 55
(' 950 . P- 8.
234 Tlir. COSTUMES
FAymologicum Magnum,' tlu- tiatni' is dcrivrd from Hcnnon, apparently
a mask-maker. Hnt a Hrrmon is mentioned by and by scliol. on
I’olliix^
Aristophanes, Clouds 5.
{2^ as a comic actor. IVrJiaps, then, llie type goes
back to the fifth century.
The is growing liaid, has a wedge-shaped beard,
crif>r^vo 7!toy<iu’
(6)
raised eyebrows, and a rather obstinate exi)ression (I'rroSearporoe).
(7) The /li)Kt)/nJtSfioc has curly hair, a long beard, one eyebrow raised,
and denfttes TroXunpuyitoiri'i-r].
(8) The nopvofjoann’; is like the /bwo/oJSnoe, blit his lips have a .'light
grin, his brows are contr.icted, and he is wholly or partly bald.^
(9) 'J'hc StiJrrpor has a shaven head and a pointed beard.
'I'lie following figures illustrate this group. If we follow Web.stcr,’ despite

Pollux’ explicit tittribution of his list to .New Ounedy, masks (i), (2),
(5), and Middle Comedy m.asks which do not continue in

(G) are really
New Comedy.*’ Masks {3), {.}), (7), and (8), if the identifications arc right,
predominate.
Fig. 108. Mask from Ch.itliy C^cmcicrs’, .Mcsaiulria, kite fourth eenturs’ ti.e.’
The Ijytpwf rr/ise/JiVtjc.
Fig. 109. The riqht-hatul mask on the Menander lelicfin the lattcran Museum,
first century ii.c., and fierhaps reflceting earlier isork.’Thc jTixaîuT/t
Itnupomiyiar.
Fig. 110. Relief in Naples, first second century a.o.’ The i]ytitwt‘TfHo^vn]s
rc.strains the r/wnî'-nje imKfmm'oywy.
Fig. 111. Mask from the .Agora, .Athens, third century
ii.c.'" Perhaps the /leeo-
he has the curly hairand long beard, but he dt>c-s not h.ivc
;oj 5 einf, siiire
the. single raised eyebrow.
Fig. 1 12. Statuette fiom .Myrina in the lanivrc. Hellenistic.” The Tro/ii-o,9oo»for.
Young Mm
(i) The TTilyxpijSTTos cfneiaffoe, ’the Perfect A’oiing Man’, is reddish,
has the appearance of good training (yivoairrocdy), a rather sunburnt
'
'
P' 37 *^' -t**' till (sec .slxjvc. p. I'o).
1 CX
Argi. .Ar. Pt To ht fipofiei 'Ij'oVX.aôf^r* <1 ‘Va u
cmcnd.tlion for \iUa *V/‘V’ AcioAfonjc. Sec nl>ovr, p. 125.
* UolKTt cornpnm
the drrcripuon of ihr \t\ Pl.tuUsA, R’jJrKs 317-1G: ‘rtcnluom ad
SHnnum <cnrm, slatuluin, \cnUiou«n, Corlu su|>rrcilm, coniracia fronlr, fraiidulcntumV

> a,TJ\, p. p. 15.
He m.uls (1) ant! (j) in the second and durd masks in ficr. 7S; nmk (5! in fig. 02
and maik (G) in Gg, 103. t Simon, p. 103. n. .J5.
* Sludmcxk.i, .Vn.f jchfb. 21 (191O). p. 25; Rol)ert, op, cit., pp. 77 ff,; \Vrbilcr, C.T.P.f
pp. 75^*1 Riebcr, Festschift pp. i.j If. (wid» nnotlicr veruon in Prinerton //.T.*,
fig. 316, and dniing l!ic original to ihr 3rd crni, n.c.),
* Robert, op. cit., pp. 61 fT. ; cf. ‘IFraiff of /)., atn.
'® Webster, Hesp-fria
29 (KfGo), p. 27G, p!, 63 , C •* Simon, p. 192, n.
: .
COMEDY 225
complexion, light hair with a arcîvr), a few wrinkles on the forehead,

eyebrows raised.'
(2) The freAa? veavloKos is younger, more like a cultured youth than
an athlete, with his eyebrows lowered.
(3) The oilAo? I’eai’t'o-Ko? is still younger,'^ and ruddy-complexioned,

with curly hair, raised eyebrows, and one wrinkle across his forehead.^
(4) The aTToAos veavtaKos is the youngest of all, with hair like the
TrdyxpyjoTos, white-complexioned, as if reared in the shade (aKiaT/joîa?),
denoting delicacy.
(5) The dypoLKo^ (the Rustic) has a dark complexion, broad lips,
a snub nose, and his hair arranged in a oreâvT^.

(6) The £77tt7«crTos- is a soldier and a braggart, has a dark skin and
hair, and is floppy-haired.
(7) The Sevrepos eTTiaeLcrros is also floppy-haired, but is more delicate

and has fair hair.
(8) The KoAa| and (9) the TrapaaiTo?, tlie Flatterer and the Parasite,
are of dark complexion with hooked noses; they have frequented the
palaestra and are of good physique. The Flatterer has his eyebrows
raised more mischievously the Parasite has his ears more battered and
;
is more cheerful.^ Simon takes Gnatho in Menander’s K6Xa$ and Gela-
simus in Plautus’ Stichus as examples of the two types.* A fragment of

Alexis (116 K) distinguishes between the /ie'Aarc? TrapdoiToi and the
‘swell’ parasites of whom the speaker says
ScErcpoi' ^r/To) ydvos

atpvoTzapduiTov "f
tie fttcou'j' KaXovpôv,
aaTpd-TTas Trapaairovs Kal oTpaTTjyovs fTntj>aviis, ,
VTTOKpiyopei’OV eu Tory jSioiy, oifipvs

yiAioraAdi'rovs' dyaKi/Xtdt' t’ oi/oiay.
(10) The eiKoviKos, apparently another parasite, has scattered grey

hairs and his beard shaved off; he is richly clad and foreign.
(i i) The SiKeXiKos is a third type of parasite — probably derived from
' Robert and Simon compare Plesidippus in Plautus, Rudms 314: ‘adulescentem . .
strenua facie, rubicundum, fortem?’

vidistis ire
= pSXXor it'or seems a better-attested reading than KoAor ical it'or.
> Robert compares Philocrates in Plautus, CapUvi 647-8: ‘macilento ore, naso acuto,
corpore albo, oculis nigris, subrufus aliquantum, enspus, cincinnatus.’

]
••
Elsewhere in Pollux (iv. iso) he is said to carr>' a irrAcyyir and a XjjKvBos, his patron’s
toilet accessories.
s These characters arc found in Epicharmus and in Old Comedy, but whether they wore
the same masts as are mentioned by Pollux there is no etidence to show. See Giese, Dr
pajosili prrsona capita selccta (Diss Kiel, 1908), and Simon, pp. 47-48, 53.
:
226 THE COSTUMES

Sicilian farces or even from Epicharmus, ^vho has a striking picture of
a parasite.’
The problem of distinguishing between these young men on the

monuments is complex, and well discussed by Webster,- though it may
be doubted whether all examples will ever be neatly classifiable. As far
as monuments already illustrated are concerned, the left-hand mask on

the Menander relief (fig. log) seems most likely to be the [leXas veavloKos
and the young man on fig. no the Sevrepos eiritreiaTos. AVe illustrate
a further selection
Fig. 1 13. Statuette in Athens, from Myrina,^ Hellenistic. Probably a wdy;(^(jTos-.

Fig. 1 14. Statuette in Lyons,'* Hellenistic. Wears a wreath, and probably
played a tympanum. The oTroAdj?
Fig. 1 15. Mask in Munich, from Amisos,^ second century' b.c. Tire dwoAd??
Fig. 1 16. Statuette in Mykonos, from Delos,® late Hellenistic. The eTriVeioToy.
Fig. 1
1
7. Statuette in Athens, from Myrina,’ Hellenistic. The hriaeiaro^.
Fig. 118. Head from the Agora, Athens,* third-second century b.c. The KoXa^.
Fig. 119. Statuette in Athens, from Myxina,” Hellenistic. The napaai.Tos.
Fig. 120. Statuette in Berlin from Capua,'“ second century b.c. The SikcXikos?
Slaves
(1) The OepaTTwv irainTos is a freedman and is the only grey-haired

servant."
(2) The ^yepLwv BepdTrojv has a roll of red hair {mretpav Tpi^wv Tnippuiv)
on his forehead, his eyebrows raised, and his brow contracted, being
among slaves what the Trpea^vnjs -fjyepxuv is among free men."
* Fr.
35 (Kaibel) ; Dilh. Trag. Com,*, pp, 273-4, Simon, pp. 54 f, finds a reference to the
type in Diphilus, fr. iig (K) <vv6vX€VfX€vo^ crrcari 27i»feAtKw, but Sicilian luxury was
proverbial, quite apart from parasites; cF, ‘Suidas* s.v. Z’lK-eAi/c^ rpan-eô; Athen. xii. 518 c,
527 c-d. * pp. 17-21.
^ Robert, Simon, p. 184, n. g2 thinks him an (Ikovikos.
p. 80, fig. g8;
* Robert, p. 66, fig. 87; Simon, p. 183, n. 58. Tliis is the Froehner replica signed Sodamou,
often confused ^vith the specimen Berlin ygSg (Bieber, fig. 341). We owe our knowledge
of its present home to Prof. \Vebster.
5 Simon, p, 184, n. 80a.
* D/bs xxiii, no. 1216. This and the ne.xt arc still classed as tragic by Bieber, p. 85,
despite Simon, p. 4g. Cf. Rumpf, Mimus md Logos, p. 164.
^ Simon,
p 182, n. 26 c.
® Webster Hesperia
2g (i960), p. 277, C7 and pi. 68.
^ Simon, p. 44, 181 n. i. *0 Simon,
pp. 54, 183, n. 49.
" The fact that almost all the slave-masks in Pollux*
are red-haired must not be taken
list
to mean that no free man’s mask was ever red-haired: Beare, C.Q.*43 (i949)» PP* 30 f.,
makes it clear that in Roman comedy, and therefore probably in the Greek originals, a slave
might sometimes appear in the costume of a free man and be mistaken for one.
** Robert compares Leonidas in Plautus, Asinaria ^QO~i
: ‘macilentis malis, rufulus aliquan-
tum, ventriosus, truculentis oculis, commoda statura, tristi fronte.*

|
Fig 122 Leading sla\e Fig 123 Slate
with infant
COMEDY 227
(3) The Karct) Tpixias is red-haired but going bald, with eyebrows
raised.
(4) The ouAo? depdirtov has red curly hair, a red complexion, and
a squint, and is going bald.
(5) The palacov OepaTTcov^ is bald with a red complexion.
(6) The depdncou re-m^ is bald and dark, -with nvo or three black curls
on head and chin, and a squint.
(y) The Bepd-noiv iTTiaeiOTOS qyep.cuv is like the rjyefiwv OepdTTUiv, but
has floppy hair.
This list gives us less than \ve need to know to sort out the monuments
because of its lack of information about beards.^ We figure a selection
with current identifications.
Fig. 121. Figurine in Athens, from Myrina,’ second century b.c. The -Tramros.
Fig. 122. Figurine of slave ^vith child in Bonn, from Boeotia,"' third century b.c.
The riyepwv.
Fig. 123. Figurine in Paris, from Myrina,® first century b.c. The Karw
Fig. 124. Figurine in Berlin, from Vulci,‘ late second century b.c. The ovXos.
Fig. 125. Figurine in Athens, from Myrina,’ second century b.c. The palaatv.
Fig. 126. Marble mask from frieze in Berlin,® from Pergamon, second cen-
tury B.c. The remi.
Fig. 127. Mask in London, from Melos,* early Hellenistic. The qyepwv iniaet-
aros.
Old IFomen
(1) The larxfdv ^ XvKamov (‘wolfish’), withered and long-faced, with

many fine wrinkles, a pale-yellowish complexion, and a squint.'*
(2) The ypavs Traxeta, who has fat cheeks, wrinkles, and a narrow band
round her hair.
(3) The olKovpdv ypdSiov 4 oiKeriKov t} d^v, the housekeeper, who has
about ris’o teeth in each jatv, and a snub nose.
’ For tlie early and possibly

Dorian origins of this mask, see Dil/i. Trag. Com.-, pp. 181-2,
and the passage of Athenaeus quoted above, p 1 78, n. 6.
= A thorough discussion by Webster, M.I.N.C.,
pp. 5-14.
’ Robert, fig. 90; Simon, p. igo, n 51.
* Cf. the scene in Menander, Epitreponles, \%herc the sla\e carries an exposed infant,
34; Simon, p 189, n. 29.

s Robert, fig.
‘ Robert, fig. 20; Simon,

p 189, n. 31. Bieber thinks him a Bepd-nun' Trdrros.
’ Robert, fig.
27; Simon, p 188, n. 5.
* Robert, fig. 28
;
Simon, p. 188, n. 9. The illustrated in the first edition, fig 92
(Robert, fig. 29), is a forgerj- (Simon, p. 189, n. 15), tliough it still appears in Bieber, H.T.^,
fig. 381.
® tValters, B.M. Terracottas, C 81.
For her supposed Dorian origins see Dtlh. Trag. Com ', pp. 163 If Doubtless figures from
real life influenced her dc\ elopment from time to time.
:
228 THE COSTUMES

We illustrate
Fig. 128. Mask in Berlin,' second century b c . . The XvKalviovl
Fig. 129. Mask in Bonn,* third century b c The Traxcta?
. .
Fig. 130. Mask in Berlin, from Ephesus,* early Hellenistic. The o'lKoupov?
Young Women
(1) The XeKTiK-q (‘chatterbox’) has hair all round her head {mpiKoiios)
smoothed back on top (Trapei/ujo-^reVat al TpLxes ) , straight eyebrows, and
a white skin.
(2) The ovXrj is like the XeKTiK-q, but has curly hair.
(3) The KopT] has hair brushed back, with a parting, straight dark
eyebrows, and a sallow complexion.
(4) The ifievSoKopT] (the wronged girl)'* is paler and has her hair bound
round her head, and ‘is a newly wedded bride’. Her hair is pre-
like
sumably parted, since

(5) the irepa ifievSoKoprj is distinguished from her only by not having
her hair parted.
(6) The oTTapTOTToXioi XeKTiKrj, though classed here, is presumably not
very young. The chatterbox with scattered grey hair, she denotes a re-
tired eralpa.
(7) The TraXXaKiq (concubine) is like the last, but has hair all round
her head.
(8) The reAetov eraipiKou is redder than the tftevBoKopy] and has curls
about her ears.
(9) The eraiplSiov wpatov is unadorned and has her hair bound with
a ribbon.
(10) The Bidxpvaos iraipa has much gold ornament about her hair.
(11) The SidpiTpos iralpa has her hair bound with a multicoloured
band (/rtrpa).
(12) The XapTrdSLov is distinguished by a coiffure rising upwards to

a point.
(13) The ajSpa -neplKovpos is a little slave girl with her hair cut short,
and wears only a white chiton with a girdle.
(14) The TTapdifiTjOTov OepanaivlSiov has her hair brushed back with a
• Robert, p. 46, fig. 82 ; Simon, p. i gg, n. 6, whom

we follow. We
find it quite impossible
to follow Webster, G.T.P., p. 85, who makes the nose the decisive feature, and has fig. I2g
as the XvKaiviov and this as the 7ra\€Ta, Cf Luschey, Ganymede p. 77.
*
Luschey, loc. cit.
5
Robert, p. 46, fig. 83. Simon, pp, 130, 199, n. 9b, regards this as caricature, not comedy,
and Webster, p 90, ZTio, is inclined to agree, but thinks that the stylization of
brows and mouth derives from dramatic masla.
^ Simon,
p 101, has a valuable discussion of this word.
Fig. 137. Hclaira
COMEDY 829
parting. She has an upturned nose and is the ser\'ant of eraipai she wears ;
a scarlet chiton with a girdle.
We illustrate
Fig. 131. Statuette in Berlin, from Capua, Hellenistic. The Xcktik^?
Fig. 132. Megarian bowl from the Pnjoc, Athens,' 225-200 b c The Kopr]? . .
Fig. 133. Statuette ofMuse carrj’ing mask in London, from Tanagra ( ?),= early
Hellenistic. The ifievScKopT} ?
Fig. 134. Mask from Corneto,’ early Hellenistic. The TroAAaKij?

in Berlin,
Fig. 135. Marble mask in Naples,'' first century a d The iTaipiSiov uipatov?
. .
Fig. 136. Marble bust in Tivoli,^ second century a d The Sidxpvaos iralpa?
. .
Fig. 137. Terracotta mask on disc in Berlin, from Selymbria,® late Hellenistic.
The Bidpirpos iralpa?
Fig. 138. mask in Oxford from Smyrna,^ third-second century b c
Terracotta . .
The XapmSiov.
Fig. 139. Marble mask in Naples from Pompeii,® first century a d Thca/3pa . .
TrepiKovpos ?
Not many of these identifications should be considered certain. Pollux’

patience is giving out towards the end of his list, and his descriptions
become very sketchy.
However, the list as a whole gives valuable help in classification. In
illustrating it, we have perhaps been too incautious in using material
with a wide range of date. There were developments and changes, both
in the Hellenistic and Roman periods,’ but the changes are a good deal
less important than the similarities, and the imprint given to theatrical
design in the age of Menander had an extremely long life. Less important
still is the range of origins of our monuments, since it is quite clear that
the Hellenistic period moved rapidly to uniformity of stage practice
under the influence of the Artists of Dionysus.'®
These masks did not come into being all at once. There was no clear
break at the beginning of New Comedy, and some of them have origins
m Middle Comedy and earlier. For these connexions the reader may be
'
Hesprria, Suppl. X {1956), p. g6, pi. 39, no. 24. The other mask is Old Man no. 3.
* Walters, B.M. TerracoltaSf G 309.
^ Robert, fig. 99. Bieber thinks her the oTroproTroAtor Simon, p. 197, n. 51.
j
*
Simon, pp. 113, n. 67, 121, 123,
* Tlic interpretation is the standard one since Bieber; cf. Simon, p. 197, n. 52. But Webster,
pp. 24, 35, can find no Hellenistic history for her, and inclines to the view that
she is an imperial version of the SiaptTpor.
Simon, p. 197, n. 66. She seems to be a pair witli a youth who looks like young man
no.
3 (Bieber, fig. 340). They appeared in the first edition of this book (fig. 55) as
tragic.
’ She does have the peaked coiffure, when seen in profile.
Robert, fig. 63; Simon, p.
197, n. 41,
’ See the introduction to Webster, Al/.JV.C.
Sec Chapter VII.
—
230 THE COSTUMES
directed to the work of Professor Webster,' who has been surveying the
whole field with rewarding patience. The field has its temptations and
uncertainties. We
have been more sparing than those who work most
closely with the material with suggestions as to how the archaeological
remains and the descriptions of Pollux may be used to cast the characters
of New Comedy and of Plautus and Terence. Nor do we think the
reader will be greatly assisted if we investigate the supposed relevance to
the masks^ of the pseudo-Aristotelian Physiognomonika —a conflation of
two treatises, perhaps of the third century b.c., based on the study of
the men and women of real life, without any special reference to the
stock characters of the stage, such as may perhaps sometimes be detected

in Theophrastus. It is with more regret that we forbear to follow up
Webster’s ingenious suggestion^ that the members of different households
in a play were distinguished by their different styles of hairdressing
all those of one household, for example, whether father, son, or slave,
having curly hair, while all those of the other household agreed in some
other style of hair-control —but it is difficult to see how the suggestion
is capable of proof. If the reader has gained some idea of the different
kinds of mask available and used in New Comedy, our purposes will
have been amply served.
7. In his discussion of costume,"' not specifically tied to New Comedy,
Pollux says that the comic dress is the efco/itj, a plain white chiton with
no seam on the left side, not fulled (ayj'aTn-os), whatever the precise
significance of that may be. It is to be seen on the monuments in all
periods, though it tends to be cut longer in the period of New Comedy.

Old men wear a himation, and carry a crooked staff; younger men wear
a scarlet garment (tfioiviKis) or a purple himation ;
rusticshave a wallet,
a stick, and a skin. Young men, that is, normal ones, wear red clothing,
but parasites wear black or grey, except that, in the Sikvwvios,^ the
parasite about to marry wears white. Slaves wear, besides their efwpi's,
a short white himation called eyKo/rjSwpa or iirtpprjfia,^ except that the
cook’s clothing is double and unfulled. Old women wear green or light
blue, except priestesses, who wear white. Procuresses or mothers of
iratpai have a scarlet band round their heads.'’ Young women wear
' G.T.P., pp. 62 ff., 75 ff.; O.M.C., pp. 7-12; M.I.N.C., pp. 5-24.
^ G.T.P., pp. 76 ff.
5 G.T.P,, pp. 74, 93 ff ; M.I.N.C., Introduction, passim.
* iv. 118-20.
Menander, fr. 377 (Korte), but Alexis also wrote a play of this name.
^
The last word is certainly corrupt. On slave costume see Beare, C.Q,.43
‘‘
(1949), PP- 3 °
The Roman Staged, pp. 1 74 ff.
’ Cr. the description of the mask of the ypavs
sraxeta, above, p. 227.
COMEDY 231
white or linen {^vaalmj),^ but heiresses wear white with fringes, vopvo-
PoffKol are distinguishedby their brightly coloured chiton and flowered
and have a straight stick called an dpeoKos. Parasites have a tjrXeyyls
scarf,
and a \r)Kvdos, and rustics a shepherd’s crook (AayojjSoAor). Another

woman’s garment is the tTapaTrrjxv or avpip-erpla, a chiton reaching to
the feet, bordered in purple.
There is no mention of tights or phallos, and no archaeological evidence
for them after the fourth century. Plautus, Rudens 419, certainly seems
to indicate that the phallos survived into the working life of Diphilus,
who wrote the original.^ As far as our archaeological evidence goes, and
on colour it is particularly weak, Pollux gives here a reasonable guide
to the dress of New Comedy, and outlines a system by which certain
basic facts would become clear to the least sophisticated spectator as
soon as a character appeared. Accessories, as for the parasite or rustic,
would play their part in helping identification. Costume and text could
go hand in hand in the essential task of communication, of telling the
audience what it needed to know.^ For New Comedy, this is the essential
function of costume. The visual jokes and spectacle, to which the costume
of Old Comedy seems to have contributed a good deal, are unimportant
to it.
' The antithesis is not clear, but it is unlikely that §vaoivT) means ‘purple’ here (Hesych.
s V.).
^ Skutsch, Rk Mus 55 (1900), p 282, n 2, naturally rejected by Beare (C Q. 43 (1949),
p 30, n. i).
3 See Beare, ibid , p 31, for some sensible remarks on identification in Roman comedy.
V
THE CHORUS
A. Character, Function, and Alovements of the Chorus
I. A COMPLETE account of the chorus as it presented itself in the Greek

theatre could hardly be given without a full history of dithyramb, tragedy,
satyric drama, and comedy —a more ambitious undertaking than can
be contemplated here. For the present purpose dithyramb will be left
out of consideration ;
there is little to add to its history since the author
wrote of it in 1927,’ and a brief account of its production is given in
Chapter II of this book, pp. 74-79.
The tragic chorus, from having occupied the whole performance
before Thespis introduced an actor, came gradually to carry less of the
dramatic weight : the spoken element began to prevail over the musical
and lyrical.^ Uncertainties of chronology, ignorance of what the earliest
tragedies were like in detail and in structure, above all the fact that we
possess only a small fraction of the total output of the Greek theatre,
mean that we cannot hope to map out with any confidence every stage
in the development of form. The regular line of development that once

seemed to be traceable from the Suppliants of Aeschylus, in which more
than half the play is sung, now seems to have vanished,^ and no consistent
pattern to have emerged in its place. Generalization about development
becomes increasingly hazardous: the play of Aeschylus in which, after
Suppliants, thechorus comes nearest to dominating the whole is Agamem-
non, one of his latest, while in Prometheus Vinctus (again probably a late
play)"* the chorus is reduced in scale to the limits with which we are
*In Dith. Trag. Com. (A second edition, revised by Professor Webster, appeared in 1962.)
A few new fragments have been found, mainly from papyri. Sec Page, Greek Literary Papyri
i, nos. 87-89 =
Page, Poetae Aiel. Gr., nos. 925-6, 929.
* This development is the subject of Kranz’s epoch-making and still indispensable book,
Stasimon (1933), csp. chapters i and 4. The tabic (ibid., pp. 124 f.) gives a schema of the
parodos and stasima of each of the surviving plays.
3 The date
463 b.c. seems to be implied by P. 0^. 2256, fr. 3 (assuming that the frag-
ment began <Tri ^p[)^€8i7pi8ov, and not cttI ap[xovToj tou Setva) : see Lcsky, Hermes 82 (i 954 )»
pp. 1 ff. ; Lloyd-Joncs, Loeb Aeschylus ii*, pp. 595 ff. (with further bibliography).
* See above,
p. 139, n. 3 with refs. Kranz {Stasimoriy pp. 226--8) thinks that the second
and third stasima were substitutes, written about 440-430 b.c. for Aeschylus* original work,
but this conclusion is not adequately proved, (Sec abo D. S. Robertson, Proc. Camb. Phil. See.
J938, pp- 9-*o-)
CHARACTER, FUNCTION, AND MOVEMENTS 233
familiar in Sophocles and Euripides, while from the point of vie\v of in-
volvement in the drama it figures as little more than a sympathetic
spectator. In Sophocles and Euripides the choral element is rarely more

than a quarter of the whole, and is often vcr>' much less, but whereas in
the extant plays of Sophocles the relation of the chorus to the action
seems more or less consistent (even if ambiguous) from play to play,
there is a very wide range of variation in Euripides, from Suppliants and

Baccliae at one extreme or Elecira at the other. In both poets,
to Hippoljlus
above all in an equal range of variation in the formal
Euripides, there is
structure of the choruses and their relation to the actors’ parts. Yet
intelligent reading will indeed show that actual irrelevance is ver^' rare
and, where it e.xists, has a real dramatic justification, and in two of the
latest plays of the fifth centun’, Bacchae and Oedipus Coloncus, the choral
odes present some very striking examples ofdramatic effectiveness as well
as of poetic beauty. But the practice, said by Aristotle to have been begun
by Agathon, of writing choral interludes (cpjSdAi/ta) \vhich could be
transferred from one play to another, like the music of a modem theatre
band, seems to have become common by the mid-fourth centur)’, \vhcn
Aristotle deprecates it and demands that the chorus shall be treated as
one of the actors and be interwoven with the action,' though there
is reason to think that at least from time to time in the fourth century
choral odes, with words and not merely dances, sverc still composed and
indeed Aristotle’s prescription implies that it must have been so. It was
perhaps natural that when full use came to be made of three actors the
dialogue should be more beUveen them and less between actor and
chorus and conversely the actors themselves had already come to sing
;
lyric monodies by the time of Euripides.
The want of all texts, except a relatively small number of fragments,

makes it impossible to trace the later histor)- of the tragic chorus, but
it is significant tliat, in the records of the ‘Artists of Dionysus’ from the
latter part of the third century onwards, there is no certain mention of
tragie choreutai, and it is probable that, if any appeared, they in fact
contributed nothing but entr’actes.- A satyric play without a satyr chorus
is not easy to imagine, but very little is known of the satyric drama after
and the name may have been given to plays very dif-
the fifth century,
ferent from those of the fifdi centur)' and more like comedy;’ but, in
whatever form, satyric plays were still composed under the early
' Poet. 1456*25. Cf. Probl. xix. 48, where the chorus is spohen of as lajSevTris airpain-os'
evloiav yap povov Traptxcrai ofr rrapioTto; cf. Theatre of D,, pp. 160-3.
* Ibid., pp. 240-6; Sifakis, Studies, pp. 113-26.
^ See Theatre of D., pp. 161-2, 196, 242-4; and above, p. 124.
R
234 THE CHORUS
Roman Empire and presumably as a rule with a chorus, of whatever
kind.
In comedy the chorus was a very important element down to the end
of the fifth century, after which the parabasis, and the epirrhematic
structure generally,* disappears, and in many plays the chorus simply
sing interludes to break up the dialogue into scenes. Such interludes
already appear, for example, in Aristophanes’ Ecclesiazousae and Plutus,^
and no words are provided by the poet for them. But that some plays
of the Middle and early New Comedy still included a chorus is proved
by Aristotle’s statement^ that a tragic and a comic chorus might be
composed of the same persons, and a few comic choreutai are mentioned'*
as members of dramatic companies down to the time of the early Roman
Empire.
2. The number of the tragic chorus appears to have been twelve in
the plays of Aeschylus, and fifteen in those of Sophocless and Euripides.
Some scholars indeed suppose that the Danaid trilogy (including Sup-
pliants) of Aeschylus had choruses of fifty ; this view partly depends upon
the (probably mistaken) derivation of tragedy from the dithyramb with
its fifty singers,* partly on the fact that legend gave Danaus fifty daughters,
‘ On these see Dith. Trag. Com.*, pp. 194 iT.

* E.g. EccUs. 729, 876 Plut. 771, 802. In the person of the coryphaeus, the chorus can still,
;
of course, be involved in dialogue scenes (e.g. Plut. 257 ff.), and even in lyric exchanges with
the actors 290
(e.g. Plut. 637, 639 f.). Ecclesiazousae still retains a parodos, though of unique
ff.,
form the : song of the chorus (285 ff.) is sung marching out of the orchestra (the members
first
of the chorus have been on stage, treated as extras, since early in the prologue), and their
entrance song proper occurs when they re-enter (478 ff). On the handling of the chorus
in these two plays, see Russo, Arislofane, pp. 344-6, 358-60; on XOPOY in Aristophanes,
Handley, C.Q,.,n.s. 3 (1953), pp. 55-61 ; Beare, C.Q,., n.s. 5 (i955)> PP- 49^52 ; and in general,
Maidment, C.Q,. 29 (1935), pp. 1-24, By the time of Menander the chorus has disappeared
even from the cast-list: cf. that of Dyskolos, on which see J.-M. Jacques, M/nandre, Le
Dyskolos (Bud6), pp. i6f.; E. W.Handley, TheDyskolos of Menander^ pp, 171 f., 173 f.
^ Politics 1276^4 <5crrre/) yc Hal ore fikv KtoutKov ore Se rpayiKov erepov €ivai tf>aii€v,
ruiv avTwv TroAAdKts av6p(o7rwv ovrwv, Eth. Jîc, 1123*23 yoprjycov eV ^f} irapdSw wop-
ûpat' fhêpiov; cf. Aeschines, in Tim, 157 wpwijv w
toT? nar' dypovs Atovvalois Ko)p.<p^d3V
ovTOiV KoXXvTip Kol IJappifvovros tov HcofttKOV vnoKpirov ciiroEro? ti irpos tov yopov dvd-naiorov.
Cf. Theatre of Z)., pp. 163-5. who break into some plays of Menander
cannot be regarded as part of the play. Cf. Dyskolos 230 ff., 426, 619, 783.
^ Ibid., pp. 240 ff., and below, p. 284.
® Vit. Soph,
4, *Suid.* s.v..ôôkA^?; cf. Pollux iv. 109, and a number of scholia, esp. on Ar.
Knights 589. (In some of these the number is given as 14, the coryphaeus being excluded.)
^ For the arguments against the derivation, see Theatre
of Z)., pp. 3 1 f. The arguments for a
chorus of fifty in Aeschylus’ earlier plays are well presented by Lammers, Die Doppel- und Halb-
chore inderant, TraôîV, pp. 2of.^ and more recently by Fitton Brown in C.Z?., N.s.
7 (i957)>
pp. 1-4. But the objections are still stronger: in particular the passage of Pollux which is
the only ancient evidence for a chorus of fifty is in itself suspicious. Poll. iv. 106-9 is for the
most part unexceptionable and well informed on the technical language of the chorus, its
members, and its functions. Then comes the bizarre passage on the meaning of -napaoK-^viov
and napaxop-jyTjpia (on which see above, p. 137), and immediately afterwards our passage:
; :
partly on a very improbable story narrated by Pollux,* that there were

fifty choreutai until the irruption of the fifty Eumenides so scared the
Athenian audience that the chorus was henceforth reduced. It is not
generally disputed that the number w'as twelve in the Persae and Septem.^
But some suppose that in the Oresteia Aeschylus adopted the change intro-
duced by Sophocles, and employed fifteen choreutai. That he did so is
stated by two scholia,^ but one of these certainly, and the other probably,
depends on the scholium on Agam. 1348, which is an attempt to square
the assumption that the number of the chorus was always fifteen with
a reading of 1343 ff. which acknowledges that only Uvelve speakers
are called for there, and neither carries more ^veight than modem infer-
ences from the same passage. In this passage the cry of the king is heard
at 1. 1343.
AP. tafioi 7r£7rAijy/iat Kaiplav TrXtyyrjv eaw.

XO. atyo-' Tt? TrktjyTjv dvret Katptcos ovTaapivos
AP. wfioi fidX’ aSffiS', heitripav TTenXrpypevos-
XO. Tovpyov elpydadat SoKCt p.01 PamXiws olptLyp-aatv.
dXXa KOivaiccuped' -qv Trms dapaXq PovXevpaT'
Then follow twelve iambic couplets each of which is plainly the utterance
of a single choreutes.-* The last of these twelve runs (1370-1)
ravrqv eTraiyeCi' TrdvToOev nXqBvvo/xai

rpavws ’ArpecSqv 'j'etSAai KvpovvB' ottws.
Some scholars suppose that the three trochaic lines 1344, 1346-7, are
uttered by three choreutai other than the twelve who deliver the iambic
couplets. It seems much more likely that they are spoken by the cory-
phaeus. In lines 1346-7 he asks for ad'vdce fix>m the rest; in the eleven
following iambic couplets he gets it, and in the tw'elfth he sums up. There
is certainly no argument here for fifteen choreutai.
itlooks as if there is a change of sotirce and of credibility bcl^veen one section and the other.
For fifty Danaids represented by hvclv’c choreutai, compare (against Fitton BrowTi, p. 2 and
n. 5) the mothers of the Seven in Euripides* Suppliants represented by fifteen choreutai:
the number seven is repeatedly insisted on (c.g. 12, 102, 636, 755, 1207, and esp. 963), but
“hat nur die Bedeutung der konventionellen Zahl, die fast gleich einem Namen ist* (\Vilamo-
witz, Gritch, Tragofdim i*, p. 221 his remark *da haben wir zu lemen, daB der athenische
:
Dichter mit etn Publikum \on gefugiger Phantasic rcchnen durfte* makes the point that
needs to be made). (\Ve owe this observation to Professor P. H. J. Llo)^-Jones.)
* iv. 110.
* See Muff, De chon Persarum Jabulae Aescfylcae (1878), pp. 16 ff., and Der Chor in den
Sieben des Aisci^los (1882), pp. i f.
^ On Ar. Knights 589, and Aesch. Eumai. 585. On the former, see Fraenkel, Agamemnon
633-5 and Addenda, p, 831. N. G. Wilson, C.Q.-,n.s. 12 (1962), pp. 32
iii,.pp. ff,, has shoum
that the ‘additions’ to schol. Ar. Knights 589 are due to Triclinius.
^ Note po', vyui Se, Koydi at the banning of the first three couplets.
:
236 THE CHORUS

It has been inferred from the Pronomos vase,’ on ^vhich eleven
choreutai appear in addition to Silenus, that the satyric chorus at the
end of the fifth century consisted of twelve choreutai ; but the inference
is based on a false assumption, namely that Silenus is merely the chorus-
leader, given, as he would not be in tragedy, a name. The assumption is
shots'n to be false by the fact that Silenus can hold an iambic dialogue
^vith the chorus-leader (Eur. Cyclops 82 ff. Soph. Ichneutai 107 ff. Page)
;
Silenus is and the Pronomos vase gives no certain evidence

an actor,*
on the size of the satyr chorus. Even though it is hard to see how a satyr
play can have existed without a chorus, there is no clear evidence of the
existence of a sat^nic chorus in later periods, let alone for the number
of choreutai.
That the chorus of the Old Comedy consisted of ttventy-four members is
agreed by all authorities,* and that towards the end of the third century
B.c. performances were given at Delphi by seven choreutai and later
still by even fewer is attested by inscriptions. Of numbers in the inter-
vening period nothing is known.

3. In some few plays of Aeschylus and Euripides the employment of
a second chorus in at least one scene of the play is beyond doubt. In the
final scene of Aeschylus’ Suppliants the handmaids of the Danaid chorus
appear to join in the choral ode.< (They had doubtless been present
all the time, distinguished from the Danaids by their costume and
conveniently grouped in or around the orchestra.) At the end of Eu-

menides a chorus of UpoTTOfinoi escorts the Eumenides themselves to their
sanctuary.5 The Phoenissae of Phrynichos® apparently had a chorus of
* Above, p. 186 and fig, 49. The only other evidence consists of statements in two passages
of Tzetzes (pp. 23, 34 Kaibel), whose authority is worthless anyhow, giving the number as
16 (said to be ‘the same as in tragedy’).
^ See Dale, edn. of AlcesliSj p, xix, n. 2
;
Buschor, SatyTtanze u.fruhes Drama, S.B. Munich,
t943» P‘ 81; Collinge, Proc, Camb, Phil. Soc., n.s, 5 (1958/9), pp. 30-32.
* e.g. Pollux iv, 109 and a number of scholia, c.g. on Ar. Ach. 21 1, Birds •2^’]. On the possible
earlier history and of the comic chorus sec Dith. Trag. Com., ch. iii.
affinities
* Suppl. 1034 ff For their introduction, cf.
977 ff., 1022 f. For the possible (but far from
certain) interv'ention of a chorus of the sons of Acg>'ptus at 8360*., cf. Kranz, Stasimon,
pp. 16, 272; Maas, Gk. Metre, para. 76.
* Lammers, op. cit.,
pp. 40-55, argues abo for a second chorus in the second and third
plays of the Danaid trilogy, and in Aeschylus* ffaêipoi and 'OttAwp Kpiat^ and *HA»a5fs,
and die satyric Gecjpol ^ ^laQpiacrai and Tpojtoi\ but I am not convinced as regards all of
these. The ne^v fragments of the ^lodfuacrai {P. Ory. 2162) do not clear up thb question:
the \Nholc subject and structure of this play remain something of a puzzle: sec Lloyd-Jones,
Loeb Aeschylus ii*, pp. 541 ff.
^ The date 476 b.c, given for Phoenissae by BenUey and often repeated rests on a largely
first
unsupported combination of Plut. Themistocles 5, 5 (which is evidence for a victor^’ of Phry-
nichos in that >car, but with an unnamed sequence of plays) and the Hypothesis to Acsch.
Persae, which implies, on the evidence of Glaucus of Rhegium, that Phoenissae was written
earlier than Persae. The range of date is therefore
478 (the play probably referred to the batde
councillors as well as the main chorus of Phoenician women, though

whether tlie more than take part
councillors actually spoke or sang or did
in an introductory scene there is no evidence to show.' There is no
certain instance of a second chorus in Sophocles,^ but in the Suppliants of
Euripides (1123 ff.: cf. 107) there is a second chorus of the sons of the
Seven. In the lost Phaetkon there were two choruses one of maid-servants —
attendant upon Klymene, the other the wedding choir which enters
with Merops at a later point in the play (fr. 78 1 ) ;^ and in Alexandras* there
was a chorus of shepherds perhaps accompanying Paris, as well as the
main chorus of Trojans —^whether
male or female is uncertain. The
shepherds when they appear
middle of the play) seem to have
(in the
been on the scene at the same time as the Trojan chorus. The supple-
mentary chorus of huntsmen which accompanies the hero in Hippoljtus
but disappears before the parodos cannot be made up of the regular
choreutai : there is no time
change of costume.® In Antiope, besides
for a
the chorus of Attic shepherds,® there was an additional chorus of Maenads
who entered (and departed) with Dirke. In this play also both choruses
were on the scene at once.
4. Of the costumes worn by the chorus in tragedy, comedy, and satyric
play some account has already been given. For the early period of tragedy
the vases provide only sparse evidence,’ but they afford no reason to
distrust, and sometimes confirm, the natural assumption that the chorus
was dressed according to the character which it assumed in the play.
We have considered also the slight information furnished by the Boston
pelike® and by the krater fragments in Wurzburg’ the former suggesting —
that the choreutai wore undecorated robes, tlie latter that they might,
if desired, be decorative, that of the leader of the chorus more so than
the rest. But of the costume of the chorus after the beginning of the
of Mykale : cf. P. 0;^. 221, col. 3 ; Mane, Rh. AItu, 77 (1928), pp. 355 ff.) to 473, and the date
476 is only certain if we assume that Phrynichos did not compete twice in Ae five years in
question. Sec further, Blumenthal in R,E. xx. i, s.v. Phrynichos (4), coll. 915 f.
* Argt. to Aesch., Persae . . , ttXtjv cKcf (i.e. in the Phoenissae) cvvov;ô? cortv dyy/AAcov ^
•S'epôu T^rrar oropruj tc Bpovovs rtraj rots napeSpoiSj evravOa irpoAoyi^ci
Xopos TTp€apvT&v. See Lammers, op. cit,, pp. 55-63, for a full discussion.
* Lammers, op. cit., pp. 81 f., thinks there may have been one in the Thamyras, an early
work of the poet, but the argument is not convincing.

3 See New Chapters iii, pp. 143 ff., and Lammers, op. cit., pp. 122-5.
^ On this play sec B. SnelPs edition of the fragments {Hermes, Einzelschriften v (1937),
Page, Greek Lit. Pap. i, pp. 54 ff., as well as Lammers, op. cit., pp. 107-9.
5 See Barrett on Hipp.
58-71 (>vith comments on other supplementary choruses). For
Verralls (and Murray’s) hypothesis of a second supplementary chorus in Hippolytus. see
Barrett on Hipp. 1102-50 (pp. 368 f. of his edn.), 1142-50.
® This is not the place to discuss whether they were Attic or Theban. See
New Chapters iii,
p. 107 ; Lammers, op. cit., pp. 109 ff.; Page, op. cit., pp. 60 ff.
’ See above, pp. 180 ff. » See p. 182, fig. ® See pp. 187 f., fig. 50.
34.
238 THE CHORUS
fourth century we know really nothing. From the time when (as in
Aristotle’s day) they sang mainly e/rjSoAt/xa —interludes which had

nothing to do with the play —they may not have been dressed ‘in charac-
ter’ at all.
It is not doubted that the choruses of satyr plays were distinguished

by the loin-cloth of goatskin (more rarely linen drawers) with the phallos
and the horse’s tail appended. As the satyrs appear on vases they are
otherwise naked in the theatre they may have worn close-fitting flesh-
coloured skins.^ When, however, as was frequently the case, they ap-
peared as hunters, reapers, shepherds, or what not, they doubtless wore
some appropriate additions to the purely satyric dress.^ In the mosaic
representing the rehearsal of a satyr play in the Hellenistic period, the
costume is no longer phallic. (Nor was it so at this period in comedy.)
The father of the satyrs, Silenus, who was not the same person as the
coryphaeus, but always appeared in close association with the chorus,
always wore, with slight modifications, a tunic resembling a fleece
(/LtoAAcoTos or xopTMs xercov).® As regards comedy, reference has already
been made to the choruses partially disguised as animals, birds, or fishes,
which figured frequently in the Old Comedy,® and to the freedom of
the poets to clothe their dancers in any guise which suited the play, and
this freedom doubtless persisted to later periods, though in the Middle
and New Comedy the old grotesqueness was soon abandoned, and in so
far as choruses appeared they appeared as ordinary human beings. In
more than one play the purpose was served by a band of intoxicated
young men or revellers.^ Neither in tragedy nor in comedy was the chorus
ever a mixed crowd, such as Shakespeare was apt to introduce but in ;
comedy there might be, as in Lysistrata, a division into male and female
semi-choruses, and in Birds the birds composing the chorus were not
only of many species, but consisted of roughly equal numbers® of cock-
* See pp. 1
83 flf. The vases dp not reproduce scenes from satyric plays exactly as staged, but
in the matter of dress there no reason
doubt that satyrs wearing loin-cloths are depicted
is to
as they would be seen See esp. Brommer, SatyrspieU^, figs. 2-7 Beazley,
in the theatre. j
Hesperia 24 (1955), pp. 310-12 Webster, Hesperia 29 {i960), pp. 256 f. with n. 10.
;
* Cf. Horace, A.P. 221 ‘mox etiam agrestes satyros nudavit*\ but this does not necessarily
exclude the close-fitting garment of skin. On the whole subject see Dith. Trag. Com.*, pp.
114-18.
* The
shepherd-slaves of Polyphemus in Eur. Cyclops probably wore a goatskin cloak:
cf. 1 . 80 avv TaSc Tpayou
fieXeq.. Cf. Aesch. Prom. PyrkaeuSt fr. 278. 2-3 (Lloyd-Jones).
^ Bieber, H. 7".*, fig. 36.
5 Dion. Hal. vii. 72. 10. Cf. perhaps fig. 49 and Brommer, Satyrspiele^, figs. 47, 48.
^ See p. 219 and Dith. Trag. Com.^, pp. 151 fiT.
7 See pp. 87, 234.
*
Schol. Ar., Knights 589 avvciari^Kei 8e o [o fiiv dvBpwv 7jb"q /cal yovoi/cwv,
ofxov Se /cai e/c TraiSo/i' [/fS^ /cal oCtos diTTjptOfL’ijucv dv "Opyioiv appero? pev opveis tj3 ^, BrjXelas
; :
and hen-birds, though the division has not the same dramatic point in
this play as in fysistrata.
5. The characteristic which distinguished the dramatic choruses, of

all three kinds, from the kvkXios of dithyramb was that their
formation was rectangular. The positive statements to this effect’ are
indeed late, but they are unanimous, and the rectangular formation is
presupposed in many references to the position of particular choreutai.

It is not, of course, implied that in particular circumstances, at least in
comedy, the chorus might not break into a round dance, as it does in
Aristophanes’ Thesmophoriazousae, where they join hands in such a fling at
11 . 953 ff.
op/jLa
Kovpa TToolv ay' is kvkXov,
Xî-P'- avvanre
pv 6p. 6 v yopitas wraye TToiaa-
PaTve KapTtaXlpLoiv ttoSoN.

i-nioKOTTetv Si TravTax^j
KVKXovaav op.p.a xpi) ;(opot5 KardoTaoiv
and again in 11. 966 ff.
oAAd XPV^
tucn-ep epyoi’ aS ri Kaivov
irpCorov (iikvkXov ;ôpetos exipvS. arijcrai jSdcrtJ'.
Whether this ever occurred in tragedy seems less certain,^ but it may have
happened at times, and the invention of new dances was doubtless not
confined to Phrynichos and Aeschylus. The rectangular formation con-
sisted in tragedy of five files (Cvyd) and three ranks (oroixoi),^ in comedy
Sf TOGavTaii}^ The same scholiast, hoivever, goes on to say that Avhen there was a division
into men and \s'omen, or adults and children, the men, or the adults, were in a majority
of 13 to 1 1. Cf. Fraenkel, Eranos 48 (1950), pp. 82 ff.—iTh Beitrage z, kl. Phil, i, pp. 459 ff.
* Tzetzes, ProL ad fyeophr., p. 254 (M) —
p. 33 Kaibel rpayiKwv 8c Kal aarvpiKwv /cal
KwprtKthv TTOtriTwv KotvQv fih' TO r€TpaywvcLi^ i<rrdfi€voy toi' ) Bekker, Anecd.y p. 746. 27
otyap avrwv cv Terpayu)V(p ax^piart Itrrdfifvoi rd rwv Tpoyt/cwv CTrcSetVvuvro; Etym.

;ifop€irral
Magn. rpa/wSio* rcTp 6.y<avQv

s.v.
^XVP^’ Pollux iv. 108-9 implies the same thing
(see n. 3 below).
* S. Ferri in Dioniso
3 (193^-3), pp. 336 ff., tries to prove that a number of choral odes
in extant plays were danced in circular formation, but in none of these does the text give any
evidence of this, and his argument is really based on the assumption that any magical or
invocational dance must have been circular. In two of the passages quoted by him in which
a cyclic dance is referred to, it is not the dance in which the chorus itself is engaged (Eur.
Herakles 687-93, Iph. Taut. ii43ff.). 1475 ff. is perhaps better evidence. Cf. 1 . 676
and Latte, Et Graecommy p. 65. The likeliest place for a round dance in extant
saltationibus
tragedy is Eum. 307 ff. Ferri also seems to assume that any invocation of Apollo in
certainly
particular must have been associated with a cyclic dance, but this cannot be substantiated.
^ Pollux iv. 108-9 /ifpj? Sr
;^fopov otdixos wi ^vydv. /cal TpayiKOv p.kv ;ôpov fvya rrei're iK
rpiwv Kai oToixot Tprij €K Trevre* TTCvrcKaihcKa yap ijcav d jôpdr, xat Kara rpets pkv elcrêaav.
: ;
240 THE CHORUS

ofsLxfiles and four ranks, and its movements, in tragedy, when marching
and not dancing, might be Kara ^trya (with a front of three members) or
Kara oTotôu? (with a front of five). Although in particular plays, and
to suit particular dramatic situations, the entry {-TrdpoSos) of the chorus
might be in single file or in some less orderly manner (particularly in
comedy, but probably also in Septem and Eumenides), and in some might
be /card oToixovs (though there is no certain extant instance of this), it is
probable that the normal entry, when it was made in regular formation,
was Kara ^vyd. In the rare instances in which the chorus left the scene
for a time {perdcrraaLsy the manner of its re-entry (eViTra/joSoj) evidently
varied. In Eumenides 244 ff. the text does not suggest a formal march, nor
do the astrophic lyrics (254 ff.) —the chorus plainly enter cmopdhy^v] in
Sophocles’ 4 /a-''^866 ff the two semi-choruses, as the scholiast states, come
in from opposite directions; in Euripides’ Alcestis 872 ff they are follow-
ing Admetus in a mourning procession —possibly Kara Cuyd, but tlie
utterances are perhaps (as in Eumenides) those of individual choreutai

at 1. 515 of Helen they re-enter with a short lyric ode, which was sung as
they came out of the house, but they can hardly have marched out of
the door in formation. (In the Ecclesiazousae of Aristophanes, after a
1. 3 10, the chorus returns at 1. 478, and after a very' brief
peerdaraais at
march breaks into strophe and antistrophe.)
The following diagram will illustrate the normal arrangement of the
tragic chorus
iv- 5 ?«• 4 3 Cu. 2 Cv. .
( 5) (4) (3) (2) (

1
) OTOixoy wptSroy
(10) (9) (8) (7) (6) arolx^S 8cvTcpo
(•5) ( 14 ) ('3) (12) (0 OTorxoy rpiToy
Cl Kara ylyvotTO ^ TrdpoôSt 5c ^card oroiôvy, dvd ttcWc €io^€oav. caff’ ore 8c Kai Kad* a>a
(in single file) cttoioCjto TrdpoSor. o 5c Koi/tiKo; ;ôpoj rirrapes koi ciVooir •âav ;ôpcvTai,
{uyd c^, cKaoTOV 8c c#f rerrapwvj <TToTxot 8c T€rTap€Sj c^ ai’Spay cKatrro? ororyo?.
* Pollux iv. Io8 #cai 17 pikv etaoZos rov ;ôpov irdpo8oj KaAcirai, 17 8c icard ;fpc/av cfoSoj ai?
TToAir ciffioWtriv /icrdcrraai?,^ Sc /xerd ravnji' ciaoSoy cTriTrdpoSoy, ^ 8c TcAcirrato €ô8os d^Soy.
The term Trdpohos is also used of the opening chant of the chorus (c.g. Aristot. Poet, xii
1452^:22 f., where it is 17 TTpeonj Ac^ty oXrj ^ almost necessary emendation of oAow
to 0A17 is accepted), and of the passages whicli gave entry to the theatre. cViTropoSoy is also
used in Cramer, Anecd. Par. i. 20, and by Tzetzes, de Trag. 109-10 (from Eukleides), of the
entr>' of a second chorus when tlie original one has left tlie scene (€7ri7rdpo8oy 8c cortv, orav
CTcpoy x^pds dtîKV€irai rov irpordpov irapcAPdiToy). The word scems not to occur elsewhere,
and there is no extant example of an cmrrdpoSoy in the second sense, unless the entry of the
main chorus of Hippolytus at 1. 12 1 is treated as such, the brief appearance of the x^P°^
KvrriYdjv (11. 6i ff.) being regarded as the irdpoSoy; cf, de Falco, VEpiparodos nella tragedia greca,
p. n. (Eukleides seems to have been a grammarian known to Tzetzes, but nothing more is
kno^vn of him. Perhaps (so Cramer) the author of Anecd. Par. i. 20.) Reference should be
made to the careful analysis of the forms of parodos by Kranz in R.E. xviii. 4, cols. 1689-91,
esp. col. 1690 (on the parodos of Oed. Col.).
When, have been usual in Athens, the chorus entered by

as appears to
the western passage, with the auditorium on its left,' the left-hand rank
(the dpiarepoardrai), which was nearest to the spectators, was com-
posed of the best choreutai, the middle rank (the Xavpacndrai ‘men in
the alley’ or SeurepocTraTai) of the least efficient, and the third rank
(rpiToardrai or ItrpâToi Or Se^Loordrat) might be of intermediate quality.
(They would confront the audience directly in those manoeuvres in which
the first file faced the skene instead of the audience.) The men numbered
r, 6, II, 5, 10, 15 were sometimes spoken of as KpaoTTeSirai, ‘men on the
flange’, or ipiXeis ‘unprotected’ (though this may only refer to nos. 5, 10,
15).^ The leader of the chorus (the Kopvijyaios) was no. 3, rpiros dpiarepov
or TTpwToardTTjs ; nos. 2 and 4, on each side of him, were his Trapaordrai
and next to him in importance.* A passage of Menander’s ’EttIkXtjpos*
.
suggests that the complement of choreutai may have been made up of
mutes placed in the rank farthest from the audience
WOTTCp TWV )(0pwv

ov ndvres aSova’, dXX' a^tovot 8 t5o rives
rj rpets rrapearriKaai ndvruiv eoxaroi
els rov dptdpdv, xal rovB' opolws ttws eêi"
Xtipav Karexovai, (wai S' ols ia-riv ^los.
Hesychius seems to say that the mutes were in the central rank; but it
cannot be taken as certain that Menander is speaking of dramatic and
* Schol. Aristid. iii, p. 535 (Dind.) ot€ yap cicjjcaai' ot TrAay/wj âSiiovrts enotoOiô
To^S vpvovs Kol rovs Otaras ^ rov xopoD dpiarepoyf enuxov
avr&v icol 01 Trptoroi
. . , cir€i5i7 ^ fiiy and p. 536 Tovy
Tipi<^€pov, ev 5 e TToAeftot? to Seftov,
ovi' KoAo^y TWV xop€VTwy iTarrov uoiovris €V rots iavrwv optar/poiy, Tâ cup€0a>Gi Trpoy rov
S-qpov opwvTCS.
Pollux zi. 161 rdâ 5 ^
/cal d dpicTepocrdrrjT <v ^pofrqKoi dv rf} dpiarep^t ws d Bf^toordrTj^
rf and
106 ScîooroTijy, dpicrepoardrij^, SevrepooTar^f, rpiroardrySf Hesych. s.v.
iv.
aptcTcpocraTijs* d TrpwToard'njy tou and s.v. AoupoerraTat* 01 cV Toty /xcooiy ^tryoi diTcy
ev Titri OTcvoTTOty py Oewpovpevor ol Bk x^tpovy pdooi toravrat' 01 Be emTcraypdvoi (i.e. those
who have to fulfil the allotted task of the cliorus) npCroi Kal eaxaroi (i.e. third ) and s.v.
imoxoAmov rov x<>poO’ rijSi ordaewf ;^d)pa( ai drtpot.
, rov KpaoTreStTTjy rw Kopviâlw avyrjKOov exovrot't
^ Plut.Quaesf.Conv.v. 678 d diowep ôpov . ,
Hcsych. s.v. tfitXeis' oi voraroi xopedovrey; *Suid.* s.v. ^lAcuy* cV* aKpou x®P°^ iordpei'os,
^ Photius s.v. rpiToy
dpiarepov* tv rois rpayiKOis x^poty rpiwv oitwv aroixoiv koI ^ttcvtc^
Ivywvy d pev dpiarepds orotxos d -npos fw Bedrpw ijv, d Be Sc^tdy Trpdy tw irpoa/CTjyttp. avveâtiev
oCv Toi' peaov toO dpterrepov ctocxoO tt^v eyrtpordrqv #cai oTav toO TTponoaTarov x^tpav ivexeiv
KOI ordair; cf. Aristot. Met. iv. 1018^26 ravra 5 * tartv oaa Trpdy rt cv wpiaptvov BieonjKe Kara
Tivo Adyov, oiov -TrapaoTdrjjy TpiToardrou Trpdrepov kci vapavr,r*q I’rjTTjy tvOa piv yap 6 Kopuôioy,
evda Be rj pear) dpxif, and Pol. iii. 1277*10 dvdyKi} pij ptav eivai rr^v rwv rtoXtrwv rrdvrwv dper^v,
worrep ovBe rwi* Kopvâlov koi TrapacroTOi/. The terms TfyepwVj x^P^^'^drrjSf
XopoXeKTTjSf and others arc found applied to the KopuôToy in a few passages. (See Muller,
Buhnenalt.y p. 207.)
Fr. 153 (Korte).
—
242 THE CHORUS

not of dithyrambic choruses. (Fifty good voices would be less easy to find
than fifteen or twenty-four.)
In its its departure from the scene the chorus, at least in
entry and
tragedy, was normally preceded by the flute player,* who, if the vase
paintings are good evidence, was richly dressed, but did not, to our
knowledge, ever wear a mask.^
But the modes of entry displayed by the choruses even of extant plays
are too varied to be comprised within the simple formula of a march
Kara i^vya? This phrase primarily describes the marching entry found
in several early plays in which the first lyric strophe and antistrophe are
preceded by about 40 to 65 anapaestic dimeters, probably delivered in
recitative by the whole chorus'* Persae, Suppliants, and Agamemnon, and
the Ajax of Sophocles.
The long anapaestic openings of these early plays suggest an ordered
march round the orchestra before taking up its position (crraaisjA In
the Alcestis of Euripides also (where there is internal division of speakers
both in the prelude and in the following song), a'nd in the Rhesus (again
in dialogue form),* there is a briefer anapaestic opening, and there is
a variant of this form in Sophocles’ Electra, where Electra utters 35

anapaestic lines, mostly dimeters, while the chorus are coming in. What
follows here is not a regular strophic entrance-song, but a Kofifxos or
lyric exchange between chorus and actor. In Hecuba, after a similar
utterance by Hecuba (
11 . 59-97), the chorus delivers 56 anapaestic di-
meters, and there is no lyric entrance-song, properly speaking: the
anapaests lead into a duet between Hecuba and Polyxena in lyric ana-
paests. Yet another variation on the anapaestic entry followed by strophic
lyrics occurs in the Septem of Aeschylus here a long run of astrophic lyrics
:
(29 lines) leads into three strophic pairs. The introduction is thus sung,
not recitative, but stands in the same relation to the following lyrics as
*
Schol. on Ar. Wasps 582 Idas ijv iv rats eôSotj riov rijs rpaywhias xoptKwp irpoauncijv
npo-qyetaOai ouAt^t^v, ware av?<ovvra TTpoTrepL-ireiv. When two semi-choruses entered separately,
as in Lysistrata, we do not know what the flute-player did, if there was one ; nor what happened
when a second chorus entered (see above, p. 240).
2 See above, pp. 166, 182 ff., igg.
3 The structure of opening scenes and of choral entries is analysed well, if at times over-
schematically, by Walter Nestle, Dig Siruilur des Emgangs in d. atL Trag, (Tubinger Beitragc
10), 1930, esp. pp. 52 ff.
* See above,
pp. 160 ff. Some scholars suppose that they were recited by the coryphaeus
alone. This, to judge from some modem performances, would have been much less impressive.
See Fraenkel on Agam. 40-103.
5 Hesychius
says that lines were marked in the orchestra to help them to form a straight
front : s.v. ypappai* ^ rjj opxr^trrpq. âav, ws rov xopov cV t oixw laTaodai.
® On the parodos of Rhesus and its peculiarities, see Ritchie, Authenticity of the ^Rhesus' of
Euripidesy pp. 101-13.
—
244 THE CHORUS
In ChoephoToi they enter silently while Orestes is speaking the prologue,
and in Bacchae, if they ^vere not present from the first, they may also
enter during the prologue, but the fact that the first choral song begins
with a short astrophic sequence strongly suggests that their entry was
made as they sang these lines.* In Helen the parodos takes the form of
a strophic Kofxfios bebveen Helen and the chorus after a very brief pre-
lude of tliree dactylic lines, delivered presumably in recitative, by Helen.
In Orestes the chorus creep in, almost whispering, for fear of disturbing
the sick hero, and join in a lyric dialogue with Electra. In two extant
plays, Eumenides- and Oedipus Coloneiis, the chorus hurried in oTTopdS-qv,
one by one they are in pursuit, and in the latter the actual entrance-song
:
is a comple.x sung e.xchange between chorus and two actors. HeracHdae,
Troades (a divided entry' of two semi-clioruses), and Iphigeneia in Tauris

have each peculiarities of form, and (much earlier) the entry of the
Ocean-nymphs in Prometheus Vinctus was evidently unique.*
Of the movements or attitude of the chorus during the main part of
the play there is little or no direct information. I\*hen the leader engaged
in dialogue with the actors, he must have faced them, as did probably
the whole chorus, and in the absence of the actors they are likely, when
not dancing, to have faced the audience; but by rvhat manoeuvres they
changed their direction is unknown. At moments of crisis they doubtless
reacted as the crisis demanded.'*
6.There is also little direct information as to the movements of the
chorus in comedy, except in so far as the texts imply a great variety and
freedom in the mode of entry, great liveliness during the play, and a
marching departure, headed by the flute-player and varied at times (as
in Wasps and Ecclesiazousae) by a vigorous dancing exit. It has been
supposed that in the parabasis of the Old Comedy the two semi-choruses
stood facing one another, but the evidence for this is only a confused
note of Hephaestion.* It seems more likely tliat during the delivery’ of the
* So Dodds, cdn. of Bacckae^j p, 71. On archaic features in the parodos of Bacchae^ sec
Kranz, op, cit., pp. 234 f.
* Cf. Vit, Atsch. 9. iiierc is a different mode of cntr>’ in each play of the Orestsia, It is not
worth while to pursue the purely academic question which is the *r^ parodos* of Eumenides.
^ Sec Theatre
of D,j pp. 39 ff., ^V^larao^vitz, Aischjios: Inlerpretaiionen, pp. Ii5fi*., and most
recently, Fraenkcl, Annali Pisa 23 (1954), pp. Beitrage z. kl. Phil, i, pp. 389 ff.
^ For their behaviour during choral odes see below,
pp. 251 f.
5 Hephaest,,
p. 72, 1 13 (Consbruch), icaAcrrai 5 c Trapdâcij, erretS^ ciacA^diTCS €is to
.
Bearpov Kai ordiTcr ot ;fopcirroi ?rapcjSaivov /fai ci? to ^carpov arro-

diTtirpocrcoTTOi dAATjAory
eAcyd»' rtva. But the words ctcreAdovTcy cis to ^carpo^ do not really apply to
the Trapdâatr. In Ar. -dcA. 629, Knights 508, Peace 735 Tapaâivetv Trpdy to Bearpov is plainly
used of the chorus coming forward to face the spectators for the deliver)' of the ‘anapaests’
the long formal address. Sec Dith. Trag. Com.^, p. 149; Kranz, R.E. s.v. Parabasis, To the
;
epirrhematic parts of the parabasis each semi-chorus at least should have

faced the audience in turn, whether the whole chorus did so at once or
not. That some part of the parabasis was accompanied by lively dan-
—
cing ^perhaps by the semi-chorus w'hose leader was not addressing the
—
audience is suggested by their partially discarding their costume or
equipment and performing dTroSuiTc?, unencumbered.*
7. Something has already been said in regard to the manner of de-
livery of the choral parts of the drama.^ Where the chorus takes part in
the dialogue, speaking normally in iambic trimeters or more rarely in
trochaic tetrameters, the leader doubtless spoke for the whole, as he (or
the leaders of the bvo semi-choruses in turn) almost certainly did (in
recitative) in Old Comedy, and at particular moments
the parabasis of the
(especially in comedy) the leader might address his fellow choreutai.*
In tragedy the parodos and stasima (the choral odes in the body of the
play, after the chorus had reached its ardois or normal position)'* were
as a rule sung by the whole chorus in unison, and there is no evidence
for the regular delivery of strophe and antistrophe by separate semi-
choruses but there were exceptional scenes in ivhich a division into semi-
;
choruses was made,* as for a brief space in Ajax, \s'hen they are searching
for the hero, in the parodos orAlceslis, in Orestes 1246 ff., and, in comedy,
throughout Lysistrata and probably the ode and antode of the parabasis
generally and also scenes in Avliich the lyric utterances of individual
—
choreutai take the place of united song as, for instance, the opening
scene oiEumenides and the parodos of lonj It is fashionable with scholars
at the present time to multiply instances of this by splitting up choral
s>’stems into individual ejaculations, but this may easily be overdone, and
the process is anyhoiv guided mainly by the scholar’s personal fancy.®
passages cited by Consbnich on Hephaesdon, loc. cit., add schol. Lucian, Com, 17 (p. 32
Rabe).
' SeeDilh. Trag.
Com.-, pp. 142!. On the delivciy-of tlie parabasis in song and recitative
see above, p. 158. a
pp_ 156 ff.
s
e.g. ht. Wasps 1516, Thrsm. 655, Frogs 382, etc.
* See
below, p. 251.
* Ct. Pollux iv.
107 Kal -qfitxoptov St Kal Stgopta icac diTixdpta* toiKt St Taurdi' ctv-at ravrl rd
rpia oi'opara* OTrorav yap d xopds tts Svo ptfrq to fitv rrpayfia Ko^tirai Sixopta, tKartpa Si
Tj potpa r^pixdptor, d
S' dj-r^Souatv, dvrixdpta. The disTsion in the final extant scene of the
Sizer, agamst Thebes, of which the date and authorship are problematic, is a striking instance,
the two halves of the chorus siding Mth Antigone and Ismene respectively.
* The'evidence is that of
the Ravenna and Venetian MSS. as regards several of the p!a)’s
see Amoldt, Die Ckorpartien bei Aristophanes,
pp. i8off.
’ But the schol. on
Ar. Frogs 372 shows that there was no unanimity even among the old
commentators on such suggestions : h-revdei' Siptarapxos vatiArjot pij oAou toG xopov ttvai rd
—ptimr* rovro St ovK d^tontarov' jroAAdxw dAAi/Aocv ovretf rrapaKeXevoiTai ot rrep't rdv xopdv.
* See Page, C.Q_.2\
(1937), pp. 94-99; Dale on Aiceslis 77-135; Barrett on Hipp. 362-72,
563-600.
246 THE CHORUS
In the which chorus and actors join in a lamentation or other
KO[i[ji 6 s, in
lyric dialogue, the poet was doubtless free to employ individual or com-
bined utterance as he chose, and the form varied greatly.' A division
into semi-choruses may have been more frequent in satyric drama than
in tragedy, to judge from Cyclops and Ichneutai. In both plays there are
also passages of non-antistrophic choral lyrics, satyric drama perhaps
being in this as in other respects less formal than tragedy. Dictyulci and
Isthmiastaesupply little or no evidence, and there is hardly sufficient basis
forany general statement. It may be added that the modem literature on
the subject of the methods of delivery in Greek drama is as immense as
the evidence is slight and inconclusive.
B. Dancing in Drama
The place of dancing in Greek culture and its various manifesta-
I.
tionswas much more important than it is in modem life.^ Plato regards

dancing as a form, regulated and rendered orderly, of the instinctive
delight in active motion^ which characterizes all human beings, and lays
great stress on the importance of developing it in conformity with the
moral and artistic sense of educated men
654 b) {Laws ii.
A@. 6 KaXu>s apa nejraiSevfitvos aSeiv re Kal opêtadat Svvaros av eir) KaXws.
KA. eoiKev. A&. tSwfiev 817 n ttot' earl to vw aS Xeyofievov. KA. to notov Sij;
A0. “KaXws aSei”, <j>ap.iv, “Kal KaXws opx^^Tai”- irorepov “el Kal KaXa aSei Kal
KaXa opxeiTai’’ npoadwp.ev r/ [nj; KA. npoaOwpLev.
and later (vii. 798 d)

A©. tI oSv; rots ep.Trpoadev Xoyois TnaTevofiev, ois eXeyoptev ws ra rrepi tovs
pvdpovs Kal Traoav fiovaiK-^v eOTiv TpoiTwv p.ip'qpara PeXnovwv Kal yeipovwv
dvdpwtrwv ; ttws; KA. ovSapws aXXws ktX.
The Greeks tended to regard all dancing as ‘mimetic’,** or expressive,
See Haigh, Tragic Drama, pp. 359-61.

A brief summary of the ways in which dancing entered into every phase of Greek life
^
isconveniently given by A. Brinkmann, ‘Altgr. Madchenreigen’ (in Bonner Jahrb. 130 (1925),
pp. 118-21). The word gopos originally means a dance-floor (Horn. II. t8. 590; Od. 8. 260,
etc.), and the agora at Sparta was called the gopos (Paus. iii. ii. g).
^ He connects yopos with gapi {Laws ii.
654 a). Lucian, de salt. 25, records a tradition that
Socrates ou povov errrjvei opgrâTtKrfV, dAAd Kal cKpaBciv aur^r •qîov plyiaTov arrovlpaiv
evpvBptq Kal evpovalq. Kal Ktvqaet eppeXet Kal evaxqpoavvj] tov Kivovpevov. But Libanius in the
fourth century a . d still found it necessary (virlp rwv opgrjoruiv) to defend the practice of
.
dancing against the censure of the Fathers of the Church.

< A number of attempts have been made recently to find in
the close connexion between
mimesis and dance the original germ from which Greek drama grew (dance and mime being
seen as lying behind the linguistic and literary origins which have proved so darkly impene-
trable to scholars), but the evidence (almost entirely philological) is tenuous, and the sugges-
tion no more than a possible guess. The most important examples of this line of thought are:
DANCING IN DRAMA 247
especially in its employment of rhythmical gestures and motions. So

Aristotle’ can say of dancers that Sia rwp cr^rjpaTiôp.A'ojv pvdfiwv (the
rhythms embodied in gesture) jitiMoDvrai Kal TjOrj Kal vddir) Kal npaieis.
Athenaeus^ quotes Damon, the friend and musical adviser of Plato, as
stressing the moral implications of dancing
ov KaKws S’ eXeyov ot vepl /Idpwva rov 140-qvaTov otl Kal rdy «oSd? Kal rdy dpyij-
creis dvdyictj ytyveaBai Kivovpdvrjs irtu? Trjs tpvyrjs' Kai ai pev iXevdepioi Kal KaXal
miovai Toiavras, al S’ ivavTiai Tas ivavrias.
He illustrates this by the story of Hippokleides, who ‘danced away his

wedding’ with the daughter of Kleisthenes of Sikyon by a clever but
vulgar performance,^ and continues
Kal ydp h> dpyrâti Kal TTOpela KaXov pkv evayrjpoovvr] Kal Koapos, alaypov Se
drafia Kal to tfiopriKov. Sid tovto yap Kal €$ apyi^s avviraTTOv ol TTOirjTal tow
(XevBipois TO? opyTqaeis Kal iypwvTo rots ayqpaai arjpelois povov rwv ^Sopevwv,
TTjpovvTfs del TO euyevej Kal dvSpwSes d-n avrSiv, o 9 eu Kal mopyqpaTa rd TOiavra
TTpooTjyopevov.^ el Se rts dperpais SiaOeii) TTjV oyrjpaTonottav Kal Tats (hSats
imTvyxdvaiv ptjSiv Xiyoi koto tt\v opyijaiv (i.e. allowed his dancing to become
independent of the words), oSroj S’ ijv dSoKipos. Sid Kal 'ApiaTo<f>dvT]s ^ FIXdTwv^
iv Tats 2lK€vats, los XapaiXeiav (ftrjaiv, etprjKev outoj?
wot' ei ns dpyotr' eS, 64ap’ vvy Se Spcdciv ovSey,

dXX’ uunrep dndTrXrjKToi aTaS-qy eaTWTes ivpvoyTai.
He goes on to compare choral dancing with military drill, in a passage

which has already been quoted,’ and speaks, very interestingly, of the
connexion between dancing (in the wide sense, including manual gestures)
and the work of the ancient sculptors
coTi Se Kal TO tcDv dpyaieoy Sqpiovpytdy dydXpaTa Trjs naXaias dpyqaews Xei-
ifiava- Sid Kal ^vyeaTt] to koto tî' yîpoyoplav impfXeoTcpws Sid Tavrqy Tqv alriay.
(CqTovy ydp Kay touttj Kiyqaeis KoXds Kal eXevffepi'ovs. . . . Kal to ayqpaTa peTe-
(jiepoy evTtvdey cis tops yopovs, e’k Se ti5v yopCdv eis toj iraXataTpas.
In pursuance of his general doctrine, as quoted above, Plato banishes

from his ideal state all orgiastic, drunken, and indecent dancing denj
p(.y âKyeia t’ iarlv Kal rwv ravTais i-nopeywy, as Nvp<f>as re Kal Fldvas
Hermann Koller, Die Mimesis in der Aniike, Bern, 1954: Mus. Helv. 14 (1957), pp. 100 ff.;
Schreckenberg, APAMA. For an energetic reply, sec Else in Class. Philol. 53 (1958), pp. 73 ff.,
245-
’ Poet, i. 1447=27. = xiv. 628 c. = Hdt, vi. 129.
* xiv. 628 d, e.
*
being by derivation essentially a dance which accompanied or was secondary
eir-opjfijfia
to something
‘
—
here, to the temperament expressed in the sung words. See below, p. 255.
else
It was Plato (the comic poet), ’ Above,
fr. 130 (K). p 89.
* Laws vii. 815 c.
.
248 THE CHORUS

Kal UetX-qvoiis xal Uarvpovs eTTOVOfidôvres, tus <f>acnv, fiijiovvrai Karmvto-
fiivovs, nepl nadapp-ovs re Kal reXerds Ttvaj aTToreXodvraiV, avpirav rovro
-rfjs dp)(i]creios to yeVo? ov9' dis etpr/viKov ovd’ to? rroXepiKOV ovd’ on tTore
PovXerai pdStov dôpitjaaQai', such dancing was certainly not rroXiriKov,
fit for citizens. Nor were the music and dances that are characteristic
of comedy ;
at most they must be allowed to remain so as to illustrate
the higher type by contrast, and must be left to slaves and hireling
foreigners.’
2. Two characteristics of ancient Greek dancing have already been
mentioned in passing — the use made of the hands {xeipovopia), and the
predominantly expressive or mimetic character of the performance. The
former, possibly with other gestures but without necessarily any motion
of the body from place to place, was enough to constitute opxrjais in the
Greek sense, the word covering any series of rhythmical movements.
Such manual gesticulation seems certainly to have been more elaborately
developed when pantomimic dancing, apart from drama, became the
most popular form of entertainment, so that Demetrius the Cynic after
watching a mime ‘dance’ the story of Ares and Aphrodite, without words
or music, cried : aKovto, dvOpcone, a noieis, ov^ dpu) povov, dXXd poi So/cet?
raf? yeptriv aiirats XaXetv,^ and Lesbonax of Mytilene (in the Augustan
age) called dancers by the name x^^pdoo<l>oi.^
Plutarch^ speaks of a well-known dancer as ;^fiporopaiv ev rats rraXai-
arpuLs- But it is not to be doubted that in the drama itself from the first
the use of the hands was one of the most effective methods of expression.
Athenaeus* says that TeXeais ^ TeXear-qs d opxqtrroSiSdaKaXos TroAAa
eêvprjKe axqpara, aKpcos rats X^P'^^ Xeyopeva SetKUV^,^ and the texts of
* Laws vii. 816 d, e. Cf. Rep. iii. 396 a yvaurrcoi* /xo* yap pLawoplvovs Koi wopT/pouy avhpai
T€ /cal yvvaiKaSf rroiijreov 5 e ouSci' ro^tov ovB^ fUftrjriov. * Lucian, 63.
3
Ibid. 69. It must be remembered that when Lucian witcs about dancing he has in mind
primarily the pantomimic dancing of his own day, not the drama. At this time every kind of
tour de force was open to a dancer who chose to employ it. He might imitate (ibid. 19)
uSaroj vypoTTira Kal TTupos koi B4vBpov Sonj/xa. Athenaeus xiv. 629! records
. . .
a dance entitled koct/xou iKTTvpiaais as mentioned by the Cynic Menippus of Gadara, who per-
haps invented it to travesty Stoic doctrines of the fiery consummation of all things, just as
(according to the conjecture of Latte, De Salt, Graec.y p. 4) another *comic dance* mentioned
by Athenaeus and called oTroKon^ may have travestied the agitators who demanded
novae tabulae. (For the proposed emendation Kpewv anoKXoTrj cf. Pollux iv. 105 and Dith.
Trag. Com.*, pp. 136, 293.) Athenaeus’ list includes also dA^tVtop 6€pp.av(rrpis (a
and aTroKti'Of or fta/crpia^dy (cf. Ar. Knights 20 dAA* €vp4 tip* ottokivop
/xovkuSt;? opxr}(ns),
ano Tov hcanoTov, where the schol. describes it as efSo? opxâews tf>opTiKrjs. Athen. ?dv. 629 c
refers to its mention in Cratinus* Pfemesis, Cephisodorus* AmazoneSy and Aristophanes’
Centaur )
Quaest. Conv. ix. 747 b. s i. 21 f.
There
some uncertainty about the identity of ‘Telesis or Telestes*. It is presumably
is
coincidence that both names appear in inscriptions as those of koi/xwSoi at the Soteria in
the great dramatists make it plain that grief and joy, welcome and horror,
must have found expression by such gestures of the chorus, no less than
of the actors.
3 . But in spite
of the importance of the dance in Greek drama, most
of such sketchy evidence as we possess is couched in highly abstract and
uninformative language. Plutarch,’ analysing the elements of Spxrjais,
distinguishes motions {ôpai), postures or attitudes (crCT/nara), and in-
dications The latter, the mere pointing to objects or persons,
need no further elucidation. ‘Postures’, ax^pLara, he describes merely as
which each motion terminated suggesting, it might be,
the attitudes in —
Apollo or Pan or a Bacchant. Like Plato and Aristotle he lays stress on
the mimetic character of dancing (ouro)? iv opxâet to fih> crxrjpta p.ip,rjTiK6v
itm pop^rjs Kal I’Sea?, kolI TrdXiv rj <f>opa ttoSovs tivo? ifufiavriKov t] TTpdêois
T) hwapeois), and on the gestures being intimately associated with the
words from moment to moment (dpîjuriK^ Se Kal notrjTiKjj Koivtavla
Trdaa Kai peBeîs dAAijAwv eari —especially in the VTTopxqpaTiKov of yevos,
which something will be said below— as the words and the parts of
if
the body were connected by strings which the former pulled).* Plutarch
offers way of description. The lists given by
nothing more precise by
Pollux’ and others show that in time the of the dance the —
postures or attitudes —
^had come to be standardized and named, but how
far those which Pollux enumerates were Hellenistic in origin or were
employed by choruses as well as by individual actors is a matter of

conjecture. As regards tragedy he writes: Kal prjv rpayiKijs opyT^creios
^X^po-TO- oipTj KoXaBioKOS, x^'-P xaTaiTpav^s, ivXov vapdXrjiJiL^, StjrAiJ,
Beppavcrrpls, KujSt'cmjtnj, Trapa^rjvai rirrapa.^ A somewhat similar list is
the third century B.c., since Telestes is described by Athenaeus a few lines later as d Alvxvôv
opxiimjt. The only fifth-century figure who might conceivably be relevant is Telestes of Seli-
nus, tlie dithyrambic poet, who won his first victory at Athens in 402-401 B.c. [Marm. Par.
65; Dilh. Trag. Com.^, pp. 52 f.). But Wilamowitz (Aesch. Trag., p. 13) suggests an identifica-
tion with a Cretan dancer Telcsis, mentioned elsewhere by Athenaeus (xiv. 630 a) and by
Pollux (iv. 99), the inventor of a sword dance called after him (cf. Hesychius s.v. TcAcoids).
'
747 b ff.
Quaest, Conv. ix. * Ibid. 748 a-c.
’
103-5. Latte {DeSall. Grate., pp. 7ff.) argues that the chief authority on which both
iv.
Athenaeus and Pollux drew was Tryphon (see above, p. 1 78), though they also used Didymus.
* aifiri and KaraiTpav^s =
‘upturned’ and ‘downturned’. Tpaytic^? probably covers satyric
drama, and mp4 abundantly illustrated in the posture of satyrs on vases. (Sec Latte,
jjrip is
op. cit., pp. 19, 20.) KokaSloKos may indicate
holding the hands above the head, basket-wise,
like a caryatid; cf. Sichan,
La Danse grecque antique (1930), pp. 135-6. Bepfiavarpts means
a pair of tongs’, and may indicate the position of the legs it is given as the name of a dance,
“ 'veil as of a oxijpa. But some of the names are unintelligible. We can only guess how the
;
chorus in Eur. Electra

859 ff. may have behaved when it danced tis vePpis oupiviov rrqSripa
xouîjouao oAi' ayXatq. See also E. Rods, Tragische Orchestik, Lund,
1951, pp. 82 ff.
’ Possibly
a movement by which a dancer or a file took up a position by passing the other
four files in a chorus of five
Juyd.
S
:
250 THE CHORUS

given by Athenaeus/ who seems to enumerate tragic and comic postures
together.^ Again the names, by themselves, are not very informative. The
interest of the passage lies in the quotations, which show that some of
these names go back to the fifth century b.g, ;
GX'^fiara Si iartv opx'qaceDs KaXaStGKos, KaXXa^tSe^,^ uKwirevfxa,
Si 6 aKwtp rwv dvoaKOTTovvTOiv ti <TX^fia aKpav rrjv vnep rov /zctwttou

KCKvpTCOKorwv, fiin)fiov€V€i AicrxtjXo^ iv GewpoTg (fr, 79 N^)
Kal pirjv 7raXatd)V rwvSi croi oKOJircvp.d.Tiov,
KaXXaplScvv 8* EviroXis iv KoXaîv (fr. 304 X)

KoXXaptSa^ Si paivei
(njaapilSas Si
6 €ppLavGTpt£j cKareplScs, okotto^, X^^P Karanp'qif'qs, X^^P StTroStcr/io?, fuAou

7TapdX7]ipt£t inayKCovtofio^,KaXaPlcKO^, arpopiXo^,
4. Little is known of the history of dancing in the drama after the

earliest period, when Phrynichos and Aeschylus invented many dances
and opx’Jocw?. Phrynichos boasted, or was made to boast
ayi^paTa S* opxrjGts roaa fiot TTopev, 00a* cVl ttovtw

K vpara Troietrat x^t/iOTi oXoTj
and it is natural to connect this with Aristophanes’ praise^ of the beauty

of Phrynichos’ lyrics. Another passage of Aristophanes, quoted by
Athenaeus,’ records the claim of Aeschylus
Kal Aiax^Xos Si ou pLovov rijs aroAiJ? cuTTpineiav Kal uepvoTTjTa,

^7]Xcoaavr€s ol l€po<f>dvTai Kal SaSovxot dp.<f>iiwvvrai (see above, p. 200), oAAa Kal
TToXXd axT^po^Ta op^TjaTiKa avTos iêvpiGKWv dveSlSov toT? XapaiXioiV
yovv TtpCiTov avrov <f>Tj<7i ayr^parlaat rovs x^P^^^ dp)(rjGToSiSaGKdXois ov xprjad-
pLcvov, oAAd Kal avToy rois “rd a^pj/xara noiovyra rcoy dp^Tjo’^coy, Kal oAo)?
Trdaav TTjy r^s* rpaywSias' oiKoyopiiay els iavToy TrepuaTav. xmeKplvero yovv perd
Tov eiKOTOs rd Spdpara. ApiuTo^dvTqs yovv (Trapd 8e roT? KoypiKois r) rrepl Tciv
rpaytKwv drroKeiTai ttIgtls) Trotet auTdr AioxvXov Xiyovra

TOLGL x^pots* auTO? Ttt GyqpaT iiTolow,
*
629 f.
xiv.
* It not certain how far Athenaeus* list of ‘comic* ox^jiara and dances included those
is
practised in mimes, which were for centuries the most popular forms of entertainment, and
were not primarily theatrical or Dionysiac, nor confined to festivals, but were the favourite
amusement of the common people and provided by travelling actors (see Reich, Mimus,
p. 320 and passim).
3 îpiijpost the attitude
of a sword-thrust. This was employed in tragedy (Hesych. s.v.
axrjua opxrjoriKov AcyopeVi^? ippeXdas opxrjoetos. So also Phot, and ‘Suid.*).
* Phot. s.v. /foAAa/StScj’ TO Siaâiveiv /cai SicAkcw rd laxicL rats ;tfpaiV.
5 Plut. Quaest. Conv. vih. 732 f. (Wilamowitz, Gr. KmAiuatt, p. 465, n. 1.)
^ Birds 748 ff. ’ i, 21 d-f. The quotations are frs. 677-8 (K).
:
Kal TToXlV
Tovs ^pvyas otSa Bcwpuiv
ore Tw IJpidpw cruAAuao/itvot tov TraiS’ iJAOov reOvewra
TToAAa roiavTi Kal TOiavrl Kal Sevpo axTjpanaavTas.
Athenaeus’ continues (after a few lines)

'ApioTOKXiis^ oSv (firjatv on TeXco-njs 6 AioxvXov op^rjorri^ oyro)? rexfirijs
diare eV Ttb 6p){€Ta 6 ai tovs 'Etto. im
ra TTpaypara 81’
Qrjâs ifiavepd Troirjaai
dpxâews.^ <j>aal Se Kal ore ol apyatoi TTOiijrai Oeams Uparivas [Kparivos^

^pwiyos 6p)(r]aTal ckoXovvto Sta to nrj povov ra iaVTuiv Spapara dva(f>€p£iv els
opyTâiv TOV yopov, dAAa Kal e^tv tcov ISIojv TToirjpaTtvv StSdoKeiv tovs ôvXo-
pevovs opyetadai.
Sophocles was himself an accomplished dancer, who ‘danced with

a lyre’ round the trophy erected after the battle of Salamis and, while
acting the name part, joined in the game of ball in his own tragedy of
Matisicaa,'^ but nothing is known of the dancing of his choruses, nor of
those of Euripides. The falling off in dancing lamented by Plato the
comic poet (probably about the turn of the century) has already been
mentioned.®
5. To the most interesting problem —the action of the chorus while
delivering the strophe and antistrophe of the stasimon (and of the lyric
portion of the parodos) —
there is unfortunately no answer. That they
remained absolutely immobile, as some scholiasts® assert, is impossible,
and the idea is generally recognized as due to a misinterpretation of the
word urdffipov, which means not that they were standing but that they
had reached their station (ordert?) in the orchestra (they had not yet
done this in the parodos; in the exodos they were leaving it). In a few
'
i. 52 a.
* Aristocles of Rhodes perhaps lived about the beginning of the Christian era.
’ It is difficult to know exactly how (in Seven against Thebes as we know it) a single actor
could ‘dance the play’. Haigh (Alt. ‘dumb show’
TA.’, p. 317) interprets the phrase of
accompanying tlie long descriptive speeches. But dumb show by whom? Not Eteokles or
the Messenger surely, and there was no one else. On the identity of ‘Telestes’, see above,
p. 248, n. 6.
*
Athenaeus i. 20 e, f Zo(f>OKXTjs srpos tw icaAos yeyesTjaBai cUpav ijv Kal 6p)(TjaTiKrjV
SeStSaypA'Os Kal pouviKrjv ert nats cbv napa Adfiirptp. perd yoCv t^v cv 2laXaptvi vavpaxiav srepi
rponaiov yvpvos aXrjXtppevos exopevae perd \vpas' oi ev Iparltp tftaol. Kal tov Odpvpiv StSdaKUiV
avrds tKiSapiaev' aKpats caâlptacv, ore NavaiKdav eBrjKe. Cf. Vit. Soph, 3,5; Eustathius,
Orf., p. 1553, p. 130, n. 4, above.
64 ff. ;
* Above, p. 247.
® c.g. schol. on Eur. Phoen. 202; Soph. Trach. 216; Ar. Wasps 270; Frogs 1281; ‘Suid.’
s.v. Magn. 725, etc. Aristotle (Poet.xii. I452'’23) evidently regards the charac-
CTTaVipov; Elym.
teristicof the stasimon as the absence of recitative and marching (not dancing) rhythms:
OTaoipov piXos x°P»v to oven dvairaiorou Kal Tpoxalov, though the phrase is not quite correct
as regards fifth-century tragedy. To the attempt of Kranz (Z)e Forma Stasimi, diss. Berlin,
1910, pp. 5ff.; Stasimon, p. 114) to give stasimon the sense of ‘a restrained song in tempo
moderate’ Miss Dale replies conclusively (Eranos
48 (1950), pp. 14-18).
252 THE CHORUS
plays the texts' imply that they danced, andit can scarcely be doubted
that as a rule they went through suitable, probably not as a rule violent,
motions and gestures, while themselves singing the choral odes.
It is sometimes asserted that the chorus broke into gesture and move-
ment also as they followed the action of the play and reacted to the speech
and behaviour of the actors, and it may be with such movements in mind
that a scholiast^ speaks of rj -npos tus p-qaeis V7r6pxr]<yis. But such scholiasts’
notes are unlikely to bemore than guesswork, and there is no adequate

evidence for the assumption. There is no certainty that the movements
executed by the chorus were precisely the same in the antistrophe as in
the strophe of the chorus. The music was probably repeated,^ but the
gestures made while they were singing may have been accommodated
rather to the words, which were on occasion quite different in tone in
the two positions — ^violent, for instance, in one and reflective in the
other. It has been pointed out* that in Bacchae, 11 . 977 ff., the lines he
Boat Avaaas and os dSiKcp yvcupLa Trapavofiw r dpy^
Kvves, it’ els opos
suggest very different movements or gestures; as do the strophe and
antistrophe of Hecuba 923 ff., the one calling for the sudden alarm of
invasion, the other for a last gaze by the women on their city. In
comedy the dances both in singing choral odes and during the action
must often have been much livelier, as the texts suggest,* though it can
hardly be doubted that (for example) the incomparable lyrics of the
Mystai in Frogs were wedded to equally lovely movement.®
6. Certain difficulties attach to some of the technical terms traditionally
applied to the Greek dramatic dances. These are enumerated by Aristo-

xenus Apiaroêvos 8e ev rw nepl rpayiKrjs opgâews SrjXoi ovtws' 8e to
p.h’ elBos Tijs rpayiicrjs opxqcrews t] Kdkovp-hrq efifieXeia, KaOdnep rrjs aarvpi-
Krjs i) koAouÂtj CTiKiwis, Trjs Se KtopitKijs d KaXovp,evos KopSaf, and almost

in the same words by Pollux.® The same list is assumed by Athenaeus.”
* Acsch. jEumen. 307, Soph. Ajax G93 ff.. Track. 205 ff., Eur. El. 859 ff.
e,g.
^ OnAt, Frogs 896. Cf. schol. on Clouds 1352. (But see A. M. Dale, Lyric Metres of Greek
Drama, p. 203.) The words are given as one of the current interpretations of eppcAeco, but
this must be a mere confusion.
3 Dale, Lyric
Metres, pp. 194-6. Winnington-Ingram, Lustrum
3 (1958), pp. 42 f. (with
further refs.) is more doubtful. * Dale, ibid.,
pp. 203-4. ^ Sec above, pp. 244 f.
^ See, for example, on the variety of dance
movements in tragedy, L. B. Lawler, ‘The
Maenads’ [Mem of American Acad, in Rome 6, pp. 69-112), especially p. 109: ‘The variety
of metres seems to bear out the evidence of the monuments Aat the Maenad dance could
be calm, restrained, spirited or ecstatic; rapid, medium fast or slow; furthermore, that it
could be measured and dignified, or a \rild, almost rhythmless rout, each dancer keeping
his own rhythm.*
’ Bekker, Anecd. i, p. loi, 16 = fr. 104 (Wehrli. See his note, p. 82). * iv. 99.
® Athen. i 20 d-e; xiv. 630 b-e, etc.
; Lucian, de salt. 22, who describes these three as the
ycviKwroTai opg-âeis, and 26 ; schol. Ar. Clouds 540.
Besides these the term {mopxqiia is frequently used, in meanings which

will be discussed presently.
The word cp./ieAeta seems to be originally an abstract term, indicative
of the quality of harmonious or graceful modulation of words ;
as such
it is sometimes used of an orator’s style or delivery," and it may well

mean this in Aristophanes’ Frogs 895-8
Kai firjV ‘qp.ets emdvpovpev

TTapa aorftotv dvSpotv aKovaai
Ttvo Xoyojv ippeXeiav
CTTiTC Saiav 6S6v.
(The reference here must be to style rather than to music and dancing.)^
The transition from the abstract meaning to the concrete name for a
type of dance is explained in Plato’s Laws:^
810 pipijais rwv Xeyop^cov ax^paai yevophn) rrjv 6p)(r]aTiK7jV i^rjpydaaTo Te)(n]v
avpTTaaav. d phi ovv ipptXdis rjp&v, d St nXrjppeXws hi tovtois vdai Kivetrai.
TToXXa phi 8^ Totwv aXXa fiptv twv TraXaiwv ovoparcov uis ev ical Kara (jivaiv Kelpeva
Set hiavoovpevov cnmvelv, tovtcov Se ev icol to TTcpl ras oppjffE'? rds Tuni ev Trpar-
rovTwv, ovruiv Se perpimv wuriov Trpdj rds ijSovds, cos dpduis dpa Kai povaiK&s
oniopaaev Saris itot’ Kal Kara. Adyov adrofs Oepevos ovopa avpirdauis ippeXeias
enuivdpaae, Kal Sdo Srj rdiv opyiqaecov ruv KaXwv eiBrj Karearôaro, to phi voAe-
piKov OTppty^v, TO Se eiprjviKOP eppeXetav, tKarepu) to vpeTTOV re Kai apporrov
imdels ovopa.
That the concrete use was early in vogue is indicated by the story of
Hippokleides (already referred to)"* who eKeXevoi ol rov avAij-njv avXrjaat
eppeXeiav, TT€i 6 opevov Se rod avXrjrem dop^pjcraro, as well as by the threat

(referring to a tragic actor) in Aristophanes’ Wasps, ^ diroXm yap avrov
eppeXela kovSvXov.
It is consistent with Plato’s account that Athenaeus characterizes the
eppeXeia as marked by to 3 apu Kal aepvov, ‘gravity and dignity’, and calls
/
it cnrouSata as compared with the vulgar («dp8a|,® but the nature of its
movements is not further explained. Triclinius,^ on Euripides’ Hecuba,

1.
647 says: lariov Se on rrjv ph> (rrpo^v Kivovpevoi rrpos ra Seîa ol
Xopevrat ‘^Sov, t1)v Se dvriarpoifi^v rrpos to dpiarepd, Trjii Se irrcpSov lardpevol
' e.g. in Dion. Hal. Dem. 50, where eppeXeta is a characteristic of Demosthenes, and
Plutarch, dt aud. 4id if>ojv^v eppeXetais not ical paXaKonjai Kal 'eapiaujueaiv cîjSurovTcs
eKâtcxeuauai Kal irapa^cpouat tous d-Kpowpôvs.
’
See Denniston, C.Q,. 21 (1927), pp. 1
15 f. A
scholiast on this passage evidently regarded
Aristophanes* use as a solecism, on KaraxprjartKois vOv t^v evpvSptav. Kvpiais yap tj pera
pcAouj rpayiKTi op)âis, ot Se, vpos ray pijcrets wwdpxsjmy. (See also p. 252 above, n. 2.)
17
’ 816 a, b (cf. Lucian, de
vii. salt. 25, quoted above, p. 246, n. 3).
’ Hdt. vi. 129. s I. 1503.
‘ Athcn. xiv. 630 e, 631 d. v Dindorf, Scholia Gr. in Eur. Trag. i, p. 211.
254 THE CHORUS
jjSov.But what tvas the nature of this Kivrjais to right and left does
not appear. (Epodes are relatively rare in tragedy, and some suppose
that Triclinius is thinking of dithyramb, with a circular chorus revolving
as required.) Hotvever this may be and whenever the word came to be
applied to the dances of tragedy, to judge from the texts the name
efiHeXeia has to cover a considerable variety of dances (in some of which
the axtjfj-ara enumerated were perhaps introduced), ranging from the
fine serenity of the Colonus ode to the raging of the Furies and the
ecstatic devotions of the Bacchae, adapting itself to every kind and
degree of emotion, and presenting every form of lyric beauty.*
7. The name oIkiwi^, denoting the satyric dance, is variously derived^
—
from an eponymous Sikinnos a barbarian or a Cretan or from —
areleaBai, or from aeteaBai Kal KiveiaOat, or (as Athenaeus puts it) aTio ttJj
Kivrjcxeois, r/v /fai ot aarvpoi opôOi^rai TaxvrdrTjv ovaav ov yap eyei vaBos
av-nj rj opyâi^, Sio ovSe ^paSvvei. (The meaning of the last sentence is
not very clear, and some editors emend ttolBo? to ^0os.) Some said that
the dance originated in Crete, others that came from the Phrygian wor-
it
ship of Dionysus Sabazios,^ and modem scholars offer a number of un-

provable suggestions.'* It is natural to conjecture that it is the dance which
is being executed by a satyr on the Pronomos vase, though this gives no
idea of the pace of the aiKiwis. It may have included a good deal of leap-
ing ;
at least the Cyclops in Euripides’ play^ says to the satyrs
€irei' p' dv fv plaj} rfj yaarcpi

TTTjScDiTes' aTToXeaaiT’ ai’ vtto twv axrjpaTWV,
which may have been the cryT^paTa of the oIkiwis. The mention*’ of
a tune called atKiwoTvp^r) and the figure on a vase of a satyr called
Tvppds are hardly enough to relate the oIkiwis to the Tvpâma, ^vhich
^vas the characteristic dance of the dithyramb.^ The name UIklvos or
ZIklwos, attached to a satyr, occurs on several vtises, Attic and Italian,
from about 510 b.c. onwards, with or without koAos®.
' Plutarch, Quatst. Com.
ix.
747 b has never been satisfactorily explained opxovtih ai Se :
TToAAojv TTpoOuptorepev y /iOVCiKtortpov, Svo tovj cvSoKifiov^ ical fiovXo/ieiov^ dvacoj^fiv rr^y
e^/icAetav ^^low nvh dpxeioffai ôpay Trapd ôpar. On the whole subject see C. KirchhofT,
Dramatische Orchestik der HelUnai (Leipzig, 1898, Tcil II), and on the cppcActa in particular,
pp. 242fr. 2 Athen.xiv. 630 b, c;.E{)7n..Affl^.s.v., etc.
^ Eustath. II, p. 1078. 20 Sc Kol aiKiwis KWfiiKOiTfpa, TtpCrroi âmv dipxQo^vro 0pvy€S
cm ^lowow, dvopiaadetoav teard rov Jtppiavdv ctrt Toir orraBwv rij? KvîXijs vvptfiwVy
ovofia ^y
^ Some of these are collected
by Latte, op. cit., p. 89, and S^chan, La Danse grecque antiquiy
p. 2i3.G.Herbig {S.B. Munich, 1914, 2 Abh., p. 10) compares the Etruscan termination -cnnij.
Cf. also E. Roos, Tragische Orchestiky pp. 166 f. ^ U. 220-1 (cf.
37 ff.)*
^ Athen. xiv. 618 c. 7 See DUh. Trag, Com.^, p. 33.
8 A list is given in R.E. s.v. XUivos (3)*
''
—
8. The term v-nopxrilJ-o- is used without any real consistency during the
long course of Greek literary history. In one sense it seems to denote a
performance in ^vhich dancers (not themselves singing) accompany one
or more dance being closely related to and illustrating the
singers, the
^^'ords. It was said to have originated in Crete, where Thaletas was the
first to compose tlie Trvppixrj or armed dance in this form,' but Athenaeus
(righdy) traces the type back to Horner.^ In Sparta Xenodamos of

K)thera was an early composer of hyporchemes (whether music, poetry,
or both, \ve are not told), and we hear of a v-TTopxrjfiaTiKrj op)(r](jis in
which men and women joined. Such dances, in which the dancers
accompanied singers ^vho did not dance, apparently continued outside
die drama dowm to a late date and are often mentioned. Pindar com-
posed t^vo books in a lyric genre which the Alexandrians took to be
hyporchemes (Clement of Alexandria^ even makes him the inventor of the
hyporcheme), and one or two fragments ofBacchylidesare ascribed to this
species. Aeschylus makes a fine use of a metaphor from the hyporcheme
which implies the dmsion of the performers into t\vo groups Choeph.
1024-5 Se KapSia tfioôs |
aSetv eTOifios, ^ S’ (vjS’ MSS.) vTTopxetadai
KOTw —and sixhundred years later Lucian"* describes dances at certain
sacrifices in Delos (without mentioning a date) wai'Swr avveXdovres
:
vtt’ avX& Kal KiOdpa oi p.h> ^'opevov, ij-TTCopôOvTO Se ol dpicrroi TTpoKpiOeifres ef

atiroiv. rd yow rots xopot? ypap6p.€va roihois aafiara irropx^p.ara iKoXetro.
Elsewhere he contrasts^ the elegance of the dancer’s facial appearance
(since he could keep his mouth shut) with the gaping lips of the
actor’s mask, and adds; TroAai fiev ydp ol avrot Kal ijSov Kal (LpôOvro-
dr’ iireiSr] Kivov(ievei)v to aaOfia ttjv wS-riv eTTerdpaTrev dfieivov eSoêv
aXXovs airrots vTrdSeiv. (He is probably thinking of the development
' Sosibius (595 F 23 Jacoby) ap. schol. Find. Pylh. ii. 127.
^ Jl. x\’ui.
56911.; Od. viii. 262 ff. ; Hymn to Apollo 188 ff.; Ath. i. 15 d ofSe 8e o
KQt rT)i’ wpoj" opxTiutv' Aj^fiohoKOv yovv Kovpot TTpwBrfâi topxoviô’ Kal ey rfj
On'Aon’Oii^ 8e raiSoff KiQapiôvros oAAoi ivavrtoi fioXir^ T€ opxriBfiw re la#faipoi', imoQTjpaiyeTai
8c ev Towoiy o wrop^yjîariKos rpono^f os TjvOrjacv cm Sîôhijfiov #cal Uivhdpov, Kai €oriv tj roiavn]
opxâis fxiprjais rwi' iô Ac^ctoy 4p}ii}vôp.€va)v "TTpay/iaTajp; and xiv. 628 d 8td touto
yap Kai c^ dpx^s cvvirarrov 01 n’onjral rots cAew^cpoiy ray dp;âcty /cal cyptuiTO roFy oXQP-o.ai
cijpcioty pdi’ov Twp aSoîcVcop, Trjpovvres act to cvycvcy #cai apSpwScy ctt* aurtSi*, oQev /cal VTrop;^-
para to TotaOra Trpocn^ydpcuov. (Cf. also Plut. Quatst. Coni’, ix, 748 a, b, and for Xenodamos
[Plut.] de Mus. 11340.) Athenaeus quotes (from Polycrates (588 F i Jacoby), an historian
quoted by Did^mus) a description of the dances at the Spartan Hyacinthia: iv. 139 e ;ôpot
TC rcartavtoi' 7ra/tn'A 7 0 cfy ctacpôrrat Kal rwv €m;(<tfpta/v tivo -novqpdroiv ^Souatv dp;^crTat tc [o»]
^
Tovroiy avap€piypt\'ot rrjv Ktvrjatv dpxoXtcqv vird rov avAdt* koI ttjv <p8t7v 7rotom‘Tat. But note the
doubts recorded by [Plut.] deAfus.y loc. cit., and on the confusion in the use of terms in general,
see A. E. Hap-ey, C.( ..,n.s.
2 5 (1955), pp. 157 ff-
^ Stromat, i. xvi. 78, 5 (Stahlin).
* de salt,
j6 (on >vhich see Wilammvitz, PindaroSj p. 208; Latte, De Salt, Gr,, pp. 14 ff.):
cf. Callimachus, Hjmn to Delos 304 ff, 5 âlt, 29, 30.
256 THE CHORUS
of pantomime, which was very popular in his day — often wth only
a single dancer.)’
But it is already clear that there was considerable confusion over the
application of the word hyporcheme even in antiquity (the accounts of
Athenaeus, Lucian, and Plutarch are not really reconcilable), and be-
cause the song and dance of this type were apparently of a very lively
kind,^ the word came to be used more or less loosely of a joyful choral
song generally.^ It can only be in this sense that modem scholars, follow-
ing the example of one or t^vo scholiasts, meaninglessly debate whether
to apply the name to a number of choral odes occurring at moments
of sudden joy or expectation in plays of Sophocles,"* and allegedly distinct
in character from normal tragic stasima. The distinction is expressed
by the scholiast on Sophocles, Trachiniae 205 ff., who \vrites to ydp
[ieXiSdpiov ovK ioTL ardaifiov dAA’ vno Trjs TjSovfjs opôCvrat and contrasts
this ode wth Hipp. 122 ff. (which he regards as a stasimon). Similar odes
are found in Ajax 693 ff., Antigone i r 15 ff., Oedipus Tyrannus 1086 ff. ; and
in all these cases the excited joy of relief or anticipation darkens by
contrast the calamity which falls or becomes known immediately after-
wards. But the reasoning of the scholiasts is not based on this, but rather
on a from normal stasima, which they
desire to distinguish these songs
took (incorrectly) to be sung by a static choms these songs demanded :
energetic dance. If we wish to be more exact than the evidence allows,

the language of the ode in Trachiniae (which unlike the others, is astrophic)
suggests rather that it would have been termed a paean. But the cate-
gories of ancient lyric caimot any longer be determined with any pre-
cision: indeed it is doubtful whether even Alexandria was altogether
clear what they stood for.®
The long astrophic fragment of Pratinas, in which he protests against

the threatened predominance of the flute over the words in choral poetry
* Lucian, de salt. 63.

* So lively that compares it with the kordax.
Athenaeus, xiv. 630 e,
3 Ibid. 631 c ^ 8’ vTTopxrjfLaTiKtjo' ^ ^Bwv o
€<mv op^îrai. (This is quite incon-
sistent wth what he saj's earlier, unless o includes both singers and dancers as in the
Dehan hyporchemes described by Luaan.) Cramer, Anecd. Par. i. 20 ôpxrjpa 8* av 017
/xoAAop Twv oarvpajv' €K€iioi yap a/ia koi op;ôi;>Tat (so also Tzetzes, de 'Trag. ll4fr.,
from Eukleides. See above, p. 240, n. 2), and Proclus, Chrestom., § 55 wop^pa to per* o*p;^Vect)j
aSopcvov pcAoy, and Severyns ad loc.
* The absence of all mention of h)'porchcmata
by Aristotle in the Poetics (especially ch. xii)
probably means that he regarded wopxqfia m
the strict sense as a species of poetry no less
distinct from drama than (for example) the paean or the h>inn. The appheation of the word
and its derivatives to choral odes in tragedy and satiric drama is mutdi later than Aristotle,
and is almost certainly due to misunderstanding. See Dale, Lyric MelreSj pp. 199 ff., and
Eranos 48 (1950), pp. 18-20.
5 See Harvey,
op. cit.
is called a hyporcheme by Athenaeus,’ and while it is possible that this

came in a satyric play, this is not universally accepted,^ and it may well
have been an independent poem.^
In the ancient lists of dances characteristic of the several kinds of
dramatic performance the KopSa^ is always mentioned as the special
dance of comedy; but as was evidently a solo dance, it falls outside the
it
scope of this chapter/ (The movements of the comic chorus have already
been briefly considered/)
c. Music in Drama
1. The use of speech, recitative, and song by actors and chorus has
been briefly discussed earlier in this volume, with special reference to
napaKaraXoyri or recitative and its uses by actors and chorus; but the
greater part of the choral odes in Greek drama was sung, and there is
no subject on which it is more difficult — îf it is not virtually impossible
to reach a clear understanding, not to speak of appreciation, than that
of the music to which the words were set and the character of the in-
strumental accompaniment/ In the first place the structure of ancient
Greek music was itself extremely complicated and in the second, our ;
knowledge of it begins (except for one slight fragment) at a period which

was perhaps two hundred years later than that at which choral odes
tvere a regular part of the structure of a Greek play, and it cannot be
assumed that it had not changed considerably in that long interval, so

that as regards the Classical period —^from Aeschylus to Menander— yrt
are virtually without any direct evidence, and are dependent upon a few
passages in writers who refer to the subject.
Greek music, no less than modem, consisted of a succession of notes
2.
separated from one another by intervals, but the intervals might be not
only tonesand semitones as in modern music, but fractions of a semitone,
and the succession was not divided into lengths of approximately similar
‘ xiv.
617 b-f.
’
See Dith. Trag. Cam.^, pp. I7ff. and references there; also Pohlenz, GStt. JTachr. 1927,
pp. 298 ff., and Kranz, SlaHmon, pp. 1 1, 13, 270 f. On
the hyporcheme generally see Deubner
in JVeue Jahrbucher
43 (1919), pp. 396!.; Diehl s.v. in R.E. ix, cok. 338 ff., and T. Reinach
s.v. in Daremberg-Saglio, Did. des antiq,
’ So A. M. Dale,
in Eranos 48 (1950), p. 19. Cf. her Words, Music and Dance, (inaugural
lecture, London), pp. 1 1 f. See ako the important suggestion by Hugh Lloyd-Jones, Esiudios
sohre la Irag. griega, Guademo de la Fundacibn Pastor, no. 13 (1966), p. 18.
*
See Dith. Trag. Com.^, pp. 164, 167 ff., and references there given, and Warnecke in R.E.
x-xii, cok. 138211.
pp. 244 f. ; cf. ako Theatre of D., pp. 1G3 ff.
’
On the significance of music in drama, especially in Aeschylus, see Kranz, Stasimon,

®
PP- 137 II-

:
258 THE CHORUS

structure, as modem music is by bars. Further, ‘A Greek musician, as
we learn from theoretical treatises, had at his disposal a number of modes

(apfwviai or eiSt] tov Ski Tracrcov) which differed from one another in the
order of the larger and smaller intervals of which they were composed;
each mode, within might be modified by decreasing the size of
limits,
the smaller intervals and increasing the size of the larger, and so have
a diatonic, or a chromatic, or an enharmonic form furthermore, these ;
modes could be sung or played in any one of a number of keys (rovoi) —

that is to say, their absolute pitch might be varied.’'
Aiistoxenus (who as a pupil of Aristotle may be assumed to be trust-
worthy in regard to tragedy) recorded that the modes proper to the
music of tragedy were the emotional Mixolydian^ and the stately and
majestic Dorian; but that these were not exclusively used is sho^vn by
Aristoxenus’ own statement recorded in the Life ofSophocles that Sophocles
had introduced the Phrygian mode (which was the special mode of
dithyramb),^ and by a passage in the Aristotehan ProWemj which justifies
the use of the Hypodorian and Hypophrygian modes for the lyrics sung
by actors, from whom heroic action ^vas called for, but not for those of
the chorus. It will be convenient to set out these passages at length
(1) pPlut.] de Mus. 1136 d. Kal -q MiôXvSios Se TraSqnicq rls cori, rpayw&tais
appoôvaa. ’Apicnoêvos Be prjai (fr. 8 1 Wehrli) ZaTr<j)ui Trpuirqv evpaodat
TTjV iWiôAuStort, -nap' tows' TpoywSoTrotows padetv AajSowras yow avTois
cvêviai Aoipiarl, irrel q pev to peyaXonperres Kal aîuipariKov amSlSwatv,
rfj
q Be TO TradqrtKov, pepiKrai Be Sta tovtojv rpaywBla.
(2) V:t. Soph. (§ 23) pqal 8e 'Apiaroievoe (fr. 79 Wehrli) tos TTpwTOS t&v
.
AOqvqdev TTOiqrwv rqv ^pvylav peXotrotlav els to. tSia aapara trapeXaPe Kai
TOV SiOvpapPiKov rpoTTOV Karepiêv.
(3) Aristot. Probl. six. 48. Sia rC ol iv TpaywBia UTToScupiort ovO'
wo^puyicrrl aSoutriv; ^ o7t fi4\os T^Ktaxa ôuaiv aurat at dp/iovtat, Set
paXiara rw fi€V ôtfxpvyKjrl TrpaKTiKov, 8 t 6 Kai ev [tc]
Tw rTjpvovji* 'q €ôBos Kal ^ cÔTrAtat? iv Tavrrj TTCTrotijrat, rj Bk ôBwpiuTi
*
J. F. Moimtford, ‘Greek Music in the Pap>Ti and Inscriptions*, in A'ew Chapters ii (1929)1
—
pp. 146-83 a brief and most valuable summar)' of tlie subject. See also the article on
music in the Oxford Classical Dictionajy, a very clear (and concise) account of Greek music,
with a useful bibliography. For later work, see Winnington-Ingram in Luslrtm 3 (1958),
PP* 5“57* As is clear from a reading of, for example pp. 32-37, the nature of harmoniai
and tonoi, and their relation to pitch-kc>’s, is still quite uncertain. The statement in the text is
not more than a possible account.

2 For the character of the MLxoIydian, cf. the stor)’ told
by Plutarch {de audiendo 15, 46 b)
of Euripides* anger at a chorus-man who laughed when he ^vas rehearsing a choral song
composed in this mode.
3 Cf. Dith, Trag. Corrp., pp. 31 f., 47, 53.
The
reference appears to be to an othcnrisc unknown tragedy of Nikomachos, a con-
temporary of Euripides.
:
MUSIC IN DRAMA 259
fieYoXoTTpenes Kal aTaaiy.ov, Sto Kal KiOapwSiKcuTanj earrl tcov ap/xovituv.

ravra S’ dpû) x°PV dvapfioara, rotsSe dno aKrjvfjs (lyrics sung by actors)
otVeidrepa. eKeivoi pei' yap ripeuuiv fiifvqTar of 5e ijyepdi'ey t&v apyaCuiv p. 6 voi
tJctov rjpcoes, d x°P°^- Sid leaf dppLoêi avTW

of 5e Aaof dvOpanroi, cav iariv
TO yoepdv Kal rjavxtov ^j 6os Kal fieXos' dvBpwmKa. yap. ravra S' dyovaiv ai
dXXai appovlai, rjKiara S’ avrwv r) [ujToj^pyyiorf- evOovataariKT) yap Kal
paKyiK^- Kara phi oSv ravrrjv rraoxofiev ri- rraBrjriKol Se of daOevets pSXXov
rwv Svvarwv elal, Sto Kal avrr) dpporrei rots xopots' Kara Se r^v wroSuipiarl
Kal {mojtpvyiarl tTparropev, o ovk oiKeidv eori X°PV' Y^P X°pdy KrjSevrrjS
aTtpaKTOs' evvotav yap fxovov Trapd^^rai of? Trapeariv.'^
3. It will be seen that the appropriateness of certain modes to tragedy

and to the several lyric elements in tragedy depends upon an assumed
natural association (which we cannot, with our limited information,
appreciate) of the several modes with a special range of feeling or action.
It was because they were BprjvdiSeis that Plato^ had excluded the Mixo-
lydian, S^mtonolydian, and similar harmonies from his ideal state, as

well as the Ionian and Lydian which were pLoXoLKat Kal crufinoTiKat, and
had retained only the Dorian and Phrygian, believing, as he did, that the
appovlai had in themselves the power to influence men’s characters and
emodons.'^ Aristotle is even more emphatic than Plato as to this influence,
and •writes
Politics v (viii). 1340*38. ip 8^ rof? fiiXeatv avrots eari pipripara rwv r)dwv.
Kal tout’ iari tftavepdv evBvs yap rj rwv appoviwv Siea-njKe (fivais ware aKovovras
aXXws SiarlBeaOai Kal pfj top avrov eyeiv rporrov irpos eKaorTjV avrwv, aXXa vpos
pep ivlas dSvpriKwrepws Kal aiwearTjKorws piaAAor, oiov Trpos rrjv piôXvSiarl
KaXovpeVTjv, irpo? Se to? paXaKwripws rriv Sidvoiav, olov Trpos to? dvetpevas'
peaws Si Kal KaBearrjKorws pdXiara rrpds irepav, olov SoKet iroielv r/ Swptarl
povrj rwv appovtwv, epBovaiaariKods S’ rj ^pvytort.*
With regard to the Phrygian mode he differs from Plato, whom he regards
as inconsistent in accepting it, while rejecting the flute as over-emotional
Politics v (viii). 1342'’!. eyei yap rrjv aur^v Svvapiv 17 ^pvyiarl rwv dppoviwv
Tjvrrep auAo? iv rots opydvois' dptjiw yap opyiaariKO. Kal TraBrjriKd. SrjXot S’ rj
On the text of this difficult passage, sec the Teubner apparatus criticus of Ruelle-
'
Knoellinger-Klek, and the commentary of Flashar in Aristoteles: Werh in deulsckir Vber-

setzmg herausg. von E. Grumach, vol.
19 (1962), pp. 625!. Cf. also Probl. xix. 30.
* Rep.
398 e, 399 a.
iii.
* In Laws
ii. 669 d-e he somewhat modifies this view, since he admits that in purely in-
strumental music (flute and lyre solos) it is very difficult to know ‘what they [puSpds and
appona] mean and what worth-while model is being represented’.
* The
whole passage which intervenes between this quotation and the next should be
carefully studied.
s
Plato’s special objection to the flute is based on the great multiplicity of notes possible
in it, as compared tvith the kithara {Rep. iii.
399 c-d).
26o THE CHORUS
TToiTjaiS' Ttdaa yap âKyela Kal Traoa r/ rotavrr] Kivrjms paXiara twv opydvwv
carlv cV Tots avAois, twv S’ dp/ioviciiv iv TOtj <j>pvyiaTi ficAeai AaftjSdvct raOra to
npeiTOV, oiov 6 SiBvpapPos 6poXoyov[xevws eivai So/fct 0pvyiov . . . irepl Sk rijs
SwpiOTi TrdvTCff opoXoyovmv tor araaipwrd-njs outnjs Kal pdXwTa -^dos iyodorjs
dvSpetov.
In confirmation of Aristotle’s opinion of the Phrygian mode it is re-

markable that the one scrap of music set to fifth-century drama which
survives —
a passage of Euripides, Orestes 33&-44 appears to be in this —
mode,’ though it is too fragmentary to be wholly enlightening, both text
and notation being uncertain.
The view
that different types of music influenced character that, for —
instance, enharmonic melodies (which were normal in tragedy) made
—
men brave was older than Plato and did not go altogether uncontested.
An anonymous writer, probably of the fifth century b.c., possibly
Hippias,^ attacks the view strongly, and shows the greatest contempt
for musical theoreticians whose technical skill is in inverse proportion
to their readiness to discourse on the subtleties of musical ethos. But the
views of Plato, Aristotle, and Aristoxenus had great influence, and it is
indeed possible that the music employed helped to give a certain emo-
tional colour to the performances with which it was associated,^ though
with music, as with metre, it is impossible to trace these effects in detail.
4. At first there can be no doubt that the music, or at least the musical
accompaniment, was strictly subordinate to the words. Pratinas’ protest
against the attempt to give predominance to the flute implies this,
though the reference may well not be to theatrical performance.'* Cer-
tainly it was essential that the words should be heard clearly throughout
the vast theatre, as words seldom are even indoors when set to modem
music and sung in parts, and it must have been necessary even for singers
in unison (as ancient Greek singers always sang) to spend infinite pains
on the enunciation of the words.* But what seemed to the orthodox to
Mountford, op. cit., p. i68 Rainer Papyri v {1892), pp. 65-73.

‘
;
papyrus in fact dates,
as Turner {J.H S. 76 (1956), p. 95) has sho^vn, from the Ptolemaic period, prob. r. 200 b.c.
On the text and its musical implications, see also G. A. Longman, C.Q,,, N.s, 12 (1962),
pp. 6i-€6; Dale, Lyric Metres, pp, 197 f.
2 Htbeh Papyri, vol. i, no.
13 (discussed by Mountford, op. cit., pp. 181 f.).
3 Even today there are
types of music which would be felt by some to be inappropriate in
church, and the inspiriting effect of a great march-tune is quite different from the emotions
commonly associated with a waltz, though different sorts of people experience such effects
in very different degrees, as Aristotle himself pointed out {Pol. v. (viii). 1340*31).
Athen. xiv. 617 b. See above, p. 256.
When Plutarch, Quaest. Conv. vii. 7*3 says to 8c
^
ical tov pvQôv woTrep otjiov cm
T<S Aoy w KCi firj KaO* avra npoatfiepeadat, the context sho\vs that he is thinking mainly of singing
3t a symposium, and that Aoyoj means ‘conversation*.
MUSIC IN DRAMA 261
be corruption set in when a ne^\’ sclioo! of poets,' and above all Timo-
theos, introduced, first into dithyrambs and rd/tot, music of a much more
elaborate and abandoning strophic responsion (as Melanip-
florid type,
pides had done) and producing long and complex stanzas, with con-
standy shifting metre, and presumably, therefore, music. This style was
adopted in tragedy by Agathon and Euripides, who are mocked by
Aristophanes for their innovations’ —
their notes running hither and
thitlier, compared with the tiny, tortuous galleries of an ant-hill, and
probably also the setting of a single syllabic to several notes. (This
actually occurs once in the fragment of Euripides’ Orestes already referred
to.) Such things could hardly fail to rob the ^^'ords of the required pre-
cision in utterance. Timothcos ^s’as kindly encouraged by Euripides when
the theatre hissed him, and was assured that before long he ^vould have
the applause of ever)' audience;^ but it may be that the obscurity im-
parted to the words of the tragic chorus was one, among others, of the
causes of its rapid decline in the fourth century. Audiences might not
care to listen towords which they could not follow.
The problem of the reladon betw'ccn the music and the accentuation,
and bet\veen the music and the quantities and scansion of the words sung,
at present admits of no certain solution, and tlie evidence is conflicting.
The statements of Dionysius of Halikamassos'* on both points appear to
' Dilh.
Trag. Com,’, pp. 39 ff. The guiltj- poets arc enumerated in Pherekrates, fr. 145 (K),
and include Mclanippides, Phrj’nis, Kinesias, and Philoxcnos as svell as Timotlieos. On
Melanippidcs and Philoxcnos, sec Maas, R.E. xv. i, coll. 422 f. ; xx. i, coll. 192 IT. on Phere-
;
krates, fr. 145, see Diiring, Eranos

43 (1945), pp. 176 ff.
’ Ar. Thtsm.
too ftvpfirjKO^ dTpajrouy, ^ ti Staptrupcrni (sc. ^lyaPcoi*); cf. Frogs 130* ff.
See especially 1 1314, tieineiAi'aatre. Kranz {Stastmon, pp. 22811.) dates Euripides’ adoption
.
of the new style from the Troadcs in poi 'lAiov, <5 Movaa, Kan’wr
415 n.c. (cf. Troad. 51 1
vptaif daam . w 5 dr), and notices that from this time Euripides’ choruses svere all feminine,
. .
Md therefore, he supposes, especially suited to the new style. In fact the influence of Timothcos
IS perhaps most
noticeable in tlic actor-arias of late Euripides, c.g. those of Ion (/on 1 12 ff.
still and tlic Phrj-gian (Oresl. I36gff.). On Timothcos and his relation to Euripides,
strophic)
see alsoMaas, R.E. s.v. Timothcos (g) Bassett, Class. Philol. 26 (1931), pp. >53 ff- (an impor-
;
tant article). For Agatlion’s musical innosxitions, see below,
pp. 322 f.
' Plutarch,
on smi 795 d. Satyrus (Fit. Em., fr. 39, col. 22) reports that Euripides com-
posed the prelude for Timothcos’ id/ioj. The Persians, and tlie story is not impossible : see
Maas, loc. cit.
* de Comp. Verb, xi rds re XtêisroTs fseXeaiv uiroTaTTCir afioT (sc. 17 dpyavtKrj xol tvbiKrj /lovoa)
xai ou TO peXrj rais Xtêmv, dis ef dAAun’ re ttoXXwi' S^Xor Kai ftdXtora eK rwv EvpirrlZov peXiitv,
0 ryy 'HXeKTpav Xtyovoay o* 'Opterryj rrpos toi* yopov (Orest. 140-2) ... to S’ adrd
TTfnoirjKei'
yijn’CTai K'ai rrepi

rods pvBfiovs. ^ po' yap rre^^ A/fir ouSci’ds outc 01 oparos ovre pyparos îdêrai
roos ypoivvs ooSe peTarlBrjaty,
dAA’ oias rrapeiXijipey rij ipvoet ras ovXXaâs rap re panpds #cal
Tor ^payetas, TOiouras tjivXixTrei'
17 Sc poucnie^ tc koI pvBpiKxj pcrajSdAAoucru’ avrdp petovoat xoi
..apaofooaoi, toore oroAAdxir els rdl'ayrta
peraxwpeiy ov yap rais avXXaâis aTrevByyovoi rovs
oAAo ToFr xpo’rots rap ovXXaâp. Cf. Mountford, op. cit., pp. i64ff.; Dale, op. cit.,
Xpoi-oiif,
pp. 194-6; Winnington-Ingram, Symbolae

Osloenses ai (1955), pp. 64 ff.; Lustnm 3 (1958),
pp. 41-43.
^
262 THE CHORUS

contradict such evidence as the musical fragments afford, with the
important exception of the Orestes musical papyrus and one or two other
relatively early pieces but the reader who desires to pursue the matter
;
further may be referred to more specialist treatises, with only this caution,
that we do not know how or to what music lyric excerpts (or lyric passages
in reproductions of classical plays) may have been sung in the time of
Dionysius some three hundred years later.
5 Little use seems to have been made in the classical drama of in-
.
strumental music apart from words ; but a few notes are sometimes inter-
jected in comedy for special purposes —the song of the nightingale imitated
on the flute in Birds, or the twanging of the lyre between the lines of
Aeschylus travestied by Euripides in Frogs {roj>\a.rToOpar ro(f>XaTTodpa.T).
Such effects were termed StavAtov^ or fteaavXtov.^

To lead the singing, the first note {ivS6mpx>v) was given not by an
instrument but by the coryphaeus, though it is to be feared that the
start was sometimes assisted by the flute-player, not with his instrument
only but with a wooden shoe (Kpovireâ) which he wore for the purpose.
(Photius also speaks of a rattle."*)
* 1 222, where the text contains the trapcrnypaî} **ai5Aer** and the schol. explains on ptperrat
Tiff rijv drjSova ws In €vBov odaav eV rfj Xoxfiv* Cf. Menander, Dyskolos 880 at5 Aef.
* Schol At. Frogs 1264, and Hesych s v. SiatfAiov onorav ev rots ^lAcai TTapajSaAAi;
ft^Xos Ti o ‘rTOiijrrjS ‘napaoionnâauTos roO xopov ‘napd 81 roiff fxovoiKots rd Totavro (xtoavXia
3 Eustath. ad II xi.
547, p 862, 19 p.€oai\t<iVj KpoCfid n fitra^d rijs diBijs adXodp.€vov
* [Aristot.] de Mundo vi Kopvâiou Karap^âvTos ffuvcTnjxti ifos
399^14 xada-nrep 81
o x^pds . . . othcos nal Iwt tou to (ropurav BUnovros Beov Kara yap to avuxBev cvhooifiov vtto
TOO ^fpcovopcoff ao Kopv<f>aiov TrpooayopevOevros Ktv€irat rd aarpa act #fai d avp-nas ovpavos'y
Achan, J^.A. xv. 5 BiBwaiv warr^povv , . cf Poll vn 87 ^ Sc Kpov~
ireâ ^vXtvov oTroSiy/xa, ttcttoit^^cpop ciff IvBocrtfiov xopoO; Phot. KpovnlCî . . . 01 Se KporaXov 0
imô(f>ovaiv oi avXrjTat
264 THE AUDIENCE
until they were of an age to take part in wine-parties and had been
protected against harm by good education.'
About the presence of women, there is more scope
for doubt.^ Neither
of the two strongest pieces of comic evidence for their presence is quite
decisive. Peace 962-7,
TP. Kal rots Bearats ptrrre rwv KpiBSiv. 01. ISov.

TP. eScuKor 1787; ; 01. VT) rov 'Epp.r)V, ware ye
rovToiv oaoivip elat rwv Bcoiptvcjv
ovK eariv ovSels Sans ov KpiSrjV Syei.
TP. ovy al yvi'aiKes y' eXaPov. 01. aXX’ els eanepav
Siiaovatv avrats avBpes
may imply that the women were seated at the back of the theatre, so that
the barley-corns could not reach them, or there may be, on the surface,
concern that the women have not shared in the peace-celebrations, with
the pun on KpiBal running through underneath. In Frogs 1 050-1 the noble
women who have committed suicide out of shame for Euripides’ attacks
on their sex may have seen the plays in the theatre or may merely have
heard of them. These passages are at least counterbalanced by Peace
50-53.
eyui Se rov Xoyov ye rotai rratSlois
KOI rotoiv avSploiat Kai rots avSpdaiv

Kal rots xmeprarowiv dvSpdoiv (f>pdaw
Kal rots VTTeprjvopeovaiv eri rovrois paXa
which has no mention of women, and, even if we argue that the whole
point of the joke is in the enumeration of men in an ascending order of
manliness, and that the mention of women, even if they were present,
would have spoiled it, it is a little difficult to see why Menander,^ in
inviting the applause of the audience at the Lenaia,
elev awrjaBevres Karqycovto/iei’ois

fjpXv rov epycoBrj yepovra, tfiXo^povoJS
fieipaKia, iratSes, avSpes emKporrjoare
should SO pointedly have excluded his female audience, if it existed.

Perhaps clapping was just something that no lady would do.
Later anecdote about the fifth century, for what it is worth, does
support the presence of women. There is the story that Aeschylus’
* Pol vii. 1336*^20.
* Most of the passages are discussed by Haigh,
Alt. Th?, pp. 325 ff. (for their presence, but
without distinguishing the evidence for bo>"s), and Rogers, Introduction to EccUsiazousae^
pp. XXIX ff (against their presence, and certainly overstating his case).
^ Dyskolos 965-7.
THE AUDIENCE 263
Eumtnidts horrified the %vomen into miscarriages/ and Athenaeus^ records

that Alcibiades, entering the theatre as choregos dressed in a purple robe,
rv’as admired not only by the men but by the women.^ Much importance
has been attached to a decree Sph)Tomachos or Phyro- by a certain

machos, which, according to a scholiaston Aristophanes Eccles. 22, pro-
vided that there should be separate seats for men and women, and for
free women and courtesans. Even if such a decree ever e-xisted, Praxagora,
whose women are about to pose as men in the Assembly, should not be
referring to it here, and it is not impossible that the scholiast has no
independent information and is merely making a bad guess at the mean-
ing of a corrupt passage.
For the fourth century, there are passages of Plato wliich appear more
decisive. In one passage of the Laws^ tragedy is said SrjfirjyopeTv Trpos
rrafSdf re Kal yvi’aiKas Kal tov -navra o^Xovj in another^ the Athenian
speaker declares that, if all forms of public entertainment were passed in
re%'icw, to be judged by the pleasure they gave, little boys would put the
conjurer first, young men, educated
older boys the comic poet, while
women, and the public generally w'ould prefer tragedy. (Old men would
prefer the rhapsode.) Earlier, in Gorgias,^ the drama is condemned as
a form of rhetoric aiming solely at pleasure and addressed to children,

women, and men alike, both slave and free, and the reference is explicitly
to theatrical performance, not to reading.
For the Roman period, the evidence of the seats in the theatre leaves
no doubt, for many of them are explicitly inscribed with the names and
offices of priestesses and other ladies of distinction.’
The only evidence bearing on the presence of slaves is the passage
of Gorgias just quoted and the behaviour of Theophrastus’ ^vaioxviTor,
who takes his sons and their rratSaycoyos to the theatre with tickets he
has bought for someone else.® It is unlikely that there were ever very
many.
3- The only explicit evidence about the cost of a seat is that Demos-
thenes’ protests that if, in 346 b.c., he had not provided that Philip’s
*
Anch. 9, Pollux iv. i lo.
534c (p. 6a above, n. i), probably quoting Satyrus (third ccntur>’ b.c.)-
Cf. the early ihird-ccntur)'
scrap of a work recording sayings of Socrates (P. Hxheh i8a,
to ^ . ii. tj) 5^ SavBiTTTTr) ct? dtoviTata ....
'•»i- 8 7i c. 5 ii. 658 a-d.
I
especially 502 d 2^0 . ou p-rpropc^w doKovai ooi o? Totr ^rarpotj;
trotiTrat o'
^ j
iTf?. i-vy’ apa ripiis r)vpT}t(apfv pyp-opttrqv rira Trpof hi}pov rexovrov ofov —atSfur
Tf côu *rai koi diSpaii',
icai SouAeor Kal iXtvB^pwVj ou ?rdAu dydp,<0a.
5*^3~*64.
**** * Char, ix,
5 (p. 266 below, n. 8).
A G-'. ug.
df
comment of the scholiast yap di*rwr —Si'-o ot oôôt —
u impossible as an
interpretation of the text, but there was in later times a belief that of
T
266 THE AUDIENCE
ambassadors should be given seats of honour, eV rotv Svotv oôXotv
eOecopovv av, they would have watched the play from the two-obol seats,
and it is generally assumed that this implies a uniform price throughout
the theatre. Some scholiasts and lexicographers' support this by treating
two obols as the unit of the theorikon, and there is one other classical
text^ which points the same way.
The price of the seat will have gone to the lessee to whom the state
granted the contract for the care of the theatre. Three names are found,
dpxiTcKTOJv,^ Bearpmvrjs,^ and BecLrpomoXrjs.^ The evidence is clearest for
the Peiraeus, where in the early fourth century four lessees undertook
to provide seating have been paid in cash.® If Ulpian is to
and appear to
be Athens was also paid cash, but he gives
believed,'' the dp^treVrcuK at
the fee as one obol. Theophrastus attests the buying of seats® and also
the possibility that the OearpSivai might make some seats free.’ The lessee
was responsible for the seating of those to whom the state assigned places
of honour;” it is not known whether he was paid for these seats.
The history of the theorikon is confused. Plutarch" attributes the intro-
duction of BewpLKa to Pericles, as one of his de\aces for bribing the people,
and Ulpian'^ agrees with this, adding the further reason (repeated in the
the two obols only one was paid to the lessee of the tlicatre, and the other was for refresh-
ments see the quotation from Ulpian, below, n. 7.
;
* Schol. on Ar, \Vasps 1 189; Etym. Magn. p. 448, 47 ff.; ‘Suidas* s.v. 0ca»pi#coV;Ulpian,bclow,
n. 7 -
* Dem. rrepi auiTaêoij 10 (r. 352 B.C.) iroXXwi* Koi fir/aXwv koîov ovrtov rovreav dffdiTwv,
rwv /!«' dAAoH' oOSevoj ouSety /icftn/rai, Tori' 8i;or»» §* oôXotv aTraiTCf.
^ I.G. 466, 500, 512 (late fourth century), S.E.G. xiv. 65 (271-270 b.c.), I.G. u*. 792
ii^-
(252-251 B.G.), all Athens; LG. h*, 456 (307-306 b.c.), Peiraeus; Ulpian, below, n. 7.
* ThcopUr. Char. xxx. 6 cttI d€av TJjviKavTa 7rop€V€o 9 ai ayiov rovs vier?, 71’tKa TTpoiKa
d<f>tactv 01 ffearpwvai (certainly the best reading; sec Dilke, B.S.A. 43 (1948), p. 130).
* Pollux vii. 199 ^faTpoTrdjAijy d 0/av dnofit<r$(vi\ ® LG. ii*. 1176.
On Dem. Olynth. i. i, p. 32 Dindorf, cVciSiyirtp xp-^para exoi-fcy trrportcoTtKd 01 Jlffiji'afot

E'ayxos adrd TrerroiijKacri ffewpiKa, wore Aa/ij5 dmv cv rw 0 €wp€tv exaorop twp cp ttoAci 8vo
dôAovj, tva rot* piv tva icoTaa;^^ ety IBiay rpo^^p, top 8^ dAAov wapex^**^ dpxi'r^xrovi
Tov ^caTpou* ouS€ ydp cfxo^ Tore Oârpov Std XiBaiv /caTeaKcvao/icpop, which implies, as at the
Peiraeus, the lessee’s responsibility for providing seating.
® Char, ix, 5 pi) 5 ot)y to /lepoy B€Oip€tVj oyfiP Sc Kai Tovy
^cpoty 8^ avrou Biav dyopdoas
generally thought to imply that foreigners could
utefy eiy Tr)V doTcpatap koI top iraiSayoiydi',
not buy seats, but this does not seem a safe deduction. ’ Above, n. 4.
Dem, de Cor. 28 and the cpigraphical references in n. 3 above.

" Per. 9. 2-3 Todroty (sc. Kimon’s lavishncss) d IJcpiKX^^ KaraSijâycuyov/zo'oy Tpctrcrai
Trpdy T^p Tojp hT)poai(iiv Siapo/i^p, eru/ijSovAcvaaproy avroi â^coptSoo too "OaBcv, coy AlpicrrorcA^y
laroprjKC' koI raxv OeiopiKotf Kal hiKacriKois Xijppaatv ciAAoty tc pio 9 oj>opaTs koI xop7y‘®‘?
cwScKacray to irA^ôy cyp^To Kara T^y .^prtov jrdyov /SouA^y. The source is Theopompus
(Wade-Gcr>% Essays in Greek History, pp. 236-^) ; Aristotle (A10 . /7oA. xxvii. 3-4) is only
quoted for tlie part of Damonides, and does not mention the BeiopiKa.
** On Dem. Olynth. i. i, p.
33 Dindorf, terreop oti to xpvP^'^^ ravra rd hijpdata BeaxpiKa
cTTolrjaev c^ dpxrjs d /ZepocAi^y St* alrtav roiavrrjv' cttciSi) TroAAtop Bewp^cov koi craataldvrtov
Sia TOP TOTTOP, icat ô’cop koi rroAiToip, #coi Aoittop tcDp wAowoicop dyopa^diTcop Tody TOTTOvy,
THE AUDIENCE 267
lexicographers) that the struggle of both citizens and foreigners for seats
in the theatre had become so violent and the bu\dng up of seats such
an abuse that to give the poor their chance Pericles instituted a theo-
ric fund from which they were given money to buy seats. The figure is
gi\’cn both as two obols and as one drachma perhaps the latter figure ;
represents the three days of tragedies. Something also happened to the in-
stitution in the first decade of the fourth century, to judge from Harpo-
kration’s assertion that Agyrrhios founded it, which may be a confusion

with his institution of assembly-pay* or merely concern the source of the
money, and the statement of ‘Suidas’^ that im ALoj>a.vrov (395-394. b.c.)
TO OtwpTjTLKov ey«'£TO SpaxP-'Q-

Tlie problem is made more difficult by references to a Sico]3 eAia founded
by Kleophon.^ This is probably a special measure of poor-relief started
in the closing stages of the Peloponnesian War. There is no reason to
connect tlie word ^vitli the theatre.'*
How far the scale of theoric distributions had risen by the time of
Demosthenes and how many festivals it covered (we hear at least of the
Dionysia and Panathenaia)® we cannot say. The highest figure \ve hear
of is five drachmae, drawn by a certain Konon on behalf of his son.*
ap/aat Kal roit veiTjatv, tva airrot 7t 6$€v wvelodai tdttov^, typii\li€ rd
r/voooSfvoôa troAei ytvioOai rraat ^ccoptica rofj ffoAirai?. Cf. Harpokr. s,v. BctapiKO.'
« . . BiinpiKa ijv T»m cV kocvw yp-qâra drro 7 <oy rijs woAfOJ? rrpoooSivr ain’ttyopo'a, raura 8^
rporipov fUv c?y ray tou voX^fiov c^vAarrcTO, #fal fV-oAcrro orpaTtcuTt^ca, ucrTCpop 8c
Kaurldiro efy re ray Si/fiooiay KarauK^vds Kal Stavopay, <Li' npwTos "fjpâTO Ayvppio^ 6 STypaytuyoy.
OtAoxopoy 5 ^ ^
TpCrjj rijs AtBiBos (F 33) ‘Vo 8^ OcwpiKov to rrpwrov x oîuBiv
rrjs êay, oPcv kcI rowo/io cAo^c**
;
and ‘Suidas’ s.v, BctopiKa. (and also Pholius) TrAcorcpfroupeVaH'
5 ^ rwv rrrrîox' Sm to roif rrXovciois «’A«oi'oy rifiift Toirro yaêaSai, ciprjiîaai'ro cVi Bpaxpf}
KoJ/ioj'of flvai TO TipT^/xa; cf. schol. on Lucian, Tim.
49 (Jacobitz iv, p. 50, not accepted by
Rabc) Bpaxfi^ 8^ ijy to 5 5 opa'o»' x out€ n^ôy d^-ijy Sovvat Spo^p^y eXarroy.
* Aristot. ,^10. JJoX. xli. 3.
^ s.v.
Bpaxfiri xaAaâJtro. For a diflerent interpretation, sec Ca\vk^^’c]I, J.H.S. 83 (19G3),
P- 55» n. 53.
^ /Vristot. AB. ITo\.
3 TOO 5 c dijlXOV {‘TTpO€HTTrjK€l) KAcO^Wl* O AupOTTOtOy, oy xat T^X’
Stw^fXiov trroptac TrptoToy koI xpo*’0»' peV TXixt 5 tc 5 5 oo, pCTa 8c raOra Kar^Xvac KoAAiKpaTijy
x*
/7aiaixci>y wpuVoy oirooxopo'oy cm^rjacix'

trpoy tou* Sooa* oôAotr dAAoi’ opoXow Sand)'s (ad. loc.)
thinks dial this refers to the dcoiptKa, but sec Tod, G.H.L i,
p. 206. The accounts of the
Treasurers of Atlicna for 410-409 and 407-406 b.c. (I'od, nos.
83, 92) mention a number
of payments by them to the Hcllcnotamiai ey njr BttoêXiav and Xenophon, HelUn. i. vii.
2,
speaks of Îpxî?;xoy o TOO S^poo TOTC D.C.) iTpocoTT^Ktuy cV .MîJi’Ciy #fal T^y Situ^fAioy
(406
cViprAi5po'oy.
*
It is probably therefore to this institution and not to the BttapiKd sshich Aristot. Pol. ii.
1267^1 refers; <tx S’ troxTjpxa txuX' diSpai-naiV a;rAi;oTOX', *:ai to rrpojroi* pci' xVoxor ZiojôXla
poi'ox', oral' 5 *
17817 toCt’ t) rarptov, del Sc'oxTai too wAcxoroy.
Hesych. s.v. BotapiKo. xpif/xara, Dcm. in Leockarem
*
37.
Hypereid. in col. 26 *:al Kd»[ti»'} po* d /7axai*icvy, [oy] vrrep too viou cAa^[«T] to
toipiKOi' Qr[o 5 T ]poriToy,
7 ?rtxT[c Spajxpto*’ o<ko* pxcfjTCucux* dpay toAoxtox' tuÂo’ A- tcS Six-a-
cr», roLTarp Karriy'opovx-Tcuy; Dcinarch. in Dan. 56 rraAix’ tox* tt^v roTcSpaxpiav c-i
rov
V p4 r*apoxTQy ox'oparx Aq^^xx* cîcocaiTa Kcxi tovtox* vfitv drd^T7xc (sc. the Areopagus).
:
968 THE AUDIENCE

He was fined a talent for so doing, but inferences from the figure are
uncertain, for he may have
claimed for more than one festival. At any
rate, the situation was such that Demosthenes felt justified in making
a political issue of the matter, though it is unlikely that the cost of the
institution was ever a significant part of public expenditure.' As Demos-
thenes says himself,^ ‘the sum of money about which you are debating is
small, but the habit of mind which goes with it is important’.
The OecjpLKov was paid by deme officials to full citizens on the deme
register.^ There is no reason to doubt that it was paid in cash. It seems
to have covered more than the price of the ticket and contributed to
a citizen’s festival expenses."* Even the rich are said to have drawn it.^
4. The right to a seat of honour {n-poeSpia)^ was given by the State,
and was probably enjoyed ex officio by certain priests, of whom the priest
of Dionysus always held the seat in the centre of the front row,’ by the
archons, and (at least in the course of time) by the generals but at the ;
time of Aristophanes’ Knights^ the generals seem not to have received

it as a matter of course, since they can be thought of as threatening to
go on strike if they did not get it
Kox arpa-njyos oi5 S’ aiv ef?
Twv Trpo Tov airrjmv •jjrtjcr' ipopevos KkealvcTOV

vvv S’ iav pr/ irpoeSpiav îpwai Kal to. crma,
ou pagftoBal (jiaoiv.
The orphan who had fallen in battle received the privilege

sons of those
on becoming and it could be conferred on great public benefac-
tors, such as Kleon'° and Demosthenes," and (on a vote of the Council)
on ambassadors from foreign states." Persons so privileged might be

—
honourably escorted to their seats în the Peiraeus by the demarch
* See A. H. M. Jones, Athenian Democraty^ pp. 33-35.

* ttc/jI avvTaieojs 2. ^ Dem, in Leocharem 37. * Ulpian, above, p. 266, n. 7.
5 Dem, Philippic iv. 38.
* Scbol. Ar. Knights 575 Sk rots rijs rifsrjs ravTTjS rvxovat /cal ev PovXevrrjpio} Kal eV
CKK^tjali} Kal ^
dedrpois /cal ^ oAAw Trai^t auAAoyai rovs TT/JoAo^jSdvopraj, omi'es' •âav, eêyelpav^
ras auTovs tov towov KaBlaa.
7 For the existing seat, sec Theatre
of D,, p. 143 and figs. 39-41 ;
cf. Ar. Frogs 297 and
scholia.
® II. ff. Kleainetos was the father of Klcon, The /it/cpoîAdnô; (Theophr, Char, xxi)
573
tries to sitnear the generals, for whose seats sec LG. ii*. 500. 35-36.
7 Aeschin, in Ctes. 154 (see above, p. 59, n. 2}. <0 Ar. Knights 702.
" X
The decree quoted in [Plut.] Vtt. Oral. 850 f extends the privilege to Demosthenes’ de-
scendants.
** Dem. de Cor. 28, Acschin. in Ctes. 76 ; cf. LG, ii*. 456 (ambassadors from Kolophon given
irpoeSpia in the Peiraeus, 307 B.C.).
I.G. ii®. 1214. 22 Kal elaayero) avrdv d Sijfiapxos els to diarpov KaOdnep rovs Upets Kal rod?
oAAouj ols SeSoTGi ^ TTpoehpla Trapd TletpaUwv.
THE AUDIENCE 269
and Aeschines taunts Demosthenes with hisundue servility towards the

ambassadors of Philip in performing this duty and providing them with
cushions and purple rugs or carpets (ôtvt/ci'Se?) with his ovra hand.’
There are fifth-century blocks with fragmentary inscriptions which
have been plausibly referred to permanent places of v-poeBpia,^ but the
bulk of our evidence relates to the imperial period. In the front row of
the theatre of Dionysus as it is are sixty seats inscribed^ with the names
of persons and officials (mainly priests) for whom places were thus re-
served in the row behind and in other suitable places other reservations
;
are similarly marked. A few of these seats are no longer in their original
positions, and a few which were in the front row are now missing. Most
of the extant inscriptions date from the time of Hadrian, and all but about
a dozen are carved over earlier inscriptions wholly or partially erased.
They throw a flood of light on the religious institutions of Athens in this
period, but they have little to tell us about the classical theatre, coming
as they do from a period when the seats of honour might be spattered
with the blood of gladiators.'*
Besides the seats assigned for irpoeSpia there were special parts of the
theatre reserved for the Council, apparently in the middle, and for the
epheboi;* the decree of Phyromachos, if genuine, assigned women
separate places frommen and courtesans from other women,* and it has
been inferred from Aristophanes’ that women were seated at a distance
from the skene. Whether it can be inferred from a fragment of Alexis’
FwaLKOKparla that foreigners (or foreign women) were placed in one of
the extreme left or right blocks is not quite certain without the context
evravBa nepl €(7;(dTrjv Set KepKiSa

vpas Kadtôvaas 0€wpeiv ws feVay.
A fifth-century inscription appears to have marked the place of the

Council’s attendants, but another, thought to have reserved a place for
the heralds (or the yevos of the Kerykes), was not found in the theatre
' Aeschin. in Ctes. 76. Deraostlienes was booed for it.
* See Dilke, B.S.A. 43 (1948), pp. 165-6.
* I.G. ii’. 5021-5164. (A few minor corrections have been made in Hesperia, 16 (1947),
pp. 76-77, and by Dilke, op. cit., p. 178.)
* Dio. Chrys. xxxi. 1 2 1 ... Sc A
tw Scarpw ffewvrat ttjv KaXrjv ravrrqv Qiav im'
avTr^v rijv aKponoXlv, ov Tor Atovvaov cm opxârpav TtScaotr* cIjotc 7ToAAa#ciy
ttjv A
aUTot? Tira
aifuxTreoBai rots Bpovois, ou tov Upoâvrqv Kal tovs oAAoos tcpcts avdytaj KaBiêiv.
*
At. Birds 794 o’ BovXevrtKw ; schol. ad loc. oStos tottos too Bedrpov 6 dveipevos rots ôvAcu-
Tofr, {US KOI O Tois ep-pPois cY7j3i(for; Peace 878-87, where the scholiast glosses cs pcaovs as
Tois Bearas ij to jSooAcur^pior Poll. iv. 122 CKoActTO 8^ ti koi jSouAcuTiKor pcpos too Bedrpov ifal
;
cV^^tKor.
‘ See above, p. 265. 7 See above, p. 264.
* Fr. 41 (K). See Rogers, Introduction to Ecckswousae, pp. xxxiii f.
;
270 THE AUDIENCE

and may have nothing to do with it.' It has been thought that each of
the tribes ((ûAai) had its own block of seats out of the thirteen wedge-
shaped blocks (KepKiSes) into which the theatre was divided. In the time
of Hadrian, a statue of the emperor, of which the base is preserved, stood
at the foot of the central block, erected by the Areopagus, the Council,
and the people of Athens in a.d. 112;^ the bases of three statues of
Hadrian are also preserved, erected respectively by the tribes Erechtheis,
Akamantis, and Oineis, at the foot of the first and sixth blocks from the
east and the sixth block from the west.-* On the assumption that the
central block was the ôvXevriKov or official quarter, the positions of
these bases correspond with the order of the tribes on the official list
it is therefore probable that the series of statues was once complete, and
that each stood at the foot of a block appropriated wholly or in part to

the tribe which dedicated it. Tliat seating may have been by tribes in
some periods is partly confirmed by the appearance of tribe names on
some of the ‘theatre-tickets’ shortly to be discussed. Since the Lycurgan
theatre \vas built with thirteen blocks at a time when there were only
ten tribes, its original seating arrangements cannot be certainly inferred,
let alone the arrangements before it.
5. The question of the existence and use of theatre tickets in Athens

needs a re-examination which cannot be given here. There is no
it
reference to them in the literary evidence, though a passage of Theo-

phrastus'* indicates the useof avfiPoXa as giving a right to a free seat at
a conjurer’s show. As has been seen, there is no evidence that the BewpiKov
was paid other than in cash. Nevertheless, we can imagine uses for such
tickets, either because seats were paid for in advance, or to indicate the
right of the holder to a special and perhaps free seat.
Many surviving objects have been claimed to have been theatre
tickets,^ but their right to the
title is in most cases very doubtful. Svoronos®
collectedand attributed to the theatre a series of bronze tokens, stamped

on one side -with the head of Athena or a lion’s head or some other
emblem, on the other with a letter of the alphabet.'' Some have letters
on both sides. Svoronos argued that the letters referred to blocks of seats
* Theatre of D., p. 20. ^ LG 11*. 3286. ^ Ibid., no. 3287.

* Char, vi
4 nal ^
Bavfiaai 8c tov? cifA^civ Ka9* cKaarov Traptwv Kal ndxôdat tovtoi?
TOi? TO ovfxôXov j>€povai npoiKa BecopeTy a^tovQi*
5 Most of the material can be found m Benndorf, Jêttschr ost. Gym 26 (1875), i ff, 83 ff.
579 ff, and Svoronos, intemat,dârch/ologienum\smatique, i (1898), pp. 37-120; 3 (1900),
pp- 319-43; s (1905)* PP 323-38.
® Op. cit. I (1898), pp 37-120, Trisor des mormaies d'AiheneSy pis. 101-2.
’ Specimens are illustrated m the first edition of this book, fig. 205, and in Bicber, H.Ty,
fig. 270.
Fig. 140. Theatre tickets
THE AUDIENCE 271
in the theatre, but he leant very heaNuIy on the appearance of mysterious

letters on the water-channel of the theatre of Dionysus.* These letters
have been given a different and more plausible interpretation by
Broncer,^ and the last blow to Svoronos’ theory has been given by the
discovery in the Agora excavations of identical tokens in buildings used
as law-courts.^ Whatever these bronze tokens were, they Avere not theatre
tickets. A series of ivory and bone tokens of the Roman period, bearing
Greek and Latin numerals up to fifteen, one of w’hich bore a picture of

stage buildings and the name of Aeschylus, used to be thought to re-
present theatre tickets of a superior kind Rostovtzeff* has shown that
they are counters in a game.
The only good claim to be Athenian theatre tickets are
objects -with a
of lead, and mostly have types on one side only.® Their claim derives
from the appearance on some of them of tragic and comic masks, tripods,
and other agonistic symbols. Their lettering assigns them to various
officials, and the names of tribes also appear. Their chronology needs
investigation, but the spelling jSoA^ and the letter-forms of one reading
IIEN (for the Council of the 7rei'(TaKoatoi)) suggests that the tickets for
the Council start not later tlian the first half of the fourth century. Some
tickets of tlic tribe Aiantis at least appear to be of the fourth century,
but the tribal tickets continue at least until after the foundation of
Attalis in 200 b c ,, and
. many of the tickets are obviously much later.’
Tliat lead was a convenient material for tickets is obvious, as leaden
' Theatrf of D., pp. 145!.

* Edward Capps, pp. 29-34.
Classical Studies presented to
t Bocgchold, Hesperia 29 (1960), pp. 397-8.
< First edition of tliis book, fig. 206, nos. 9-10; Bicber, H.T.^, fig. 813.
t Iter. Arch., 4' siric, 5 {1905), pp. iioff.
‘ Tlic Atliens specimens were collected
by Svoronos, op. cit., 3 (1900), pp. 319-43 svith-
out commcnt.ir5’. The difficulty, even tvith the lead tokens, of determining whether they
were used for theatrical purposes or other official business is tvell brought out by M. Crosby,
The Athenian Agora x, pp. 7(^2. tVe illustrate (fig. 140) a token stamped on one side only svith
a m.Tsk, inscribed 317 (Crosby, L 209), which will go back to the fourth century d.c. and bean
admission ticket for a member of the Council, if the conventional expansion Trf(iTaxoViot)
is 10 be accepted, a Hellenistic double-sided token (Crosby, L
79), tvith, on one side, ttvo
bearded masks back to back and the inscription EPAT
0 , and, on the otlicr side, a kithara,
uhich ought to be a token of admission to a musical performance, whether the inscription
be expanded to EPATO(YS) or to a personal name, and, from the mid-third century a.d.,
a token with three masks and the inscription GEOCpOPOY MENH in tsvo lines (Crosby,
^ 3 ' 9 )- The Vulgate reading 0 eoi^poo(/ic\-Ti) Aferd(iSpov) is certainly wrong (so, already,
Mylonas, ’E^. igot, p. 120), but no other play of the name but Menander’s is known.
.-\s many as twelve examples
of this last arc now known, which suggests strongly that tlic
perfonnance of the play for which this token s%-as a ticket or souvenir was not long before the
Henrii.an sack of AUrens in a.d. 267.
• Other tickets thought by Svoronos to refer to plays (loc. cit., pp. 342-3) arc all more or
less doubtful. Aioj, Alytu^, and Olrtvs ssall all be tribal eponyrns.
^
272 THE AUDIENCE

tokens could easily be melted down after they had been surrendered,
and then re-stamped and used again.
6. With performances going on continuously from dawn to evening,'
the audience naturally provided itself with refreshments. Some may have
left the theatre for a time and gone home for a meal as Aristophanes —
suggests in Birds, it would be easy to do if they had wings but there was ;
also some circulation of provisions in the theatre itself, which were

consumed, as Aristotle tells us, when the acting was bad,^ and perhaps
not only then. Philochorus'* (half a century after Aristotle) gives a picture
of the habits of the Athenian spectators in the past, who had a good meal
before they came to the theatre, wearing garlands on their heads,® and
kept themselves refreshed throughout the performances with wine and
dried fruits and confectionery, which might also be used to pelt actors
whom they did not like.® There is also more than one allusion to the
scattering of such things among the audience by comic actors.’ The dis-
comfort of the hard seats was mitigated by the use of cushions, but the
ostentatious placing of cushions for guests or patrons was a form of com-
pliment which might suggest interested motives.® In the time of Hadrian
there seem to have been awnings to shelter the two front rows in the
Athenian theatre from sun and rain.’
There is plenty of evidence of the noisiness of Athenian audiences,
both in their approval and their disapproval of a performance. Plato”
speaks of the avpiy^ (hissing or whistling) and apLovaoi ôal TrXiqBovs and
the KpoTOL erralvovs dnoSiSovres which had been carried so far as to estab-
lish a kind of OearpoKparia over the poets; Demosthenes” asserts that
* See above, pp. 66 f. The early start is referred to in Xcn. Oecon. iii. 7, but perhaps with
reference to the Rural Dionysia.
^ 786-9 aMx* vfiwv TWP Oearwv ci ns ijv vnoirrepos c^ro }
neivuiif rots twv rpaywSatv
I
e^TO/Acvoy ov oi;toj ypiaTij(T€V eAOwv o»#fa 8 c, |
op c/iTrAiâfiei? TjfxSs aUSis av
KaTCTTraro*
3 Ei/i. X. 1175^12 #cai ^ toTs 0 €dTpots ol rpayTjpanôvTtSf orav tf>avXoi ol dyayviôiievoi
<Stn, Tore fidXtcrra ovto Bpwotv.
* 328 F
171 Jacoby apud Athen. xi. 464 f Aeyct 5 c wcpi Tovnov 6 iXdxopos ovrojal* **A 67)vaioi 0
rots ^lowataKois dywai to fikv npwrov rjpi<m}K 6T€s xal TTCTTCOKores cjSaStiôp em rqv Beav /col
€<rr€<l>avcofi€voi idewpovVf irapd 8 k top dywvo. trovra otpor ovror? wpoyociTO «ôi rpayqftara wape-
<f)€p€rOf KOI Tois yopot? ticiovffiv kvexôv nlveiv xal Bnjytoviaiidvots, or* cfctropcoovro, eVeycop
ttoAip’ fiapTvptiv 8 k rovTois xal 0 €p€KpdTT] top KtattiKov (fr. 1 94 K), ort pêypl rijs xaB' cootop
qXiKtas ovK daiTovs etvai rovs ^coipoupros.”
5 Cf. the oracles in Dem. Meid. 52-53.
^ Dem. de Cor. 262 —who, however,
is speaking of the Rural Dionysia. Whether he is to
be taken seriously when he speaks {(U F.L. 337) of Aeschines* having been almost stoned
to death may be doubted.
7 At. Wasps
58 and schol. ; Peace 962 ; Plutus 797-9.
® Aeschin. in Ctes. 76, de F.L. 1 1
1 Theophr. Char. ii. 1 1 (the koAo^ takes the cushion from
;
the slave and lays it for his patron himself). ’ See Theatre of D., p. 263.
‘0 Laws iii. 700 c ff. cf. Rep. vi. 492 b. ** Meid. 226.
;
THE AUDIENCE 273
the spectators hissed and hooted at Meidias when he entered the theatre,
and if an was forced to retire (eKTriWetr, with the active
actor or a poet
form e»c/3aAAe^v), the hissing might be accompanied by the noise of heels
kicking against the seats.’ Pollux^ speaks of a day on which the audience
(evidently in a bad mood) hissed off one comic actor (and his play)
after another, and Athenaeus^ has a story of the comic poet Diphilus
being violendy ejected from the theatre. But physical violence in the
theatre was legally an offence, which might in aggravated circumstances
be punished by death. Even an official could not employ it,^ but had to
use beadles (vmjperai, paj38oi5;ôi, or pajSSoiôpot)* to keep order. These
were apparently distinct from the special officials who had to curb dis-
order among the singers.* The fight in the theatre between Alcibiades and
Taureas, when they were rivals as choregoi in a dithyrambic contest
and Alcibiades drove Taureas away with blows, was doubtless excep-
tional,’ but the story, which narrates that, despite his conduct, the judges
were intimidated into awarding the victory to Alcibiades, although the

spectators were in favour of Taureas, at least illustrates the uncertainty
of decisions in the theatre. At a much later date Plutarch® speaks of
tragic actors needing the support of a claque in the theatre. The theatre
beadles are not recorded to have dealt with such bad manners as those
of Theophrastus’ pSeXvpos and dvaladriros, of whom the former’ de-
liberately hissed when others applauded, and applauded when the rest
of the audience was silent, apart from his habit of belching in quiet
moments, and the latter” slept soundly throughout the performances
and was left sleeping when the theatre had emptied, but there is enough
evidence to show that officials praised after the festival for their care
for the evKocrfiia rod Oearpov^^ had had no easy task.
* Pollux iv.22 TO /xôi TO fSwXia Tofy wTcpraiy KaraKpovuv irrepvoKOTTeiv cAeyov eVot'our
1
Sc TouTo d^ToVe Tivd cVpdAoifv. The practice is thought by some to imply wooden seats (as well
as wooden shoes) ; sec Theatre of D., p. 19, and DiUce, B.S.A. 43, p. 148. For hissing, cf. Dem.
de Cor. 265 cf ciTUTTcr, cyco S’ iaopn-roy and many passages of Lucian (see, for example, below,
p. 305, n. 3). The hissing might be reinforced by the peculiar sound denoted by icAtifetv; cf.
Dem. Afeid, 226 and Harpokr. s.v. exAcofere* Khwaptov cAcyor too ytyt'dpcror cv rofs crropiaai
^dôr, w Trpos rds cxjSoAds cypton-o two aKpoapdroir, wv ouy ^Sccos •tjKovov,
* iv. 88. ’ xiii. 583 f.
* Dem. Meid. 178-80; cf. above, p. 6g.

* Dem. Meid. 1 79 ; Ar. Peaee 734 and schol . Plato, Zawr iii. 700 c.
’ See above, p. 91.
’ [Andoc.] m Ale. 20-a i Compare the uproar on the occasion of Sophocles’ first com-
petition (p. 95 above).
* quomodo
adulator 63 a dAA’ coanep 01 TpaywSol yopou ScotTai i^lXwv awqhovrcov ij Bearpov
cwcirixpoTouiTos. Cf. Alkiphron, Spp. iii. 35. 3 (Schepers) cv Sc "qptv perd tcov owtjBwv
CTTiCTctc Tovs xpoTOvr, fra tedv rt Addeopev aTTooôAoTCS, Ad^g ywpav to dortxd pcipdxia
xAtufcir q ovpi-rreiVf dAA’ d rtoy OTraivaiv Kporos rov Bpovr riuy OKtoppariav rrapahvori.
’ Char. xi. 3. Char. xiv. 4. See above, pp. figf.
;
274 the audience

7. There is no reason to doubt, however, that most of the audience
took its playgoing seriously. We hear of tears from the audience as early
as Phrynichos’ Capture of Miletus.' The reason on that occasion was
extra-dramatic ; at other times the credit might be divided between the
actor^ and the situation.^ We hear remarkably little of the response to
a scene as a whole and the nature of the response. If there is anything in
the anecdote about the performance of EumenidesP spectacle was the
first
operating feature. Plutarch^ gives a vivid account of an audience’s dread

lest, in Euripides’ Kresphontes, the old man who was to arrest Mcrope’s
blow, when she was about to murder her son, should not arrive in time,
but he is not speaking of Athens.
The bulk of our evidence is of a different character, a series of anecdotes
about the response of the audience to individual lines or passages, mainly
prompted by moral reasons. The interests of our sources partly, but not
completely, explain this preponderance. For Aeschylus, there is the line
ov yap SoKetv apiaros dAA’ elvai BeXei and its supposed reference to Aris-
tides,® and the alleged attack on the playwright when he was supposed
to be ‘revealing the mysteries’.’ Euripides is rich in sentiments which
might be tumultuously applauded, like a line from Aeolus^ or equally
tumultuously hissed, if the audience disapproved, as they did when in
Danae they heard an eloquent passage in praise of money, and were only
quieted when the poet sprang forward and advised them to wait and
see what happened to the character who uttered the sentiment,’ or when
IVise Melanippe opened with the line, Zevs, ooris 6 Zevs, ov yap olSa TrXfjv
X6yip,'° Socrates himself is said to have called for a repetition of the

first three lines of Orestes, which contain a not very profound observation,
but Cicero, who tells the story, does not say what happened." To this
' Hdt. vi. 21.2. ' Xcn. ^mp. iii. 1

1
(see p. 168, n. 4, above).
3 Isocr. Parxeg. l68 tVl fikv rals avfi<f>opais rats iWro r&v noirjroiv avyK€ip€vats haKpvetv
dîoumy, dXijBiva Be * Vit. Aesch^h 9, Pollux iv, no: see above, p. 265.
TraOi] ktX.
5 De esu earn. 11 998 c r^v ey rf} rpaytpBit} MepomjVi erri tof uiof ovtof tuy ôvcô tov
OKoTrei Be Kal
viov ireXeKvy dpapeyijy Kal Xfyovaay **<uyTjT^pay 5^ t^vS* eyw StStopt coi oaov ev rw |
Bedrpip Kivrjpa rroiet, cvyeôpBidlovoa 4 6P(p, Kai ^ 6 du^ rdv emXapâvopevov yepoyra
>
Kal Tpioaj) TO peipaHtov (Eur., fr. 456, from the Kresphontes).

* Aesch. Septem 592, Plut. Aristid, 3. 5.
7 Aristot. Eth. Nic. 1111*9; in Eih. Arist., p. 145 (Heylbut) Wilamowitz, Aesch. Trag.,
;
P* 15 -
® Ti 5 alaxpdv
’
py rotcc xp^pôis BoKfj; (PJut, deaud. poet. 33 c ; Stobaeus iii. 5. 36 (Hensc)
Nauck*, fr. 19). For Aeolus, see now P. xxvii, 2457.
’ Seneca, £p. 115. 14-15 (Nauck*, fr. 324).
Plut. Amator. 756 b. See Hew Chapters iii, p. 1 15 for this line and the substitute which he
is said to have provided later, Zevs to? XeXeKrai rrjs aXyjdeias viro. P. xxvii. 2455, fr. l
appears to have had a third version.
” Ttisc. Disp. iv. 63. The lines run ovk earw ouScf SeiFoF elireiv error ovBe rrdOos oi58 l |
^vpôpd Oe'qXaTos "5? ovk av dpaiT* d;(0or dvOptxirrov ûffir.

)
THE AUDIENCE 275
evidence of sensitivity in regard to anything which appealed to or con-

flicted we can add
with the Athenians’ moral and political sentiments,
the popular demand on account of the political
for the repetition of Frogs
wisdom contained in the parabasisd In Frogs itself most of the tests by
which the rival poets are tried, so far as they are serious, have a moral
or utilitarian background. To explore in detail the general question of
the relation between the political views of the audience and the political
content of Old Comedy is beyond the scope of this chapter. To put the
question in a concrete form, how could Knights win first prize •without,
apparently, KJeon’s political position being affected in the least? Part of
the answer certainly lies in the festival nature of comedy; it belongs to an
occasion -where everything might reasonably be expected to be topsy-
turvy. But it is hard to steer a line between extreme views which, on the
one side, see political propaganda as Aristophanes’ principal interest-
and, on the other, 'vie'sv him as a pure dramatist -with no ascertainable
political -views at all.^ A modem reader is probably best advised to think

of this aspect of Aristophanes as analogous to the political cartoon, in
•which the artist is compelled by his nature and vocation to criticize the
prominent and influential, though his own convictions may vary in

depth from case to case, and in which the response of the audience to good
work may not be substantially affected by its own political views.
Other special tastes are hard to define. The Athenians liked stock
jokes-* and disliked monotony.^ What audience does not? Agathon is said
to have failed through crowding too many events into a single plot,* and
the word used (e’êtreuev) implies that the audience as well as the judges
showed their disapproval.
Such forms of appreciation need little critical equipment, and the
general level of education among the audience should not be too highly
rated. A pre-vious knowledge of the plot is something which a modern
audience generally manages to do without, but it is perhaps worth noting
that the Athenian audience could not, as a ^vhole, be expected to be
familiar \vith the background of heroic legend on which the tragedians
drew. The clearest evidence comes from Hippolytus,'^
* First h^'pothesis to Frogs (Dikaiarchos fr, 84 Wchrli).

* c.g. the books of Couat and Croiset.
Gommc, C,R. 52 (1938), pp, 97-109 (= More Essays in Greek Histoiy and Literature,
pp. 70-90 *
At. Frogs 1 er?ra) ri rwv cicofforcor, cu ScorroTa, |
oiy del yeXiaoiv ot Betofievot;
*
Aristot. Poet. xxiv. 1459^30 to yap opoiov Ta^w rrXTjpovy ePcrrlTTretv rroiet rd? rpaywZia^.
* Ibid. x\*iii. 1456*17, where Aristotle says that poets who do this ^ eKrrCTrrovmv ? kokws
aycui CTTcl #fai ^^ydOcov o' rovra fiovw.
’ 45t-6: but see also Barrett’s notes on U. 41-50, 42.
;
276 THE AUDIENCE

o(jot fiev oSv ypatjjds tc twv TToXatTipwv
eyovaiv, avroi t* etati' iv povcrais del,
taaai fiev Zevs tof ttot’ TjpdoB-q ydptwv
2epeXi]s, Icraai S’ o)S dvTqpTraaev ttote
Tj KaXXtrjieyyrjS KeâXov is Beovs "Eois
epwTos ovveK,
and this is supported by Aristotle’s quite casual statement, as if of an

obvious fact, in the Poetics^ that even the well-known stories are well
known only to a few. The comic poet Antiphanes, in contrast, complains
of the advantage possessed by tragedy, as against comedy, in being able
to count on a general knowledge of its themes,^ but there can be little
doubt, even without the context, that he is making an easy and obvious
joke rather than giving a balanced account of the audience’s education.

There were books, ^ but probably not more than a tiny fraction of the
audience possessed them. Dionysus may embody one kind of Athenian
when he tells of his enjoyment in reading Euripides’ Andromeda,^ and it
must not be forgotten that after the disaster in Sicily some of the Athenian
expedition secured food and water, and some even their freedom, by
repeating passages of Euripides which they knew by heart.* In the time of
Theophrastus an ability to recite p^crets, presumably tragic, appears to
be a social accomplishment.® But to generalize from such evidence would
be dangerous, and the evidence from Aristophanes’ literary allusions is
equally difficult to assess. Some knowledge of literature is certainly pre-
supposed by the abundance of parodies and allusions in his plays, but
many of these are allusions to plays very recently produced or consist of
parodies of the tragic style or of an author’s manner rather than of par-
ticular passages. Even though some allusions may seem very recondite,
an author may at times be aiming at a very small part of his audience,^
and the same may be true of subtleties in tragedy. A readiness to admit
* ix. 1451^25 CTTel Kal ra yrcupt/xa oAiyotj yviapifia eartv, aAA* o/zcu? €v<f)patv€t travraj.
* Fr. 191 K fiaKtipiov ioTiv 7} rpayiphia j
nolr)fta Kara ol Aoyot
ttqvt*, c? iô raiv
ye nptoTOV |
dârwv etalv ^viopiapevoij Trply nai nv' ctTreiv c5o0’ vnop.vrj(Tai fiovov Set tov TTon)‘rijv' Olhitrow
\ |
yap QM fiovov |
raAAa tTavr* laaaiv' 6 naTrjp AdXoSt p-fJTTjp VoKaori/, Bvyarepes, TraiScs TiVeff,
\ |
Ti TTCiaed* OTTOS’, rl TTCTToiijKev. ap TraAii' tiirr) Tty AXKfif^va, Kal rd iraihla ttovt* €v6iis îpvx'f
j j
on pav€ts aTreKrovev [
pTjnp^, dyavaKrwv 5’ i48pa(TToy €v$€ws "^fei -rraAiv t* diT€ioi,
1
3 Cf. E. G. Turner, Athenian Books in the Fifth and Fourth Centuries B,C., especially
pp. 1 6 ff.
Denniston, ( 1927), pp. 1 1 7-18 ; Meincke, Com, Gr. Fr., Index s.vv,ftiftX(oVf Pip)ôiTu>Xr}s.
* At. Frogs
52.
5 Plut. Mkias 29.
3; Satyrus in P. 0^. ix, no. 1176, fr. 39, col. xix. No doubt some of
them had been members of dramatic choruses. That Pheidippides in Clouds 1371 ‘sang* an
unedifying passage of Euripides of course proves nothing about the average Athenian.
® Char, XV. 10, xxvii, 2. See also Aeschin. i. 168, Men. Epitr. 767^
’ See in general, on Aristophanes* literary allusions, K.

J. Dover in Fifty Tears of Classical
Scholarships p. loi.
278 THE AUDIENCE
performed. In the long run, the chances of the system of judging were of
little importance. Sophocles won the first prize seventeen times against
Euripides’ five, but Euripides was played and recognized in his own
time, though his greatest popularity came later.' In the one case where
posterity decidedly came down against the Athenian audience, in its
preference for Philemon over Menander, we have no means of judging
the truth.^
* On the general question of Euripides* relations wth the Athenian public, and for a
modification of some extreme vie^vs, see Stevens, J./Z.S’. 76 (1956), pp. 87 ff.
* Quintil. X, i. 72 : ‘Philemon, qui ut pravis sui temporis iudiciis Menandro saepe praelatus
est, ita consensu tamen omnium meruit credi sccundus.* Compare the anecdote in Aulus
Gellius, N.A. xvii. 4, where Philemon’s success is attributed to ambitus^ gratia, and facliones.
VII
THE ARTISTS OF DIONYSUS

I. The organization of dramatic and musical performers into guilds or
colleges at Athens and elsewhere is first definitely recorded about the
end of the first quarter of the third century b.c., but it had been rendered
almost inevitable by the growing importance of such performers during
the fourth century, in the second half of which not only did small groups
of actors go from deme to deme of Attica, but more famous actors toured
the Greek world, visited the courts of Macedonian kings, and became
persons of such significance that they were employed as accredited diplo-
matists both by Athens and by Philip. Demosthenes might ridicule
Aeschines for his association with groups of inferior actors in performances
in the demes,’ but he himself more than once an obvious
refers (with
sense of their importance) to the diplomatic activities of such famous

actors as Neoptolemos and Aristodemos in the negotiations between
Athens and Philip.^ The fact that the profession of these actors conferred
upon them^ freedom of travel and immunity from hostile action indicates
that they had a recognized status. Immunity from military and naval
service may also have been commonly conceded, but that it cannot have
been claimed as a right is shown by the cases of Sannio, a chorus-trainer
of repute, and Aristeides, a choreutes, whom Demosthenes mentions as
having been punished for evading service ; and the attempts of Meidias
to prevent the chorus to which Demosthenes was choregos from obtaining
exemption imply that it was not given as a matter of course.'^ Passages
in Demosthenes imply that there must have been a large number of
such professionals available, when called upon, to meet at Philip’s court
or camp, as, for instance, after the fall of Olynthos in 348, when he held
Sec above, pp. 52, 169.

*
For the public activities of these, Ktesiphon, and others, see Dem. de Pace 6
* to/vup,
tS avhp€S Adrjvaioij KartStov NcoTrroXcfiov top ÔKpirijv tw p.kv rijs rexinjs ‘tTpoa)^p.ari rvy^dvovr'
aSctoy, Kaxa 8* ipyaôficvov ra /xeyioro nyp ‘noMv Kal rd vfi&v Sioi/foupra 0tXin7rtp Kol
rrpvravcvovTa . . . also de F.L. 12, i8, 94, 315; de Cor. 21 ; Aeschin. de F.L. 15, 16, 52, and
,
passages in the ‘Arguments* to the speeches of both orators de F.L.

3 Under what
kind of international law actors and musicians at this date obtained and
enjoyed these immunities remains very obscure. About 279 b.c. they are guaranteed by
a decree of the Amphiktyonic Council; ’.ec below, p. 282.
^ Dem. Aieid. 15, 58-60.
a8o THE ARTISTS OF DIONYSUS
an ‘01>Tnpian festival’ there, wth
competitions, prizes, and presents for
the performers.' But there no indication that the actors of this time
is
formed an organized body, nor can this be inferred from the references to
them in Aristotle,' who says that, while they called themselves re^viTai,
others termed themzJtoruaoKoAaKes and in the Problems (if it be his work)
asks the reasons for their general depravity and attributes it to their
having to spend most of their time in making a living and to their habitual
intemperance .3 (There were doubtless persons of all kinds in the pro-
fession then as now.)
Alexander showed an even greater passion for musicians and actors
2.
than his father After the capture of Thebes in 335 b.c. he held a nine-
day festival at Dion, devoted mainly to dramatic contests,® and another
such festival in 332 at Tyre,* where he is said to have been distressed at
the defeat of Thettalos by Athenodoros in the competition for the actors’
prize.^ An account given by Chares in his History of Alexander of the great
wedding-feast celebrated at Susa is preserved by Athenaeus.® The per-
formers included, besides conjurers, a rhapsode, solo performers on the
harp and flute, singers accompanied by each instrument, tragedians,
and comedians, and the rewards given were enormous. There are also
accounts’ of an even more extravagant festival at Ecbatana, where three
thousand Greek ‘Artists’ had assembled.
The example of Alexander was followed by his successors. Antipater
made the actor Archias his agent in the pursuit of Demosthenes and other
Athenian orators;"* and Antigonus held a festival in 302 B.c. on a great
scale, gathering the most famous performers from the whole of Greece,
*
Dem. dt F.L, 192-3 eirctSiJ yap tfAcy 'ÔAin’ffov cttoi'ci, eiy 8c rqv Gvaiav
ravrrjv ical ttjv Trai'^yvpiv irdvras rovs coTiwi’ 8* avrouy #coi fTT€(f>avu>v rovs
vfviKTjKoras ^pcro I^drvpov Totrrori tov KWftiKov vn-OKpinJr, ti 81) ftoi’os ovScv* cTray/cAAerai.
* Rhet. iii. 2. 1405*23 f.
^ Probl. XXX. 10 Sia ri 01 AiowmaKol Tcxi^trai em to ttoAv ironypoi etVtv; ^ ort -rjKtara Adyov
coîas Koivajvovat Std to ircpl rdy oyayKotds T^;^’or to ttoAu fidpos tov ^Cov €liaif ifoi art ^
aKpaaiais to roAv tov ^lov eioiV, to Se Koi dtropcaiy; dfiôrepo Bk âvAoTT/ro? TrapaoKCvacriKd.
^ Plut. AUx. 4. II.
5 Diod. xvii. i. 1 1. i sap it was at Aigai). Similar festivals had been held earlier
16 (Arrian
by Archclaus.
® Plut. AUx. 29; de AUx.fortuna ii. 2.
^ Athenodorus %vas fined by the Athenians for his failure to appear at the Dionpia, and the
fine was paid by Alexander. The liabilit>’ of artists to fines of this kind is laid do^vn in the
Eubocan Law, c. 290 b.c. (Appendix, no. i), and elaborate pro\’isions are made. See below,
p. 282 and also p. 300.
® xii. 53 ® c ~539 ®ce especially 538 f xal cktotc ol Ttporepov koAov/xooi dtowooKoAoKey
.^lAc^QySpOKoAaxeey cAfAiJîjaav 8td rdj tcSv htbptoy wrcpôAdy, of? koI yaOij 6 AlAcfavSpoy.
ihreKpiOijaay Se TpoycviSol ©ecooAoff icai ABtjydSwpo^ xai ApiaroKpiTO^, KCVficoiSot Si Avkov
KOI 0op/ucoy KOI Apttrrcoy. Trappy Si Kot ^paatpijAor d ôAttjj. ot Sc ?rfp^ 0 «TC?, orcôi'oi
VTTO Tcuv rTp€<j^€VTwv #fal Td)v Aoi?rt5 v ToAdi'TOrt’ âar pLvpiwv wcvraKtoîAtwv.
« Plut. AUx. 72; Arrian vii. 14. *0 Plut. Danosth. 28.
THE ARTISTS OF DIONYSUS s8i
at Antigoneia.’ But there is still no suggestion of organized guilds,^ such
as are spoken of a quarter of a century later (and from then onwards)

in connexion with festivals regularly celebrated at Delphi or organized
by great patrons, and we can only conjecture the reasons which led to
the almost sudden springing into existence of guilds, Kotvd or tTvvoSoi,^ of
Dionysiac ardsts, including musicians (both soloists and accompanists)
and actors. Those who joined in them may have been impelled by their
own interest and convenience; theatres were being built everywhere,
to which they travelled to earn their livelihood, and some degree of
organization would be almost necessary ; while, on the other hand, local
associations may have been encouraged by the authorities of the more
important towns, so as to secure performers for their o^vn festivals. The
records show that dramatic and musical contests were far from being
confined to festivals of Dionysus, and it is evident that the drama and
music thus circulating throughout the Greek world were the most popular
and influential form of culture for several hundred years. New festivals^
were instituted from time to time in honour of kings and princes, and of
Rome also, when Rome acquired and Asia Minor.
the empire of Greece
Local ‘Olympian’ and ‘Pythian’ festivals sprang up in many places. At
all of these the services of the Artists of Dionysus might be demanded,
and this required that there should be a recognized organization of the

artists, and some regular connexion between their guilds and the cities
and courts at which they appeared.

3. The birth of the guilds can be approximately dated. The remark-
able law or agreement^ bebveen the cities of Euboea, which was passed
in a year falling between 294 and 288 b.c., shows no knowledge of them,
and assumes that arrangements were made by the cities for their several
festivals with individual artists.® The law makes elaborate regulations
for the Dionysia at Karystos, Eretria, Chalkis, and Oreos,’ the Demetrieia
* Diod. XX. 108.

* It isprobable that Chamailcon (quoted by Athcn. ix. 407 b) was guilty of an anachronism
when he said of Hegemon, the parodist of tlic fifth century, d Se wopayevd/ioor it-al ovvayayoiv
Tou? iTfpl TOP Aioinjaov Tcxi’/ray ^po<rfjX6€ pcT* a^wv porjBuv aîwVf but in any case
his language docs not necessarily imply a kouoV or qwoSos.
^ On the slight distinction
sometimes implied between icoipov and owoSoy, and the history*
of the two terms in application to the artists* guilds, see Poland, R.E.y zweitc Reihc, v. 2480.
The distinction is generally almost imperceptible, but edpoSor seems gradually to have pre-
vailed over KoiPoV as the name of a guild.
* For lists and accounts of these
sec Ferguson, Hellenistic Athens^ pp. 295 ff. ; Tarn-Griffith,
Hellenistic Civilisalionj pp. 113-14.
* Appendix, no. i.
/ Compare S.E.G, i. 362, \shcrc, c. 306, Samos sends ambassadors to the tragic actor Polos
to fix the terms on which he will appear. He settles for the takings at the theatre and no fixed fee.
’ The Dion)*sia at Eretria and Orcos were in the month Lenaion.
U
282 THE ARTISTS OF DIONYSUS
at Oreos, and the Aristonikeia’ at Kaiystos. It appoints agents or con-
tractors {ipyoXdpoi), who are put on oath and required to engage per-
formers and take guarantees from them and to provide for them during
the festivals ; each of the four cities of Euboea is required to send Bewpoi
to each festival at its own expense, and
600 drachmae of
is to give
Demetrian currency (the coinage of Demetrius I of Macedonia, c. 294-
288 B.c.) to each flute-player, 400 to a KcapcoSos, 300 to a costumier
{IpariopiaOrjs ) —
the figure for a TpaycpSos is lost and daily rations to —
all, including trainers (SiSaaKoAoi) and members of cyclic choruses.
epyoXdôi, rexviTat, and their guarantors are subjected to fines and other
penalties for default, though excuses on oath (e^wpocrlai) are allowed
under very elaborate provisions.
But shortly afterwards ttvo decrees from Delphi attest the existence
of organized guilds of the artists. The first- is of uncertain date, but

certainly precedes the Gallic invasion of 279, and runSideAôt ^cokov tw
KO ivcp Twv rexvirdv rots t? laOpdi' Kal Nepdav crvpTTopevopei’Ois Trpopavrelav,
TTpoeSplav, TTpoStKiav, dpxovros AivrjalXa. The second,^ more informative,
is almost certainly to be dated precisely to 279-278, after the repulse of
that invasion. We possess two copies of it, one from Athens and one
from Delphi, both made one hundred and fifty years or so later, but
there is no reason to doubt its authenticity. In it the Amphiktyons
guarantee to ol h> rextdrai freedom from arrest in war and peace,
exemption from military and naval service, and^ generally, safety of
person and property, any offender against them, and even the city in
which the offence was committed, being made responsible to the Amphik-
tyons. This immunity is regarded as pre-viously existing, crvyKexoip-q-
pdvT] vTTo TrdvTwv Twv 'E'AAtjvcui'. But this is the first appearance of the
organized Athenian guild, which seems to be represented by its own

ambassadors, Astydamas the tragic poet and Neoptolemos the tragic
actor, clearly descendants of the fourth-century figures of the same names
and professions.
These two major guilds, the Isthmian-Nemean and the Athenian,
seem then to have come into e.xistence at roughly the same time. It is
true that an Amphiktyonic decree of the late second century^ asserts
the priority of the Athenian guild, but, as will be seen, it was passed at
a time when the Athenian guild was in the ascendant and the Isthmian-
Nemean guild in disgrace, and it may simply have in mind the acknow-
ledged fact that Athens was the first home of plays and actors.
* Aristonikos was a companion of Alexander and a distinguished ball-pla\ er (Athen. i. 19a).

* SJ.G.^ 460 (wTongly dated). J Appendix, no. 2. * S.LG.^ 704E.
THE ARTISTS OF DIONYSUS 283
4. It has been suggested’ that this Amphiktyonic support for the

Artists of Dionysus
reflects a ^vish to enlist their help for the festival of
the Soteria,newly founded to commemorate the repulse of the Gauls.

The problems connected wth the Soteria are extremely complex and
deeply involved with wider problems concerning the chronology of the
third century.^ It must
here to say that it seems most probable
suffice
that we have two series of festivals, one organized by the

to deal with
Amphiktyons and most probably annual, starting shortly after the Gallic
invasion, and a second, celebrated probably every four years and starting
possibly in 248, under the direct patronage of the Aetolian League,
which had come to control Delphi. It is with the first group that we have
direct evidence of the participation of the guilds. Its earliest inscriptions^
begin with a prescript, which, after thenames of die Delphic archon and
the Amphiktyonic hieromnemones, condnues im lepiws Sk IIvBoKXiovs rod
Apiardpxov 'Epfiioveos e/c rail' rexi'ir<dv, ro Koivot' rutv rexviruiv eWScuKC
Twi Bewt Kal roLs il/nîKTUoirtv ei? ra Scorfjpia tov aySiva TravreXrj. They
continue liyiovt'cTaiTo ofSe, giving a full list of those taking part. The
later inscriptions of this group'* retain the reference to the priest, but
omit the statement that the guild, which is never directly named, but
which appears to be the Isthmian-Nemean, contributed its services with
all god and to die Amphiktyons. Whether die guild
the expenses to the
thought it had done enough for prestige or whether the Amphiktyons
became more solvent is doubtful, but henceforth the waiving of his fee
by an individual competitor becomes a matter for special thanks by the
Amphiktyons, as we see from the case ofMenalkes, an Athenian citharode,
who Ttapayevofievos ar AeXôvs els rd Ewr~qpia rov re dAAov dywi'a /caAwy
(cat cftiXoTlptos rjytovlaaro Kal TrpoereneSwKe run Bean Kal rots HfKjnKrvoai rov
dyaiva and ivas rewarded with a crown of the god’s own bay.*
These Soteria inscriptions throw valuable light on the membership
of the guild in the third century and on the production of drama. In
a typical year* tiiese competing include 2 rhapsodes, 2 KiBapiaral,
2 KiBapanSoi, 5 iratSes xopEvrai, and 5 dvSpes xopeurai (these ten probably
being only the leaders of their dithyrambic choruses), 2 avXrjrai each
with a 8t8d(T(caAo?, three tragic teams, each consisting of 3 rpaycoiSol, an
' FlaccliJre, Les AitoUens & Delphes, pp.
1 2 1-2.
’ Ibid., pp. 134-77; Dinsmoor, The Athenian Archon List, pp. 103-40. These provide the
best general introduction. That we are in any svay near a solution is due to Roussel, R.E.A.
26 (1924), pp. 97-111. See, most recently, Silakis, Studies, pp. 63-71.
’ S.E.G. i. 187B with Fouilles de Delphes, iii. i. 563; S.E.G. i. 187A; S.I.GA 489 witli
B.C.H. 83 (1959), pp. 16711.
* The most complete are S.G.D.I. 2563-6 (single specimens in S.I.GA 424 and Michel 895).
5 S.I.G.s 431 (same year as S.GJ).I. 2564). ‘ S.G.D.I. 2563 = S.I.GA 424.
avXrjT-qs,and a StSacr/caAoj, four comic teams, each consisting of 3 KtofuuiSoi,
an and a SiBdoKaXos, 7
avXrj-rqs, KtufxiKoi, and 3 ifiartofuaSai.
Of a tragic chorus there is no trace. This is impressive variety, and

equally impressive is the wide area from which the competitors are
drawn. The inscriptions of the Amphiktyonic Soteria list some 251
different artists, 41 from Arkadia, 40 from Corinth, Megara, and Sikyon,
24 from the rest of the Peloponnese, 29 from Athens, 57 from Boeotia,

12 from west-central Greece, 10 from north Greece, 4 western Greeks,
13 islanders, ii from Asia Minor and the East, and 10 from the Black
Sea area.'
The two known priests of the guild, who seem to serve for several
years each, call for some comment. The earlier, Pythokles of Hermione,
appears also in the inscriptions as leader of a men’s chorus, together with
his brother Pantakles. He seems to have been one of the most famous
artists of his day. The epi taph which Pantakles raised for him at Hermione
is now lost, but even the imperfect copy^ shows us that he had thirteen
victories at the Nemea, Isthmia, and Pythia together, perhaps three at

Olympia, and numerous others up and down Greece. Reference is made
to the Muses of Helicon and Dionysos Kadmeios, and the triumphant
conclusion is
[/<]at [/SJaortAets Scupotmv erlfvqaav rov dotSov,

[u^tor Apiardpxov Oeots <j>tXov 'Eppiovrj,
Which kings these were, we do not know, but he received the proxeny
of Delphi,^ as much, no doubt, for his services as priest of the technitai
as for his prowess as a citharode. The later priest, Philonides of Zakyn-
thos, was a comic actor, appearing as such in one of the years in which
he acts as priest, and we have records of his appearances at Delos and at
Athens.''
The records of the Aetolian Soteria hardly throw any light on the
guilds. The priest disappears and the guilds are not mentioned. Even
our knowledge of the competition is sadly cut down since only the victors’
names are inscribed.®
5. Elsewhere in this century, however, the help of the guilds was
clearly regarded as essential in the establishment or enlargement of
a festival. Two of these ‘new’ festivals, that for the Muses of Helicon and
The figures are from Kahrstedt, Hermes 72 (1937), p. 380, and could now be slightly
*
modified. Sifakis, C.Q. 15 (1985), 206—14 =

Sludiest pp. 136-46, argues that the festival was
not confined to one guild. z /.G. iv. 682.
^ S.G.D.I. 2602. 4 /.G. xi. a. 113, 1, 35; above, pp. 113, 116.
' 509 is a convenient example.
that for Dionysos Kadmeios at Thebes, have already been referred to

in the epitaph of Pythokles, but they have considerable epigraphic docu-
mentation besides.
The Mouseia of Thespiae have a long history, but the docu-
clearly
ments which concern us here come from a group which belongs to a
reorganization between 21 1 and 208 B.c.,’ as a result of which the
BvfieXiKos aycuv, that is, the competitions for a ttotjttj? iniov, an avXrj-njs,
an aOAwSds", a KaBapiar^s, and a KiBapcpBos, first became arejia.vL'rqs.
We possess a well-preserved decree of the Isthmian-Nemean guild^ in
response to the invitation to attend, dilating on the close links which
have always existed between it, the city of Thespiae and the Boeotian
League, and the Mouseia, recalling how they have joined in the sacrifice,
chosen their own priest, proposed decrees, and joined in embassies about
the festival. There is also a decree of the Athenian guild, badly preserved,
by the side of similar acceptances of the improved status of the festival
by the reigning Ptolemy, and at least one city.^ The association of the
technitai with the Mouseia continued for well over a century, and they
by a priest
are regularly represented in the prescripts of the victor-lists'*
and sometimes by a mpôpos. During the second century their
also
representative is sometimes described as dno rwv re'xyiTwv rwv awreXovv-
Ttov €iV 'EXiKiova, and this seems to be a branch of the wider Isthmian-
Nemean guild.
Similar collaboration between theIsthmian-Nemean guild and a city
is attested by Amphiktyonic decrees acknowledging the enlargement,
perhaps c. 228 b.c., of the festival of the Agrionia, dedicated to Dionysos
Kadmeios at Thebes.* Here it is clear that the city of Thebes and the
guild made a joint approach to the Amphiktyons, asking for a guarantee
of the safety of person and property of those who attend the festival. This
the Amphiktyons grant; it is noteworthy that they specifically exclude
from the privilege any flautist, dancer, or actor who has been nominated
for the festival by the technitai and who does not perform according to
the Theban city-law. Here we see the actual procedure by which per-
formers were provided by the guild. Here again we find the technitai
providing their own priest, who appears in the prescript of an Agrionia
victor-list,® and here again there seems to be a local branch in Thebes of
the wider guild.’
‘ Feyel, Contribution
a I'/pigraphie biotienne, pp. 116—17, established the limits 215-208 B.o.
Schachtcr, Pfum. Chr. 1961, pp. 67-69, argues for a date after 21 1 b.c.
‘ Appendix, ’ Feyel, op. cit., pp. 90-115.
no. 3.
* e.g.
Michel 891—2; Feyel, op. cit., pp. 117-23. See Sifakis, Studies, pp. 145!.
s Appendix,
no. 4. * I.G. -vii. 2447. ’ LG. vii. 2484-5.
Elsewhere in Greece in the third century our information about the
guilds is limited. Our extensive records of dramatic festivals from Athens
and Delos do not mention the guilds, but, besides the references to the
Athenian guild at Delphi and Thespiae, it has left two documents in
Athens, the base of the statue of the tragic poet Xenokrates which it had
erected,' and a decree from near the end of the century,^ apparently from
a sanctuary of the technitai near the Dipylon, honouring two of their
officials, a tragic actor and a singer. The decree was set up in ‘the dedica-
tion of Poseidippos’, and it is a fair presumption that this poet of the New
Comedy was prominent in the affairs of the guild in its first years. On the
whole, it is likely that the Athenian guild was not prominent inter-
nationally in the third century, particularly during the period of Mace-

donian domination. We
have already seen the pre-eminence of the
Isthmian-Nemean guild and it has also left two decrees
in central Greece,
at Delos, one honouring a Delian, one of unknown purport.^ It was the
Isthmian-Nemean guild which was taken as a model, when c. 235 b.c.
the Aetolian League, which was now in full control of Delphi, granted
privileges to another guild of which we now hear for the first time, the
lonia-Hellespont guild."*
in 226 or 225 b.c.

Late in the third century —
we hear of Artists of —
Dionysus in the Peloponnese being caused to perform for the pleasure of
Cleomenes III after his conquest of Megalopolis,* and (probably about
the same time) of artists travelling to Kythera.^ Plutarch*' also speaks
of the participation of the Dionysiac artists in the festival founded in
commemoration of Aratos after his death at Sikyon in 213 B.c. A
monument erected by a travelling actor at Tegea,® of which he was
a native, in commemoration of his victories away from home, prob-
ably belongs to the same period; the festival of the Naia at Dodona,
where one of his successes was won, is not likely to have outlasted the
destruction of Dodona by the Aetolians in 219 B.c.’ He was victorious
at the Dionysia at Athens in Euripides’ Orestes, at the Soteria in Euripides’
' I.G. 3211 TO Kowov tC)V rixîrwv SevoKpdrTjv Kvhavribrjv 7roir]TT}v rpaytpBtuv,
2 I.G. ii*. 1320. 3 I.G. xi. 4. 1059-60.
S.I.G.^ 507 (see p. 2gi),
* Plut. Cleom. 12 ovv cts r^v McyoAoTToAirtK^v' oiêAeta? re /xcyaAoj Tjdpoiae . , rlXos .
$€ TovSTtepl rov /lidvvaov rexviTa^ Ik StaTropcuo/ieroos' Xa^wv koI mj^dfiO'OS dlarpovevTfj

TToAe/xt^ /oal TTpodds airo TeaaapdKOVTd fivwu dywva filav ^filpav iOcdTO ou Sfo/icvos
Oeas aAA’ otov €i^pv(f>wv.
^ Aelian, JI.H, xi. ig IJavTaKXijs 6 AaKcBatfiovios dpaorc/Aa? 8ia t^s 2J7rdpT7}S IXOciv rovs
c? KvOr^pa dmoPTa? twv Trcpl top Aiovvcoy TexvtTwv, c^to Kad'qp.cvos eV tw côpcto) vito kvvwv
B tfaTTaaBrj.
Aral. 53 * ^ p-^Xi) j^Scto TTpds KiBdpav vrrd Ttov Txepl top Aiovvaov rexi'iTUiV,
* S.I.G.^ 1080. 9 I.G. ii*. 3150, 3152, however, point to a later revival.
THK ARTISTS OF DIONYSUS sO?
and Arciicstrato';' Antaws, at titc Hcraia at Argos in Euripides’

Ilerallrs
HnaUts and Archelncs, and at the Naia in iairipidcs’ Archdaos and Cliacre-
mon’s AchUtfs. The list is interesting as illustrating the continued popu-
larity of Euripides.'
6. Meanwhile in Eg>’pt matters .seem to have run on similar lines. An
account by the historian Kallixenos, prcscrs'cd by Athenaeus,- of a great
procession at Ale.xandria in the reign of I'tolemy I’hiladelphus {282-
2.1G n.c.) mentions the part taken by the rexvirm there, led by the poet
Philiskos, who —
of Dionysos’ an expression which probably
svas ‘priest
implies that he was president of the local guild. Wc should probably
not be far wrong in placing the organization of the Egsptian guild about
this time, but our main infonnation comes from early in the ne.vt reign.
Tsvo decrees’ of the local branch at Ptolemais, technically an independent

Greek city, honour a local tnagisirate and a nival official. Much light is
thrown on the inner workings of the guild, which describes itself as
rep-rmi 01 rrtpl roe Jioeeooi' Kai 9eoi>f /18f A'^.oik', p.vrtieularly through the
list of members arranged by categories which follows one decree. 'Die
inscriptions prosent much \shirh later becomes f.imiliar in the guild of
Pergamon — the close association of the cult of Dions'siis with a royal
house, the proclamation in honour of a benefactor at the Dions sja, the
statue and inscription, the mention of priest, sccrctars’, and aecountant,
and the long and s'aried list of members, incluiling poet*, instrumental
soloists and accompanists, principal .‘tetors, and uwayfoturra/, with
trumpeter, costumier, and patrons. Tht* wpo'fo-ot are p.irticularly

striking. They and the word Tfj^mVfe/ia, modclleti on the familiar Ptole-
maic TToXlrcvfia, indicate that the guild is itself almost a city.
It is convenient to notice, along with these I'.g^’ptian records, < some
second-century rcferenecs to the activities of a Dionysiac guild in Cyprus,

where, as in Egs’pt, the guild was tlcdicatcd to the reigning princes as
well as to Dionysus.* The guild, sometimes referred to as to x-otitii' Tilie
iv rw Kara Kvrrpov ypafifiarriai -rtpl tov diori'ooe Tt;^^ iTtoi', sometimes as

al rrepi rov Aioivaoi' koI ©eouj Kvcfyytrar TC^yiuTai, seems to have been
governed by a board of three apxofr<^, on one occasion a citharode,
a tragic poet, and a satyric poet, .assi.sicd by an oi’woi'o/ioe, a tragic
Tliai this p^rifKl <jid not ah>a>^ t.iJr i(« r«fipf<l<*5 nrat
*
shovNii h> S LG.^ fijH, uhrrc n
rcchat includes /icTQ yopoCdtfiri’cro* Ka\t(iOapxeiiQtt<li<iiexwy EKpi^lhov * \. lOHr.
> Appendix, no. 5. O.GJ S, 50-51; Miclirl 1017-18. See S.m Njcolii, Ae^puschn
VeTti*int^stnt pp. 4G-C1 (flho inlrrrtiinj^ for Inter dfnrlopmrnu) ; I’l.nijmnnn,
i, rn
* Srr nho Polvbmt x\i.
Oiâc^/irptr:, pp. Co-65. 01. 8, .xv. no. 4.
* TIjc references arc beat follr^ctrd b) Mitforil, OfnacuU AiArnnsia i, p. 13G n. 1.^ (.'\d»i
J,HS. 79 (1959), pp. loo-i, 121, n. 03). llir most imjjortnnt document is no G in ibe
Appendix.
cTwayojvurrqs, poet. The prominent part played
and a secretary, a comic
by the of the guild in general public life is noteworthy.*
officials
7. In the second century the greater part of our information deals

with the increasing rivalry of the Athenian and Isthmian guilds and the
activities of the lonian-Hellespontine guild, whose centre Wcis at Teos.
For the greater part of the second century, our information about the
Athenian guild remains small, though we possess an elaborate decree^
from soon after the middle of the century paying honour to Ariarathes,
king of Cappadocia. As with other guilds and cities, the patronage and
benefactions of princes were important. The Isthmian-Nemean guild
remained prominent and extended its activities widely over the Greek
mainland. The branches of Thebes and Helicon have already been
noticed, and it seems likely that the guild extended its activities into
Thessaly* and Macedonia.'* A branch at Chalkis in Euboea is attested
by an inscription of the early part of the century,* and a decree of the
branch at Opous* honours its munificent benefactors, Soteles and his
wife Xenola. But the most striking evidence of a certain independence
enjoyed by the branches of the guild is to be found in a long decree’
(probably 114-1 13 b.c.) in honour of Zenon, who was treasurer and also
a conspicuous benefactor of the branch at Argos among other things he ;
had superintended extensive repairs to the buildings belonging to the

branch and the erection of a statue to Nikomedes, king of Bithynia, who
had given assistance to the branch. A statue is voted to Zenon, with a
crown and a proclamation to be made at the next Nemean games.
The exact causes of the dispute between the two mainland guilds,
which came to a head in the latter part of the century, are nowhere quite
clearly stated, but it may have turned in part on an attempt of the
Isthmian artists to prevent the Athenians from performing at festivals
at which they themselves claimed prescriptive rights, or to interfere in
other ways with their free pursuit of their profession and, perhaps because ;
* e.g. O.G.I.S.66 A<f)poBlTr]i TJaîai ^ TroAty ^

1 ifaAAmTrov KaîimoVy Sty ypaftfiarev^
aavra rijs jSouA^y /cat rov SiJ/iou >fot ^px^vKora rrjs -TToAfcuy Kai rwv trepi rov /iiovvaov Kal 0foyy
EvepY^Tas rexîTwVf rov ypapparea ttjs woAc[<*»jy, yv^pvaâiapxâavra #faAtSy to troy.
(Shortly after 106-105 See J.H.S. 79 (1959), p. 125, n. 108.)
* Appendix, no. 7. See also I.G. ii*. 1331 (as revised in LG, ii*. i. ii, p. 673). For what looks
like an inventory of the guild’s sanctuary, sec Hesperia 32 (1963), pp. 33-36.
5 Milanges Havarrey pp. 8 ff.
^ I.G. vii. 2486 [to Koivov rwv rrepl rov Atovvaov T€;fviTa>]F roiv ety */a 0 [poF xat eiy] Iliepiav
avvT€Xovv\rojv ] Zev\^îrTrtov rop, rrpo^cvoly tov] tavrcov Aiovvaw dpcT'^y €V€K€v koi euvoiay
^v exoiv SioTeAer cty t€ rovs rexviras koX rijs €iy rov deov ewfffjSetay. There does not appear to be
room to restore a reference to Nemea.
* I.G. xii.
9. 910 TO KOIVOV rcov nepl rov Aiovvaov Te;^nTd>F Ttuv *IaBpov xol Nepeas
[<T]uVTfAou[vTa>F §€ cv] XoXkiSi.
* LG. ix. I. 278 (Michel 1013). Appendix, no. 8.
the Athenian people seems to have been solidly behind its guild, the
matter was not without its political importance. An inscription' is thought
to record a letter from the proconsul Mummius in 146 b.c. after the
destruction of Corinth, giving or confirming to the artists of the Isthmian
guild freedom from taxation and from other public services.^ However
this may be —and the matter is not certain —
about the year 130 b.c. the
Athenian guild sent a deputation to request the Amphiktyons to renew
the prhdleges which had been conferred on them by the decree of 279-
278 B.C., and these were now revived by a formal decree^ which concludes
significantly : eivai Se ravra rots ev rexfirat^, eav fj.ij tl 'Pco/xalois
wrevavrlov fj.
A decree of a few years later* shows that the Athenian guild
was in high favour wth the Amphiktyons for its participation in iq8-
127 B.c. in the Pythais, a sacred mission from Athens to Apollo,^ and
confirms and augments the privileges of the Athenian guild. To this
Pythais Daux attributes the two hymns wdth musical notation discovered
at Delphi and sung by the Athenian guild.* Both are paeans addressed
to Apollo. In the first the dedication runs d 8e [T6;fvt]T](SvT7/)diTas' cCT/id?
ArOlSa [
rov Ktdapijaei kXittov iratSa fxeydXov [zlidj v\fivovcri ae
vajp’ oKpovijtrj rdvSe Ttayov, in the second avd' Sv |
eKeivas air dp^S-s
iTotijova KiKXTj(jK\op€v dvas Ajadj a[wlTo]x®dra)v ijSe BaKyov peyas Bvpao-
7rAij[f eerpd? tjepdy TcxTilToiv Boikos jrdAet KeKpoma. Unfortunately, our
knowledge of relations between the Amphiktyons and the Isthmian guild
is imperfect, for there is as yet no means of dating the interesting docu-
ment’ of the period in which that guild sent representatives to the
otherwise unkno^vn ‘Winter Soteria’, and in which relations between
the guild and Delphi are still cordial.
The first Roman intervention between the two guilds was a senatus
consultum, passed in the praetorship of P. Cornelius Lentulus,® which
seems to have imposed terms on them, perhaps requiring the Athenian
guild to become part of the Isthmian, and the Isthmian guild erected
* LG. 2413—14. See Klaffenbach, Sjmbolae od hist. coUeg. artif. BcfcAiorum, pp. 2401
vii.
* Among other privilegesthe tcchnitai are to be dy€m<rra0/zaxrot, free from liability to have
soldiers quartered on them. On privileges of technitai, see in general Sirakis,iS‘/uffi«,pp. 99-105.
^ I.G. ii=. 1132 (latter part). Attic cpigraphists date this in 130 b.c., Daux in
134 b.c.
^ S.LG.^ 698. A
decree of the same year (ibid. 699) honours the awoSo? rwv iv il 0^vais
cVoitokSp for their part in the same festival. Whether these were distinct from the r€xvtTat or
a subdivision of them is uncertain. There is a record of a Pythais in 138-137 b.c., but no
express mention of the guild.
* See Daux, Delphes au et au siicU, p. 525. The festival had probably lapsed, and was
revived by Athens in the latter half of the second century.
^ FouilUs de Delphes iii. 2, nos. 137-8; see Daux, op. cit., pp. 724-5.
7 S.LG.^ 690. See Daux, op. cit., must fall between 145 and 125 b.c.
it
p. 357;
* This is often dated to 128 b.c., on Pomtow’s illegitimate restoration oi S.I.G.^ 704c.
:
ago THE ARTISTS OF DIONYSUS

a statue to Lentulus at Delphi. But the quarrel was only quiescent for
a time, and (after various moves on which only the most fragmentary
information exists) in 1 18 b.c. the Athenian guild carried its grievances to
Sisenna, proconsul of Macedonia, who summoned both parties to a hear-
ing at Pella he imposed an agreement on them and required the Isthmian
;
guild to pay lo talents to the Athenian; the agreement as a whole was

plainly favourable to Athens. The Isthmian guild repudiated the signature
of its delegates, and a schism followed, the authorities of the guild calling
an assembly of its members at Sikyon, while the dissentients, supported
by the Athenian artists, established themselves at Thebes. The Athen-
ians then appealed to the Roman Senate, alleging that the Isthmians
had contravened the agreement made before Sisenna, and had appro-
priated funds belonging in part to themselves. The Isthmians in reply
disowned the agreement made Trpos tovs iv jiO'qvats ({xiaKovras eivai
rexy^ras, and accused the Athenians of conspiring with ‘some of the

rexvirai. in Thebes and Boeotia’ to cause a schism and appropriate records,
funds, and offerings. A remarkable senatus consultum in 1 1 2 b.c., in response

to an appeal from the people of Athens, determined the dispute in a way
generally favourable to the Athenian guild, confirming the order of
Sisenna and sending the allegations about the theft of funds to an arbi-
trator.'
As the Athenian position with the Romans improved, the Amphiktyons

followed suit. In about 125 b.c. a much warmer decree than that of
130 B.c. began with fulsome praise of the services of Athens to culture
and religion and compliments to its rexytrai, and gave the priests chosen
by the rexvTrai the right to wear crowns of gold and purple robes in all
cities, an honour about which difficulties might have been made in places
where their Isthmian rivals were at home.^ In autumn 112 B.c., after
the final settlement by the Senate, they confirmed the privileges of the
Athenian guild in strong terms
£Kp{va/ji£[v ra Kexprjpa^Tiapâ ev rfj p{ 9on[wpiv^ TrvXaia 677]! apxovros iv AeX-

tfiots ElvKXeiSov^ Kvpia elvai Kal êâta etr [ror anavra ;fpd]rov Kal prjOev tmevav-
riov au[Tors'] inixp^paTiêiv SiKaiov riyleTadat Kai] SiaifivXdoaetv ras SeSopivas vj)'
rjpwv T& Siqpw Tipds, opoCws Si >ca[t toIs] irap' vpXv rexvirais rd imdpxovTa.
(jxXdvQpuma Trepl re rijs dcwXlas Kal do-[â]A€ias’ Kal Xpxao<jioplas, eri Si Kal rijs
' The details of the story are uncertain

at various points. The documents are collected in
S.I.GP 704, 705, and discussed by Klaflenbach, op. cit., pp. 29 ff., and Daux, who is followed
here, op. cit., pp. 356-72.
^ /.G.ii^.
1134 (FouiV/rrdt Z)r//>Arsiii. 2, no. 69). For the reading ;^puoodoperi'. . Kal [nopûpo]-
.
tfiopeiv (rather than [aTe<l)avrj]tl>op€Tv) see Daux, op. cit., p. 367.

:
THE ARTISTS OF DIONYSUS agi
awepyaalas, Bewpovvres Kal tovs ejuepyera? ’Piufialovs ini rijs outtjj
yeyovora^ yvcofiTjs'
After this there are further decrees of the Amphiktyons paying honour
in extravagant terms to the Athenian guild for its help in the Pythais
in 105 and again in 97 b.c.* In 105 the Athenians had sent inifjLfX-qTav
fiiv Kal dpxiBeoipov (the comic poet Alexander) 7 deuipoi (consisting of ,
a tragic vnoSiSdaKoXos, 2 KupLoiSol, 2 tragic poets, and 2 tragic avvayio-

viaral), a SiSdcrKoAos rov fieyaXov x°P°B, singers of paeans, and instrumen-
talists J
iâneaTeiXav 8e Kal tou? crvvaywviâfievovs rov dvfjLeXiKov dyuiva Kal
rov aKavLKov — 3 epic poets, 3 rhapsodes, 4 Ktop-wSoi with 6 ovvaycuviorai,
2 rpaycpSol with 7 awayoiviaral, 2 tragic poets, and 5 satyric poets,'* The
same Alexander is again iTnpeX-q-rqs in the later inscription.
8. The which di'vided the Greek world between
fourth of the guilds
them makes its appearance first in an Aetolian decree of about 235 b.c.,^
which has already been noticed, conferring aaij>dXeLa and davXla on the
registered members of the guild, and next in records which date from
just before the beginning of the second century. It was known as the
Koivov rwv nepl rov /liovvaov rext'trwv in' 'Iwvlas Kal ’EXXrjonovrov. Its
centre was at Teos, and we possess a decree of Teos, joining the Artists
in the state prayers and buying land for the Artists, to be free of the taxes
imposed by the city.® When the people of Teos, on the strength of their
legendary connexion with Dionysus, sought and obtained special privi-
leges for themselves and their territory from Delphi and the Aetolians
in power there, as well as from many other Greek states and finally from
Rome, these privileges were modelled upon those already given to the
Artists of Dionysus. The decree of the Amphiktyons*' may be quoted as
typical
TOty UptfuKTiovois, rap 7r[dAiv /cat rdv] xd>pav raiv Ttjlwv Updv elpev Kal
aovXov Ai[ovvaov aTrd] ndvrwv, Kal vndpx&'V rots TtjIois Kal tois iv JVtu[t Kar-
oi/c]edvTots nap’ }ip<l>iKridva)v rd ’fnXdvBpuma /cat rlpia [ndv^ra oaa Kal Tofy
AtovvaiaKois Teyrtraiy SiSorai [wapd] rdiv Ap<f>iKridvo}v.
The dates of these decrees seem to fall between 205 and 201 b.c., and
in 193 B.c. the Roman Senate sent a dispatch acknowledging the sanctity
' 5 .I.G.* 704 H ; J.G. iF. 1134.
’ S./.G.’ 71 1 L. 3 5./.G .3 728 K (see Daux, op. cit., pp. 564 ff.).
There is a similar 6g8 for 128-127 b.c., but t«th no mention of satyric
list in S.I.GJ
poets. On these Ihts see Daux, op. cit., pp. 725 ff.
3 5
./.G .3 507; see above, p. 286. See further Hahland in W. Jahreshefle 38 (1950), pp. 66 ff.;
Ruge in R.E. s.v. Teos. ‘ Appendix, no. 9.
3 SJ.G,^
564. Tlie decrees of the Aetolians (ibid. 563) and the Delphians use very similar
language. The decrees of a number of Cretan townships, passed after the visit of the ambas-
sadors of Teos, are to be found in Michel, nos. 52-66 their dates are discussed by HoIIeaux.
;
itudis iv, p. 1 78.

29a THE ARTISTS OF DIONYSUS
of Teos and ordering that it should be acwXov Kal wj>opoX6yr]Tov dv6 rov
Srj/xov rov 'PcofLaioiv,^
About the same time the guild —on occasion termed simply to
this
Koivdv rwv TTepl rovAiowcrov rexvLrdiv —accepted^ an invitation to a musical
and gymnastic festival at Magnesia on the Maeander in honour of
Artemis Leukophryene, the great goddess of Magnesia, and conferred
on the people of Magnesia a crown, the award of which was to be pro-
claimed both iv TT) •nairqyvpei rdiv rexvirtop and in Magnesia. An inscrip-
tion’ very shortly afterwards recorded a complimentary vote by the
guild of crowns for the people of Magnesia and the representatives sent
by it to Teos, as well as a stele to be erected in the temple of Artemis
Leukophryene, and the same inscription records the acceptance of these
compliments by the Magnesian people.
In the reign of Eumenes II of Pergamon (205-159 b.c.) Teos, and with
it the guild, fell under the domination of the Pergamene king, and this
is reflected in an interesting series of inscriptions, dating probably from

shortly before the middle of the century, in which the guild appears
under the title to koivov rdiv •nepl rov Aiowaov rexvir&v rd>v iv’ Icovlas Kal
'EXXrjOvovrov Kal rdiv vepl rov Kadtpye/xova /Jcdwaov, The original guild
had become fused or allied with the society of worshippers of dhowaos
Kadrjyifioiv, who was a special object of worship to the Attalid house,^
and was also the god to whom the theatre at Pergamon,® which must
have been one of the chief scenes of the guild’s performances, was con-
secrated. The guild retained its attachment to him even after the exdnc-
tion of the Attalid dynasty, as we shall see.
Most of these inscriptions have to do with honours paid to the flute-
player Kraton of Ghalkedon, who had held high offipe in the guild and
had been a muniflcent benefactor to it. He had brought distinction to it
by his performance at many Greek festivals,^ and had performed the
offices of priest and agonothetes with special distinction. His personal
character also is warmly praised, and he was in high favour at Pergamon,

where he had been given citizenship. The longest of the decrees of the
guild^ orders that he shall be crowned annually ‘on the day of the
S.I.G.^ 601. ^ Kem, Imchr. von Magn. 54. ^ Ibid. 89.

See von ProU, Alh. Mitt. 27 (1902), pp. i6iif. ;
Hansen, The Attalids of Pergamon,
pp. 409!., 418.
* This fine theatre (fig. 141), whether or not it had a more modest predecessor, was built
in the reign of Eumenes II. See Dorpfeld and Reisch, pp. i5of. ; von Gerkan, Das Theater von
Prime, p. loi ; Bulle, Unlersuchmgen, p. 256.
^
e.g. at lasos, where the guarantors of a festival had engaged him to play (Michel 909).
On Kraton in general, see Daux, B.C.H. 59 (1935), pp. 210 ff.
’ Appendix, no. loa. The date is before 167 B.c., but not by much.
procession’ and tliat a statue of him shall be erected in the theatre at Teos,'
where be crowned at the Dionysia and on other occasions, and
it is to
a second at Delos, to be crowned by the rex^trai there, and a third
wherever he pleases. The guild is to send special representatives to the

peoples of Delos and Teos to secure the appropriate sites. In the second
of the longer decrees of the guild^ it is not only ordered that tlie proclama-
tion of the crown awarded to Kraton shall be made annually by the
agonothetes and priest of Eumcncs^ eV rfj âaiXeias Evîvov rjnepa orav
jj T£ TTO/HTTr/ SUXOrj Kal al crT€(f)avutcreLS avureXan’rai, but also (somewhat

amusingly) dpoituy Se Kal jrapd tou votov yivlaOw rij avrij '^p.ipa. /iera raj
(nroi'Saj uird tcuv ap)(6vTO}v -q avayyfXla tou orc^dvou. A tripod and altar of
incense (which is to be offered annually) is to be placed by his statue in the
theatre.
Somewhat earlier a special decree^ in his honour was passed by

the Koivov Twv GwayaivioTwv, which is now generally agreed to have
been a subordinate guild or club within the general guild, and to have
included, in all probability, members other than the leading tragic and
comic actors.® Kraton had been a member of this. The honours voted
to him are somewhat less resplendent than those in the decrees of the
general guild, but include a stele to be set up by the Dionysion in the
most conspicuous situation, and a painted portrait.
Another inscription* records the gratitude of the /IrraAioTai, a thiasos
attached to the cult of the Attalid house, which Kraton had founded and
provided with an /iTraAciov close to the theatre at Teos. This tribute
was paid after his death and mentions his bequests to the thiasos. Apart
from this striking personality,
the chief interest of the inscriptions of
this group relates to the courtesy and generosity of the guild in sending
a group of performers to lasos to enable the people of lasos to maintain
their festivals at
a time (about the middle of the second century b.c.)
when they had fallen on evil
days.’ Two flute-players are sent, two tragic
On this theatre and the Dionj'sion with it (the masterpiece of Hermogenes)
connected
3- vii, praef. t2. ^ Michel ioi6a.
» double function of the presiding officer corresponds to the double title of the guild.
..
^ Michel ioi6b.
The fact that a oTrt'ayojt'Kmj?
Tpayticds was sent as the envoy of the guild to laôs (Appendix,
prove that they were recognized members of the guild. But it cannot be
ûmc that the title uwayaivioT^^
was always used in precisely the same sense,
st'll
The date is certainly later than 152 n.c., when Kraton was certainly
325). If Klaffenbach’s restorations of I.G, vii. 24^4 ^re right (see above,
n ojf
than 146. Some details of Kraton*s bequests are recorded in C.I.G. 307**
speci-
47 inscriptions from lasos (Le Bas ff. Brinck, Inscripthnfs, pp. 2 6-44 ;
1
. 252 ;
S08-12) gives lists of those be responsible for engaging and

who undertook to
above, p. 292, n. 6, on the engagement of Kraton). This payment
(sec
of ind^ M Performers was evidently preferred, though with the alternative of a lump sum
paid
as a method of
financing the festivab. Sec also Annuario, n.s. 23-24
and two comic and a KiBapioTrjs, with the necessary
actors, a KiOapcoSos,
supporting cast; and was expressly provided that the performances
it
should be in accordance with the customs of the people of lasos, and that
the artists selected by the assembly of the guild should be bound to serve,
on pain of a heavy fine. A friendly delegation is to carry this decree to
lasos.'
Unhappily, the prosperity of the guild did not continue. Even in the
reign of Eumenes II there had been disputes between the guild and the
people of Teos, which had been settled by the king and at some time
late in the reign of Attains II or during that of his successor Attains III
(138-133 B.G.) the quarrel was renewed. According to Strabo,^ the guild
migrated to Ephesus, but was then settled in Myonnesos by Attains.
first
When the people of Teos protested to the Roman authorities that this
was dangerously near Teos, the Romans moved the guild to Lebedos,
where it was welcomed as increasing the population of that desolate town,
and where it remained in the time of Strabo. We have no other evidence
to support this account, however, and some scattered evidence pointing
to other places. An inscription of 129 b.c.'* attests a continued close con-
nexion with Pergamon ;
a passage of Plutarch® suggests a connexion with
Priene in the time of Antony; evidence shortly to be considered shows
strong links with Cos.®
* Appendix, no. ii.
* Frankel, Inschr. von Pergamon^ no. 163; Welles, Royal Cmeipondence^ no. 53; cf. Hansen,
op. cit., p. 158; Sifakis, Studits^^^. 139 f.
5 Strabo xiv. I.
29 , .
. tvravOa rwv 7T€pl rov ^lovvaov 17 auvoSor Kal
HaToiKia Twv «v * Iwvla *E^Xi]a 7T 6 tôv, ci' ^ iranTyvpiyTC >cai ayaipc? Kar* Iros avvreXovvrat tu»
Aioi'va^). €V Tt<i) Sk ipKovv npoTtpov Tjj irdAci twv *Iwva}v, fp-ntaovaijs 8^ oraaeios ct?
''E<f>€aov KaTe<^vYOV ArrdXov 5 * ety Mvowrjaov evrouy Karaor-qaai’Tos Tew koI
rrpca^fvovTai TîOi 8ed/xei'oi TreptiSeu' <mr€ixiô}i€VT}v ttjvMvowrjaoVf 01 Be
H€TâT7]aav els AeêBov Beâêvwv rwv AepeBlwv dofievws 8»d 7-17^ ifaTC^;(ovaai' avrovy dAiyavSpmf.
For the unattractiveness of Lebedos in the time of Horace, cf. Epp. i. 1 1
. 7 *scis Lebedus
quid sit, Gabiis desertior atquc Fidenis vicus*.
|
*
694. 46.
5 Antony 57. It is not at all certain that those whom Antony settled at Priene belonged to
the group associated with Teos a century earlier ; and some think that they were the world-wide
group in its early stages; sec Klaflfenbach, op. cit., p. 8. A
Samothracian theorodokoiAist
(/.G. xii. 8. 163) of the first century or a little earlier lists the representatives toiJ koivov twv
7T€[pl Tov Aiovvaov] TexveiTwv TWV [arro ’/wi’idy] Kct ÊXXTjanovToly} immediately after that of
Priene, but there is no rigid geographical order, and the inscription can only be considered
evidence for the assimilation of the guild to an independent state.
* Wctake Paton and Hicks, Inscriptions of Coj, no. 24, a decree of an unidentified guild of
technitai for a citizen of Cos, to be rather earlier than this period. It certainly gives no ground
for believing in a base of the technitai on Cos. The Dodecanese arc in general badly docu-
mented. Rhodes in the third century seems to have had at least three independent com-
panies. Annuario 2 (1916), p. 139, no. to has an individual cro\vncd [un-jo Tex^tTdv twv Tr[cpl
T]ay Aiovva[ov] MovaaSy vtto twv nepi tov Aiovvaov top ilfouaaycVai' Te;^'tTai' EvBapelwv, and
VTTo Aynjropelwv UoXvaTpaTeiwv twv [‘»r}cp[i] Aiovvaov Kal ray Movaas Tcyi'trai'. Eudamos,
Hagetor, and Polystratos arc presumably leaders or former leaders of these groups.
9. Tempting though it may be to believe that the guilds played a part

in the transmission of the Greek theatre to the Roman stage, there is
very little esddence in regard to activities of the guilds in the West at

this period, unless the long Corcyrean inscription’ relating to a bene-
faction of Aristomenes and Psylla can be treated as such. The benefaction
was an cndowmient for the hiring of Te;^rTai annually to perform at the
Dionysia in Corcyra, and the deed contained elaborate provisions for its
administration, but there no actual mention of the guilds. There are

is
also inscriptions dedicating rewards voted by the koivov r&v rrepl rov
Aiowaov rexytribv to benefactors at Syracuse^ and at Rhegium,^ but the
dates are unknotvn.
10. From the first century b c ., as from the second, there are records
.
which may imply the use of the services of the guilds, but do not actually
mention them. Such are the well-known inscription of 92-91 B.c. regulat-
ing the mysteries of Andania in Messenia,"' and various victor-lists, mostly

Boeotian, of which the most remarkable, relating to the Sarapieia of
Tanagra,5 has appended to it the fullest set of accounts of the financing
of a Greek dramatic festival. The importance of the Athenian guild in
the life of tlie time is indicated by the part which it played in the ex-
travagant welcome given by Athens to Athenion, the envoy of Mithra-
dates, in 88 b c .® The envoy was greeted as the ‘messenger of the
. new
Dionysus’ând made an honoured guest at the ceremonies of the guild,
which offered sacrifices in his honour in its The action of the
repevos.^
guild obviously indicated hostility towards Rome, and after tlie ruin
inflicted by Sulla on Athens the Athenian guild seems to have sunk to only
local importance. Its local activities are, however, \v’ell illustrated by
* LG, ix. I. 694 (second ccntur>’ dx,) j

cf. Luders, Die dionysischen Kunstler, pp. 121-4.
* LG,
xiv. 12, 13.
* Ibid.
615 apxoiTWv Bk (four names) ro Koivor rwy v(pi r6y.^t6vv(7oy rexi'i'ewy fr/>o[^cmr
/tuTjaom* A7K[<u]p0ff #ctA.
^ S,LG,^ 736. The
relevant passage runs (73-75) Tex^’tâv ctr ror tepol ?rp<>-
ypa^6\'Tti) KOT* fytatrroyrovs XeirovpyT^coyras tv tc rats Bvotai^ âl /ivonyptoir avXyp-a^ Aral
Kt9apiora7y offouf Ka cvpiaKonî evOirovs vrrapxoiTar, koI 01 Trpoypoô’Tcr ActroupyoviTCtJ rotj
SioU.
1956, pp. 34 fi*. Some of the figures must be \%Tongly read; otherwise we
s
ilpX»
should have reproduced it here.
* Alhcnacusv. 2l2d-c (from Poscidonius) (7in’^»*njcra»* 8* avrcuKaioi 7rcpiTo»'dtoruaoi’TCX»'t‘rai
TOP ayycAop rov vfov Aioinjaov xaôviTfS cVI i-^y koivov ttrriav koI ras rrepl fvxoj t« kq!
croi*5 df. . . tV 8c Tip r€fi€v€t tiSp TCX>’4Ttur Bvaiai tc cVctcAouito
. eVt t§ )i6i^vio)i‘os rrapoval^
KOI perd KTjpvKOS Trpocu*a^<AH*70ca>? c?rov' 5 ai,
~ Tlie title
of rcoj didrucrof licrc given to Mitliradatcs Eupalor \N*as frequently accorded
to his contcmporar>' Ptolemy Philopator {O.G.LS, 186-93) and much later to Hadrian and
Antoninus Pius (sec below, pp. 298, 300).
* For the evidence bearing on the site of this tc/xo o?, sec R. E. \Vychcrlcy, Tke Atkenicn
A^ra, III {T«n*nJonifl), pp. Qo-21 ; Hespma 32 (1963), pp. 33-36.

a remarkable inscription from Eleusis* from the years between 80 and
70B.G., recording how the mjvoSosTcbvTTeplT 6 vAi 6 waovT€xi>iTU)vha.d 3.lwa.ys
done its best to promote the worship of the gods, and particularly of
Demeter and Kore, and had provided an altar and a refievos where they
offered libations and sang paeans at the time of the Mysteries and how ;
the altar and had been destroyed during the disturbances of the
time, but the traditional sacrifices and the expenses of the owoSor had
been provided by Philemon, their i-mfieXrjTjs, at his own cost, and the
sanctuary and altar had been rebuilt and all the costs connected with
the services had been given freely by him, when he had accepted office
for the fourth time on the urgent request of the guild all of which is —
set out in language of enthusiastic approval.
Sulla, however, was no enemy to in general. He was enter-
tained by some at Aedepsus in Euboea in 84,* and an inscription of
Cos^ gives parts of a letter from him as dictator and of a senatus consultum
confirming, at the request of a lyre-player from Laodicea, all privileges
given by the Senate, magistrates, or promagistrates to the lonia-Helles-

pont gîld. As usual, these concern taxation, burdensome offices, and
billeting.
The continued life of the Isthmian-Nemean guild in the first century,

with a centre at Elis (among other places), is attested by the dedication
of a statue to a benefactor at Olympia,"* and the Asiatic artists are men-
tioned by Plutarch® as having been collected by Tigranes in great numbers
at Tigranocerta and used by Lucullus to entertain his victorious army
when he captured the city in 69 b.c.
In the last half of the century Naples seems to have been a resort of
the Artists. According to Plutarch,* Brutus found many there in 44 b.c.,
and arranged for the collection of famous performers for his purposes. (He
was collecting wild beasts for shows at the same time.) In 32 b.c. the
Aiovvaov rexvirai from the whole of the eastern Greek world were obliged
to assemble at Samos for the delectation of Antony and Cleopatra, and,
as Plutarch remarks somewhat bitterly,^ rrjs iv kvkXcij axeSou aTrdcnjy
olKovpLeirqs TT€pi6pr]vovfievT]s Kal TTepiOT€vaôp,evT]s p-ia. vtJctos rjpepas TToXXas
Ka-rqvXetTO Kal KaT&jiaXXero, TrXTjpovpevwv dearptov Kal xopu>v dycoviôpeviov.
Antony’s gift of Priene to the artists has already been noted.® Besides
‘
Appendix, no. 1 2. For the date, see Dow, Hesperia, Suppl. viii. 125. ^ Pint. Sulla 26. 5.
^ Appendix, no. 13. For anotlier inscription of Cos which may indicate that the Artists
were at home there at this time, see B.C.H. 59 (1935), p. 199. Sherk, Historia 15 (1966), pp.
211—16, argues against the view that SuUa*s letter indicates that the guild had a base on Cos.
t Inschrijien von Olympia, no. 'Ia 9p.ov x]al Nepeas ol
405 Texvlrai rrepi tov ^t 6 vva[ov
eis *HXiv aufiTTopevofievoi ... a Afea(T4rio[rj tov avrwv rtpoêvov Kai c[ofpy€T4v] Ail OXopnltp.
*
> Lucull. 29. 4. ® Brutus 21.5. ’ Anl. 56. 7-8. * Above, p. 294.
. :
this there exists a letter written by him as trium\dr in 33-32 b.c. to the
assembly of Asiatic Greeks, which had sent him a petition on behalf of
{j cnJi'oSo? rujv a7TO tt5? otVou/iewjs l^poviKUiv Kal (jretjyaveirwv, ^vhose privi-
legeshe confirms.' This letter is generally thought to refer to a combined

world organization of athletes and artists, but there is no reference to
TfX^'irai is referred to as an
or to Dionysus, the intermediary Artemidorus
aXtlTrTTjs, body only appears elsewhere^ as organizing an athletic
and this
festival. It docs not therefore seem justifiable to use this letter as evidence
for a combined world organization, which, as we shall see, would have
rapidly split.
It. in any case clear that a world-wide organization of Dionysiac
It is
artists was organized at about this time. The earliest certain reference
is in a letter addressed to it by Claudius in a.d. 43.^ He ^vrites row otto Tfjs
oiKoupoTj? TTcpi rov-diowcTov reêCrais UpoveiKais OTe(j>aveiTais Kai toI? tojI-
rtov tJwayun’LaTats, allows them to set up statues for his worship, and ends
xd 5 e VTTo Tov Beov Seâerrov SeSopA'a vpiv voptpa Kal ^lAdrSpcoTra aviTrjpw.
Very similar language is found in an inscription from Miletus'* containing
a letter ofthesame emperor xor? TreplrovAiowaoviepovelKaisKoX reyvelrais,
again confirming xd dro xaii* Trpd epou Ueâarwv Kal Tfjs ouyjf Aijxou SeSopeva
SiKaia. From these two sources it would appear that the grant of privileges
to a world-^s'idc organization by emperors and Senate goes back to
Augustus.
on the world-wide guild, however,
Tlic full flood of our evidence
begins in the second centur)', and
an interesting sign of the spread of
it is
Greek culture tliat the Trajanic inscriptions come from Jerash (Gcrasa)
and Nimes (Nemausus). At Gerasa* we have a decree in honour of T.
Flavius Gerrenus, who had served as agonothetes on a great occasion
r}js Upas avi'oSov xtue d[7rd x]^? [owo] vpEi’[77S’ vepl tov jitowaov Kal
TOV Kupiov Tjpwv AvTOKpaTopa'j Nfpovav Tpaiavov Kaiaapa Stâarov PeppaviKov
ZlaKi»c[di’ TcyviTwv UpoviK&v crxeârix<ui'j kq.1 Totv xoilxtui' avvaytuvioTwv
The same titulaturc is found at Nimes,® Tire relation of these awayuivLoral

to the world-wide society is not definitely ascertainable ; but from these
In a papyrus published by Kenyon, C.R. Htrmes 32

^ (1893), p. 477: sec .also Brandis,
'
(1B97), pp. 509 IT. ; Poland, R.E., zweite Reihc, v a 2515 ; hlagie, Roman Rule in Asia Minor,
p. 1279. * Didyma, die Inschriften, no. 201.
’ In the dossier
B.G.U. 1074, reprinted and fully discussed by Vicrcck, Klio 8 (1908),
pp. 413 IT., and its twins P. Oxy. 247G, 2610. * Rchm, Mitel i. 3, no. 156.
> Kracling, Gerasa, pp. 442 If. (cf. S.E.G. vii. 825, Phil. H'cch. 55 (1935), pp. I4t ft.,
AMeagfr Dussaud, pp. 735 IT.).
‘ l.G.R. i. 18.
Other inscriptions of Nemausus arc ibid, ig, 20, and 17 (to whicli add
Espirandieu, Inscriptions latines de Gcule, no. 427).
X
and other inscriptions, as has already been suggested, ' the subordinate
performers appear to have formed a special society within the larger
whole. In the same way, the local guilds may have retained a separate,
though subordinate, existence, or may only gradually have been merged
in the world-wide guild. I’hus a Ephesus in the second
stele erected at
century^ by Ulpia to her two one of them as {inter alia)
.sons describes
aytuvoOerriaavTaT&viiiya.XuivTJvOlcavKaxapxiepa-'rev'ravTa twv in 'laivias Kal

'EXX-qavovrov xal ayinvoOcTqnavra tiov ypnaorfopon’ and even in the third
century an inscription of Tralles^ refers to awoSos rwv dno Iwvlas
-fj
Kal 'E\Xr)(j7TdvTov. Smyrna appears to have kept its ov.m guild in some
special connexion with the mystic cult of Dionysus Briseus. Under
Hadrian we find it called ol toO pcydXov npo noXeoi? Bpeureca^ Aiomaov
livcnai.^ Under Antoninus Pius they are the owoSoj twv nepl t6v Bpeiaia
Aiovvaov^ or the o-woSoy toiv cv Siwpirp fivaTtav^ but sve find them de-
scribing themselves at about the same time as the Upd. cm’oSos rwv nepl
Tov Bpeiaia Awvvaov Teyyetr&v Kal pivarwvj
From the rich second-century evidence, three inscriptions are par-
ticularly worthy of attention, Dvo illustrating the guild as an independent
corporation, one its connexions svith artistic activity.
In Ancyra in a d . . 128 ® a ifrrj^tapM rSiv dno Tfjs olKovpinrjs nepl rov

Aiovvcrov Kal AvroKparopa Tpaiavdv ASpiavou Seâordv Kalaapa viov
Aiovvaov 'reyyurwv UpoveiKutv oreâveir&v Kal r&v rovruiv cruvayuivicnwv
Kal rwv vepovrwv rrjv lepdv 6 vp.fXtKf)v arvvoSov (perhaps a local organization)
honours a local agonothetes who had carried out a festival presented by
the emperorwith particular extravagance and consideration for the Artists.
The Artists set up a statue for him at Ancyra, which shall be WTeathed by
all future contestants, under pain of exclusion from the contests for ingrati-
tude and disobedience to the decrees of the guild. A statue will also be set
up in Naples, and the decrees of the guild communicated to the
will be
emperor and the governor. This decree is proposed by a Kco/ioiSos oXvpm-
or€i/cijy, and put to the vote by a KwpuoSos ( ?) napaSoôs, and other officers
of the guild named are the apyuiv, the ypapparevs, and the vopoSeiKrrjs.
A little later in the century an imperial secretary T. Aelius Alcibiades
* Above, p 293. ^ Ancient Gk. Inscr. in Brit Mas. lu, no. 6i8.
3 O.G IS. 501. It IS to be doubted whether we should assume that the stone-cutter missed
out Twi* nepi Tor Aiovvaov Tcxyniav accidentally, simply to gam conformity with the old title.
It IS even more unlikely that C.I.G. 3082 (/ G.R iv. 1568), sometimes quoted m
this context,
ever had any reference to the lonia-Hellespont guild.
< B.C.n. 57 (1933), p. 308.
5 S I.G.' 851, a letter from M. Aurelius (147 a.d.).
* Ibid , a letter from Antoninus Pius (158 a.d.) i C.I.G. 3190.
* Appendix, no. 14.
: : . —

monument' to a famous comic actor and 'nepioSoveitajs named Strata, who
had been honoured with an ivy crown
TfjSe McvavZpcltav iniaiv SeSatjKOTa ndoas
Tvîas evtdpots dyXaov ev BvpeXais
cKTepiaav Bepd-novres depaiijipovos Aiovvaov
avTw Kiaao<fi6pw rovro xapiôpevoi
An inscription from Rhodiapolis^ records that, along with others, }l6r]-
vaToi Kal Tj lepcoTarr} JdpeoTrayetTwv jSooAij Kal oi ABr/vyaiv ’ETTiKovpeioL
<f)iX6ao<f>oi Kal -q Upd BvpeXLKrj avvoSos paid honour to the physician

Herakleitos. An inscription^ of the time of Antoninus Pius is probably
Athenian in origin — it was brought to London with the Elgin Marbles
and describes itself as ifrq<j)Lap.a -rijs tepas ASpiavijs Avrivveivrjs dvpeXiKrjs
TrepLTToXiOTiKqs peydXrjs avvoSov tS)v diro olKovpevrjs Trepl rov Aiowaov
Kal AvTOKpdropa Kataapa TLrov AiXiop ASpiavov AvTOJveivov UeâOTOV
EiiaePq viov Aiowaov [rexviTuiv']. The importance of the guild at Athens
in this period is illustrated by the appropriation of two front seats
in the theatre of Dionysus to members of it holding certain priesthoods.
The seats are inscribed Upims Atovvaov MeAirop.eroii eV Te;^€iTdiv and
lepecus Avtivoov ;ô/3€tov e/c t€xv€itu>v (of the time of Hadrian, whose
visit is also commemorated otherwise in the theatre).^
There is little other information from mainland Greece, except from
Epidaurus, where two inscriptions* from the early Christian era, tabu-
lating fines inflicted on artists who had failed to keep their engagements,
may or may not imply the action of a guild
677t dywvoBira t&v AaKXamAwv Kal Atto\Xo)vIu)V ZwarpdTov tov IlaTpoKXclSa

KardSiKOi ol yevopevoi twv reyviTav Sid to pq dywvlâoBai KeKopiopivoi rov piaBdv
(two lines missing) KwpwSds Aiovvaios Aiowatov 'PdSios pvdv reaadpwv.
The Artists are still attested at Teos* and Pergamon,^ and in Egypt the
references are copious, but fragmentary.®
* /.G. 11^. 12664. For rvîas cf. Hesych. tvîv' napaoKiv^v (‘device*). For TrcpioBoviiK-qs
see below, p. 305. Strato’s brother seems ako to have been commemorated here.
^ I.G.R. m.
733 {T.A.M. it. 910). See Ziebarth, Das gr. Vernnswesen, p. 88, n. i.
I.G. u^. 1350. Another inscription (ibid. 1348) contains fragments of a letter of the Artists
’
to Hadrian or Antoninus Pius and his reply. Another (ibid. 1105, with SEG. xxi. 507)
seems to have had a whole dossier of imperial letters.
I.G. ii=, nos. 5060, 5062. The importance of diovuaos McXnopevos in connexion with
theatrical performances is illustrated by S.I.G.^ 1003 (Priene;second century b.c.), where
public sacrifices and prayers to him in the theatre are prescribed.
’ I.G. iv^.gg-ioo
* C.I.G. 3082 {I.G.R. IV. 1568), probably early third century a.d. ;
see p. 298, n. 3.
’ I.G.R. IV. 468. « e.g. P. Oig/. 171 (m ii, p. 208), go8, 1691, 2476.
In the West the headquarters of the world organization was naturally

in Rome, where we have already seen it in action. Its title there is nor-
mally, in the time of Antoninus Pius, iepa MSpiair^ Jitn-cuvea^ -nepi-
noXiariKTi dvpeXiicTi jueyoAij veoyKopos em 'Pco/iJJ cruvoBos. The epithet

which occurs frequently from the time of Antoninus or
TTepiTToXioTiicQ
a little earlier indicates that the members of the guild travelled from
place to place. There was a great multiplication of festivals, many of
them connected with the cult of the emperor, during this century, and the
services of the Artists were constantly in demand in places far apart. The
title vetoKopos connotes the guardianship of a cult-sanctuary, usually re-

lating to the Divine Emperor, and here especially of the central sanctuary
in Rome. Philostratus’ describes the control exercised over the Dionysiac
artistsby Euodianus of Smyrna, whose task appears to have been none
too easy. In a Neapolitan inscription of the time of Antoninus^ the
Upa cTwoSos commemorates the series of victories won by Aelius Anti-
genidas, a flute-player, including a victory at the Eusebeia instituted
by Antoninus in honour of his appellation Pius. The fragmentary in-
scriptions which attest a centre of the Artists at Nimes have already been
noticed.^
There is little need to follow the story into the third century. The
athletic guild, already referred to, had followed similar lines of develop-
ment, and one interesting development is a tendency of the two great
guilds to combine. An inscription of the early part of the third century
from Prusias^ shows them acting in concert, and in Alexandria^ they seem
to be joined. To modem readers this may suggest a fusion of the Old
Vic ^vith the Football League, but the two guilds had important common
interests,notably the desire to ensure exemption from taxation and litur-
gies.These privileges they seem certainly to have misused. Two impor-
tant dossiers® recounting imperial grants, from which we have already
quoted the letter of Claudius, date from a.d. 275 and 289. It ^vouId
appear that wealthy men were buying from the guUd purely honorary
positions as secretary or high-priestand then applying as Artists to their
cities forexemption from taxation. It is hardly surprising that our story
ends \vith an edict of Diocletian and his colleagues^ ad ^modum xjsticorum
* T'lV, Soph. ii. 16 imraxSels 8^ ifal rots aftî ^lomaov TCxytraiSj to Sc cOvos tovto dyc-
paiXOi jôAcroi dpxOrjvaty erriTtjSeioraros rrjv dpx^v cSo^cv Kal Kpîrroiv ^ Xaêtv alrlav,
• LG,R. i. 442. 3
p. 297, n. 6.
* LG.R, iii. 61 Tcjr iVfpuii'l auvoSfoji'l 7rt[ptl?ToAtalTtK]<3v Trj^ [Vcl
KQi Tijs 9uficAi[ic^r].
^tO.G.lS. 713 arro rijs Upa^ 6vfx€XiKij^ icai ivortiajs awoSov.
‘ See p. 297, n. 3. P. Oiy. 2610 is not precisely dated. 7 Appendix, no. 17.
—

et thymelicorum. They maintain the general principle of confirming privi-
leges conferred by their divine predecessors, but tighten the rules, so
that immunity from munera civilia shall be confined to professional com-
petitors who have won at least three crowns of a certain standing.
12. The inscriptions and passages of various authors selected for quota-
tion in this account of the Artists of Dionysus will have given some idea
of the character and importance of the guilds. The Artists stood on
a higher plane in public regard than the actors of mimes and similar
performers ; these were never admitted to the guilds. The fact that each
artist is named in inscriptions —there arc few exceptions

at least very
with his country’s name virtually proves that they were citizens with
full rights, however widely they may have been
and mingled scattered
in the guilds with the citizens of strange towns The and countries.'
guilds were evidently organized with some thoroughness,^ and their
corporate existence and independence were recognized not only in the
grants of special privileges which have been noticed, but in the reception
of envoys from them by cities almost as if they were independent states,
in the appointment and recognition of their -npoêvoi both by states and
by other guilds, and in the sending of Beojpoi by the guilds, in addition to
those of the cities, to great festivals. Their officers were annually ap-
pointed ;
all appointments, whether of officers, envoys, or npSêvoi, were
normally made by the koivov —the whole body of each guild—and
it was
the whole koivov that voted statues and crowns to famous actors and to
kings and benefactors. The whole body was probably the authority
which inflicted and adjudicated upon the fines which actors might have
to pay, particularly for failing to appear at festivals to which they were
sent .3 As we have seen, it is not always clear whether the assembly or
authorities of the guild nominated the performers who were to appear
at a festival. At Athens and Delos, for example, where our lists of per-
formers are among the fullest, there is no clear evidence at all of the
participation of the guilds. But it was doubtless always the guild as
a corporate body which (as at Elcusis and Magnesia) determined the
' It would be rash to infer from the language of Appendix, no. it that there was a
—
general distinction between cyytvpoppAoi registered members and pcTtyoertr. —
* Each had its own mfioi (c.g. Appendix, no. ii) and some at least their common seal
(e.g. S.E.G. vi. 58).
’ The Euboean Law provided for various fines even before the institution of the guilds,
and the fining of actors for non-appearance was evidently a legal proceeding in the time of
Demosthenes and Alexander (sec above, p. 280, n. 7). The Corcyrean decree (see p. 295)
regulating the newly endowed Dionysia also inflicts fines. In all these cases the authority
must have been that of the state, but the gudds may have assumed the right of fine as they
became constituted.
part which it should play in the worship and festivals of gods other than
Dionysus.^
The officers of the guilds seem to have' varied from time to time and
place to place. In the Hellenistic period, the chief official of the Isthmian-
Nemean and of the Hellespontine guilds seems to have been the lepevs,
the priest of Dionysus, of whom most is to be learnt from the inscriptions
of Teos.He was elected annually and was re-eligible, and seems generally
to have been a performing artist. Our earliest Athenian record,^ however,
seems to show that guild under the control of two UpoTToioL with eTn/xeAijrai
to assist them, but by 133 b.c.^ the chief administrative officer is an
€T7ipeh)Tfis and remains so. The Cypriote guild, as we have was
seen,"*
at one time governed by three apxovres, assisted by an oiKovopog and

a ypapparevs. These two minor officials recur at Ptolemais, but there
will always have been a good deal of variety. At Argos, for example,® we
have a raplag, a ypapparevs, and an imaTcirqs. In the imperial period,
a good deal is heard of dpxêpeLs, but their functions seem to be purely
honorary. There is no reason to doubt that the normal officers were an
dpxoyv, a ypapparevs, and a vop.oBc[KTqs. We hear also^ of a Aoytcn-ijs,
not an officer of the guild, but an external commissioner, appointed by

the emperor to keep an eye on as happened so frequently with
its affairs,
cities.
The members of the guild included poets of various kinds (dramatic,

epic, and lyric), actors of tragedy, comedy, and satyric plays, singers in
the choruses, instrumentalists, rhapsodes, and before long reciters of en-
comia and similar compositions, and SiSdu/caAoi trainers of choruses —
who might themselves be actors or singers; the names of some occur
from time to time both as StSdafcaAot and as choreutae. vTToSiSd-
cKoXoi are also mentioned. These were probably at first professional
trainers employed by the poets who were the SiSdcr/caAot proper,’ but
It is incorrect to speak of the guilds as Blaooi of Dion>'Sus. They formed a professional

‘
body who worked under the patronage of Dionysus, but not a body consisting of voluntary
devotees of a particular cult.
^ I.G. ii^. ’ Appendix, no. 7.
1320 (see above, p. 286).
^ Appendix, no. 6 (see above, p. 287). 5 Appendix, no. 8 (see above, p. 288).
® Anmario^
(1916), pp. 146-7,00. 19 o Saôyo 'RoSi'tovKa! dPouAo Titov ytCpijAiardr JVc[i<t]d-
orpaTov AVixooTpaTOU Hfiioy tov aoc^tordv, TCTCipajacvov xai otto too fieyiarov AvroKparopos
KaBfSpi^ Kai Aoytareig: tSs lepay ctuvoSou fiopcAixas, 7ToAAd[sj tc TrpccrjSctas TrpcojScuaavra orrcp
TTarpthos ktX. This Nikostratos appears in ‘Suidas’, and the inscription is Antonine in date.
Earlier texts (C./.G. 2529; I.G. xii. 1.
83; I.G.R. iv. 1134) have been responsible for some
curious speculation. We
also hear of a irponyopos, apparently an honorary position
(3f.d.M.d.viii,no.4i8c).
’ Phot. ws
s.v. djToStSdoxoAos* d Tw x°PV KaraXIytov StSdoxaAos yap ainos d TroiTjT^y,
AptoTo^'di’Tjs. This is in Plato, Ion 536 a oppaSos vapnoXus t j^pTTjTai
Implied also in tlie list
XopeVTuiv TC Kal BidaoxoAtuv Kal un-oSiSaoKaAcoi’, See also Sifakis, Studies, pp. 80 f., 1
19 f.
later the title may have been applied at Athens to the producers of
old plays, the original poet being still regarded as the true SiSdoKoXos.
The costumiers {liianoniaBai) were doubtless also members of the guild.
Their importance even before the existence of guilds, in the
is attested,
Euboean inscription.' In the Ptolemais inscription^ the term used is
oKevoTTOLos, as in Aristotle’s Poetics.^ Whether the aoXTriyK-r^s, the trum-
peter who announced the beginning of each event in the contests,'* and
the were members or servants of the guild is not quite certain.®
It has already been noted that within the guild the actors of secondary
rank, the (rwayuiviaral, might form a special society of their own. In
the time of Plato tragic and comic actors appear to have been rigidly
separate;* in Cicero’s day exceptional performers might excel in both
kinds,^ but the inscriptional records show that this must have been very
rare.®
There is little satisfactory evidence of the payments made to artists.’
Such evidence as we have for prizes is difficult to evaluate, since we can
never be sure of the relative importance of any particular festival.
Festivals seem to have been distinguished as aTe<f>avlTai (though the
crown may have had a large cash value), OefiariKoi, TjîToXavTiaioi,
and raXavTiatoi. The sums prescribed in the Euboean decree are not
likely to have been exceptional for the early part of the third century
B.c. ;
the Corcyrean inscription of the second century b.c.'® gave each
tragic or comic troupe and
its flute-player Corinthian minae in ad-
dition to rations, and we have elaborate lists of prizes from Tanagra"
in about loo b.c. and from Aphrodisias in imperial times. Curiously
enough, at Tanagra the actors, except for the actor of old tragedy,
fare less well than the poets, and at Aphrodisias the contrary is true.
In any case, the members of the guild certainly had a rich social life.
Inscriptions show the annual Travqyvpis, the monthly feasts, celebrations
of the birthdays of princes and benefactors, common dinners, and wine-
parties. They took a conspicuous part in the public sacrifices of sanc-
tuaries and towns, and might march in processions clad in purple and gold.
* Appendix, no. i. 2 Appendix, no. 5.
3 1450^20. * Cf. Pollux iv. 87, 91.
5 The cro\vns that they receive in
the Sarapieia inscription (see p. 295) arc of the middle
range of value, and argue fairly strongly for their high status.
® Rtp. iii.
395 a ovSe firjv patpwhoi y€ viroKpiTol ap.a’ . . . oAA* ojJSc toi wo^fpirai KiDfitnhois
T€ Kal rpaywhois ol avroL 7 Cic. Orat. 109,
® Dtdjvia, die Inschrifien, no. 183 provides a stray exception.
^ A story is told in various forms that Polos or Aristodemos (second half of the fourth
century) boasted that he had made a talent in t^NO da^-s ([Plut.] Vit. X Oral. 848 b; Cell.
N.A, xi. 9). *0 Above, p.
295. For Delos, see Sifakis, StudieSy p. 38,
” Above, p. 295. ** Appendix,
no. i6^, and Le Bas 1620 c (tragic prizes only).
The flattery of successful actors and instrumentalists in the imperial

age seems to have reached the same height of absurdity as that of film
stars in the present day. In addition to the title UpoveiKTis which could
be used of any victor in sacred games or belonging to a Upa awoSos,
we find jTepioSoveiKTjs used to indicate a victor in all the four great
festivals of Greece, and TrXetarovelicrjs of one who broke the record in the
number of his victories j TrapdSofoj is constantly used of the victor and
irapaSoôveliajs is found. Successful performers accumulated the citizen-
ships of many cities, and cities erected their statues.
But in spite of all tliis not easy to get a clear general idea
flattery it is
of the social posidon and reputadon of the actor at different periods. The
depreciatory estimate of Aristotle has already been quoted,' but the
language used of Kraton by his guild at Tcos is that of ^varm personal
regard,and there are similar expressions in inscriptions of later periods.

Yet Philostratus- speaks of actors as haughty and undisciplined, and
Lucian has little good to say of them. But the actors of \s’hom Lucian^
speaks as being rvhippcd, at the pleasure of the audience, if they acted
badly, or at best as being hissed off the stage, and as wandering about
in beggary and starvation when they had put off the fine stage robes
whicli dicy wore as gods and kings and heroes, seem to belong to a
differentworld from Kraton and from others mentioned in inscriptions
of Lucian’s own time. Probably most of the actors whose names appear
in the inscriptions arc those \vho were specially selected to perform at
great or special festivals, while Lucian is thinking of theatrical per-
formances which were commonly held in all towns, large or small, and
at many seasons.
* Above, p. 280. * Above, p. 301, n. i.

^ e.g. Pwcfl/or ol aOXoO^rat pa<rrtyoCv (lw$aoiVf‘qvTisvrtoKpiTf}^Xi6T^vavrj JloaetSwva
33 cVci koI
rj 7QV /Im uiroScSu^coj? pij KaXws tmoKpivoiro pvjSc a^tai' twv kqi ou B-q vov opy^ôrrai
airrofj €KuvQt {sc. ol Ocol)^ on Tor avrwv to rrpoauintta kqi to eVSeSuK^To
tmrpoliav valciv rots aAAa Kal rjSotvr* or, ofpat, /latTTtyovpî’OH'* oiK^rrjv
yap ^ ayycAoV Ttva p.-q iôKpivaaOat piKpov to ‘rrratofia, tof ^ta 5c ^ top 'HpoKAca pi) Kar*
aîav tmBclâoOat rots ^caTaCff dirorponaiov ws koi ai’aypoV; Apol. de mexcede cond. 5 (vrroKptTai)
ot CTTi pcp Tqs Alyapcpvoiv ckccttoj avrCiv ^ Kpitnv
OKTjVTjs avroy *HpaKXijs uaiv, cfco 5^ UdiXos
iy Hpi(TT6Bi]pos arro^^pO’Ot Ta TrpoawTTcro ytyvoiTct dndpioOoi TpaytoSomTcy, cAcrrtWoi'Tcy Kal
avpirropcvotf cVtOTC 5c Kal pacTiyoupo'Oi Tti'cs avrwv, ws ap Tto OcaTpeu Bokt}; J^'igrin. 8 ^Sr/
TpaytKovs 17 it) Ala #faipt#fOi)y <l>avXovs dcupanas uiro^ptray, t<Dp avptrroftci'wy A^yai rovrtov /cat
Bia^Biipoxrwv ra troti;paTa Kal to TcAcifratop eKfiaXXop/yair; Menipp. 16; Navig. 46.
3o6 THE ARTISTS OF DIONYSUS
APPENDIX
INSCRIPTIONS RELATING TO THE ARTISTS
OF DIONYSUS
I. The Euboean Law on engaging Artists (294-288 b.c.). LG. xii. 9. 207 and
p. 176; I.G. xii, Suppl., p. 178; Wilhelm, Griechische Inschriften rechllichen
Inhalts, pp. 79-83.
"jv Aaixaalas IIapdiiovo[s ](âvToy JlrroAAcuviSrjr
Apiartcov aLpeia[6ai avSpas - - - oirives TrapayevijcrovTai el]f XaXKiSa SiaSd-
aovres to. epya rots Te;(ViVa[is p.rjVos jirraroopiiovos ds XaAitiSets] dyovai, toy 8e
'lanaiets Apelov, toy Se 'Eperpiets [ ]o/)/<roy opLoaai Sc rovs alpcBcvras
cv re TT)i tSlai 7rd[A£t - - - /cat orav rrâpayivtovrai els XaXKiSa too auToo opKov
€771 t[ Ttoo T6];îTtoo Ttoo cTTavycXXoncvwv rots aplarois KaT[d ovre
y^dpiTos cvcKa ovre cydpas ovScfuds, Kal Suipa. ov [Scô[xai - ]Aiy rcyyrp
ouSc napcopcaci ouSepiai c<fcîv ^^[y - K3ai Tov ArroXXoi Kal rrjv d[T]]fnjTpa
Kal TOV Aidvvaov [(tat cvopKovvrt ficv ptot cir] rdyafid], imopKOvvri Sc rdvavrla.
vnep €pyoAaj8i[to]v. crrciSav Sc [dpootaai, SiSdvrojv rd epya KTjp]vâvTCS Kal
cnavyeiXavTcs rots rcyvlrais drtd rrjs ctKdSos [toiJ Artarovpi&vos fifjvds' Tre/xTrJdoTtoi'
Se ai)A»jray rpets, rpaywiSovs rpets, eiySe iCd/>i><j[T]o>' Svo [ jrfTTapay

Kai yopoXs rraiSuiv rpets Kal dvSpdiv rpets tov x[°8°^ ’’’dv
rrXrjV els -]pyov
dtTTiy TTape^ci Ipdria rots rpayojiSots Kal KcopwiSots irdvra oacuv [av TrpoaSewvrai'
Kal eyyvovs 7r]ap’ CKdarov rwv rexvirdiv SeycaBaiv dîaypeovs TrXrjv fir) Evôcas.
[yrrep Bewpdiv rtepLrreiv Sc T]dy rroXeis els rovs dytovay Ttov Aiovvatcov Kal
A-qpL-qrpicloiv eXopevovs Be[Û)povs tco/ti'fovTay to Kara rjd ^Tj<j)iop.a KaXXwrctov,
Aa/xjSdvovToy dpyvpiov rrapa r^s ISlas TrdA£[toy Spaypas - - - /covjra Kal crvvmv-
TTeveiv Kal rdXXa rrdvra rtpdrreiv Kara rov Evôikov v6po\y, vnep piaBov-
SiSdvai Se TToAijv cKdarrjv voplaparos Arjprjrpielov avXyret Spaypas câKOolas,
rpayo}iSw\i Aiovvolwv - - ,Ar]pr]rpi,eC\wvdyiiivt H, Kto[p.]oi8c)ry HHHH, t/^tano/ttoSet
HHH. vnep aiTTjpealwv SiSdrto Se Kal ainjlpeatov cKdarq ndXis rots rey^vlrais
rjpepuiv nevre rijs r/pepas CKdar-qs ewe’ oôXovs Kal Ttov epôXlpwv [ijfteptov ,
ToIy Sc SiSacrj/tdAoiy Ttov rpayanSwv Kal KwpwiSwv rjpepd!>vSeKa,TotsSer(ov kvkXIwv

Xop[iov Sp(i]ypds eiKoai, vnep rwv dywvwv ylveoBai Se rovs dytovay
Ttov Aiovvolwv ev Kap\vaTwi prjvos toy Ka^pvarioi dyovai and rrjs StoSe/cdnjy,
eneira ev ’Eperpiai prjvds Arjvacwvos toy ’Eperlpiets dyovai and rrjs - —

eneira ev XaXnlSi prjvds Arjvaiwvos toy AoAKtSery dyovai and rrjs elndSos, eneiT[a
ev 'Qpewi — toy '/trriaicjry dyovai and rrjs dySdrjs dniovros. vnep epôXlpwv
rjpepwv edv nov TrpoSetovTat [ ] €[pj3]oAi7itov rjpepwv, e[f6]Cv adroty £V-
âXeaBai peypi rjpepwv rpitov dpyeiv Se rods avXrjrcis a[ toJv yopdv
eladyeiv, rods 8c rpaywiSods rods epyoXaPrjaavras tcaTaA[ei'7r]ciVT0ty a[d]A')j[Tary - -
enl rrjv - -]tav Kal rods yopods rwv dvSpwv rpaywiSiov rots vnoKpirats rd, Ipdria
vea nalpeyeiv cto-]dycf rods Se yoprjyods rod’' dnoSeSeiypevovs ev rats noXeai
Scxc[CT]6ai Tc Touy T[cxviTay ] Kara Tody vtiptouy. [d]iTcp Tijy Kplaews'
cVetSdv 8e d dywv yevrjrai, Kpivovrwv [ot /cJptTat [ - ]ooy ypdtfiavres els
APPENDIX TO CHAPTER VII 307
yplaiiHârctov Kal Bevres els to <l>avep6v irp[o]s tov d/j[;^;aroi’ v]a[d]j> o[^
K7iplvaae]TO} [rd 6]v6fiaTa r&v xoprjyiuv eirl tovs rexvlras, 6 8e [a]/D;^;a)i' [roijy]
KCKpipevovs [ » xal d iroirjTrjs tov SpdpL]aTos viKaTca. UTrep ATjpTjTptdcav
fif Se rd Ar)p.rjTpieia tcls ipyoXapias ytv[ea]6at ev [XaAxt'St ]i'ea6eiav dwo
Tail' mXecuu, tov 8e dyuiva -TTOiovvrtvv -irp&Tov ev 'Qpedii tov Aijprjrpiwvos fn][v6s
(is 'loTiaiets dyoutri dm
Trjs - -]ti/s iarapevov, eha iv XoXklSi To[i; '/7T]7ri<Si'o?
p-qvos d)S XaXKihsts dyovai dird t^s [SaiS]€KdT7)s, [eira ev ’EpeTplai tov ujjvos-
prjvos m 'EpeTpiets [aiyiovaiv d7r[d] SeKdrrj? per’ eiVdSaj, IweiTa ev Kapdaraii
rov Bov<l>ov\}u>vos prjvos d)S KapvoTioi a]yovcn am

Trjs dySorjs dmovTos’ eivai Se Kal
Tcov ArjprjTpielwv rd? Kplaeis twv TeyviTwv iv Tais mXeatv o[ --] Kaddmp
Kal TOis Aiovvotois [yeJypaTTTar Kapvarlovs Se yp^joBai Tois TeyviTai^ els to. Mpi-
(TTOViK[ci]a. [uTrep îjpidiv e’dv Se reives rdiv TeyviTidv AiTroJcrt rdiv epyojv ti twv
iySoBeiTWV, dmnvdvTtov ^Tjplav to SnrXdarov ov dv [AayScocri to epyov, vj Se -rrjpaîs
ioTui tov TeyviTOV Kal tov ipryoXd^\ov /eot] tov iyyrjov KaO' eKdarriv mXtv iv ais
dv Xlrrojaiv, ^[at eoTeaaav evrof] rrjs Eiôlas dycLytpoi Kal avTol Kal oa dv eyovres
8ta\TTop£\riwvTai hi Evôlas arepiaBtuv Ttdvrwv, eivs dv [iKTelacvat rj^v ^rjplav
KoBa. ye[y]paj7Taf to 8’ elcmpaTTopevov dpyvptov d[5Td (_Ttvv^ XijmvTwv eoTcu lepov
TOV Aiovvaov iv Tei mXei, ii dv t[ 6 epyov ijt], daa h’ dv eyovres Siamperjwvrai, rd

pevTiplaeaTov d[fleAd[vTOf] eOTOi, rd heTjpiaea-njsTtoXews, i^^S dv 6 d<l>eX6pe[vos
^v] e’dv Se tis iv Tats mXecn ypdifrrji Tj iTiirfrt)<f>loei cos Sei dt^tetaoBal [tivos] tcov rd
epyov Aittovtcov t^v ^rjpiav, evoyos [î]ai'[co]v eoTat o re ypdifras Kal d emijrrjîaas,
edp pi] 6 jSa(jtAe[us d]AAo wep[i a]0Tcjov emcTetAijf tcoi Se otto Tou[r]cov yiv[opev]toi
[djpyupi'cot ev toIs irdAecrtv Karayp-qaBcov els to lepov tov lAi\ovvoov, els dXXo Se
pqBev. veplepPoXipuiv pij v[<3 v Trjept Serdiv e’pjSoAatW pqv&v impeXetoBai tovs
dpyovras ev rafs TrdAe[cTi /i]eTd tcov Tjiprjpevwv orav KaBqKei, omos dv dpa iv [t]^
Evôlai ylvojvTat. iirep e|cy[p.]oo’idiv iîopoalav he elvai tois Te;^CTa[fs] rocs
Xmoval Ti TCOV epycov adroTs TTapayevopev[ois e]i’s tt]v mXiv oS dv Xlmvai to epyov
evTos rov yeipdivos iv eyp-qvco[i' Trpjdrepov Sc pq eivai i^qprjaBar mpovrojv t[cov]
SiSdvTcov Td epya' e’dv he tis tcov TexviTcov tcov Xa^dvriov to. epya 6’[v £']uôiai dywvl-
CqToi ev Tivi TToXei i^ ijs pi] [eorcv auTcoi] irapayeveoBai els rods ypdvovs iv ois ol
aywviselaivivlEv^ôlai,yivea8u) auTcocij cfcopocria. Td 5[c hdâvrâ dvaypdipat rods
opyoi'ras ev eKccerr[i;i] TCOV TToAecov ev CTT [tjJAtjc XiBlvrji Kal dvla]9eTvat els rqv ndplo-
hov TOy] Oedrpov to Sc dvdXojfia ro et? rrjv v7ro9civai c^caorfoy]? “rrap^ iav-
[To](r)ts* rwi BcaTpoii, orav Troyfoojyrai rrfv fiiaOwjaiv Kara rd imorra /hoyvaia.
dy yivwvrai (âl ipyoXaîaiy, ray 7roA«y iXofxevas Touy dvSpas Kara r-^v Btaypa[(f>riv
TTepijjat] efc XoAkiSo TTpd rijs etKaSoy rou Arrarovpiojvos fiTjvos, o)S XaXKiBets
ayouotv, otto)? av cySaioiv rd cf/jyci roiy T€;^3ytTatS‘* Tooy Se TrpoôvlXotijs /cat
OTpan^yoyy Toyy XioA/ctSecuv aTrooTctAat riva irpd^ rovs Tex^tVay e7ravye[Aou;'Ta rdy]
epyoAajStay Kat dircoy dv Trapdiaiv ol jJoyAd/xci'ot cpyoAaj5eu* rot? [JlTrarjoupidlvoy
ftt^voy, coy ôA/ctSety dyoucriv, 7r[pd et/cdStoy rjdjy /card 0edr* edv Se rivey rcor
[Trpdjre/Jov i^Tjptwpivcov iv rary ttoAcctiv r^xvirwv TTpo rov rov vopov Kvpa)\6rjvai
ôuAjcoiTat epyoAajServ to Evpo'CKov Gpyov, clvai auToFy orav TTapayivcuvrai iôpoaa~
p^vpis aêtoât rdiv TTpoTepov ^rjpliwv. dcr^] dAeiav eivat TOty ipyoXaP'qoaoiv rcyvirai^
TO EvôXkov epyov iv [Taty] TToAeot raty iv EvPolat Trdaaty Kara tov Kaipfo]*', [tajv
TCOV [ayjcovcov evcKev ivBrjixwoit arro ridv ttoXitikwv ei'KA'/j/iarcov* eTTipeXeicBat Be
rrjs daôAtias rovs OTpan)[yous Kal] tous apôvra^ rovs KaTd7rdA[iv] dav Si tivcs rdiv
.
reyviToiv AtVcueri rtuv epyu)v n, dv[a](3 [dAA£]o 0 ai to? cySdo'fiS’ twv fpylai]v [dJjj-di’-
rwv, et /xij anel^lprjlTat, (^Kaiy pia[62waat [rrojêv re')(i’lTas dvrl twv Xemovrwv, idv
wuiSwaroL- olSe ptaOwBcvres vnapxovrwly Kai] els Tas dXXas noXeis, ev ais avXeiTrrj-
rai TO. epya' idv 8e oi reyvlrai rj twv ipyoXa^wv Ttves SvvaTol ovTes ipyoX\a.]Petv
Kal ôvXopevwv avTol[s twv apyov^TWV Ta epya StSovai nij ipryoXaPCoai dAA’ cy
ojVTat Trapd. tous K«ft£i'ou[s] toIs Evôievai irepltovtwv vdpovs, vnoreXeis aurous
elvai ndvTWV <Lv Evôlas Kal £tVdyou[Tas] Kal i^dyovras'
dv eyovres imPalvwai rrjs
TOUS Se StSdvTas Ta epya ovs dv Kplvwaiv twv TexviTWV 7} twv epyoXd^wv dSiKetv
Trepl Tavra d[Troy]pdi/iat Tats IScais mXeertv empeXetodai Se peTa twv dpydvTwv Kal
aTpanjywv tous rjiprjpevovs TTpds Tas epyoXa^ds Tpdnwt otwi dv emarwVTai, ottws
ol dTToypajievTes Ta teAij TiBwai KaTa to. SoâvTa tols Evôievaiv idv Se nves
TWV reyviTwv draKToCvres ti Trepl tous dyiSvas ^tjptwffwaiv vnd twv dywvoOeTwv,
VTToXoyetv avrots rds ^rjplas iK twv piaBwv oTav Koplawvrai vapaypijpa.
2. The Amphiktyons recognize the Athenian guild, 2783. c./.G. ii^ 1132,11. i-
39, restored with thehelpoftheDelphic copy, Fouilles de Delphes\\\. 2, no. 68, 11 .
61-94. Cf. S.I.G? 399. We have only bracketed words preserved in neither copy.
£K Tou ptjTpwiov £771 'lipwvos dpyovTOS iv AeXif>ots, TTvXalas iapivds, lepopva-
povovvTWv ©eaoaXwv 'ItmoSapa, zIeoutos' AItiwXwv AvKea, Awpipayov Boiwtwv
A awTTWVOs, AiovvaiSov 0WKiwv Evppea, Xapea‘ eSoêvTots AptpiKTioaiv Kal Tots
lepopvdpoaiv Kal Tots dyopaTpots' oTrw[s] ndvTa ypdvov davXia Kal oteAejo
els
Tots reyviTais Tots iv ABijvais Kal pr/ Iji dywyipos pqBels prjBapdBev /ttJte -noXepov
pTjTe elpr^VTjs pifTe Ta yprjpaTa aiiTWV, dAA’ aiTots dTeXeia Kal dcr<l>dXeta els
ndvTa XP°Mov avvKeywprjpevr] vtto ndvrwv twv 'EXX-fjVWV peâla, el[y] ai 6e TOUS
TeyviTas dTeXets OTpaTelas ireîKas Kal vavTiKas Kal elocfiopas Trdiras, ottws
T ots Beats al Tipal Kal al 0u[criai e]^’ ds elm TeTaypevoi oi texuitoi aWTeXwvTai iv
Tots KaBijKovaiv ypdvois ovtwv auT«i[i' drroXvTrpayJpovijTWv Kal iepwv irpos Tats
TWV 0Edi[u XeiTovpylJais' pi] iêoTW Se prjSevl dyeiv tov TleyviTav, /ttjte] TToXepov
pTjTe elprjvas prjSe avXdv el Ka eywv ttoXei ip vrrdypews, Kal idv ISiov
auv[j3oAai]ou tnroypeos d TeyvlTas' idv Se ris Trapd Tavra Trot'll, vttoSikos earw iv
Ap(j)iKTlocrtv avTos re Kal d wdAts iv ai to dSlicrjpa Kard tov reyvlra avvTeXeoBtji.
eipev Se rdv dreXeiav Kal rdfu da]<j>dXeiav rdv SeSopevav vtto AppiKTidvwv rots iv
[A107jmis TjEXUiTots els rdv dEi ypovov oSmv diroXv-npaypovl^lrois' tous Se ypappa-
TEis dvaypdijiai to Sdypa elaT7]Xav XiBlvav Kal a-njoai iv AeXpots' nepifiai Se Kal ttotI
ABrjvaiovs tov Soyparos touSe dvrlypapov ioppayiapevov, iva elSwvn ol Teyvtrat
on ol Ap^tKTtoves n-AEioTav exovti 7rpdvoia[v] vnep tSs irpos rods Beovs evoeêias
Kal KaTaicoAoud7]Ka[u]Tt rots TTapaKaXovpevois vrrd twv rexvirav, Treipdaovrai Se
Kal els TO Xomdv Tavra re (fivXdaaeiv els rdv dnavra ypdvov Kal dXXo 0 n dv eywvn
dyaBdv Trpooavêiv imep twv Trepl rdv Atowaov rexvirav, TrpeaaêiS' MoTvSdpas
TTonjTTjs rpaywiSiwv, NeoTrrdXepos rpaywiSds.
3. The Isthmian-Nemean guild accept an invitation to the Mouseia, c. 21 1 b.c.

S.I.G.^ 457 Feyel,
;
Contribution d I’epigraphie beotienne, pp. 89-90.
d BvpeXiKds dycbv aTepavirrjs rrpwTov eyduETO dywvoBerovvros 'lepouXios, iepews
Se riov Movaiuv Mvamwvos, dno Sc rdiv TCXvtTwv AlaxvXov, Kal Soyfiara nepl rov
dyuivosrwu Movaclwv
TCyviTuiv cSo^c rots rcxvirms rots cf 'laOfiov koX Nepcas' crrciSr) napayc-
vopcvos TTpca^cvrris 'IcpoKX^s rrapd. rijs rtoXcus Qecmicwv Kal rov koivov rdv
Boitvrwv <jn)^lapard re direSojKev Kal imoroXijv, iv fp rrapcKoXei rods rcyviras,
rijs TToXews r&v Bcameujv rrpoKCxeipiapevrjS rov dywva rov iv rail 'EXiKtovt
yivSpcvov rats Movaais OTcrjtavirrjV eivat rov BvpcXiKov rov re rdiv aoXyrcuv Kal
avXwtSwv Kal Kidapiardiv Kal KtBapoitStvv Kal eTTWv irorjrrji, Kal orrws dv o eviavrds
peraredfji, evtSt o aytuv yiverai, Kal awnpeaPevawatv rrepl rovrwv oS dv rrapa-
KoXtji 17 TToXis ij rwv Oeameiov, Kadcds Kal ev rots epTTpoa[6]ev xpdvois, Trpdrrcooi Se
ol Telj^fjrai Kal edv dXXo [t]i R cvSJofo;' cRt’Oi Sd^rji] -^
[ Kal
eTreiSr/ 'lepoKX^s Xdyovs eTTOitjcraro dKoXovBeus] rots ev rots ijirjtj>lopaai yeypap-
pevois, eireSeiê Se Kal rd e^ dpxfjs TTpoyeyovdra <j>iXdv 9pw 7Ta rijt TToXei rwv
Oeame'wv npds rods reyviras Kal rots reyvirais irpos rrjv troXiv rwv GeoTTiewv
nepl rovrwv rrdvrwv dyaOrji rv[x]r]i SeSoxBai rots rexvlrats, eTratveaat pev rfjv
Sfj
TToXivrwv QeoTTiewv Kal rd Kowdv rwv Botwrwv enl rrji tfaXoriplai, exovaiv ets
re rd lepdv rwv Movawv Kal rd KOtvdv rwv rexvirwv dnoKplvaadai Se adrots, on
Kal irporepov ol rexvtrai, Koivdv tmoXapPdvovres eivat rov dywva rwv Movawv rijt
re TToXet OeoTTtewv Kal avrots, rrjv rroiaav rrpoBvplav eveSelâvro Kal avvBvovres Kal
lepe'a e^ avrwv alpovpevoi Kal Bewpods dnoareXXovres Kal tfn](j>lopara ypdôvres
Kal avpTTpeaêvovres irepl rov dywvos Kal npos rods Xotnods 'EXXrjvas, KaBths dv
rjmXts 7rap[a]KaA^t rwv 0£<T7ri«aiv epiâvlêtv Se avrots on Kal vvv rrpwroi rdv
dyoiva rats Movoats are<f)a[vL]rr]v d7roS£xovT[at -]
4. The Amphiktyons reply to the Artists and to Thebes about the Agrionia,
behveen 228 and 215 b.c. Fouilles de Delphes iii. i, no. 351 and p. 402 (Nikit-
sky, J. Min. Ptibl. Jnslr., March 1912, pp. 130 ff.) ; Robert, 5 .C.A^. 59 (1935)
pp. 196-7; Feyel, Contribution a I’epigraphie biotienne, pp. 140-7; Bousquet,

B.C.H. 85 (1961), pp. 78-85. We
omit the fragmentary lines i-io, which
order the publication of the hvo following decrees.
[em NiKapxov dpxovros ev Ae]X<fiots, TrfvAatay drrwptvijs, eSoêv rots Ap^{]Krloaiv

orrws dv rj Bvala rwt Aiovvawt [17 rwv rpterrjplSwv Kal o£] dydij'Ey ovs a[uvT£Aer 17
77dAty rwv Qrjâtwv Kal rd K]oa'dv rwv rexvtrwv rwv ets 'loBpdv [kui Nepeav avp-
rropevojpevwv ytvrjr[at ws KoXXtara, empeXetaBat] rods lepopvrjpovas ot dv (Latv ev

rwt [trwtS/jicot drrorav a£ r'\pierr]plSes Kop ol dywves avvreXwvrai ev rwt Kd]Speiwt
ev Qijâis vrrep rov[rwv ovws cKaara ylvijrai] ev rrjt •qpepa[i ijt dv rj noXts rwv
Qrjpaiwv Kal rd /c]oivd;' rwv rexvirw[y i^BeXlpijawâtv dvat ev rwt
tepwi rrapd. rdv arjltedv rijs EepeXrjs •
eiji'ai Se Kal datpdXeiav Kal dovXlav
rraot To[fs reyvlrats rots veprjBetaiv els rdv Bvola^v rwv rpterrjplSwv ,
rrevB’ rjpepas
rropevlppevots, Kal drrepxopevots dXXas roaavras, /cjai ews dv rj rrav^yvpts yivrjrai,

Kai ouTors K[ai rots avvepyaôpevois avrots 7ra]^TaxoC• edv Se ns rrapd ravra
ayrjt nvd rj uRoSikoj earw ev MptfuKrioâtv eivat Se Kal rd lepdv rov
pvatdîji,
Aiowaov rov KaSpeCov [to eV Grjâts drrd rrdvrwv ojo'uAoi' KaBdrrep Kal rd iv
AeXijiots- rrjv Se Bvalav Kal iKexe[tplav irrayyiXXetv] irrl rds rroXets rrjv re rwv
QrjPatwv rrdXiv Kal rods rexvlras' K[opiou? S’ eivat oiKOVo]povvras rd /card to lepdv
Tov re lepea rov Aiovvaov Kal rovs em[ieX\;qTa.s roiis vrro tw]v rexvirwv elprjpevovs
(cat TOV dyuivoOirrjV 0i)j3acu)V dvaypaipai Se rov [ypapparea ToSJe to iprj(j}iapa.
ev arrjXais Svalv Kal dvaffeivai rypi /X£V iv AeX<j>ots ev rd>\i lepwi too Jl7roAA(uvo]y
orrou dv Soieiji iy KaXXiaraii eivai, rrjv Se ev O-qâis rrapd rov OTj»fo[v rijs 2ep.eXris,
dvjadetvai Se Kal rwv dXXcov lepwv orrov dv SoKrji ev KaXXlarwi etvai. errl NiKap-
yov dpxovros efv AeX<f>otS) iruAato]s drrcopivijs, eSoêv rots ji.p<f>iKriooiv eneiSri
d TToXts rwv ©TjâCwv Ka[i oi rexvtrai ol cir] 'ladpLov Kal Nepeav avvreXovvres
rrapeKaXeaav rods ApîKrlovas ro re [ie]pdv [too Aiovvaov\ davXov rroi-paai Kal
empeXeiav rronqaaadai rds d[<r]âAetas Koi rov dydl[v]os- ottw[s dv o5v a dvaia d]
rwv rpierrjplSwv ws KaXXiara avvreXrjrai rwi Aiovvawi rwi Ka8pe[iaj]i, 8£8d;([6at
Tory ApifiiKrJtoveaaf at rls Ka rwv avXtjrav rj rwv xop^^rav rj rwv rpaywiSwv fj
rwv Kw[p,wiSwv rwv ve]p.rj9evrwv els rds rpierrjpiSasvrtdrwvrexyirdvpLfjdywvil^rjrai,
[T]dy rpierrjplSals Kal rods dydijvay Kara rov vdpLOV ras rroXtos rwv ©rjâlwv, dXXd
vyiaLvwv Ai7n)[t tov] dydjva, p.rf e[lpev adrwi daif]dXeiav prjSe rots avvepyaôpevois
adrwi pvqre rToXep,ov p'pre £ipd[va]y at Ka pvrj dy[wvL^rjrai, (cat] Ka lâpiwBrji drro
rov dywvoOera, Kal dywyipos earw rravraxoBev' [a? ifd] ns rrdXis rj [dp;êrov rj
t8t<oT]ay [T]dv âpiav dffieXrjrai rov eâiu[wftJevov,
5. Two decrees of the Egyptian Artists, c. 240 b.c. O.G.I.S. 50-51.
(a) The Artists honour Dionysius.

ISofev Tofy rexylrais rots rrepl rov Awwaov Kal 0£ouy A18EAôt;y Kal rots rrjv
avvoSov vefiovaiv, arejtavwaai Aiovvatov Movaaiov rrpvraviv Sid îov Kiaoov

are<j)dvwi Kara rd rrdrpia edvoias evcKa rrjs els rrjv rrdXiv rwv iJroAe/iau'aiv Kal
rods rexyiras rods [Trepi] tov peyav Atdwaov /tai ©eods ASeX(f>ods, dvay[ope]Caai
8c TOV areâvov rots Aiovvalois Kal dvaypaifrrjvai [to] ^7]<îcr[pa] toSc els crT^[A]r)V
[icai] dvadetvai rrpd rov vccb rov Atovdaov. rd Se dvdXwpa rd els rrjV ortJAijv Sovvai
rdv oi[Kov]dpo[v] Zwalîov.
{b) The Artists honour Lysimachus.

cSofcv rexvlrais rots rrepl rdv Atdwaov Kal @eods ASeXijiovs’ erretS'^ Avalpaxos
UroXepaiov Sworparevs, d Irrrrdpxrjs Kal rrpvravis Sid ^lov, rrjv re els rdv jSaoiAca
Kal rods rovrov yovets evvoiav Kal rrpdrepov pev, eri Kal vvv Se Sid rrXeidvwv
drroSeSeiKrai Kal rrpds tov Aidwaov Kal rods dXXovs Beods edaePws Kal dalws
SiaKelpevos rvyxdvei rots re rexvlrais ’fnXavBpwrrws drravra xprjrai Kal Kar ISlav
eKdarov Kal Kard Koivdv rrdvrwv dvriXapPdverai rrpoBvpws Kal eKrevws eavrdv
avvemSiSods els to ovvavieaBai rd rexvlrevpa, KaXws S' exei rods rotovrovs
rwv avSpwv emarjpaivopevovs ripdv rats rrperrovaais ripats, SeSdxBat rwi KOivwi
rwv rrepl rdv Aiovvaov rexvirwv, iuv Kal rd dvdpara vrroyeyparrrat, areiâvwaai
Avalpaxov Kirrov are^dvwi Kard rd rrdrpia rfj ta' rov Uepiriov prjvds rots
Atowalois dperrjs eveKa Kal edaePelas rijs ets re jSaoiAca IlroXepatov Kal rdv
Aiovvaov Kal rods dXXovs Beods Kal evvolas rijs els rdv PaaiXea Kal rods rovrov
yovets Kal rijs els rods rexvlras rvxrji riji dyaBijt. dvaBetvai S' ai5T[oi5] Kal elKova
yparrrrp/ ev rfj rrpoordSi rov rrpvravelov. dvaypdijiai Se Kal rdv ypapparea rov
Koivov Arjpapxov rd rdSe els arijXrjv Kal dvaBetvai rrpd rov vew rov
ipij<f>iapa
Aiovvaov rd 8’ els ravr' dvdXwpa Sovvai rdv olKOvdpov ZwaiPiov.

ZwTTVpos o irpos rots Upots rpienjpiSos Kal dp^terrjpiSos Kal tovtov
Aiovvaios TpaycpSds atlAijn^? TpayiKos

Tavptpos M-qTpdStapos OpaiKiSigs
rpaycpBiwv 7roti)Tai KOjpcpSol aaXTTiKTTqs
âlpiTTUOS TeXepayos Opacrupaxos

AtOyPTjTOS jiyaddSoipos OKevomids' BdTOjp
KCPpWtSlCOP TTOltjTai AttoXXwpios Trpdfevot
TrpdToyos AoKXrjTTtdSoipos AttoXXiopiov Arjp-gTpios
Movaatos AmXXwpios 0alSipos

eiraiv novqrai AtdSuipos XlpTeplBojpos
Aijpapxos GWaytovLcrrat rpayiKoi ATrouStlâjJ
deoyevTjs AlTToAAtot'tSjj? ÎpSatPo? Aiopvatos

AprepiSwpos KXeiTos tpiXoTexPiTai
Ki6apq)Sos [JT]ToXepxiios Arjp-qTpios
Mei’iTnros [ZaiJmjpos IlTe<f>apos
Kidapianqs [jôp]oStSda/caA[oj3 Aeuip

'HpdKXeiTos ApTepi&ujpos
dpxqarrts Arjp'jTpios
IlToXepatos AlptOTOfOV?
6. The Cypriote Artists honour the nauarch’s son, 114-131 b.c. S'.E.G. xiii. 586.
[SeoSaipov, Twv irpconov top [wot' tov UeXevKov rov miyyevovs ToOjSamActos
Kal tTT/Janjy]ou Koi vavdplxov Kal dpxiepduis T^S prjaov, to koivop rcUp ep Tcui (cjara
ndjiop ypapparelwi TTeplj. top /I lopvaop Kal 0eovs 'Emiâpets Te;^;]viT<Si', euepyeaias
evCKCP lijs et[s eaiiro' apôpraip Kplriupos «i0a/5tot[SoO, - - - ttoitjtov
oartJjpaji', Aiowalov ttoitjtou Tpayaj[6id)j', oiKOPopovPTOs ] avpaywpiOTov

TpaytKov, ypap[p[.aTevoPTOs ttoitjtov Kwp.]wStdip.
7. The Athenian guild honours King Ariarathes V, shortly before 130 b.c.
I.G. ii^ 1330; Leonardos, -Mpx- 1922, p. 109; Wilhelm, JahresheJle
24 (1929), pp. 184-5; Robert, B.C.H. 50 {1926), pp. 497-8, 506, £titdes
e'pigraphiques el philologigues, pp. 38 ff.
- uoai', TrapeKdpco'ai' 5e top /SaotAda empeXeioSat ottcos t) crdjroS[o? twp

Tej;i'iT<Sv a]uf7)07}(jeTat t[ ]
Kal [ ]ta?, e^’ 01 ? d7ro5[efdpiei'os' aurou?
(faXocppopuis e777;yjyfA[aTO d PaaiXevs nlepipeiv Swpeds ] ]*“•
KOI £fa7r£CTT[£tAev
]
Tpi^77^d[Sa — , ipa ovp (patpr/rjai Kal ij avPo8os [rtop
irfpt Tot' Atdpvaop tcx^^'^wp touj] pt£ya[Aojttepd3s EuepyETOuJiTa? eavT^p dm[Sexopdpr]
Kai pvj XeiTTopePT] peydXais Kal [d^tat? Ttpais avTovs
£y] ;^dp[T[o]s [dwoSoaEi], dAAd
Ttpdiaa, t) T£ -npds too?] evepycTas [xctpis] dnaaip dpOpcumis [(fapepd ylprjTai, dyaSrji
™XV‘' deSdxdai] toI? vepl top Aiopvoop tcxpitois £7r[aiv£Wi pep âaiXea Apiapddrjp
Evae^fj] (Cat <?tAo7rdropa âoiXeais Apiapdffov [Evaeôvf Kal âatXiaarjs ApTioyiSos]
(voeêias ipeKep Kal SiKaioavpgs Kal [^tAoTipttaj rrjs eh tops TeypiTas'] ai-rjoai
Sc avTov Kal ayaA/xa irapa tov Belpv - - - - koX elKova rcDt npoTrvXalwi
Tov T€p,€V0V5 /cat [ diêiTrctv Sc] Kal twv cIkovcdv rrjv dvdOemv Ai.owai\o}v
re roju eV darei Kaivoi9 rpaywi^Sois Kal IJauaBTjvaiwv Kal ^^Âevaivicov rotfs
yvp,viKoi9 dytoar rrjs Sc dvayo/DCv]occu? iirtfieXrÔijvai rov ctti/xcAt^tt^v. rra[^paaK€vdaai
Sc Kal lepeta els Ovoiav toji] Aiovvauii dtro rcuv TTpoaohuiv KoivuiV K^dWiara rov
eTTipLeXrjT^v Kal MeveXaov^ rroir^r^v rpayiKov jucrd rov lepews rov ^[tovuaou /cat
Ovaai VTTep atorripias rrjs^ avvohov /cat âoiXecos ^ptapdôu /cat jSaaiA[i(T(T7j9 Ndcnjs
Kal rwv TTaiblwv] /cat fieplBa veifiai 7ra[<7]fi' rots* fiereyôvoiv [tjJs* avvoBov Kal
naial Kal ywaiilv] au[T]ajy. piepiaai Be rov [cV] LpLeXrjr^v rov Mer[ayeirvtcovos p>7)v6s
r^v rerpdSa c]7rt Sc/ca vnep rov âa[tXêws Kal rrjv 7T€fi7rr[7]v enl Sc/ca virep rijs
PaatXiaarjs /cat rdiv] 7rat[Siaj]v, rov [S'] wnjperr)v 7rpoyp[ci]0at ------- )5/xcpa>[v]
rov paatXeojs y^piapdSou /cat a [t€](^ a[voui' TO dyaXpLa to tou /SaatAcoJS’] /cat dvpLidv
K[al] SdtSa iardveiv Kal iv t . . . <«[ ^SajaiAet ApiapdOei EvaefieT Kal

C>iXoTTdropi [ . dycaBai §€ avroO Kal '^pejpav iirwvvpov Kara prjva rriv
TerpdSa dm S[eVa Kal rrji Tjpejpat ravret perd to tov Aiovlyjoov Kal t8(a[t
Si5]CTa[i ^pdvov TCI viKTjaav KaTaXdyeiv Sc tov iiripcXij^T^v Toils --]

aTTopfof/ieJvouy cl Sc p-q, ^qpiouv Top p-q ne[Tr]oi[qKdTa- Tqi Sc tov avjTov
pqvos TOV âaiXews Mptapddov kot' €»>tau[Tov dywva povaiKov Tidcvai rouj]
TcyviTas Kal SiSdvai twv diiSdiv rait vticqaalyTt - - - - — ] Kal KwpojiSots TraXaiots
Kal TpayoiiSots, koto, aura Sc Kal Kaivots Kiupwi]Sots Kal TpaywiSols' cXeoBai
[t<x
Sc qSq c$ cauT[<3v Tpcts dvSpas pcTO. tov dmpeXqjTOv Kal tov Icpcois tovs TcyviTas
oiTtvlcs rqs TC noiqaccos tcuv eiKoJvtvv empeXqaovTat Kal dvaBqaovatv ws KldXXtara
- - - -] Koivd. Kal [ejd;' TTpca^cla ns cXBrj Tiapd }ipia[pdBov ] ytvuiVTai,
BcwpoSoKov del viraKodcw /<a[t tw] cTTipcXqTqv twv tcxvitwv Kal cdv Kal
[ UavaBqvalois^ q 'EXcvaivlois povv tc •rTapaaKcvd^c[iv eA€'](j6at
ef eaVTWV oinvcs vncp âmXc[ws ApiapdBov Kal PaaiXlocrqs Nvaqs^ Bvaovaiv Kal
TciXXa TTpd$ovmv oaa Ko[Ad vopl^cTat, iva tovtwv avvTcXov^pcvwv d[7r]oAa/ij8dv7j rdr
npocrq^Kôdoas [;(dpiTay Trapd twv tcxvitwv Kal 77oA]Aoi [^jTjAojTai ylvwvrat Tqs
6polasalp\caews, opwvTCS npwpc'vovSTOVs] toTs TTcpl tov Aiowaov TcyvlTais aiTiJovs
yiyvopcvovs dyaBwv. cXcoBai 8c Tpcls dvSpas c^ cavTwv oinvcs to [tc tjiqtliiapa
ToSc irapaSwaovai Kal cvjxaptarqaovaiv rwi âoiXct AptapdBci [/cat irapaKaXcaovac

SiaTcXciv Trap^cxovTa rqv tc davXiav Kal daijidXciav [TOtr TcyvlTais Tots difuKVov-
pcvois wpd?] avTov Tqv ScSopcvqv c$ dpx^y7r[apd3 A[p<liiKTv6vwv Kal âaiXcwv Kal
SwaaTiSv] Kal twv dXXwv (^'EXX-qvwvy cmdvTwv Kal del nvos \ayaBov TtapaiTiov
ylyvcoBai auToiy] KaBdnep Kal avTOS CTrayycXXcTai. dva\ypdiliai 8e tov ypappaTca
ToSc to] tjj-qifiiapa els OTqXqv XiBlvqv K[a]l aTqaa\i irapd Tqv clKova, els Sc rqv
noQqmv Kal Tqv dvaypa^qv pcpiaai tov CTr[ipeXqTqv to yevopevov dvdXwpai] irpe- .
apeis el[pcBqaav^ MeveXaos TTOiqrqs TpayiKos, &edSoTos KiB[apwiSos, - - - -

]
A fragmentary decree follows for Ariarathes’ queen, Nysa.

8. The Argive branch honours its treasurer, c. 1 15 b.c. Michel ton ; I.G. iv.
558; Vollgraff, Mnemosyne 49 (1921), pp. 113-17; Robert, B.C.H. 50 (1926),
PP- 49S-50J-
C'7rci8i] Zqvwv 'EKaToSwpo\v Apyetos iv Travn Kaipw 8iaTcAcr evae^ws Kal oalws
Siajifciperoy Ta TTpds tovs Bcovs, 8e npos to koivov twv mpl tov
rwv ii 'laBfiov re Kal Ne/xeas Trjf iv }lpYe[t crwoSov Kal eV
Jioivaov TCxt'irwv]
~aai TToAAaj Kal pcyaXas aTroSetJêij TreTTOirjp.h’os rijs iavrov KoXoKayaOiai rdy
rdr Kara rdr pcytcrras r^s] ovyoBov apya^ Tzaaas ireTTOLTp-ai koAws Kal
Tof? Koii’ois' -rijs (TvvdSov TTpaJypaaiv eV TrSaiv dvaarpe^dpefOT d|iujy
cviij>{pot'TCii[s
aVTuit [dvTjKoutnjs evyeveias, Kara^cTaAtls Si koI Tapias utto

T^? fK ffoiSds
(TVj’dSou ei’y TO
SevTtpov Kal Tpia[KoaTov eras Kai evpwv'] TroAAa twv t^s owo'Sou
htaôpuiv dnoaraToviTa, r&v KetfiaXaicDV [koI -okojv rravras tovs ti] f(li7jXKvapivovs
(f {ruv
Kal TrXeidvtoj' eveâviaiv t£ rail vA^[Bet rdiv Teyvirwy Kal Tra']paK\-qOds
VTTO twv TcyyiTWV

inoiijaaro rrjv iirtpiXetav rrjs dv[aTrpdiecos, iv d-raatv dva-]
OTp€<l>6ptvos KaXws Kal avpiftepoiTois rots Koivots rijs avvdSov [rrpaypaoi, Kal Ik
rav dva] 7rpaxO€i‘TWV vn avroD Staif>6paiv iirereXeaev Kara pijva rots re [Oeory
KOI TOi"? evepyirais direp] T^s crvvdSov ras Kara rovs rdpovs Ovalas, SieXeyrj Si
perd TTpo[6vplas ottws KaraaKevJwB-î dyaXpa Atovvaov rrji avvdSoi d.Kp[6]dt6ov,

Xpvooeipov, c'fd7r£[8ov, i/tTjîoa/ien;? Se] rijs am’oSov eSwKcv rd Sid<j>opa eK rwv
perd avovSijs] Kal mrip rov KaraaKevwQrjvat
dvaTTlpayOei^riov vtt’ avrov, SfieAeyTj Si
] evTWi Tepeve\i ] rwv Teyt'iTwv -n-lotijaaaBat]

Kal TrapaKXrjBels wrd
eTTipeXetav T[uiv evrepevlwv lepwv CTTOiâaro rd? tySdoei? T[div] epywv irdaas
[irpor rd ie]pd perd [(mouS^S atrios nXelarwv dya]Bwv irrl rrjv (n/i’[oSoi'
yo'opa'os ]v, errl [Sd rovrois SieXeyr] orrws KaTd]aKevwBuioi rrji
aw[dSwi -----] Kal rpi7r[oSes] BaK[xeiot, enotjjaaro Si rds eySdJaets XuatreXws,

iv mat rovTOts dva[aTpe<^dpe]vos dfico[s t^?] «V T[i5t irdayp twiji det oiVerjaj avrov
KodoKayaBlas dve)'[KA7p-os' dlv] Kal rwv Xf[pvtPajv £]v t<3i [reptei’Ei irpovvoei vrrip
rijsaJwdSov Kal napaaemwmjpeva [EV€T«A£]ac[i' dAAa TroAAd] wri^p rijs awoSov,

irovâaro Si t]^»’ impeXetav Kahvrrip rov KaraaKevwBrjvai ^dBpov [t^j] elKovi
[toO evtpyirov •fipwv'\ jSaoriAecu? NiKopi^Sovs Kal rijs dvaBeaews rrjs eiKovos,
dA[Aa]sr 8e Kai T<[va? earrjaev evrds rov repejvovs, SteXeyr) Si Kal vrrip rov Kara-
oKevwBrjrai rdrrovrwt Beuii Kal vrrepBvpwlBrjvairrjvetaoSovKal^vniprovopoi^wBrjvai
rov roTTOv, iv <Li earai 6£(t[is' iXalov rfj mtvdSwi, eK rwv dvarrpaxBevrwv vrr' avrov]
Siajiopwv orrws ovv Kal ol reyvirai <f>aivwvrai [ydpioiv drrovepovres d^lais roTy
etepyirais tTraH'Oi’] Kal rtpds Kal rroXXovs eywatv rwv dpoiwv ^rjXwrds, [Tdy)ji rî]
dyaOrji SeSdyBai rots [77£pi rov Aidivaov re])(v!rats rots e$ ’loBpov Kal Nepeas rrjs
iv /Ipyei awoSov £77ai[ve]aai Zr/vwva 'EKa\roSwpov Hpyetov errl 7^ 1 ] tdi’oiai re Kal

<l>tXaya6lai rrepl rd Koivd rijs avvdSov rrpdypara Kal [oTEôji'tSoai ad[Tdi' Ktaaov
OTtiJidvtai] , d)i TTOTpiov Tjpvv coTtv, iv riji TOO Seov •qpipai, orijaai Se aurou Kal
[£iV]di’a xaXKy[v eyovaav rrjvSe rrjV em]ypa<jtr]v to koivov rwv rrepl rov Aiovvaov
TEyiiruiv t<3i’ i^ 'loBpov Kal Nepe[as rrjs ev Hpyei avvdSov îji’oira] ' EKaroSwpov
Hpyetov dperijs eveKev Kal evepyealas rijs els [tî’ ourojSoi’’ [to Si yivdpevov
avaXwpa els rrjv ctKoJra Sdrw rwi KaraaraBevri rijs elKOVos emararrjt Sevwv
dvayyeXtas rov are]^dvov rrotrjadaBw d ypap-
0 [raplas, r^v] Si [erTtpe]Xe[cav rijs
parevs AptoroKXrjs, Kal ol dpôvres [01 te vw] K[al ol dei KaraaraBevres Kai
0 °f>] ypapparevs rroielaBwaav rrjV empiXeiav ev riji rov Beov rjlpepai orrws avayo-
pcUTjrai TO ifrrjtjitapa rdSe, rroteioBw] Se TTp’ empeXeiav d KaraaraBels ypapparevs

c[i? TO - — Kal rpiaKoardv eras orrws rots T'i€]peiois ev rwi aywvi rwi yvpvtKwi
avaKTipvxOrjt rd lajpvypa [toSc to Kotvdi' tcuv rrepl rov Atdvvaov te^vitoji’] rwv ef
laOpov KOI Nepeas rijs ev jjpyei avvdSov orTE[<âi'or Ktaaov areiavwt Zrjvwva
V
.

'EKaTohwpov 'Apyelov apc]rtjs evcKeu Kal evepyeaias, eyiov hiareXet £[is’ Trjv
avvoSov Kal tarqaev avrov eiKova yaXicrjv Iv rail. re]p.a>ei, 'rrji dyaOet. dva-
ypaifidrui Se /cat o Karaarladels rijs cikovos imardrrjs rd rrjs awoSov

ToSc] els TO ^dOpov Ttjs cIkovos.
9. The city of Teos buys land for the Artists, third century b.c. B.C.H. 46
(1922), p. 312, no. 2; S.E.G. ii. 580; Robert, jStudes anatolietmes, pp. 39 ff.
[ cvyeoGai] rdv Upia To[u Aiovvaou AiowaQois Kal [tov Trp^vraviv ev riot
iv rots
7Tpv\Tavelu)i Kal tov lejpoKijpuKa [ev rjats eKXijalais ylveadai rdyaSd Kat rtoi koivoii
T di[v TTtpl t]^ Aiovvaov rexyirwv. dyopdaai Se avrots Kal K[rypaJ eyyeov ev rlji
TToXei T] rrji xdipai dm 8pa{xpd)v) P X [koI] rrpoaayopeueaBat to dyopaaOkv K-rijpa
Upov o di'[e'04 Ke] d S^pos rail Koivait rdiv rrepl rdv Aiovvaov r[e)^vtTcdv, ov dreXes
wv -q mXis dm^dXXfi reXdiv dfTTojSetfat Se Kal dvSpas Silo, oirives KrTjparcovy-
aov[aiv £]7r’ dvaijiopdi rrjt rrpds rdv Srjpov iva Se rd dpyvpio[y urr]dp;f7jt els rr\v
KTrjparuivlav, rods raplas rods [evJeaTTjKoras Sovvai rots dnoSeiyBijocpevois

Spa{xpds) [X]XX CK TOV perevrjveypevov ck rov Xoyov rrjs d[;|ajp]£U(Te6jy, o ScSorai
CIS TTjV riprjv rov atrov rd Se i57r[oAiJ‘3T€ff Spa(^pd?) XXX Sdrojaav oi ctatdvrey
rapiai ck r[wv TTpJidrwv SoBrjaopevtov avrots ey âaiXiKOv els T\rjv T^]y mXeias
Siolmjaiv SeSdaBai Se avrots Kal em[xTj\v eri] irevre dm pijvds AevKaBeidvos Kal
7rpur[dvEtuy] MrjrpoSuipov d-nuis Se Kal rd. Soâvra rail 87}p[40£ ‘iTa]vT€s elSdjaiv,
dvaypdxjiai rdSe rd tfnîfiiapa els XiBtvrjv Kal rdv areifavov Kal dvaBetvai
mpd [Td]r vedi rov Aiovvaov dvaypdt/iai Se Kal els rrp> TTap[aaTa}Sa rov Bedrpov
rd ifiTjijiiapa rdSe Kal rdv are<fiav\ov Ti}]? Se dvaypai^^s rayv are^dvaiv Kal ijrt}<f>i-
apdr[ujv Kal t]^j ar^Xrjs rrjv KaraaKevtjv rrp) eySoaiv 7r[oieiaB]ojaav ol evearrjKOres
raplai Kal rd dvaAiup[a SdT]ajCTav ot evconjKOTes raplav rods Se 7rpeojS[euTds] tow
dnoSeSeiypevovs dmSovvai rd i}irj(l>i\apa roSJe rots rrepl rdv Aiovvaov rexylrais
Kal eTrlaiveaai oji/TOW em rfji edvolai, rjv eyovres S(aT£[Aot5(7£] rrepl rdv Srjpov
rdv Tr)lu)v. drTeSelxBr]\oav Kr^r^paTayvrjaovres S ’ErriripiSoV, Bepalwv
0dvov.
loa. The Ionian Artists honour Kraton, shortly before 167 b.c. C.I.G. 3067;
Michel 1015 I.G. xi. 4. 1136+1061 ; Durrbach, Cdoix d' inscriptions de Delos,
;
no. 75 ; Laqueur, Epigraphische Untersuchimgen, pp. 92-96 ; Wilhelm, Jahres-

lujte 24 (1929), pp. i74fr.; Robert, B.C.H.
59 (1935), pp. 193-8,- Daux,
ibid., pp. 210-18.
TO k[o]£Vov ridv rrepl rdv Aiovvaov rexvirwv ruiv err ’/[toway] koX ' EXXrjarrovrov Kal
Tidv rrepl rdv KaBrjyepova Aiolvvaov] Kpdriava ZojtIxov edepyerrjv dperfjs eveKev
Kal e[d('otay] rjv egaiv SiareXet els rd KOivdv rcdv rrepl rdv Aiovvaov [Te;î’£Tdjr]
£S[ofe]r Toi Koivw rwv rrepl rdv Aiovvaov rexvirwv rwv err 'lajvias Kal 'EXXrja [rr]6[v-
Tov Kal rwv rrepl rdv Ka 0 r;]y[e]pdra Aiovvaov erreiSrj Kpdrwv Ewrlyov adXTjrrjS
rrporepdv re 'y€vdpevo[s lepevsrov Aiovvaov K]al dy[tov]o0e'Tijy KoXws Kal evSd^toy
rrpoear-q r-^s re lepewavvrjS Kal rijs dycov[o0€atar Kal vvv Se KpiBe]ls dîos elvai
ravrrjs rrjs riprjs vrrd rov rrXrjBovs rwv rexvirwv Kal alpeBe[ls rd Sevrepov tepeuy tJou
Aiovvaov Kal dywvoBerrjs ev rw adrw eret, vrrepBepevos rods rrlpd adrov yevopevovs
lepeas K^Jal dywvoBeras rrj re xoprjyia Kal rfj Sarrdvrj Kal rij adrov peyaXoi/i^vyla
APPENDIX TO CHAPTER VII 3>5
KOI avaarpaêis TTpeTTovIrois xal adieus rij^ cvpoSov TTcttTa to Trpos Tifirjv Kal Sdfav
dnjKovra [en-ereAeo-ev rw re Atovvjerai Kal rats' Movaais Kal rai AttoXXwvi tw
JIvBlw Kal rots oAAoi? Beats 7ra[oi, ofiolws Se Kal rots re âai^Xevai Kal rats âaiXLa-
aats Kal rots dSeX<f)ots âaiXews Evfievov Kal rep [x'Oit'iS reuu rrepl rov Aiowâov
TEXVirdif', avoSetKVVftevos r^v avrov KaXoKayaBlav Kal eva€^€[tate Kal ^tXariplav
iv ‘travrl Kai]pw Kal ISea Kal Koiinj ael rtvos dyaôC Trapairios yivopevos' ottcjs S’
a[v ejiavepa yivtirai els rov det] ypovov 17 napa rebv reyyirwv dBavaros Sdâ, ovs Kal
Beat Kal âaiXets Map redvres ol dXXot “EXJXijves rtpewatv SeSeuKores r-qv re davXlav
Kal daifidXeiav irdai T[or]s' Tey>'[t]TOi[? Kal iroXefiov Kal etjpT/n;?, KaraKoXovOovvres
Tofy rov AirdXXevvos xp’ji^fiots Se' ovs Mac d[yevvl(ovTai rovs dycoTO? toC] A'noXXeu-
yoy rov TIvBlov Kal r&v Moverdiv r&v 'EXeKctivedSevv Kal rov Aeov[vaov, ev AeXefots
pev Tofy] IJvdlois Kal Stu-rqpiots, ev Qeemiats Se rots Movaeioes, ev Qqâis Se
Toty ilyppavioiy, etvae SoKovvres^ eK rrdvreuv reov ’EXXijvaiv evaeêararoi' dyaBrj
Tvyr]' SeSdyBat oneus [ow q ewvoSos âlvqrae ripcv]aa rovs avrrjs evepyeras
Karaîuis rwv evepyerqpdrejiv, are(liav[o^v\y pev Kpdreuva Zevr'eyov avXqrIqv
eiepyerqv KaO' eKaorov eras els del ev rep Bedrpep ev fj -qpepea q Trlavqyvpis ro-v
KOLVOv ouyreAjErTat perd Tqv areefidveuaev reuv Sqpejjv areefidvep rep Ik rov ydfco[t)
dperqs heeKev Kal Euyjoiay qv eyevv SeareXet els ro Koivov rwv rrepl rov Aidvvaov
TEyviT(3[v rqs Se dvayyeXlas rov are(fi]dvov empeXeiav rroietoBai rov eKdarore
yevopevQV dywvoBerqv [dvaServat Se aurou elKovas rJpEiy, rqv pev peav iv Teep ev
rw Bedrpep, orrws ol KaB' eKaarov eras dyleovoBerae ev rfj rov koivov rrjavqyvpee
Kal drav q Tqewv rtoXes avvreXq Aeovvma q dXXov revd [d]ycDy[a areefaveZen rqv
Ei’xdya] rqv Kpdrwvos areefidvep rep eK rov vopov eS rrdrptdv eari rots TEyypVaty
aref avovv rovs aujrdiv edepyeras, rqv Se dXXqv ev AqXw OTTcuy Kal e’kec areefavwrai
uM Tcov rrepl rov Aidvvaov rejyverwv, rqv Se rplrqv oS dv dvaBfj Kpdrwv, tva els
drravra ypd[vov avrw vrrdpyr) rqs re Trpdy] to Betov evaeêlas Kal rqs els
rovs §aaiXeas Kal âaiXlaaas ^lAoSofîas Kal rqs els rovs dSeXefo-vsJ âaiXeeas
Evpevov Kal ro koivov rwv rrepl rov Aidvvaov reyvirwv [evvolas vrrdpvqpa, eri
Se] Kal rfjawdScp rqs evyapiarlas Store Toy avrqs evepyerqv \Kpdrwva Ewriyov
erlpqaev aTyoJSiSoCoa ydpiray rdy StKatay rwv evepyerqpdrwv dvaypdifai [Se rd
SeSopeva Ttpia] els arqXqv XiBCvqv Kal arqaai rrapd rats eUdai rats Kpdrwvl[os'
arroaretXai Se rrpeaêvrasj Svo rrpos rov Sqpov rov Tqlwv oirives alrqaovrai rdrrov
ev rep [Bedrpep ev eS araB-qaerai]
q eiKeuv Kpdrwvos Kal dXXovs rrpos rdv Sqpov
Toy AqXiwv otTpVEy dfiKdpevoi els AqXov Kat] erreXBdvres errl rdv Sqpov Kal rqv
ôvXqv diicoaovaiv /IpjAtouy efCXovs ovras Kal avyye]vets SotJvai rfj avvdSep rwv
TEyyiTtov rdv rdrrov ev eS [araBqaerai q elKiliv Kpdrwvos.]
tob. The Attalistai praise Kraton dead. O.G.I.S. 326.
ijiqefiapa MrraXiarwv.
yvwpq TOO KOIVOV rwv MrraXierrwv ETretSij d (lp')eds rqs avvdSov Kpdrwv Zwriyov
ev TE TtSt ^qv rroXXoLS Kal peydXas drroSelêis erroietro rqs rrpds rods ArraXierras
Eoyotay Kat Kar' IStav vrrep eKdarov Kal Kara Koivdv rwv vef' eavrov avvqypevwv Kai
KE[Kpt]pEycoy rijy rrXeiarqv rroiovpevos rrpdvoiav, arrovSqs Kal efiXoriplas ovBev
eXXeirrwv, Kal rroXXd. pev [KaA]a Kat efiXdvBpwrra rqi awdSwi rrapd. rwv paaiXewv
eVotijcrn', aTToSexo/ieyiov avTWf njv re iKelvov [KaT]a irdvra rponov rrpos iaVTOvs
ivvoiav Kal TTjV -qpeTepav aipeatv Kat amiaycoyTjV afi'ai' oSaav t^s iavTWv inwvvplas,
ovK dA<t}'“) emSiSovs Kal xopvy^v SiereAei, jSouAo'/iO'dr re Toij
trpovTrqpypevois aKoXovBa -npaaoeiv Kal /ieToAAdaCTOJV rov ^lov iv Uepydpwi

Trpoevorjdt] rijs awdSov Kal ypdijias imaroXrjv Trpos Tovs ^TToAiard? Kal vdpov
Upop dnoXiTTeuv, op eiaTrccretXcp yfitp PamXevs ÎrTaAor, iTrtaTjporipap i'no'vqaa)
TTjP VTtdpxovaap is ttjp to tc AttoXciop to Trpos Twt Qedrpmif

ovpoSop cvpotap. Si* oj'
o Kal ^wp KadiepwKei, rots ATTaXiarais dparW-qaiP Kal ttip ovpoiKiaP tt]P rrpos twi
P aatXdait, Trjp rrporepop oSaav MtK[Kd]pou- dparlBrjaiP Se koI Kadiepot Tiji owdScut
Kal dpyvpiov ^ Aefai'Spei'ou Spayp-ds pvpias Kal rrePraKoaias, d^' wpck rijs rrpoaoSov
Buaias re Kal aupoSovs [rre]rrotypeBa, KaBdts avros ep rrji popoBeaiai rrepl eKdaraip
Sia[Te']Taxe»” dparWrjaip Se Kal otlipara toI? ArraXtarats, rrepl (Lp to Kara pepos
vrrep drrdpraip ep rwi KaBiepwpepon vj> eavrov pdpwi SeS-qXwKep' d[7re]Ai7rej’ Se Kal
Ta rrpos cdo^^pooTJiojv riot repepet xprjarrQpta iKapd, rrapaXvaat ôvXdpepos Kal rijs
els ravra Sarrdprjs Kal xoprjytas rovs ArraXtords' Tm ovp Kal •q avpoSos rwp ArraXi-
araip dfiaj tîalpqrai rots evepyerais drropepovaaxdpiras, SeSoyBai rots ArraXiarats,
Kvpwaai pep tow iepop popop tow drroXeXetppepOP vrro Kpdriopos, 0’uw[T£Aero6ai
Sjc errwpvpovs qpepas Kpdroipds re Kal
II. The Ionian Artists pro\ade performers for lasos, second century b.c.
Michel 1014; Wilhelm, U.D.A., p. 46, n. i; Robert, Etudes anatoliennes,
pp. 446 ff.
yvcofiTj Tov Koivov Twv 7T€pl Tov Ai6w\aov [tcu]!' cV *Itovtai [^]ct[l] *EX\l)Cr^
‘TToi'TOJi Kal Twv TTcpl TOV Kadi]y€p6va At[pini}aov* inetSr) ^laaets <f>(Xoi Kal oiV€ro[i
Ac]a[t] £u[€py^Tat [tt^p TTpothrapyovaav €vvoiav #cai] if>tXlav c[#c 7ra-
AatoJi' ypovcov TrjpôOvT€S ttjv ttôs* rov[s ----- Kal rov tojv Ttjiwv (?)]
Sijpov, [Siar7^p]owres' Sc Kal ra ScSoj^cW Tipta rwi /cjoirwi tojv rrepl tov Aioi’vaov
rexviTwv vrro [rwv Kara rds* [/tai'rcia? Kal vrro ^Pwfijaiwv twv koivwv
lêvepycTwv /cat] aojrqpcjv ev re toTs rrpoTepov ypovoi^lrrdaâv arrovB^v KaltfxtXoTipiav
[SctfaiTC?] TTcpt rrjs twv dywvwv ep - -- -- -- rrjv aTpeatr ejôvres* -
K']at €KT€V€iav, iv Sc Tcut v\yv Katpd/t] a/c[ - - - - ;^]p7;âTa koX aip - - •
dy[a0î t]u;î' 8c8o;t0at [rcut] Koivd)t[ twv rrepl t]ov Aioivaov rexîrwv' tva - - - -
cwTqpla^ “ j V€peiv rcDt] Aioi'uawt koI *Iaaevaiv ets* tous* [(n;vrcAoi;^^]o[u]s'
Trap' a[u]Tors‘ rwi Aio\'V(jwi dy<Si'[as' €k] twv ivyeypappivwv TcyviTwv Kal peTeyov-
Twv rij^ [r/peripa^ cruroSou] ^lAtas*âpyovarjs 'Qptv c/c 7raAaid)V ypovwv avXrjTas
Suo, TpaywtBovs 8vo, KwpwiBov^ 8vo, Ki6apwi86v, Ki6apt(nrqv, oTroj? dycoatr twi
O ewi Tous* yopov^ Kara rds rrarpta^ avrwv Scaypa^ds", rrpoaveTpai Sc TOthwv koI
ras* WTT^pcata? roifs Sc veprÔevras rrdvra^ imreXiaai tovs twv Jto-
vvaiwv dywvas iv rots wpicpivois Katpots rrdvra rrapaayovras dKoXovOws tois
laaiwv vopois’ os Se twv V€p[Tj]0ii^wv vno rov rrXrjOovs prj rrapayivrjTai els ^laaov
^ pr) imreXlôrji tovs dywvas, drroTetudrw rwi Koivwi rwv rrepl rov Aiowaov
reyviTwv iJrT(oy[t]Kds“ Bpaypds xÂia? tepds diTapairr)Tovs rov 6eov, idv /itJ Tt? St*
dadiiêtav ^ Sid yetpwva dBvvaros y€VT)rar rovrwi Sc earw rrapairqais rrjs
arroXoyicapivwi irrl rov rrX'^dovs Kal ip<fxaveTs rds Setfet? elaeveyKapivwi Kal
arroXvdiin'i tfnjtfxwi Kara rov vopov iva 8c Kal ^laaeis cmyc(v[c6](T/ca)0'tJ^ rr^v rov
APPENDIX TO CHAPTER VII
jrJîjffovs -qiiwv OTTOvS^v Kal rjif exo[J.a> irpos rou? <|)^ôvs eKra'etav eV Tof? dvay-
KaioTaToiy KaipoTs, iXiaOai irpeajSeuTas, oirtves cujiiKopei’Oi cts 'laadv Kal draSovres
ToSe TO ipij^tapa rots TrpocrraTatj Kal tTreXOavres ini t!]V PovXrjV Kal tov Sijpov Kal
ipif>avlaavrcs ncpl twv iifirj^tapix’iav rip-tov avroTs Kal dvavewadpei’oi ra Sid
npoyovaiv vnapyoma npos qAAtjAdu? j>i\dvOp<jma napaKoXiaovaiv ’laaets Bia<j)vXda-
aetv rijv npos ro Koivdv rwv nepl tov Aidwaoi> rexviriov oiKcid-njTa ovvavôvras Tr/v
ijiiXlav dKoXovduJS Ttji Sid T-poydi'[io]v vnapxovaiji Euvoi'ai. npeaêxnal [Tf\tpi6rjaav

nXovTidSTjs KiOapwiZos, Avatpaxos TroiijT^r rpayiotSttuv, NiKoarpaTOS awayui-
vion^J rpayiKos. olSe iftpiOrjaav oiiv rats vnr^pemais’—avXrjral, TipoKXijs ,
Nairas — rpaycuiBol, JZocfEiScoi'iof, Zwai-narpos' KwpwtSol, —AydBapyos, Moiplas'

KiBapwiSds, Zi]i’66cos' KiOapiarrjS, AnoXXcut'tos Sdpios. —ini aT€<f>avr]<f>6pov AndX-
Aiovor TOO Tplrov perd Mivrjra Tvpralov, Anarovptiovos Iktjji iKVpcuBrj.
IS . The Athenian guild honours Philemon, 80-70 b.c. I.G. ii*. 1338.
Tî ABrjvalwv 7rep[i T]ioi> ISiwv dnaXXayivres [ dv]0pa«Toi

Sicfaycoy^v tiSv /i[ ]<7iv inonqaaro, Bvaias Se Kal pvcrr[iqpta KOi
dydji’ay yvpvtKovs Kal pova^tKovs rc Kal OKTjviKovs avros intreXetv £^[rjîaaTo
- Kal q tn/vjoSoy rtHv -nepl tov Atdwaov T£;^'ViTt3v Sid 7i-avTd[? - - - - SiareXet]
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uJtt’ adrfou] roly te Beats Kal rots evepyerais ripia i\}rqij>ioaro Kal avrij Bve[iv Kal
ctttASJciv Tî Aqprjrpi Kal Kdpqi rats pvarrjpiLoriatv -qpepais Kal jStopdv I8pv-
riji
o\apitn) Koi] repei'os KaraoKevdaaaa iv ’EXevatvi cnofSds Kal Traidvay inireXetv

ilv £iTio)f[E6oT<o]v ini err) Kal nXelova Kal rov re ^wpov Kal roC repevovs dvatpe-
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EV Twi ini Aiaxpatov apyoiTOS iviavr&t dveKr\Tj\oa\ro Toy] narplovs rats Beats
Bvaias Kal npdiros auras Bvaas [c*]!’ ’jE[AEOcr]fvi rfji Aqprjrpi Kal rrjl. Kopqi Kal
rqv Xoinrjv SairdvTjv Koi intBe^dpevos vneSiâro rrjv irdvoSov iK riuv
l&lwv, [npoajepeptaev Se Kal iK rwv koivwv els dXXas rjpepas Suo koi ip [Trawajiy
KaXXiepâas rats •qpepais ras i<pqîopevas und rwv nare[pwv^ onovSds Kal ini-
yvaeis Kal naiavas rats Beats inereXeaev, [w]v dapevws ol reyvtrai Xa^dvres dvd-
pvqaiv napeKoXeaav [a]dTdv Kal npoerpeipavro perd ndaqs npoBvplas npovorjBijvai
Kal rijs roO repevovs KaraaKevrjs oTreoy ini rijs narpwias EOTiay dv[E/t]7roSi(TT£uy
Kar ivtavrdv inireXwaiv rds Bualas, d Se koI Sid T7y[v] npos rds Beds evoipeiav Kal
Sid rqv npos rods reyvlras dwnepBerov euvoiav Sid r^y I’Siay intpeXelas ii tov
avevpev culrdy rî cwvdSwi npoadSwv rqv KaraaKevqv rov repevovs enovqaaro Kal
rov aveipqpevov vnd rijs nepiardaews ^wpov adrdy ttoAiv KaBiSpvoaro, npoevoqBq
Se eKrevws Kal rijs rwv koivwv ip naatv inavopBwaews Kal rov kvkXov rwv Savelwv
peranapiSwKev iKâlvwv iK rwv inipeXeireiwv noXXots inev^pevov xp^poTiv,
luoTE
pq povov els [d]y dvevewaaro riji A-qpqrpi Kal riji Kopnqi Bvaias, dXXd Kal els
frepas nXelovas Sid i-qv rovrov anovS-qv yeyovevai riji avvdSwt npoaoSovs' §iaaa-
pevwv Se adrdv tiov texvitiov ndXiv to reraprov vnopetvai inipeXqrqv els rov ini
ZeXevKov apyovros iviavrdv npos rats Xoinats elaij>opats Kal yopqylais Kal iv
EXevatvi Bvaas ev re rwi lepwi Kal iv dii npwros ainds KareaKevdaaro repevei
oS iBpvaaro ^wpov rd re Bupara Kal rqv Xonrqv yopqylav naaav iniSe^dpevos
onedeâro rqv cruvoSov ek ti3v iSicov peyaXopepws, npoaepepiae Se Kal rds
Siar£Tay/xeVas fK rwv KOtvwv ij/itpar Svo Kai in Trdaais CKaXîipijae rats Beats Kal
TCLSTtaTplovs CTTTOvSdj ifreriXeaev [woAAd Se Ka]i aXXa enoXtrevaaro KaXd Kal
au/xêpovTa riji avvdSuji Kal [irpoaeSandinjaev CK T]diP ISluiv ev re rair imneXrjTetais
Kal lepojovvais [ 7TpoKplvw]v rf/v rwv rexviTwv evvotav -navros Xprina[ros
] 01) fiovov he -npos ryv (wvohov hiaKeifievos djroSo[y^5

- - ri$twdr] eK rw]v vdpwv Kal A(/Z£V .
13. Sulla and the Senate confirm the privileges of the Ionian guild, 81-79 ^.c.
Rivista dt filologia 66 (1938), pp. 253 ff.
dyaOdt rvyat.
[A]evKtos KopirqXtos AeVKiov vlos UvXXas ' ERraifypoheiTOS hiKrdrwp Ktiwv apyovat
PovXfj h’qfiw yaipeiv. eyw AXeidvSpw AaoStKet KiOapiarfj, avhpl koXw koI dyaBwt
Kal <ftiXw rifLeTepw, rrpeaêvrfj -napd rov Koivov rwv rrepl rov idid[v]t)(7oi< reyyirwv
rwv ini 'Iwvias Kal ' EXXrjanovrov [koJ r^wv rrepl rov KaOrjyepdva Atdwaov irri-
r^peijra ar:qXr]v'\ rrap' itpeiv iv rw irrtarjftordrw rdrrwi avaOi^lcreaOai iv ^ dvayparfiq~

cerat rd vrr' ipov hehopei’a [toTs rrywratf] (fitXdvOpwrra' rTpeafievoavros 5 [£ vw
avroO els ’Pwfir/v], rrjs avyKX-qrov he hoy/ta ir[£pi Tourtot' i}rq<fiioajievTjS , vpdsôvv
BeXw îpovrloai orrws [drToheiyOfj rrap' vftetv rdrros irTta]rjp.6raros iv w dva6rj[aerai
17 arrqXr] 17 rrepl rwv Texvtrw]v. vrroycypaâ he [r^? rrap' ipov imoroXrjs rov re
hayparos} rrjs avyKXi^lTov - - - ]vra - - - -
. . . 8 «, <rvv 8« »£al rjv eyfre rrpos [i7p]oS’ , vpds ohv BeXw \e]rreyvwKevat
ipe drrd <Tvpfio[v]Xlov yiwprjs yvwprjv drrorre<f>dvOai, a iJtiXdvOlpw^va Ka[i Tt]pdj
dXeiTovpyrjalas re vpetv /<aTaAo[y^y] tou Atovvaov Kal rwv Movawv /cat rrjs
7ro[Ai]T«(as' vpwv ydpiri avvKXrjros dpyovres re di’lrdpxovres rjpirepoi ehwKav
a[vvexw]pr]aav, tva ravra exere, Kal K[aOws Kal rrplv^ rrdorjs re Xetrovpylas
aAc[iToty)y77roi jjre] arparelas re, ptfre rtvd \elo(l>opdv rj 80770]! ay eldlieprpre, prjre
[e]v[oxXôOe vrro rii'oy] rrapoyrjs ei'CKev r\e Kot imaraBpelas, p^rc] rivd SEyeo 0 [ai
KaraXvrrjv irravayKdCrjaOe,] tva he Kal [
1 4. The World Guild honours an agonothetes at Ancyra, a.d. 1 28. S.E.G. vi. 59.
dyaOiji rvyr^t.
rwv drrd rrjs aiKovpevrjs rrepl rov Atovvaov Kal AvroKpdropa Tpaiavdv
iprjtfttapa
Ahpiavdv Eeâardv Kalaapa veov Atovvaov rexveirwv lepovetKwv areâvetrwv Kal

rwv TouTcov oui'oytuviOTdiv Kot ToJv vepovTcoi’ T-î’ lEpdi’ OvpeXtKTjv owoSoi’. irrethr)
ôvX^s OvXrrtos AtXtos noprreiavds dywvoBerijaat
rrporaOels vrro rrjs lepwrdrrjs
rov dywva rov pvartKov hoBevra vrro rov AvroKpdropos iv dXlyats rfj rrdXet, r^
re xetporovla raxews vrrqKOVoev Kal rov dyaji'o htatpavws irrereXeaev iK rwv eavrov,
prjheptas drroXettpBets Xaprrpor-qros Kal peyaXoi/rvxlas, dXXd rrjv re evoiPetav rrjs
rrarpthos eis dptjiorepovs rods Beads irre^^taev Kal rds imhdaets rrdaas 81 dtjieihws
errofiâaro, rrpos prjheptav harrdvrjv dvahds Kal rw re rdxet rrjs arrovh^s dhevovras
77S77 Tody dywvtards dveKaXeaaro Kal rravrl pepet rov pvorrjplov [irTTl]pKeaev, rfj pev
ervvohcp ra dBXa rrpoBets, [top he pi/ffTtfEjop dywro Karaaxwv ws rrpoKeKîpevos
popoy] ev rroietv rrjv rrdXiv [SeSo^ôi oup] “^peiv vrrep rov rerrjprjoBat pev [Tdy retpds
rw te] AvroKparopt Katrw Atovvatp,htaoe\oatfy7jaBathe Ety] alwvarrj rroXet ,rdv dvhpa
di'S/)idi’T]i, os dvacr-njcreTai ep imâveaTalrw fih' totto) t]^s fii^rpo-

mXewT, ‘Sito t(3v dy£o[v£fo/iei'toi' e]** r& Oedrpw, napdhiyp.a KoXXiarov [dyoer^S
Tofr 6e]copex’ots, u> koX rdv elmovra dytovjfoj^v els pivaTiK]6v dy&va etjtriîadai
OTe<j>dvovs [ciCTêpcii’], et Se pi-q, eipyeaBai tov dydjvos dyapi[oTtas npos top d]ptcTov
dvSpa epeKep Kal dTret6e[las tojp e>prj<jii]opipeop rj; owdScp, dpacrrijaai [Se rov dvSpos
dji’SpidiTa KOI ep NemroXer rip [Se peylartu AvTOKpd]Topi Kaiaapi Tpaiapip
Mptaviu IJe[paaTcp Kal rw Kjpau’ijrtp rpyepidpi Tpe^lw i7cpyia[m papTVpiâai]
Sid ifrqtjitapaTos tt^p tc tov dvSpds [peyaAo/xepjeiai' Kal -rrjv t^s ovpoSov SiKalap
levxap‘<Trlav e^torjyrjaapevov Fatov AitujpIov UoX cos KUipwSov
oXvpmopelKov, e[TTiijn](f>iaapep']ov Fatov 'lovXlov KoXX-qya iVeo[ Kcopw]-

Sov TTOpaSofov. eyeVero ev> [ttJ pijrpOTToAet r^Js FaXaTtas AyKVpa dydlvos Te[Aou-
pei'ov pva]TiK 0 v cttI eXXaSdpyov OvXm[ov AlXtov /Zo/tirejiai’ot; Kal dpyiepe'cos
Mepplov oil Atopvmov tov iXXaBdpyov [ ini apyo^vros
TItov ^Xaovlov 'looXtalyov ypa/xjpaTecvs AXe^dvBpov Fcond[Tpov ....
.... Koc] ylaoSiKecos KtOapwBov aepaaTo\}’elKov ^rapaSdfoo] tov rpis dpyiepecos,
vopo5ei[KTOU 'FJndnrov TpcoaSecos 7rAei(TT[oi'eiVou. ini vndTcuv
N]uivlov TopK\ova]TOV Alcr7rp5j[va Kal M. AppIov Aipwpo]s, npo eiS(d)v) AeKep-
jSpttoi'.
15. The World Guild honours Aelius Alcibiades, c. a.d. 142. B.C.H. 9 (1885),
pp. i24ff.;.apX.deAT. 7 (1922), pp. Qsff.iJahresfieJlez^. (1929), pp. 191 fT.;
S.E.G. iv. 418; Robert, Etudes epigraphiques et philologiques, pp. 45 ff.
le\lorpyriaap€Pov JJorrXtov AiXiov IIopiTnjliajpov [Iljatopos FiStjtov Kal Tapae'[ws]

Kal 'PoSio[v itoiij]tou nXeioropeiKov, pieXonoiov Kal pap\wBov 0e]oC ASpiavov,
OcoXdyov poiup TWP ip n[epydpoji, dyJcuPoBeTOV dnoSeSeiypivov twp Z’e/S[aaTCu>'
iTujSicor, ini>ln]<liioapivov Flo. AlXlov [ KoJfnojvou, KtBaptpBov KaneTwXio-
peiKov ’OXvpniopeiKov napaSoôv ineiBrj AtAi[os] AXKiîdBrjs dvTjp naiSetq Kal
peyaXo<fipoo\yprj S]iapipojp, Tots re dAAots Ttjs d[p]e[T]'4 S KaAo[rs] KeKoapTjpivos iK
noXXov 8ia[TcAer]| Kal e[K] SdiSeKa ertoi' Kal ndpTas ev tcokSi’ To[i)sj povat-
[7rpco]jj)’
Kovs Kal npds dficopia Kal peyaAo7rp[e7r]eiav rî avvoBwi ewvXap^dvwp Kal 77ep[c
7r]oAA<ov avTopiXoTeiprjpdTOjp els I7p5[s Kal rjd koivop, eri jSijSAtots 6avpa<jTo[ts
encK] d[ojp5joeo TO lepdp ini ’Paprjs Tepei’os [tcup^ dnd Trjs olKovpivrjs reypeiTWP Kal
Siopa peyaXonpenfj irope[yeTai] ywpluip iTmoolrdoiov d^nopetpas, dp' oS npdaoSop
4 tKapnâiadpeOa, pepdpepoi Td[s npoa'jdSovs KaO'

aliLvtop S[iiji<e]cc eKdarqv irqacop
Beov A18p[iavou y]eve'6Atov ppepav, ip' ois dp[ei]p6pePoi t[î’ xapio] of ini 'Pdipiqs
TeyveiTai Kal dAAas pep [aujrtoi reipds npoarjKovaas ipiripluavTO [icat dpyt]epea
re aurdi' Sid navrds tov alojpos d[7reSeifa]v npoTeTeiprjoQal re Tj^tcoaav nqi Td[fei]
Tiov ttAAcoo dpyiepioip npwTov rafs Si 7r[Tdyois €]>7£pai^dpev[oi’], dvS’ cov ineK6apT)Oe
pe[v dBdvaTop ASpiaPov pvqptjp, evS[ofor]epav Se ttjp ovpoSop dnipTjvep Tats
avTov Siopeats nopnds re nepnovaa[y pe^yaXonpenitis Kal noXvTeXets lepop7]Pia[s
eTrJireAouoav, Sid Tavra Kal pvp Tvyrjt dyaB\iji SjeSdySat rois dTrd Trjs oiKovpevrjs
rdv] Aiopvaop Kal AvTOKpdTopa Kalerapa T. [AiAiov] ASpiaPOP ApTWPetpop
r'ep[t
SeâoTOP .Bd[oey6^] TeyyeiTats lepopeiKats errepapetTalis Kal] rots rodrcov avpayca-

ptarats Tots d7T[avrco]aiv ini top ip rjj peylarrji Kal npuitrqi /HTj[Tpo]7roA€t Trjs
Aatas Kal Sis veioKopcoi rcov .2iejSa[c7]rtov 'Epealojp ndXei twp peydXwp Epearqwp
A .

[neJvraeTTjpiKov aywva, Kol avToiis iifl rais î[S7j] ScSoyfidvais ek rov avSpa reipak
TTpoaemvoijcai SiKalav tprj^taaodal [re ei]Kom? emypvaovs Kai
dvSpidvras dvacrnj[aai] -re rots lepots rijs Halos rwv avTOKpardplwv^ vaots €V
T€ riji (piXoacpdartoi Nvaiji rrarplSi r[pv Ak^KiîdSov OTqXXijv re iv rwi Upcai rov
il7roAAcov[os-] dvaypdifiai rwv ijir]<j>iap.drwv Kol ev rots Aoi7r[or? a]i3T0u epyoir Kai
Kara k’ d[p.<ô]rdpwv vnd/ivijpa xprjardv ^ Kat rrjs rov [ÂKt]3]taSou
iroXets drrdaas
[leyaXoippoavvrjS Kai rijs rwv eS Tra[86v']rwv yapiros, rereifiijaBai re avrov dvayo-
pe[yaei] ypvawi aTe(f>dvwi ev rats roO Sid rrdvrwv dydi[vos'] lepovpylats re Kai
oTTOvSats Kai Kara mvra (t[uA] oyov dvayopeveaBai re Kai irporeipiaoBat, dvrliypa\<f>d
re rwv ifrr](j)iOfidrwv Kai reap’ avrov eKTrepajiai Ka[i] rrpds rrjv Xapmpordrrjv narplSa
avrov iVi)(Ta£Cu[v] rroXiv Sid irpeaêvrwv Uo, AtXlov IIofnn]iavo[y] Ilalovos 2XSij-
rov Kai Tapaews Koi 'PoSlov, Troi\^^rov rrXeiorovelKOV, fieXoTTOiov Kai paâiSop]
0eov HSptavov, BeoXdyov vawv rwv ev IIepy[a^pwi (cat dywvoBerov diroSeSeiype-
vov rwv 2[e]âaTwv IIvBlwv, Kai HpiarelSov rov }lpiaTeiS\ov^ Faiov Uepyap.rp’ov
TTOirjrov TTapaSdôv, CT[T£r]Aat re rrpeapelav Kai rrapd rov [leyiarov A\ô']Kpdropa
Kai rrpds rr/v ev 'Pwprji avvoSov [xdpii’J dfioXoyovaav vrrep rwv rrerrpayfievwv [rail
evjepyenji AXKiîdS-qi. —dvrLypaijiov ijtrj(j>uj[jiaros'\ rov drrd 'Pwpirjs KopiiaBevros
Sid J7oTd;iaj[vor] rov JJordfiwvos Nvaaews icqpvKOS" ifr^<j>iaiJ.a rrjs lepas ASpiavrjs
Avrwveiv[7]S^ BvpieXiK^S 7re/3i7r[o] AtortK^s jtteydA[Tj?] ve[a))fopoii] erri 'Pwp,r]s awoSov

[rwv aTrJd t^s olK[ovfievr]S Trcjpi rov Ai6[waov Kai AvroKpdl]ropa Kal[aapa T.
îAto]v ^8/)t[avo;' Avrwvetvov i^]£paa[Tdv. . .
.]
The decree of the Roman branch is lost. The otlrer side of the stone has a
decree of the city of Nysa.
1 6a. Eurykles the logistes agrees to the starting of the Lysimacheia, shortly
after A.D. i8o. O.G.I.S. 509.
dyaBij rvxj^,
MdpKos OvXmos HrrrrovXrjios EvpvKXrjs, dpîepevs Aalas dTroS£Seiy/iei'o[s] vawv
{koI} rwv ev Zpivpvrj to P, AîpoSiaiewv dpôvai PovXfj S-qpiw xo-lpeiv PovXrjBevrwv
vfJiwv rrpdvoiav rroirâaoBai fie Kai rwv Kard rods dycvvas Sid re rijv rrpds rdv
fieyiarov avroKpdropa evaeêiav MapKov AvprjXiov KdfioSov Avrwvtvov Seâardv

Kai Sid TTjV rrpds rods SiaBefievovs fivrffvtfv Kai Sid rr/v rrjs rroXews Soâv, rjSrj Kai rwv
drrd rrjsavvdSov 7r[oA] Ad/fty evrvxdvrwv fioi, odSe rovro rd fiepos KareXirrov dSidKpi-
rov, errdpevos rfj Kard rrjv Xoyiarelav Tdf£[i] Kai rrpoBvfila fieypi vvv rijs rrepi rods
aywvas Karaardaews evXeirrovarjs Std r^v rwv yprffidrwv rrapacKew^v, d<j>eiX6vrwv
avvav^(6rjyvai Kard re rds rwv reXevrrfadvrwv yvwfias Kai Kard rd dîwpa rov
rropov, a^’ ov ypr] rods dywvas emreXetoBai. dywv fihi Srj 6 eK rwv 0Xapiov Avai-
payov SiaBrjKwv rrpoeXijXvBev els dp\aiov rropov pvpidSas SwSeKa, ws SvvaaBai.drrd
rovrwv rrapa err] reoaepa rrXrjpovoBai rdv povaindv dywvOj KoBd rw StaBepevw eSoêv,
at Se pera ras SwSeKa pvpidSas odaai ev eKSaveiapw Kai 6 rrpoayeyovws rovrois
roKos pdypi dpx^s rov (erov^s rroiet KeiftaXalov Srjvaplwv pvpidSas rpets Srjvdpia
XeiXia oKrWKoata rpioKovra ewea^ SvvaaBe odv dpôpevov rov erovs rovrov rdv
aywva emreXetv ayaBiji raxu erri dBXois raXavrialois Kai dywvlcpaaiv Kard rd
aBXa. rrpoBeapiaSe eisrdv e^s ypovov Kalrr]v emovaav rerpaerrjplSa earw XPo[ros]
o OTTO [BapP]tAAâ)r rwv ev 'Etfieaw [dyo^]e[vtt)t'] rrpds [Koird] .Matas [dv Zpvpvrj]
THE ARTISTS OF DIONYSUS 3:
166. The prizc-Ibt of the Lysimacheia. Lc Bas iGaod; M.A.M.A. viii. 420,
tiytoi'Oj ToXavrîyaiov 0Xa^tov Avat^dxov TretTae-njptKou

HovaiKov fiovov Cc/iara to VTroycypapiptVo-
'
oaXrtKTT] XopavXji Kondj KwptpSuit’ * 0
KTJpOfU
*4>' Sevrepelov *4’' Kon^p Tpaytahwv * av'
tWaiftioypdîp X°pV rpayiKtp *4' Kaiidj KuipaiSia *4'

rroirjrfj
* ijn" yoptp KiOapct * M’
rrvOavXrj
* Sevrepclov *4' apyata KwpcpSia * tv’
hcartpuov * T>-' KUlfltpSip
* ScvrepcTov *pv'
i^(t\oKtOapei
* Scurrpei'ou *4' Katidj TpoytpSia * r}rv'
SnTepciov * Tl-' TplTflOU * t' TTvppiyfj

rraiSl KtOapioSip * l}fv' rpayujSw Sevrepetov * tv'
Sfvrfpetou * <TV* ScOTfprioo * w' dvSpl KiOaptpSw *
rpiTtlov * V Bevrepetov *
17. Diocletian and Maximian on actors’ privileges, a.d. 286-305. Mitteis-

Wilcken, Gnmdzuge und Chrcstomathie der Papyntskimde, 11. ii, no. 381, wth their
emendations; Cavenailc, Corpus Pap. Lai., no. 241.
Impp. Dioclctianus et Ma.\imianus Augg. et Constantins et Ma.\'imianus

nobb. Cacss. Ad sjTiodum xysticorum et thymclicorum et ibidem. Familiare
servarc quas divorum parentium Augg.
nobis, pracrogativas integras iniibatas
quibusque conccdunt. Sed nc sub specie coronarum dc-

constitutioncs in suis
clinandi munera civilia potestas omnibus detur, idco ad pracces vestras dato
rcscripto dcclaramus cis demum a muneribus civilibus personalibus immuni-
tatem iure competcrc qu[i], <cum> per omne tc[m]pus actatis suae certa-
minibus adfuissc<nt>, non nova corruptela ct subscripto inter\-cniente, non
minus quam tres coronas certaminis nobilis rctulcrint in quibus vcl urbicae
victoriam vcl antiquac Gracc[ia]e vel n[umine n]ostro comoediae <vcl>
e.x
cerlaininb constituram no[ [ ] quae species

]«'»[••]• nccet
prh’ilegii intra personam eonim quorum i [. non h]uiusm[odi] bencficio
.
.
. .
rcmuncrare placuit const[arc] nequit ut iu[st]ius persuasum [liabe]an[t]

a[. .] o
. .
[ . ]. .a. [.] huiu[smo]di pc[rso]na
. . nisi hacc persona
.
.
sub acmula conscssionc pa[r]cntium [p]riv[i]Icgii speciem in se provocaverit.

[Hacc] sententia ubicum[quc scr\'abitur.]
ADDITIONAL NOTE
In- FEPAE: (Acta Universitatis Carolinae

Studies pres/rJed to George Thoiusor.
1963. Philosophica et Historica Graeco-latina Pragensia II), pp. 67-81, Pro-

1.
fessor Robert Brotvaiing publishes. t\-ith cominentar\-. an anoni-mous text Ilepl

rpay^Sias. perhaps by Michael Psellos, certainly derhing in part from the
same source as Tzetzes' iambic poem of tlie same name. This important text
contains sisnificant amounts of new information, and we print here some of
the more interesting passages.
( 3 ).
'H Se e-oAajG rpayitcr] peXouotla yii'ei fifi’ rw erappoi'l^ expr^cxaro duiyet
Kol fitfrrci yoti couot laj xai Siardvcj-.-. ovSels iali-erai KegpTipa-os
rdir TpayiKcHy ajyi? Ei'pitriSov pcXoKoi- yap ro f/Soi rov yei-ovi Toxrrov. rcDf 8 e
Toi'£i)'.' ^rAercTO)’ per 17 rroAcia KegpTprci re Aaiplcp kcI rip J/ifoArSttu, rip ph’ los
treui-OTsjTOj otKciw. roi Se MiioXx.’Slip ihs cwepyip upos rovs oTurovi. Kexpryrai 51
KOI rats di-etpei-ais rare KcXovpet ais cpponats, Tij re ‘laarl Kal ai-eipei-T] AvBicrrl.
roO Se 0pvyi'ov Kal AvSlov Eo^kA^s ryiaro rrpiaros. Kexpiirai Se rip 0pvyiep
SiBvpapSiKotrepov. 6 Se 'Yrroopvyioi >cat o 'YrroSiLpios crroMot Trap’ avrfj eiciv,
cu? . . . St6vpapîa TT/xjcnjKOJTcj. rrpdiros Se Mydffaiy ror ’YzroSiipiov rdtvy els
rpaycpSlay elcTiyeyKei' Kal roi- ’Yrroopvyiov, o ye pipy AvBios rip KiBapcpSiKip rpiutp
oiKeiorepos iari. cvcmjpam Se ol per troAojoi piupois expioiro, EvpiTriSijS TrpcSroj
rroXuxopSla e^pyacro, eKoXetro trro rioy povaiKoiy <r^y> sraXatwy diilrpTjros 6
rpoTTOa ovros rr^s peXosrouas' Kal KaSoXov eluety EvpiuiSriS TroAraSecrrepaj etrrt
rojv TTpo avroO koI sroXvxpovcrepos- koI expqcraro Kai rois srpocr^Kovcri pvBpois kcx
âJcj;£iotr aTrAots re Kal SiuXoTs, Kal rip d—' eXdrroi-os icjyiK^, Kai erd oA/jot
•rpoKeXevapariKw. . . . (8) . . . ro Se dyauaiariKoy rerpdpcrpov srapd 0pvylxip
pdyoy rip sraXaia renîjKe jyrjaecKj. (g) 'Ecri Se Kal erepd rii a ov.-rarropefa row
rpayiKois peXeal re Kal perpois. oiof peaavXiov, eul69eypa, aj-oSorjpa, di'amiiCTOJ’
eppvBpoy. earl Se rd peaavXia Kpovpdria ^pagea pera^’ riav peXdjy rarropeya.
rdir Se hridBeypdrcjv uXelai pei' eariv 7) XPV^^ rorj uarvptKoTs Spdpaau- eon
Se Kal ey row rpayiKois- rd Se dyaSdrjpd earl pey ruiy dSopeyoif a\eS6y ru pera^ Si
eariy ilSi^s Kal KaroAoj'^?. eon Se ore of rpayiKol enoAojixi aiiriBiaati’ di-daatara,
Kal yypiKa dad aKrp-ij;. Kai ydp dyyeXiay oAa apoamaa eKaXi)povat 5i’ avrSv xat
ey raw aapoSois apordrrovaiy avrd rdiy peXidv . . . - (t l) Toil’ Se orrofcptrcii' ovSew
ooSôre ei- rpayipSla iLpxâaro (IVinnington-Ingram ; expr/Oaro !MS.), dXX'
j^y iSios TOO xPP°d rj roiainj evepyeia. . . .
( 12 ) Merd r-Aeforj;y Se aaovSijs new
aepiddm.'s ~pds aoAoi’ 5 S0V 01 rpc;.’iKol X°P°4 apoarp-Xovv aorais of Kpdriaroi
auXipraC, 6 pey r^y xpiopariKrpy aeploSof. 6 Se rî' eyappdyioy, 6 Se rrp’ oiSroio:-.
Kcf Se « rais rpayipSlais expâaro Kal EvpiaiSrjs Kal Eo^kX^s, Eex^KXijs
Se Kol Xvpa ey r<3 Qapvpa.
IVith the statement in para. 5 on Euripides’ use of the chromatic genus, com-
pare Plutarch, Quaest. Corur. iii. 654 d-e : Bavpdeia Se Kal rorron rd? ph- ei-
rot? p Aetn aapaxpiSaeis pSeXvrropeyay kcI Kargyapoiora rod KaXov Aydffioi-os, ay
ADDITIONAL NOTE 323
eh rpayiohlav âaw efiâXeiv koX VTTOfiiâi to yptapariKov, ore roi’i

jrpufTot'
Mi'uok eSl&aoKev ktA., and contrast de Mus. 1137 C— f: rip yap ypwjiariKip yci'ci
rpaycphta per ov8e-w Kal rqpepov Keyprjrai ktX. For the USC of the Lydian
and Ionian modes in tragedy, compare [Pint.] de Mits. 1137 a: Kal rrepl roO
Avîtov 5
’
ovK Tiyvoci [sc. Plato] Kal rrepl rrjs ’/dSoy rjrrlararo yap on i] rpayipSta
and Athcn. xiv. 625 b. The assertion that Agathon
ravrr] rfj peXorroila Kexprjrai,
used the HN-pophiygian and Hypodorian in tragedy is relevant to the discii.ssion

of Aristot. Probl. xix. 48 (pp. 258 f. above). Para. 9 provides a slightly less
dubious example of KaraXoyy apparently meaning ‘reeitative’ (see p. 157, n. 7,
above).
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Tm; list makes no claim whatever to completeness. In particular,
following
it only those histories of Greek literature and of Greek drama, and those
cites
books on the Greek dramatists, which have been extensively used, or which
bear directly on the topir.s discussed in this book. Further bibliographical
information is contained in the footnotc.s.
Ancient authors arc in general cited from the latest relevant edition in the
Oxford Classical Texts or lUbliotheca Teuhntriana scries. In a few cases where
doubt might arise the editor’s name follows after the reference. In addition,
the following editions and commentaries arc cited in the text:
Portae Melici Graeei, cd. D. L. Page, Oxford, 1962.
Select Papyri: iii. Literary Papyri {Poetry), cd. D. L. Page (Locb), London and
Cambridge (Mass.), ig.ji (reprinted 1950).
Aescfijli Trayoediae (Aesch. Trap.), cd. U. von Wilamowitz-Mocllcndorf,
Berlin, 1914 (reprinted 195O).
Aeschylus, cd.H. Weir Smyth (Loch), vol. ii, with appendix by P. H. J.
Lloyd-Joncs, London and Cambridge (Mass.), 1957.
Aeschylus, Agamemnon, cd. E. Fracnkcl, 3 vols., Oxford, 1950.
Aristophanes, l.ysistrate cd. U. von Wilamowitz-Mocllcndorf, Berlin, 1927
(reprinted 1958).
Euripides, Alcestis, cd. A.M. Dale, Oxford, 1954.
Euripides, Bacchae, cd. E. R. Dodds, cd. 2, O.xford, 19G0.
Euripides, Helen, cd. A. M. Dale, Oxford, 1967.
Euripides, llippolytus, ed. W. S. Barrett, Oxford, 1964.
Euripides, Hjpsipyle, cd. G. \V. Bond {Oxford Classical and Philosophical Mono-
graphs), Oxford, 1963.
Euripides, Medea, cd. D. L. Page, O.xford, 193O.
Menander, Dyscolos, cd. E. AV. Handley, London, 1965.
Menander, Dyscolus, cd. J.-M. Jacques (Bude), Paris, 1963.
Afenandri Sicyonius, cd. R. Kassel {L'leine Texte), Berlin, igGj.
A. W. Gomme, A historical commentary on Thucydides, vol. ii (Books ii-iii),
Oxford, 1956.
GENERAL
(i) Greek drama and the history of the theatre
J. T. Allcn, Stage antiquities of the Greeks and Romans, New York, 1927.
J. Andrieu, Le Dialogue antique; structure el presentation, Paris, 1954.
C. Anti, Teatri greci arcaici da Minosse e Pericle, Padua, 1947.
P. E. Arfas, 11 teatro greco fuori di Atene, Florence, 1934.
P. Arnott, Greek scenic conventions in the ffth century n.c., Oxford, 1962.
W. Beare, The Roman Stage, cd. 3, London, 1964.
E. Betiie, Prolegomena gur Geschichte des Theaters im Alterthum, Leipzig, i8g6.
M. Bierer, Die Denkmalcr gum Theatencesen im Altertum, Berlin, 1920.
History of the Greek and Roman Theater, Princeton, cd. i, 1939; cd. 2,
1961.
BIBLIOGRAPHY 325
\V. Buchwald, Sitidien air Chronologic der attischen Tragodkn ^55 bis 431 diss. ,
Konigsberg, 1939.
H. Bulle, Eine Skenographie (94. Berliner Winckelmannsprogramm), Berlin,
•
934 -
Das Theater zu Sparta (S.B. Munich, 1937, Heft 5).

Untersuchungen an griechischen Thealem {Abhandlung Munich, vol. 33),
1928.
N. E. Colunge, ‘Some reflections on satyr-plays’ {Proc. Camb. Phil. Soc. n.s. 5
(1958/9)..??- 28-35)-
A. CouAT, Aristophane et I’anctenne comedie atlique, ed. 2, Paris, 1903.
M. Croiset, Aristophane et les partis a Alhenes, Paris, 1906.
O. A. W. Dilke, ‘The Greek theatre cavea’ (B.S.A. 43 (1948), pp. 125-92).
‘Details and chronology of Greek theatre caveas’ (B.S.A. 45 (1950),
pp. 21-62).
VV. Dorpfeld and E. Reisch, Das griechische Theater: Beitrage znr Geschichte
Aihen und anderer griechischer Theater, Athens, 1896.
des Dionjsos-Theater in
J. W.
Donaldson, The Theatre of the Greeks, ed. 6, London, 1849.
G. F. Else, The origin and early form of Greek tragedy (Martin Classical Lec-
tures, 20), Cambridge (Mass.), 1965.
E. Fiechter, Das Dionysos-Theater in Athen, i-iv (= Antikc griechische Theater-
bauten, parts 5-7, 9), (Sdchsiche Forschungsinstitute in Leipzig, For-
schungsinstitut fiir klassische Philologie und Archaologie), Stuttgart,
1935-50-
R. C. Fuckinger, The Greek theater and its drama, ed. 4, Chicago, 1936.
E. Fraenkel, Beobachtungen zu Aristophanes, Rome, 1962.

E. Fraenkel, ‘Zum SchluB der Sieben gegen Theben’ (Mus. Helv. 2 1 (1964),
pp. 58-64).
P. Geissler, Chronologic der altattischen Komodie (Philologische Untersuchungen,
30), Berlin, 1925.
A. VON Gerkan and W. Muller- Wiener, Das Theater von Epidaurus, Stutt-
gart, 1961.
A. W. Gomme, ‘Aristophanes and Politics’ (C.R. 52 (1938), pp. 97-iog =
More Essays in Greek History and Literature, Oxford, 1962, pp. 70-gi).
H. R. Graf, Szenische Untersuchungen zu Menander, diss. Giessen, 1914.
A. E. Haigh, The Attic Theatre, ed. 3, revised and in part rewritten by A. W.
Pickard-Cambridge, Oxford, 1907.
N. C. Hourmouziades, Production and imagination in Euripides, Athens, 1965.
J. Jones, On Aristotle and Greek tragedy, Oxford, 1962.
H. Kenner, Das Theater und der Realismus in der griechischen Kunst, Vienna,
1954-
K, Latte, ‘Zur Geschichte der griechischen Tragodie in der Kaiserzeit’
(Rmnot 52 (1954), pp. 125-7).
P. E. Legrand, Daos: Tableau de la comedie grecque pendant la periode dite
(Annales de I’Universite de Lyon), 1910.
nouvelle
A. Lesky, ‘Die Datierung der Hiketiden und der Tragiker Mesatos’ (Hermes
82 (1954)) p?. 1-13 =
Gesammelte Schriften, Bern and Munich, 1966,
pp. 220-32).
-— Geschichte der griechischen Liter atur, ed. 2, Bern and Munich, 1963.
,
326 BIBLIOGRAPHY
A. Lesky, Die tragische Dichtung derHellenen (Studienhefte zur Altertumswissen-
schaft, 2), ed. 2, Gottingen, 1964.
P. H. J. Lloyd-Jones, ‘The end of the Seven against Thebes' (C. Q,- n.s. 9 (1 959)
pp. 80-115).
‘Problems of early Greek tragedy: Pratinas, Phrynichus the Gyges
fragment’ {Estudios sobre la Iragedta griega, Cuaderno de la Fundacion
Pastor, 13, Madrid, 1966, pp. 11-33).
E. Mensching, ‘Zur Produktivitat der alten Komodie’ {Mus. Helv. 21 (1964),
pp. 15-49).
A. Muller, Lehrbuch der griechischen Biihnenallerthumer, Freiburg im B., 1886.
Das atlische Buhnenwesen, ed. 2, Gutersloh, 1916.
O. Navarre, Dionysos. &ude sur I' organisation materielle du theatre athenien,
Paris, 1895.
Le Theatre grec, Paris, 1925.
H. Oellacher, ‘Zur Chronologie der altattischen Komodie’ {Wiener Stud.
38 (1916), pp. 81-157).

D. L. Page, Actors’ interpolations in Greek tragedy, Oxford, 1934.
H. Patzer, Die Anfange der griechischen Tragodie, Wiesbaden, 1962.
E. Petersen, Die attische Tragodie als Bild- und Buhnenkunst, Bonn, 1915.
A. W. Pickard-Cambridge, The Theatre of Dionysus at Athens, Oxford, 1946.
Dithyramb, Tragedy and Comedy, ed. i, Oxford, 1927: ed. 2, revised by
T. B. L. Webster, Oxford, 1962.
M. PoHLENZ, ‘Das Satyrspiel und Pratinas von Phleius’ {Gott. Nachr. 1927,
pp. 298-321 =
Kleine Schriften, ii, pp. 473-96).
Die griechische Tragodie, ed. a, 2 vols., Gottingen, 1954.
W. Ritchie, The authenticity of the ‘Rhesus’ of Euripides, Cambridge, 1964
(reviewed by E. Fraenkel in Gnomon 37 (1965), pp. 228-41).
C. F. Russo, Aristofane: autore di teatro, Florence, 1962.
W. Schmid and O. StAhlin, Geschichte der griechischen Literatur, vols. ii-v
(Handbuch der Altertumswissenschaft, VII. i. 2-5), Munich, 1929-48.
G. M. SiFAKis, Studies in the history of Hellenistic drama, London, 1967.
F. Susemihl, Geschichte der griechischen Literatur in der Alexandrinerzeit, 2 vols.,
Leipzig, 1891-2.
E. G. Turner, ‘Dramatic representations in Graeco-Roman Egypt: how
long do they continue?’ {L’Antiquite Classique 32 (1963), pp. 120-8).
T. B. L. Webster, ‘Chronological notes on Middle Comedy’ {C.Q,. n.s. 2
(1952), pp. 13-26).
Studies in later Greek comedy, Manchester, 1953.
‘Fourth-century tragedy and the Poetics’ {Hermes 82 (1954), pp. 294-
308).
Greek theatre production,London, 1956.
Studies in Menander, ed. 2, Manchester, i960.
Griechische Buhnenaltertumer (Studienhefte zur Altertumswissenschaft, 9),
Gottingen, 1963.
H. Weil, Etudessur le drome antique, Paris, 1897.
F. Wieseler, Theatergebaude und Denkmaler des Buhnenwesens, Gottingen, 1851.
P. Wiesmann, Das Problem der tragischen Tetralogie, Abhandlung, Zurich,
1929.
BIBLIOGRAPHY 327
U. VON WiLMtouTTZ-MoELLENDORFF, Analecta Euripidca, Berlin, 1875 {re-

printed 1963).
Einkiturtg in die griechisehe Tragddle, Berlin, 1907 (reprinted rgsg).
Aischylos: Interprelalionen, Berlin, 1914 (reprinted 1966).
E. G. Yorke, ‘Mesatus Tragicus| (G.Q,.n.s. 4 (1954), pp. 183-4).
T. Zielinski, Tragodomicnon Libri Tres, Krakoiv, 1925.
(ii) Greek religion and the ailt of Dionystis
L. Deobner, Griechisehe Feste, Berlin, 1932.

L. R. Parnell, The Ctdls of the Greek Slates, vol. v, O.sford, 1909.
M. P. Nilsson, Slttdia de Dionjsiis atticis, Lund, i8go.

Griechisehe Feste von religioser Bedeutung, mit Atisschluf der altischen, Leipzig,
1906.
Opusetda Selecta (Skrifta utgivna av Svenska Institutet i Athcn), 3 vols.,
Lund, 1951-60.
Geschichie der griechisehen Religion, vol. i, cd. 2 (Handbuch der Alter-
tumsirissenschaft, V. 2. i), Munich, 1955.
The Dionjsiac Mysteries of the Hellenistic and Roman age, Lund, 1957.
E. PruiiL, De Atheniensium pompis sacris, diss. Berlin, 1900.
A. Rumpf, ‘Attischc Feste — attischc Vasen’ (Bonner Jahrbiicher 161 (ig6i),
pp. 208-14).
F. T. Tausend, Sludien gu altischen Festen, diss. WOrzburg, 1920.
U. VON \ViLAMOWiTZ-MonLi.ENDORFF, Der Glaube dcr Hellenen, cd. 2, Darm-
stedt, 1955. (The pagination of this reprint difTcrs from that of the first
edition.)
(iii) Dramatic festivals: the documentary evidence
A. Brinck, Inscripliones graecae ad ekoregiam perlinenles, Diss. Phil. Halenses 7

(1886), pp. 71-274.
De choregia quaestiones epigraphicae, Programm, Kiel, igo6.
E. Capps, ‘The catalogues of victors at the Dionysia and Lcnaea (C.I.A. ii.
977 [= BG. ii-. 2325])’ A.J.P. 20 (i8gg), pp. 388-405).

‘Chronological studies in the Greek tragic and comic poets’ (A.J.P. 21
(1900), pp. 38-61).
‘The dating of some didaskalic inscriptions’ (A.J.A. 4 (1900), pp. 74~
79)-
‘Studies in Greek agonistic inscriptions’ (T.A.P.A. 31 (1900), pp. 112-
37).
‘The Roman fragments of Athenian comic didascaliac’ (Class. Phil, i
(igo6), pp. 201-20).

•
‘Epigraphical problems in the history of Attic comedy’ (A.J.P. 28
(*907), PP- 179-99)-
' Misanthropoi or Philanthropoi' (Hesperia ii (1942), pp. 325-^)-
‘Greek inscriptions; a new fragment of the List of Victors at the City
Dionysia’ (Hesperia 12 (1943), pp. i-ii).
W. A. Dittmer, The fragments of Athenian comic didaskaliae found in Rome, diss.
Princeton, Leiden, 1923.

328 BIBLIOGRAPHY
G. Jachmann, De Arislotelis didascaliis, diss. Gottingen, 1909.
A. Korte, ‘Inschriftliches zur Geschichte der attischen Komodie’ {Rhein.
Mus. 60 (1905), pp. 425-47)-
Nikoh AiowaiaKai’ {Class. Phil. I (1906), pp. 391-8).
‘Aristoteles’
‘Bruchstucke einer didaskalischen Inschrift’ {Hermes 73 (1938), pp.
123 - 7 )-
N. Kyparissis and W. Peek, ‘Griechische Urkunden’ {Ath. Mitt. 66 (1941),
pp. 218-19).
B. D. Meritt, ‘Greek inscriptions’ {Hesperia 7 (1938), pp. 116-18).
L. Moretti, ‘Sulle didascalie del teatro attico rinvenute a Roma’ {Athenaeum
38 (i960), pp. 263-^2).
E. Reisch, Art. ‘Didaskaliai’ {R.E. v (1903), cols. 394-401).
‘Urkunden dramatischer Aufliihrungen in Athen’ {Jêitschr. osl. G}m-
nasien58 (1907), pp. 289-315).
‘Zu den Listen der Tragodiensieger I.G. ii. 977 [—LG. iR 2325]’
Wiener Stud. 34 (1912), pp. 332-41).
‘Eine monumentale Chronik der athenischen Theaterauffiihrungen’
{Verhandlungen der 55. Versammlung deutscher Philologen . . tn Erlangen,
.
Leipzig, 1926, pp. 26-27).

B. Snell, ‘Zu den Urkunden dramatischer Auffuhrungen’ {Gott. Nachr.
1966, pp. 11-37).
A. Wilhelm, Urkunden dramatischer Atiffuhmngen in Athen (Sonderschriften des
Wien, 6), Vienna, 1906.
osterreichischen archaologischen Institutes in
(See also the bibliographies prefixed to the items in the Appendix to
Chapter VII.)
(iv) Dramatic festivals: topography
American School of Classical Studies at Athens, The Athenian Agora:
a guide to the and Museum, ed. 2, Athens, 1962.
excavation
M. Carroll, ‘Thucydides, Pausanias, and the Dionysium in Limnis’
{C.R. 19 (1905), pp. 325-8).
W. Dorpfeld, ‘Die Ausgrabungen am Westabhange der Akropolis: ii.
Das Lenaion oder Dionysion in den Limnai’ {Ath. Mitt. 20 (1899),
pp. 161-206).
‘Das Dionysion in den Limnai und das Lenaion’ {Ath. Mitt. 46 (1921),
pp. 81-104).
G. T. W. Hooker, ‘The topography of the {J.H.S. 80 (i96o),pp. 112-
17)-
W. JuDEicH, Topographic von Athen (Handbuch der Altertumswissenschaft,
III. 2. 2), ed. 2, Munich, 1931.
R. E. Wycherley, The Athenian Agora: vol. iii: Literary and epigraphical
testimoma, Princeton, 1957.
‘Neleion’ {B.S.A. 55 (i960), pp. 60-66).

M. Bieber, ‘Eros and Dionysus on Kerch Vases’ {Hesperia, Supplement 8:
Commemorative Studies in honor of T. L. Shear (1949), pp. 31-38).
J. Boardman, ‘A Greek vase from Egypt’ {J.H.S. 78 (1958), pp. 4-12).
BIBLIOGRAPHY 329
E. Capps, ‘The
“more ancient Dionysia” at Atliens —Thucydides ii. 15’
2 (1907). PP- 25-42).
{Class. Phil.
L. Deubner, ‘Dion^ôs und

die Anthesterien’ {Jahrb. Arch. 42 (1 927) , pp. 1 72-
92).
‘Eine neue Lenaenvase’ {Jahrb. Arch.
49 (1934), pp. 1-5).
B. C. Dietrich, ‘A rite of swinging during the Anthesteria’ {Hermes 89
(1961), pp. 36-50)-
A. Frickenhaus, ‘Der Schiffskarren des Dionysos in Athen’ {Jahrb. Arch. 27
(1912), pp. 61-79).
Lertaenvasen (72. Berliner Winckelmannsprogramm), Berlin, 1912.
G. Q,. Giguoli, ‘Una nuova rappresentazione del culto attico di Dionysos’

{Anmario 4-5 (1921-2), pp. 131-45).
K. Fans Johamsen, Eine DilhyrambosauJJtihrung (Arkaeologisk-kunsthistoriske
Meddelelser udgivet af Det Kongelige Danske Videnshabernes Selskab,
Bind 4, nr. 2), Copenhagen, 1959.
H. T. Immerwahr, ‘Choes and Chytroi’ {T.A.P.A. 77 (1946), pp. 245-60).
S. P. Karouzou, ‘Choes’ {A.J.A. 50 (1946), pp. 122-39).
K. Latte, ‘/ItiKcoAiafr/xoV {Hermes 85 (1957), pp. 365 - 90 -
M. P. Nilsson, ‘Die Anthesterien und die Aiora’ {Eranos 15 (1915), pp. 181-
200 =
Opiisc. Sel. i, pp. 145-65).
‘Die Prozessionstypen im griechischen Kult: mit einem Anhang uber

die dionysischen Prozessionen inAthen’ {Jahrb. Arch. 31 (1916), pp. 309-
39 = Opusc. Sel.
pp. 166-214).
I,
‘Eine Anthesterien- Vase in Munchen’ {S.B. Munich, 1930, Heft 4 =

Opusc. Sel. i, pp. 414-28).
neue schwarzfigurige Anthesterienvase’ {Human. Vetensk. Samf. i
‘Eine
Lund, Arsber. 1933, iii, pp. 44-48 =
Opusc. Sel. ii, pp. 457-62).
G. M. A. Richter, ‘Two Athenian jugs’ {Bull. Metropolitan Museum, 34
(1939). PP- 231-2).
C. F. Russo, ‘Euripide e i concorsi tragici lenaici’ {Mus. Helv. 17 (i960),
pp. 165-70).
E. Simon, ‘Ein Anthesterien-Skj'phos des Polygnotos’ {Antike Kunst 6 (1963),
pp. 6-22).
G. VAN Hoorn, Choes and Anthesteria, Leiden, 1951.
G. V. ViTucci, ‘Le rappresentazioni drammatiche nei demi attici’ {Dioniso 7
(i 939 )>
PP- 210-25, 312-25).
W. W-KEUV., ‘Der Maskengott’ {Ath. Mitt. 53 (1928), pp. 66-95).
THE CITY DIONYSIA

J. T, Allen, ‘On the program of the City Dionysia during the Pelopon-
nesian War’ {University of California Publications in Classical Philology, 12,
no- 3 (1938), pp. 35-42.
E. Bethe, ‘Programm und Festzug der grofien Dionysien’ {Hermes 61 (1926),
pp. 459-64).
E. Capes, ‘The introduction of comedy into the City Dionysia’ {Decennial
Publications of the University of Chicago, ist series, vol. 6, no. ii (1904),
PP- 259-88).
z
•
330 BIBLIOGRAPHY
P. Stenohi., ‘Die tlaayojyTj ToO Atovvaov ano rijs layapai' {Jahrb, Arch. 31
(1916), pp. 340-4).
See .ilso General {Hi): Dramatic festivals: the documentary evidenee.
ACTORS AND ACTING

J. T. Allen, ‘Greek acting in the fifth century’ {University of California
Publications in Classical Philology, 2, no. 15 (1916), pp. 279-89).
G. Capone, L'artc scenica degli atlori tragici greci, Padua, 1935.
E. Capps, 'YnOKPITHZ\r^d TPAPQIAOZ in Schol. Dem. de Pace 6’
{A.J.P. 29 (1908), pp. 206-11).
E. B. Ceadel, ‘The division of parts among actors in Sophocles’ Oedipus
Coloneus' (C.Q,.35 (1941), pp. 139-4?)
H. Devrient, Das Kind auf der antiken Diihne, Weimar, 1904.
G. F. Else, ‘The case oftlie third actor’ {T.A.P.A. 76 (19.15), pp. i-io).
‘YnOKPlTHE’ {H’ien. Stud. 72 (1959), pp. 75-107).
G. P. Goold, ‘First thoughts on the Dyseolus' {Phoenix 13 (1959), pp. 139-50).
J. G. Grifeitii, ‘The distribution of parts in Menander’s Dyskolos' (C.Q,. n.s.
10 (i960), pp. 113-17).
0. Hensc, ‘Der CostUm- und Maskcnwechscl dcs Chors in der griechischen
Tragodie’ {Rhein. Mtts. 59 (1904), pp. 170-85).
Die Modiftcirung der Maske in der griechischen Tragodie, ed. 2, Freiburg im
Br., 1905.
K. F. Hermann, Disputatio de distributione personarum inter histriones in trogicis
Marburg, 1840.
graecis,
B. Hunnincher, Acoustics and acting in the theatre of Dionysus Eleuthereus
(McdedcHngen der Koninklijke Ncdcrlandsc Akadcmic van Weten-
schappen, n.s. ig, no. g, Amsterdam, 1956).
H. Kaefenberger, Das Dreischauspielcrgesetz in der griechischen Tragodie, diss.
Giessen, igi i.
H. Roller, ‘Hypokrisis und Hypokrites’ {Mus. Helv. 14 (1957), pp. 100-7).

A. Leskv, ‘Hypokrites’ {Studi U. E. Paoli (Florence, 1955), pp. 469-
in onore di
76 =
Gesammelte Schriften, pp. 239-46).
R. Lohrer, Mienenspiel und Maske in der griechischen Tragodie (Studien zur
Geschichte und Kultur dcs Altcrtums, 14. 4-5), Padcrbdrn, 1927.
J. C. B. Lowe, ‘The manuscript evidence for changes of speaker in Aristo-
phanes’ {Bull. Inst. Class. Stud. 9 (1962), pp. 27-42).
‘Some questions of attribution in Aristophanes’ {Hermes 95 (1967),
PP- 53-7')-
J. B. O’Connor, Chapters in the history of actors and acting in Ancient Greece,
together with a Prosopographia Histrionum Graecorum (diss. Princeton),
Chicago, igo8.
D. L. Page, ‘imoKpirris {C.R. n.s. 6 (1956), pp. 191-2).
1. Parenti, ‘Per una nuova edizione della “Prosopographia Histrionum
Graecorum’’ {Dioniso 35 (1961), pp. 5-29).

’
K. Rees, ‘The meaning of Parachoregema’ {Class. Phil. 2 (1907), pp. 387-

400).
The so-called rule of three actors in the Classical Greek Drama, Chicago, 1908.
;
BIBLIOGRAPHY 331
‘The number of the dramatic company in the period of the Technitae’

-
{AJ.?. 31 (i 9 io)> PP- 43 54 )-
.‘The three-actor rule in Menander’ (Class. Phil. 5 (1910), pp. 291-
302).
F. L. Shisler, ‘The portrayal of emotion in tragedy’ (A.J.P. 66 (1945),
377-97: cf. ibid. 69 (1948), pp. 229-31).
PP-
A. Spitzbarth, Untersuchungen zur Spieltechnik der griechischen Tragodie, ^Vinter-
thur, 1945.
0. J. Todd, ‘Tpirayu)vtaT:Qs: a reconsideration’ (C.Q,. 32 {1938), pp. 30-38).
B. ZuccHELU, YnOKPJTHZ: origine e storm del (ermine, Genoa, 1962.
COSTUME: GENERAL
A. Alfoldi, ‘Gewaltherrscher und Theaterkonig’ (Late Classical and Mediaeval
Studies in honor of A. M. Friend, Princeton, 1955, pp. 15-55)-
W. Beare, ‘Slave costume in New Comedy’ (C.Q,. 43 (1949), pp- 30-31)-
‘The costume of the actors in Aristophanic comedy’ (C.Q,. n.s. 4 (1954),
PP- 64-75)-
‘Aristophaniccostume again’ (C.Q,.n.s. 7 (1957), pp. 184-5).
‘Aristophanic costume; a last word’ (C.(^.n.s. 9 (1959), pp. 126-7).
J. D.
Beazley, ‘Prometheus fire-lighter’ (A.J.A. 43 (1939), pp. 618-39).
‘The New York “Phlyax vase” ’ (A.J.A. 65 {1952), pp. 193-5).
‘Hydria-fragments in Corinth’ (Hesperia 24 (1955), pp- 305-19).
‘A stamnos in the Louvre’ (Scritti in onore di Guido Liberiini, Florence,
1958, pp. 91-95)-
E. Bethe, Art. ‘lulius (Pollux)’ (R.E. x (1917), cols. 773-9).
M. Bieber, Das Dresdener Schauspielerrelief; ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des tragi-
und der griechischen Kunst, Bonn, 1907.
schen Costiims
‘Die Herkunft des tragischen Kostiims’ (Jakrb. Arch. 32 (1917)5 PP- 15-
104).
‘Das Menander-Relief der Sammlung StroganofT’ (Festschrift fur A.
Rumpf, Krefeld, 1952, pp. 14-17).
J. Boardman, ‘An early actor’ (Bidl. Inst. Class. Stud. 5 (1958), pp. 6-7).
L. Breitholtz, Die dorische Farce im griechischen Mutterland vor dem 5. Jahrhun-
dert: Hypothese oder Realitai?, Goteborg and Uppsala, i960; Appendix II
Einige Reflexionen uber das Kostum des komischen Schauspielers

(pp. 188-97).
F. Brommer, Satyroi, Wurzburg, 1937.
Satyrspiele: Bilder griechischer Vasen, ed. 2, Berlin, 1959.
1. Brooke, Costume in Greek classic drama, London, 1962.
H. Bulle, ‘Von griechischen Schauspielern und Vasenmalern’ (Festschrift
fur James Loeb, Munich, 1930, pp. 5-43).

‘Weihebild eines tragischen Dichters’ (Corolla Curtius, Stuttgart, 1937 )
pp. 151-60).
E. Buschor, Feldmause (S.B. Munich, 1937, Heft i).
‘Zwei Theaterkratere’ (Studies presented to David M. Robinson, St. Louis,
Missouri, 1951-3, vol. ii, pp. 90-95).
G. Caputo, ‘Palcoscenico su vaso attico’ (Dioniso 4 (1935)5 PP- 273-80).
332 BIBLIOGRAPHY
M. Crosby, ‘Five comic scenes fiom Athens’ {Hesperia 24 (1955), pp. 7®“
84).
H. Dierks, De tragicorum hislnonum habilu scacmco apud Graecos, diss. Got-
tingen, 1883.
R. Engelmann, Archaologische Sludien zu den Tragikern, Berlin, 1900.
J. H. Huddilston, Greek tragedy in the light of vase-paintings, London, 1898.
A. Korte, ‘Archaologische Studien zur alten Komodie’ {fahrb. Arch. 8
(1893), pp. 61-93).
D. L Page, ‘An early tragedy on the fall of Cioesus^’ {Proc. Camb. Phil. Soc.
8 (1962), pp. 47-49).

N.s.
G. Riccioni, ‘Gratere attico a figure rosse con scena di teatro’. {Arte antica e
moderna 5 (1959), pp. 37-42)-
G. Richter, ‘Department of Classical Art: accessions of 1913: vases and
terracottas’ {Bull. Metr. Mus. 9 (1914), pp. 235-6).
C. Robert, Kentaurenkampf und Tragodtenszene (22. Hallische Winckelmanns-
programm), 1898.
A. Rumpf, ‘Parrhasios’ {AJ A. 55 (1951), pp. 1-12).
L. Seghan, Etudes sur la tragedie grecque dans ses rapports avec la ceramique,
Paris, 1926 (reprinted 1967) (reviewed by A. Rumpf, Phil. Woch. 52
(1932), cols. 208 ff.).
F. Studniczka, ‘Uber das Schauspielerielief aus dem Peiiaeus’ {Melanges

G. Perrot, Paris, 1903, pp. 307-16).
L. Talcott, ‘Kovpifios rrapdevos’ {Hesperia 8 (1939), pp. 267-73).
A. D. Trendall, Phlyax Vases {Bull Inst. Class. Stud, Supplement 8),
1959.
‘Addenda to “Phlyax Vases’” {Bull. Inst. Class. Stud. 9 (1962), pp. 21-
26).
T. B. L. Webster, ‘South Italian vases and Attic drama’ {C.(f 42 (1948),
pp. 15-21: cf. A. W. PicKARD-CANniRiDGE, ibid. 43 (1949), p. 57).
‘Grave relief of an Athenian poet’ {Studies presented to David M. Robinson,
Saint Louis, Missouri, 195 1-3, vol. i, pp. 590-3).
‘Attic comic costume: a re-examination’ {Apx. 'Ep. 1953-4,
pp. 192-201).
‘Greek comic costume : its history and diffusion’ {Bull. John Rylands
Library 36 (1954), pp. 563-88).
‘The costume of the actors in Aristophanic comedy’ (C.!2,.n.s. 5 (1955),
PP- 94-95)-
‘Scenic notes’ (IFien. Stud. 69 (1956), pp. 107-15).
‘A reply on Aristophanic costume’ (C.Q,.n.s. 7 (1957), p. 185).
‘Greek dramatic monuments from the Athenian Agora and Pnyx’
{Hesperia
29 (i960), pp. 254-84).
Monuments illustrating Old and Middle Comedy {Bull. Inst. Class. Stud.,
Supplement 9), i960.
Monuments illustrating Lfew Comedy {Bull. Inst. Class. Stud., Supplement
ii), 1961.
Monuments illustrating Tragedy and Satyr Play {Bull. hut. Class. Stud.,
Supplement 14), 1962.
E. WusT, Art. ‘0AvaKes’ {R.E. xx. i (1941), cols. 292-306).
BIBLIOGRAPHY 333
COSTUME; MASKS
M. Bieber, Art. ‘Maske’ {Ji.E. xiv. 2 (1930), cols. 2070-120).
0 .
Dingeldein, 'Haben die Tlicatermasken der Allen die Stimme verstarkt?’ (Ber-
liner Studien fi'ir classische Philologie und Archaologie, vol. ii, no. i),
Berlin, 1890.
K. J.
Dover, ‘Portrait-masks in Aristophanes’ {KQMQIAOTPAFHMATA:
SUidia Arislophanea... IK. J. IK. Kosler in honorem, Amsterdam, 1967,
pp. 16-28).
H. Luschey, ‘Komodien-Masken’ {Ganymed: Hcidelbcrger Beitrcige zur alien
Kunsigeschicble, Heidelberg, 1949, pp. 70-84).
C. Robert, Die Masken der ncucren allischen Komiidie (25. Hallische \Vinckel-
mannsprogramm) ,
1911.
A. Rumpf, ‘Einigc komische Masken’ {Mimus und Logos: Fesigabe fiir Carl
Eiessen, Emsdetten, 1952, pp. 163-70).
A. K. H. Simon, Comicae Tabellne: die Szenenbilder zur griechischen netien Komodte,
Emsdetten, 1938.
T. B. L. IVebster, ‘The masks of Greek comedy’ {Bull. John Rylands Library
32 (1949). PP- 97-135)-
‘Masks on Gnathia vases’ {J.H.S. 71 (1951), pp. 222-32).
‘Notes on Pollux’ list of tragic masks’ {Fesischrift A. Rumpf, Krefeld,
1952, pp. 141-50).
‘More dramatic masks on Gnathia vases’ (Aniike KunsI 3 (1960), pp. 30-
36).
‘Leading slaves in New Comedy: 300 n.c.-300 a.d.’ {Jahrb. Arch. 76
(1961), pp. 100-10).
COSTUME: FOOTWEAR
M. Bieber, Art. ‘Kothurn’ {R.E. xi (1922), cols. 1520-26).
S. P. Karouzou, ‘Vases from Odos Pandrosou’ (J.H.S. 65 (1945), pp. 38-44).
A. Korte, ‘Der Kothurn im funften Jahrhundert’ {Fesischrift zui 4g. I’rr-
sanmlung deulscher Philologcn . . . in Basel, Basel, 1907, pp. 198-212).
K. K. Smith, ‘The use of the high-soled shoe or buskin in Greek tragedy of
the fifth and fourth centuries n.c.’ {Harvard Sltid. Class. Phil. 16 (1905)1
pp. 123-64).
THE CHORUS
R. Arnoldt, Die Chorpartien hei Arislop/iaiies, Leipzig, 1873.
^V. Be.are, ‘XOPOY Pliitiis: a reply to Mr. Plandley’ (C.()
in the n.s. 5 .
955 )i PP- 49-52)-

('
E. Buschor, Salyrianze und friihes Drama {S.B. Munich, 19481 Heft 5).
^V. M. Calder III, ‘The staging of the prologue of the Oedipus Tyrannus'
[Phoenix 13 (1959), pp. 121-9).
E. Capps, ‘The chorus in the later Greek drama -with reference to the stage
question’ (A.J.A. 11 (1895), pp. 287-325).
V. DE Falco, Hepiparodos nclla tragedia greca, Naples, 1 925 (
= SUidi sul leatro
grcco, ed. 2, Naples, 1958, pp. 1-55).
1
334 BIBLIOGRAPHY
A. D. Fitton-Brown, ‘The size of the Greek tragic chorus’ {C.R. n.s. 7
(1957). PP-
-4 1
)-
E. Fraenkel, ‘Der Einzug des Chors im Prometheus’ {Annali della Scuola

Normale Superiore di Pisa, 23 (1954), pp. 269-84
Serie II, Kleine =
Beitrage zur klassischen Philologie, i, pp. 389-406).
E. W. Handley, ‘XOPOYin the Plutus' {C.Q^.tt.s. 3 (1953), pp. 55-61).
A. Korte, ‘Das Fortleben des Chors im griechischen Drama’ (Pfeue Jahr-
bucher 5 (1900), pp. 81-89).
‘XOPOY’ [Hermes 43 (igo8), pp. 299-306).
W. Kranz, Stasxmon, Berlin, 1933.
Art. ‘Parabasis’ [R.E. xviii. 3 (1949), cols. 1124-6).
Art. ‘Parodos’ {R.E. xviii. 4 (1949), cols. 1686-94).
J. Lammers, Die Doppel- md Halbchore in der antiken Tragodie (diss. Munster),
Paderborn, 1931).
F. Leo, ‘XOPOY’ [Hermes 43 (1908), pp. 308-11).
K. J. Maidment, ‘The later comic chorus’ (C.Q,. 29 (1935), pp. 1-24).
C. Muff, De chore Persarum fabulae Aeschyleae, 1878.
Vber den Vortrag der chorischen Parlien bei Aristophanes, Halle, 1872.
Der Chor in den Sieben des Aischylos, Halle, 1882.
Walter Nestle, Die Struktur des Eingangs in der attischen Tragodie (Tubinger
Beitrage zur Altertumswissenschaft 10), Stuttgart, 1930 (reprinted 1967).
D. L. Page, ‘The chorus of Aleman’s Partheneion; division of speakers in
strophic choruses’ [C-d-î (1937), pp. 94-99)-
E. Reisch, Art. ‘Chor’ [R.E. iii (1899), cols. 2373-404).
G .M. SiFAKis, Studies in the history of Hellenistic drama, London, 1967, Appen-
dix I: ‘High stage and chorus in the Hellenistic theatre’ (pp. 113-35).
DANCE IN DRAMA
M. Emmanuel, La danse grecque antique, Paris, 1896 (English tr.. The antique
Greek dance, ed. 2, London, 1927).
V. Festa, ‘Sikinnis’ [Mem. del R. Accademia di Archeologia, Lettere e Belle Arte di
Napoli, 2. 2 (1918), pp. 35-78).
V. Flach, Der Tanz bei den Griechen, 1881.
Chr. Kirchhoff, Dramatische Orchestik der Hellenen, Leipzig, 1898).
H. D. F. Kitto, ‘The dance in Greek tragedy’ [J.H.S. 75 (1955), pp. 36-41).
M. Kokolakis, ‘Pantomimus and the treatise rrepl opxqaews’ [HAATQN 1
(1959). PP- 3-56).
H. Roller, Die Mimesis in der Anlike, Bern, 1954.
K. Latte, De saltationibus Graecorum capita quinque (Religiongeschichtliche
Versuche und Vorarbeiten, 13. 3), Giessen, 1913.
L. M. Lawler, ‘The Maenads’ [Mem. Am. Acad. Rome 6 (1927), pp. 69-112).
The dance in Ancient Greece, London, 1964.
The dance of the ancient Greek theatre, Iowa, 1964.
G. Prudhommeau, La danse grecque antique, 2 vols., Paris, 1965.
E. Roos, Die tragische Orchestik im Zerrbild der altattischen Komodie, Lund, 1951.
H. Schnabel, Kordax: Archaologische Studien zur Geschichte eines antiken Tanzes
und zum Ursprung der griechischen Komodie, Munich, 1910.
BIBLIOGRAPHY 335
H. SCHRECKENDERG, APAMA: vom Werden der gricchischm Tragodie aus dcm

Tanz, diss. Wurzburg, i960.
L. Sechan, La danse grecque antique, Paris, 1930.
F. ^VEEGE, Der Tanz in der Antike, Halle, 1926.
MUSIC AND METRE IN DRAMA

S. E. Bassett, ‘The place
and date of the first performance of the Persians
ofTimotheus’ {Class. Phil. 26 (1931), pp. 153-65).
V. Di Benedetto, ‘Responsione strofica e distribuzione delle battutc in
Euripidc’ {Hermes (1961), pp. 298-321).
E. Bethe, ‘Die griecliische Tragodie und die Musik’ {j\eue Jahrbiicker 19
(1907), pp. 81-95).
R. Broiwing, ‘A Byzantine treatise on tragedy’ {PEPAZ: Studies presented
to G. Thomson, Acta Universitatis Carolinae 1963: Graeco-latina Pragen-
sia II, Prague, 1963, pp. 67-81).

A. M. Dale, The lyric metres of Greek Drama, Cambridge, 1 948.
‘Stasimon and Hyporcheme’ {Eranos 48 (1950), pp. 14-20).
‘Greek metric 1936-1957’ {Lustrum 2 (1957). PP- 5 - 50 -
Words, Music and Dance, inaugural lecture, London, i960.

I. During, ‘Studies in musical terminology in 5th century literature’
(Eranos 43 (1945), pp. 176-97).
S. Eitrem, L. Amundsen, and R. P. Winnington-Ingram, ‘Fragments of
Greek tragic texts with musical notation’ {Symbolae Osloenscs 31 (1955),
pp. 1-87).
O . Gombosi, Tonarlen und Stimmungen der antiken Musik, Copenhagen, 1939
(reprinted 1950).
M. I. Henderson, ‘Ancient Greek music’
{A'civ Oxford History of Mttsic: I.
and Oriental Music, Oxford, 1957, pp. 336-403).
Ancient
M. Imhof, ‘Tetrameterszenen in der Tragodie’ {Mus. Helv. 13 (1956),
pp. 125-43).
H. Roller, Musik und Dichtung im alien Griechenland, Bern and Munich, 1963.
W. Krieg, ‘Der trochaische Tetrameter bei Euripides’ {Philologus 91 (1936),
pp. 42-51).
G. A. Longman, ‘The musical papyrus: Euripides, Orestes 332-40’ (C.Q,. n.s.
12 (1962), pp. 61-66).

P. Maas, Art. ‘Melanippidcs’ {R.E. xv. i (1932), cols. 422-3).
Art. ‘Timotheos (9)’ {R.E., zweite Reihe, vi (1937), cols. 1331-7).
Art. ‘Philoxenos’ {R.E. xx. i (1941), cols. 192-4).
H. J. Lloyd-Jones), Oxford, 1962.
Greek metre (trans. P.
J. F. Mountford, ‘Greek music in the papyri and inscriptions’ {Kew Chapters
in Greek literature, second scries, O:rford, 1929, pp. 146-83).
and R. P. Winnington-Ingram, .Art. ‘Music’ {Oxford Classical Dictionary,
J
949 . PP- 584-9 1 -
F. Perusino, ‘II problema della paracataloghc nci tetrametri giambici

catalcttici della commedia greca’ {Qtiaderni Urbinati di niltura classica i
(1966), pp. £^14).

E. PdiiLMANN, Griechischc Musikfragmente (Erlangcr Bcitragc zur Sprach- und
Kunstwissenschaft, 8), Nuremberg, 1960.
336 BIBLIOGRAPHY
K. ScHLESiNGER, The Greek aulos, London, 1939.
O. ScHROEDER, AeschjH cantica, ed. 2, Leipzig, 1916.
Sophoclis cantica, ed. 2, Leipzig, 1923.
Euripidis cantica, ed. 2, Leipzig, 1928.
Arislophanis cantica, ed. 2, Leipzig, 1930.
B. Snell, Griechische Melrik (Studienhefte zur Altertumswissenschaft, i),
ed. 3, Gottingen, 1962.
W. Vetter, Art. ‘Musik’ (R.E. xvi (1935), cols. 823-76).
M. Wegner, Das Musikleben der Griechen, Berlin, 1949.
MusikgeschichtemBildern Bandii, Lieferung4: Griechenland, Leipzig, 1963.
J.W. White, The verse of Greek comedy, London, 1912.
U. VON Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, Griechische Verskunst,
Berlin, 1921 (re-
printed 1958).
R. P. WiNNiNGTON-iNGRAM, ‘Ancient Greek Music, 1932-57’ {Lustrum 3
(1968), pp. 5-57).
THE AUDIENCE
M. Lang and M. Crosby, The Athenian Agora: voL x: Weights, Measures and
Tokens, Princeton, 1964, pp. 76-82.
London, 1902,
B. B. Rogers, Introduction to Aristophanes’ ‘Ecclesiazousae’,
pp. xxix-xxxv.
P. T. Stevens, ‘Euripides and the Athenians’ {J.H.S. 76 (1956), pp. 87-94).
THE ‘ARTISTS OF DIONYSUS’

G. Daux, Delphes au IE et au I" siecle (Bibliotheque des Iicoles frangaises
d’Athenes et de Rome, fasc. 140), Paris, 1936.
R. Flaceliere, Les Aitoliens d Delphes (Bibliotheque des ficoles frangaises
d’Athenes et de Rome, fasc. 143), Paris, 1937.
P. Foucart, De collegiis scaenicorum artificwn apud Graecos, diss. Paris, 1873.
W. Hahland, ‘Der Fries des Dionysostempels in Teos’ (Wiener JahresheJie 38
(1950): PP- 66-109).
U. Kahrstedt, ‘Zu den delphischen Soterienurkunden’ (Hermes 72 (1937),
PP- 369-403)-
G. Klaffenbach, Symbolae ad historiam collegiorum artificum bacchiorum, diss.
Berlin, 1914.
O. Luders, Die dionysischen Kunstler, Berlin, 1873.
J. B. O’Connor, Chapters in the history of actors and acting in Ancient Greece (diss.
Princeton), Chicago, 1908.
J. Oehler, Epigraphische Beitrage zur Geschichte der dionysischen Kunstler, Pro-
gramm, Vienna, 1908.
F. Poland, De collegiis artificum dionysiacortim, Programm, Dresden, 1895.
Geschichte des griechischen Vereinswesens, Leipzig, 1909, pp. 129-47.
Art. ‘Technitai’ (R.E., zweite Reihe, v (1934), cols. 2473-558).
E. Reisch, De musicis Graecorum certaminibus capita quattuor, diss. Vienna, 1885.
G. M. SiFAKis, Studiesin the history of Hellenistic drama, London, 1967:
Appendix II; ‘Organization of festivals and the Dionysiac guilds’
(pp- 136-71)-
E. Ziebarth, Das griechische Vereinswesen, Leipzig, 1896, pp. 74-89.
CONCORDANCE
D.F.A.~ = this book (references to figures)
D,F.AA = this book, edition (references to figures)
first
S.D. = Bieber, Denkmaler

B.H.TA = Bieber, History of the Greek and Roman Theater, 1939 (references to
figures)
B.H.TA = Bieber, History of the Greek and Roman Theater, 1961 (references to
figures)
G. T.P. = Webster, Greek Theatre Production
(^V) = Webster
M.L T.S. = Monuments illustrating Tragedy and Satyr Play
PH = Trendall, Phlyax Vases
O.M.C. — Monuments illustrating Old and Middle Comedy
M.I.N.C. = Monuments illustrating Hew Comedy
Numbers in brackets indicate otlicr copies of the same terracotta
Ii.F.AA- D.F.A.' B.D. B.H.TJ B.H.TA G.T.P. (W)

I la
2 lb
3 IC
4 2a
5 2b
6 2C
7 3
8 4
9 5
to , . 218
II 6 33 140 58
12 7a 33 141
‘3 7b 33 t
39 56
14 8 33 59
15 . ,
16 9 216
17 10
18 iib, 12
19 I la
20 14
21 13
22 16 17 25
23 15
24 17
.. ,..
. .
..
.
,
» . .
.
338 CONCORDANCE
D F A^
. . D FA
. .
.^ BD , , B H.TA
. G . TP . . (W)
O. CM . .
25 18 215 B31 AS2

26 19 . .
27 20 2 167 231
28 21
M I TS
. . . .
29 22 . . .
30 23 10 18 AS8
31 . . .
32 25 .
74 A4 AVg
33 . AVio
34 39 108 90 A7 AV20
35 . . . A6 AV15
36 AV13
37 . .
38 , . . A2 AV6
39 . . AV3
40 . . 15 A3 AV14
41 . AV16
42 .
39 . 16 A5 AV17
43 . . , AV18
44 . . . . AVig
45 30 •
27 AV23
46 31 . 28 AV24
47 32 . . .
48 33 . .
49 28 34 20 31-33 A9 AV25
50 40 . . 34-35 AI2 AV27
51 26 41 66-67 '13 An AS I
52 . A20 AS4
53 . AV38
54 34-35 216 306 A34 GV3
55 43 44 217 302 A57 NP33
56 45 27 35 64 A2I ASg
57 . . AT7
58 301 . . ABi
59 174 .
60 164-5 40 61-64 IIO-II Aio AV34

61 . ,
62 162 ,
43 80
83 66 59 533 799 III
64 194 I 1-2 < CO
ESi
65 195
66 204 57 104 . .
67 202 , . , AVn
68 198 . . .
CONCORDANCE 339
D.F.A.^ B.D. B.H.T^ B.H.T.^ G.T.P. (W)

D.F.A-^
69 196
70 203
7> 197
72 199
73
200
201
74 PH8
75 PH
202 Bi I
76
B2 PH3
77 PH6
80 121 184 B4
78 97
B3 PH2
79 PH4
80
B8 PH5
81
PHio
82
PHii
83
209 B6 PH12
84
. Bg PH7
85
B7 PH13
86
210 B5 PH9
87 . • • •
O.M.C.
201 Bio AS I
88 89 ,
122 185 Biia AT8

89 85 (141) .
123 186 Bi ib AT9

90 (140) (95)
124 187 Bi ic ATio
91 84 .
125 188 (199) Bi id ATii

92 , ,
126 189 (243) Bi le AT12

93 86 , ,
127 (99) 190 (200) Bi if (76) AT13

94 87 (82)
128 •91 Bug AT14
95 88 , ,
129 192 Bi2a AT15

96 . .
130 •93 Bi2b AT16

97 AT17
131 •94 Bi2c
98 . .
. . 132 •95 Bi2d AT18

99 AT19
•33 196 (150) Bi2e
100 . .
•97 Bl2f AT20

101 •34
198 Bl2g AT21
102 •35
181 B3ia AS3
103
AS4
104
381 B33 PH78
105
368 484 B60 PH59
106 lOI
366-7 B63 PH80
107 , . II 2 494
M.LN.C.
C64 ETi
108
C49 ISio
109 93 129 223 3^7
C48 NS25
no 94 130 225 324
AT2
III
386 C65 MT9
I IQ :o6 146 .
340 CONCORDANCE
D F Ar D F A
. .
- . .
.' BD BHT BHT
. . . .
.' . .
.^ G TP
. . . (W)
”3 ”3 141 230 338 C66 MT20
1
14 114 (•42) (241) ( 34 ^) . MTi
1
15 ”5 164 255 343 ZT2
1 16 50 57 207 293 C62 DT17
117 49 56 205 292 C68 MT17
118 . . . AT4
•19 120 •44 249 372 C69 MT19
120 ”9 •45 250 374 C12 NT6
121 128 •53 234 396 . MT27
122 121 89b . •52 BT8
123 . . , C70 MT4
124 126 289 408 . IT13
125 129 •54 235 397 . MT30
126 53c 166 273 380 C72 ZS2
127 136 . . . . . YT4
128 146 •
7 ' 275 348 . • UT79
129 276 350 C2 AT15
130 •47 278 352 . . ZTio
131 . • 56 244 353 Cii NT12
132 . . . . . . AV12
133 . . . . . . . . BT7
134 148 •73 282 358 CI3 IT29
135 •53 •74 280 361 . . NS20
136 • 56 •77 284 365 C5 ^ IS40
137 55b 67 . . 363 C67b XT22
138 •57 . . C74 ZT38
139 •52 •75 281 356 C3 ^ NS 1
140
I4I 207 •57 243
INDEXES
(i) MODERN SCHOLARS
Airoldi, A.,201,207. Deubner, L., 7, 9, 11, 12, 14, 22, 32
8, 34
Alien,}. T., 64 f., 66. 36, 37, 44, 45, 51, Gi, 257.
Andreyev, V. N., 211. Des-rient, H., 144.
Andricu,}., 149- Dietrich, B. C., 9, 15, 32, 34.

55 n:
Anti, c., 39,
Dilke, O. A. \V., 52 ff., 68, 2G6, 269, 273.
Arias, P. E.,52 ff., 181, 186. Dingcldcin, O., 196.
Amoldt, R., 245. Dinsmoor, \V. B., 64 8, i ig, 283.
Arnott, P., 176, 179, 190, 210. Dittmer, VV. A., 85, 120 ff.
Dodds, E. R., 9, 33, I Go, 162, 244.
Barrett, W. S., 147, 162, 237, 245, 275. Dorpfeld, kV., 20 8, 22 ff., 39 8, 52, 54, 292
Bassett, S. E., q6i. Donaldson, J. W., 81.
Bearc, W., I96j 220 ff., 226, 230 f., 234. Dover, K. J., 39, 89, 149, 218, 220, 27G.
Beazlcy, Sir John, n, 17, 31, 34, 36, 182 ff., Dow, S., 1 10, 29G.
186 r., 199, 206 f., 21 1, 217, 238. During, I., 261.
Benedetto, V. di, 164.
Benndorf, O., 070. Elderkin, G. W., 35.

Bcrgk, T., 41. Eliot, C. kV. J., 54.
Bethc, E., 61, 178. Else, G. F., 126, 130 ff., 247.
Bieber, M., 173, i8o, 185, 188, 191, 193 ff.,
200 f., 2046, 014, 223 ff. Farnell, L. R., 9, 11, 15, 34 8, 40, 42, 58.
Boardman, J., 12, 183. Ferguson, U'. S., 61, 65, 66 8, 92, 281.
Boegchold, A. L., 271. Fcyel, M., 285, 308 8
Bond, G. W., 148. Ficchter, E., 263.
Bousquet, J., 309. Fitton Brown, A. D., 234 8
Brandis, C. G., 297. Flaceliire, R., 2B3.
Brinck, A., 75, 293. Flashar, H., 157, 259.
Brinkmann, A., 246. Flickingcr, R. C., 52, 103, 136, 139, 143.
Brommer, F., 184 f., 186, 210, 238. Forrest, \V. G., 90, 96.
Broncer, O., 20, 24, 271. Frankci, C., 31.
Brooke, I., 201 f. Fraenkel, E. 148, 149, 152, 1598, 163, 209
Browning, R., 322. 235. 239. 243 8
Bulle, H., 42, 52 ff., 186 f., 188 f., 196, 292. Frickenhaus, A., 12, 29, 30 ff., 34, 61.
Buschor, E., 34, 36, 182, 184, 186, 188, 236. Frisk, H., 29.
Cadoux, T. J., 103. Ganszyniec, R., 14 8

Capps, E., 18, 48, 82, 85, 87, lot ff., 107, Garrod, H. W., 80.
1176, 120 f., 124, 129. Gcissler, P., 55, 85.
Caputo, G., 52, 210. Gerkan, A. von, 39, 263, 292.
Carroll, M., 21 f. Gomme, A. W., 20 8, 24, 90, 263, 275.
Cawkwell, G. L., 267. Goold, G. P., 154.
Ccadel, E. B., 136, 142 f. Gordziejew, V., 1 78.
CoUinge, N. E., 236. Gow, A. S. F., Go.
Couat, A., 90, 275. Graf, H. R., 154.
Coulon, V., 150, 152. Grilfith, J. G., 154.
Croiset,M., 275. Guarducci, M., 54 8
Crosby, M., 62, 212 f., 271.
Crusius, O., 15. Hahinnd, W., 291.
Haigh, A. E., 67, 76, 89, 246, 251, 264.
Dale, A. M., 1448,, 1568, 161, 236, 245, Handley, E. W., 81, 234.
251 6, 256 8, 260 8 Hansen, E. V., 292, 294.
Daux, G., 289 ff., 314. Harrison, J. E., 9, 21.
Davison, J. A., 117.
Harvey, A. E., 255 8
Denniston.J. D., 253, 276. Hense, O., 1 72 f.
342 INDEXES
Hermann, K. F., 142. Nilsson, M. P., 9, 1 1, 12 ff., 18, 24, 29, 31 ff.,
Hollcaux, M., 291. 356,436,61 6, 191.

Hooker, G. T. W., 23 fi". Nock, A. D., 33.
Hunningher, B., 167, 1 71, 196.
O’Connor, J. B., 16,41, 100, 107, 125, 127 6,
Imhof, M., 159. 135. 156-
Immerwabr, H., 10, 15. Oellacher, H., 85, 103, 107.
Owen, A. S., 93.
Jachmann, G., 85, 87, 103.
Jacoby, F., 3, 9, 15, 22, 41, 72. Page, D. L., 100, 126, 145, 183, 209, 243,
Jacques, J-M., 154, 234. 245-
Johansen, K. Frns, ii f., 16 f., 34. Parsons, A. W., 20.
Jones, A. H. M., 268. Pel6kidis, Ch., 65 6
Jones, J., 143. Pfuhl, E., 61.
Judeich, VV., 12, 20, 21, 24, 78. Pickard-Cambridge, Sir Arthur, views al-
tered, 65 6, 75, 21 1, 221.
Kaffenbcrger, H., 136, 139, 143 f., 145 ff. Pouilloux, J., 42, 53.
Karouzou, S. P., 1 1, 14 f., 204 ff., 212. Pringshcim, H. G., 200 6
Kassel, R., 130.
Kenyon, F. G., 297. Raubitschek, A. E., 59.
Kcramopoullos, A., 20. Rees, K., 82, 1366, 141, 148, 1546
Klaffenbach, G., 289 f., 293 f. Regenbogcn, O., 145.
Korte, A., 41, 48, 54, 103, 121 f., 124 f., 154, Reinach, T., 257.
200, 204, 220 f. Reisch, E., 72, 1036, 108, 116, 118, 120,
Koller, H., 126, 247. 292.
Kourouniotcs, K., 201. Ribbcck, O., 29.
Kranz, W., 160, 163, 166, 232, 236, 240, Riccioni, G., 181.
243 ff., 251, 257, 261. Richter, Gisela, 10, 17, 214.
Kncg, W., 159. Ritchie, W., 145, 147, 154, 2426
Robert, C., 33, 63, 81, 178, 193, 220, 223 ff.
Labarbe, J., 263. Robert, F., 60.
Lammers, J., 234, 236 f. Robert, L., 299, 309, 31 1 6, 314, 316, 319.
Latte, K., 45, 239, 248 f., 254 f. Robertson, D. S., 232.
Lawler, L. B., 252. Rogers, B. B., 264, 269.
Legrand, P. E., 154. Rohde, E., 178.
Lesky, A., 117, 126, 130, 139, 232. Roos, E., 249, 254.
Lewis, D. M., 71, 75. Rostovtzeff, M., 271.
Linforth, I. M., 35. Roussel, P., 283.
Lipsius, J. H., 106 f. Ruck, C. A. P., I to.
Lloyd-Jones, P. H. J., 136, 139, 186, 232, Rumpf, A., 10 ff., 17, 32, 173, 189, 200,211,
235 257-
{-. 215, 223, 226.
Lohrer, R., 171 ff. Russo, C. F., 39 6, 41, 83, 125, 149 ff., 234.
Longman, G. A., 260.
Lowe, J. C B., 149. San Nicol6, M., 287.
Luschey, H., 228. Schlcsmger, A. C., 136.
Schreckenberg, H., 126, 247.
Maas, P., 1568, 162, 236, 261. Scaley, B. R. I., 119.
Magie, D., 297. Sfehan, L., 199, 249, 254.
Maidmcnt, K. J., 87, 234. Shefton, B. B., 31, 33 6, 186.
Meritt, B. D., 65, ill, 123. Shislcr, F. L., 175.
Metzger, H., 199, 201. Sifakis, G. M., 62, 1 18, 120, 233, 283 ff.,
Mitford, T. B., 287. 289, 294, 303.

Moretti, L., 120, 122. Simon, A. K. H., 223 ff.
Mountford,J. F., 258, 260!. Simon, Erika, 12,

Muff, C 235. ,
Skutsch, F., 231.
Muller, A., 68, 201, 241. Smith, K. K., 204.
Snell, B., 81, 83, 1 17, 1 19, 122.
Nestle, Walter, 242 f. Spitzharth, A., 175.
INDEXES 343
Stevens, P. T., 278. Wade-Gcr)’, H. T., 266.
Studniczka, F., 188 f., 224. Webster, T. B. L., ii, 17, 49, no, 154, 180 f.,
Svoronos, J. N., 270 f. 183!., 188 fT., 193 fT., 204, 2o6f., 210 ff.,
220 f., 223 ir., 232, 238.
Talcolt, L., i8of. Welles, C. B., 294.
Taro, U'. W., 281. Wiesmann, P., 81.
Thiele, G., 220. \Vilamowitz-Mopllciidorf, U. von, 9, 32, 34,

Thompson, D. B., 190, 214. 4G 45. 54. 63, 66, 74, 93, J03, 107, 139,
Tod, M. N., 267. >49. >52. 22>. 235. 244, 249, Q55, 274.
Todd, O.J., 136. Wilhelm, A., 41, 45, 85, O7, 103, 108, 117,
Trendall, A. D., 210 ff., 216 f. 120, 306, 311, 314, 316.
Turner, E. G., 260, 276. Willcmscn, F., 34.
Wilson, N. G., 235.
Vallois, R., 62. Winnington-Ingram, R. P., 252, 258, 261,
s'an dcr Valk, M. H. A., 15. 322.
van Hoorn, G., g f., 32. Wrede, W., 32, 191.
Viercck, P., 297. IVirsing, H., 187 f.
Vitucci, G. V., 54. Wiist, E., 218.
VollgrafT, C. \V., 58, 312. Wycherley, R. E., 20 f., 24, 37 f., 62, 295.
Wackernagel, J., 25. Yorke, E. C., 1 17.
(ii) GREEK WORDS AND PHRASES

ayuifs xvrp»'0‘i 4. > >. >3. >5 f.. 94. >o'. 215, 230.
Aliipa, 15. <Vi Ar^yatiii (cmAiJraia), 26 ff.,
37 f.*
39 f*
g. intfirXTjrai, Trjf 75 J tlie Elcusinian

opieTr/JOffTaToi, 241. Îysl»:ncs, at the Lcn»iia, 27, 34, 36 ;
of the
dpxtTtKrav, 47, 266. cult of Dion>'Sus on Salamis, 51; of the
daKaXiaa/io!, eonfusion over, 10, 45. procession at the City Dion>'sia, 58, 70,
ArraXurra!, 293, 315 f. 92; in charge of order in the theatre, 70;
in charge of discipline in chorus, 91.
âatXm'a, 46, II f. ciTtTrdpoSosr, 240.
PovAcirriKoV, 269 f. *Ep^wvio 7 y 223 f.
Piupo's, 23 f., 60. 60 f.
ycpaipaf, 4 f., u. Cvyov, 239 ff., 249.
BpSoSxor, at Lenaia, 27, 34 ; costume of, 201. ypw^ KoXâpiTTJ^f 28, 3^*
ScuTfpayajv'nmjs, 1 33 f.
SiQTtffcVai, 156. 0€arpO7TU)X7jSy 266.
SiSaoKoAtrov, 76. OearpwvTj^f 266.
SiSaoKoAiol, 71 ff., 108 ff., 122, 1246. 6vpal€ Ka/>cs (>r7 pc?), 7 f., 14 f.
SiSaV«i>. (rpayaSlat' etc.), 7I. 55,

dionsyoKoAoKes, 280. Upos yd/ioj, at Anthcstcria, 4 f., 11 f.
8i(u^cAia, 267. iKpiay 28, f.

37
tpa 7 tofttoB-f} 7 , 282, 284, 304.
iynopûfia, 230.
(teayaiynj (of Dlonpus), at City Dionj^sia, KavB^t 201.
60 62, 65; dale of introduction,
f.,
60; at Kavrijtopoiy 43> 7*^'
Peiraeus, 44. KOTaycuym, 8, 12.

€»caKfva irpoacotra,
1 95. KaTcAoy^ (KaTaX€Y€iv)y 156 f., 322 f.
cfiôScff, 205, 207. cActaior, 28, 3 ^*

f/ij?aTai, 205. #fAijpaTi5, 44.
233» 238. Kodopvoi (cothurni), 17*1 *75» *97»
253 f. 207 f.
cvSoatôi*, 262. KOtt’OV, of ‘Artists of Dionj^sus’, 281, 283,
cVSpo/tiSc?, 208. s86 ff., 291 ff.
344 INDEXES
ifoAaf, mask of, 225. 40 f. ;
at Rural Dionysia, 43 f. ;
in Peiracus
KoXntonaj 203. 27, 44, 46 ; at Eleusis, 44, 48.
KOfiftoSy 144, 160 f., 245 f. •7r/>oj5oAat, 64, 68 f.
Ko'pSaf, 253, 257. wpocSpta, in theatre, 47, 49 f., 268 ff.
Kovpifios napOôs, 181, 195. TTpoarepyiSia (7rpoya<rrptSia) , 203 f.
KpaaTreStraif 241. ‘TTpayTaycovicrrqs (protagonist), 82, 95, 132 f.,
KpTjTTtSe^y205, >34*
KporaXa, in Euripides’ Hypsipylty 167.
Kpotnreâ, 262. pajSSou;ôt (pajSSoôpoi), 273.
kvkXios ;ô/)os’, 74 1-j 239.
Ktofiapxos, 45, 49. OtKtWlSy 254.
Kco/io?,meaning of, 102 f. at City Dionysia, ; aKa4>i)(l>dpoiy 61.
63, 66, 72 ; none at Lenaia, 36 ; ? none at OTOlXOSy 239 f., 242,
Rural Dionysia, 44 f. avyxopyjyia (synchorcgia) , 48, 50, 87, 102.
KojfiwBosy 15, 47, 49, 51, 54» 65, 82 f., 86 ff., ovvayoyvicrraiy 129, 135, 155, 287 f., 291, 293,
102, 104 ff., 118, 120, 127-9, *55> 282, 297 r., 304.
284, 291, 298, 300, 306 ff. awoSoff, of ‘Artists of Dion^'sus’, 281, 294,
KwâTTpoaojna, I37f., 140, 142 f., 145 ff., 151. 296, 298 ff.
TcrpaKtofioL (group of demes), contests of

AaupooraTai, 241. Kwfioi at, not in honour of Dion^'sus, 44 f.
Xrjvay^ras, 30. T€xvir€Vfiay 287.
rpayiuhoTTOto^y 50.
XTjvaiy 28, 29
33, 38.
f.,
Xr}vat^€iVj 28, 30. TpaywSoV, 47, 48* 5 L 55* 59* 63, 65, 76, 82,
At^vo?, 26, 29, 37 f.
86 f., 95, 102, 104 ff, 120, 127-32. 155,
217, 272, 283, 291, 306.
TpiAoym (trilogy), 80 f,
piaiowVf 1 78, 227.
rptraytovtar-q^y 133-5.
/laAAcoTOj 238,
rpvytphiay 29.
fi€Td<rraciS} 240.
’fSpoôpta, 14.
^t»<rrtV, 203. tmoStSacTâAoy, 91, 291, 303.
woKpiy€adaty 126, I31,
opeXiaôpoi, 61, 213. wo#cpttnsr, 126.
oy/coy,date of introduction, 189!., 193 ff.;

^KpiTT]Sf 67 f, 93 f, 104 ff, 112, 115, 120,
and raised stage, 196. 125, 126-7, *29-32, 168 ff, 174, 178, 197 f.,
oKpiâSj 67f., 205. 204 f 234, 279
,
f., 304 ff
^
opxârpay 29, 37 f. VTTopxrjpa {vTTopxrjcis^y 247, 249, 252, 255 ff
âXXoTTopoSy 43.
irapaKaTaXoyTj (âpaKaraX€Y€iu)y I57f., 162 f,
^XvaK€Sf 216.
164.
Trapdairos, masks of, 225 f. ; dress of, 230 f.
Xfipovopta, 248.
TTapacrdraiy 241.
XtTwv ^wwTos (S^SitoToy), 203.
Trapaxop-^TjUay 89, 137, 143 f., 148.
Xtrwv errarosy 203.
irdpeBpoi (of archon eponymos), at City
xXafivSy 203.
Dionysia, 58.
Xoes (festival), 2 f.,
5 ff, 10 f., 27 f., 38.
iTapahoôv€iK7]S (‘rrapaSofoy), 305.
Xop-qyctov, 76.
TTOpsSoy, 240, 242 ff., 245.
XopohihaoKoXost 76, 91 ; normally a citizen,
7T€pioSoV€lKT]Sy 305.
90 f. ; originally the poet himself, 91.
TTepiCTTtapxoiy 67.
)^poXiKTT}^y 76, 262.
ntdoiyia {ni6oiyia)y 2, 6 f., 9, 43.
Xopd^y 246.
trAo/coi?jTcy, 30.
XopOVy 234.
TrAetoTovci^?, 305.
Xopratos ;îTcyv, 238.
ITOtKlXoVy 203.
XvTpoi (festival), 2 ff , 6, 11, 13, 28
TTOfiinj (procession), at City Dionysia, 27, 58,
? tragedy at, 56 ; contests of actors at, 11,
60, 61 ff., 66, 69; at Lenaia,
27, 36, 38,,
13. >5 f-
; ,
;
INDEXES 345
I'ii) GENERAL
bad actors, i6g. — Ckoeph.
of, for
— 99024 173.
f.
Abuse, tentis :
AchaeuJ the )'Oungrr (tragic poet), victory at Eitm. f. ; 1 72.
Lenaia, 41, 114, ii9- schol.

573: 137.
Acbamai (deme), 49. — Hypothesis, 236
Persae,
Actors, 52; as diplomats, 168, 279; at

— P.V. schol. 12: 137.
f.
Proagon, 63, 67 f. ; by end of fourth cen- date of, 139, 232.

tury more important than poets, 94; — Hypothesis, 79
Septan, f.
characteristics of acting, t48f., 171; final scene, 139.

choice of, 93-951 contests of, at
rsf., — Supplices,
70 ff., 173.
Lenaia, 4t 93 ff., 125 i date of introduc-

f., date of, 232.
tion, t25; at City Dionysia, 72 ff., 93 ff., Aetolian League, controls Delphi, 283 f
t24; contests, independent of success of 286, 291.
play, 95; costume, lyt, 177 ff., 197^-; Agathon, and 233; at Proagon
delivery, rsSff.; distribution of parts, before Lenaia, 67 ; failure in llieatre, 275
comedy, -r 49-55; limitations of evidence, in Thesmophmiajaisae, 218, 222; musical
49) >54 > fagedy, 38-49; limitations of innovations of, 261, 322 f.; victory at
evirience, 144; singing and non-singing Lenaia, 41, 263.
parts, 138, t40, 144, t47 f., igt ; enuncia- Agonothetes, replaces choregoi at City
tion, i 6f ff.
;
gesture and movement, Dionysia, 58, 61, 70, 72, 74, 91-93, 102,
171 interpolations by, too, 155, 243;
ff.; 108, 120, 123; expenses of, 92.
in tragedy, in fifth century, protagonist acts Agora, at Athens, 17, 20 f., 286, 37 ff., 62.
in all four plays of a single poet,
94 ; in 68 73, 180, 188, 190, 210, 212, 215, 224,
f.,
fourth century, in a single play of each 226, 271 ; at Sparta, 246.

poet, 94; in comedy, in fourth century, Agrionia, festival of Dionysus Kadmeios at
protagonist acts for several poets, 94 ; im- Thebes, 285, 309 f.
munity 279, 28a, 285, 289, agi, 296,
of, Agyrrhios, and the theorikon, 267.
got f.; number of, in tragedy, 1358; in Aigilia (deme), 50.
sat)T-play,136; in comedy, t36f. ; ter- Aixone (deme), Rural Dionysia at, 49, 54 ff.
minology, 126 ff.; training, ^70. Alcibiades, as choregos, 61 f., 97 f., 265, 273.
Actor-arias, 162, 233, 243, 261. Alcibiades, T. Aelius, 299, 319 f.
Adlan, Par. Hist. ii. 13: 46, 218. Alexander (comic poet), 291.
ii. 30: 8t. Alexrmder, of Pherai, 168, 176.
xiv. 40: 168. Alexander the Great, and dramatic con-
Aeschines, 38; as actor, 50, 52, 95, too, tests, 280.
33 ff., t4t, 175; Alexandria, ‘Artists of Dionysus’ at, 287.
— in Clis. 66-68: 63 f., 67. Alexis (comic poet), loi ; appearances of, log;
76: 269. Eupolideans in, 165; victories of, 106, 114.
—
'54: 59- — 41fr. : 269.
in Tim. 157: 234. — 16;
fr. 1 225.
schol. 1: 75. Alkiphron iii.12: 100.
:
Aeschylus, 73, 796, 250, 27:; anapaestic — 35:

iii. 273.
dimeters in, 1586; and Atlienian — K'. 10:
1 8, 28.
audience, as actor, 93, 130; as
274; — iv. i8, 16: 60.
choreographer, 239, 250 f. ; as chorus- Ambassadors, actors as, 168, 279; given
trainer, gt ; as switer of trilogies, 80 f. precedence in theatre, at Athens, 265 f.,
distribution of parts in, r 38-40; cpirrhe- 268 f. ; in Peiraeus, 46.
matic structure in, rfig; innovations of, Ameinias (comic poet), 84, 94; appearances
30 f.,
177, igof., t97f. ;
lyTic astroplia of, no; victory of, 114.
in, 240, 242; plays produced after death, 112
Ameipsias (comic poet), victories of, f.,
99 f. ; politics of, go ; secondary chorus tr8.

itr,
236; trochaic tetrameters in, 158!.; Amphiktyon (king of Athens), 57.
\nctories of, 98, t04, 106 f., it Amphiktyonic Council, 282 ff., 289 ff., 308.
2, 117;
ropaxopipTj/iara in, 137, 140. Amyklai, Aipi-ai at, 23.
— dgam. 2706; 172. Anagyrus (deme), 50.
944 ff. : 204. Anaxandrides (comic poet), 73, 85, 122,
1343 ff-: 235. 169; plays revived, roi, 109; victories of,
schol. 1348: 127, 235.
105, 107, 114.
: ; ;
346 INDEXES
Ancyra, ‘Artbts of Dionysus* 298, 318 f. at, Aristarchus (Alexandrian scholar), 80.
Andania (Mcssenia), ‘Artists ofDion)"Sus* at, Aristias (tragic poet), 796, 117; victory of,
295- 1 12.
[Andokides], in Alcib, 20: 77. Aristodemus (tragic actor), too, 133 f., 135,
20-21: 75, 273. 204 f. as diplomat, 279 chronology, 1 19
; ;
Andromeda krater, 199 f. victories of, 1 15.

Andron (tragic actor), victories of, 1 12. Aristomachus (comic actor), victories of,
Animal choruses, in comedy, 219, 238. 113, 116.
Anon., de Comoedia (Kaibel) pp. 7-8: 93, Aristomenes (comic poet), 86, 121; vic-
— 118.
p. 9: 84, 119.
Anthesteria, 1-25, 32 f., 101 ; dale of intro-
tories of, 1 13.
Aristophanes, children’s parts in, 151 ; dis-
tribution of parts in, 149-53; epirrhema-
duction, 15 f. j distinct from Lenaia, 18 f. scenes in, 164; literary allusions, 276;
tic
? comedy 2 1 1 ; ? dithyramb at, 1 6
at, f. politics of,275; produces plays 810 KaX-
Anthesterion (month), 1 f., 6 ff., 19, 37. Aiorparov, etc., 84 f. ; revision of plays,
Anth. Pal.vii. 154: 3, 14. too; tetrameters in, 164; victories, at
Antigonus, holds dramatic festival at Anti- City Dionysia, 112, 118; recorded under
goneia, 280 f. own name, 85 f., 1 18; at Lenaia, 41 ; ? at
Antilabe (divided lines), in tragic dialogue, Rural Dionysia, at Eleusis, 47 f., 52, 55.
159- — Acham. 1 1 ff. : 67.
Anlipater, 280. 202 26, 37.
;
Antiphanes (comic poet), loi ;

victories of, 241 if.: 43, 61.
1 14; Tpirayoiviorijs 134. of, 504 f. : 26, 37, 39 f.
— fr. on
191, familiarity of tragic plots: 52, 960 f. : 2, 38 f.
276. 1000-2: 3.
— 204
fr, : 77. 1076 f.: 3.
Antiphon, 80. 1154 f.: 26.
— vi. 1224 f.: 3.
— 13: 75
1 1 f.
vi.
:
76. — Birdt 682 ff.: 158.

Antoninus Pius, 298, 300 f. 786 ff. : 64 f., 272.
Antonius, M., and the ‘Artists’, 296 f. I4031'-: 76.
Aphareus (tragic poet), 94, 109; number of schol. 794 : 269.
plays, 8i f. produces plays Bia AtoyvaioVf schol. 1379: 71.
etc., 84 f. ;
;
victories of, 1 12, 1 17, — Clouds, 97.

Aphrodisias, 299, 304, 321. 1091 : :28.
Apollodorus (historian) schol. 1352: 158, 164.
— fr. 17 (Jacoby) : 26, 37. — Frogs 275.
1 :
— fr. 43: 1 19. 48 197 f., 203.

:
— fr. 133: 2. 52: 276.

Apollodorus, of Carystus (comic poet), vic- 211 ff. 3f., 13, 23. :
tories of, 1
13 f., 1 18. 367: 90-
Apollodorus, of Tarsus (tragic poet), 119; 479 27- :
sdetories of, 1 14. 1060 ff.: 198.

Apollophanes (comic poet), victory of, 1 13. 1
109 ff. : 277.
Araros (comic poet), 85 victory of, 105, 107. ;
schol. 67: 80.
Aratos, of Sikyon, 286. schol. 209: 137.
Archelaus, of Priene, relief of, 204 f. schol. 372 : 245.
Archestratos (tragic poet), plays revived, schol. 404 : 87.
287. schol. 1124: 80.
Archias (tragic actor), 77, 280; victories of, — Knights 95: 3.
115- 507 ff. : 158.
Archilochus, 156 f., 163. 546 ff. : 26.
Archon, given npoehpla, 268. schol. 589 234 : f., 238 f.
— basileus, in charge of Anthesteria, 3, 4 f., — Hypothesis,

Peace, 1 25, 224.
to f. of Lenaia, 27, 34, 36, 40. schol. 1 14: 137.
— tmivv/ios,
;
16; in charge of City Dio- — Plutus, schol.

954: 29, 41.
nysia, 58, 63, 6811., 75, 84, 92, 95; politics — Thesmophoriazusae 239.
— Wasps, Hypothesis,95382
ff. :
of, 90 ; refuses chorus, 84. f.

; ;
INDEXES 347
schol. 270: 158. century, 283 f. ; organization and stand-
schol. 582: 162, 242. ing, 302 ff.
;
priests of, 284 f., 287, 292, 299,
schol. irog: 67. 30 1 303 ; prizes, 282, 304 ; social
,
life, 304 f.
Aristophanes, of Byzantium, 178. Asklcpiades (tragic poet), victory of, 1 14,

Aristotle, 52; work on records of dramatic Asklepiodorus (comic actor), 94, togf.
performances, 70 f., 80, 103 f., to8, victories of, no, 116.
— Aik. Pol. iii. 5:5, 12. Asklepios (Asklepieia), 64 f.
xxviii. 3 : 267. Asteas (S. Italian vase-painter), 217.
liv. 8 : 46. Astydamas, 41, 94.
Ivi. 3 75, 83, 86. — the elder, 1 7.
Ivi.
:
4: 58. — the younger 1
( ?) , plays revived, 1
23 f. ; vic-
Ivii. 27, 40.
1 : tories of, to6ff., 112, 114, 117.
— Elk. E'ic. 1 1 1 i^g : 274. Astydamas III, 28a.
— Potties I447=‘27: 247. Athcnacus i. 15 d: 255.
1449=15 : 130, 135. — 1. 20 e-f: 251.
I449°2* '56. >59- — i. 21 d 197, 200 f., 248.

:
i449*’t : 82. — i. 21 d-f: 250.

1449'>4: 136. — iv. 130 d: 6, 28.
449’'28 ff. ; 156. — V. 212 d: 295.

i
I45i'’25: 276. — X. 437 b-e: 6.

1455*22: 174. — xi. 465 a: 6 f.
1456*25: 127, 233. — xii. 534 c: 6a, 265.
i 458’’3I ff. : 128. — xii. 538 c-53g 280. :
— Politics i276*’4: 234. — xiii. 5846: 99.

I28i'’7: 277. — xiv.621-2 216. :
t336‘’28: 135. — xiv.628 c-e: 247, 255.

1340*38: 259. — xiv. 628 e-f: 89.
I34t‘’i5: 277. — xiv. 629 f: 248, 250.
1342*18: 277. — xiv. 631 c : 256
1342*’! : 259 f. — xiv. 659 a 178. :
— Rhetoric 1403*’27 ff. : 168. Athenodorus (tragic actor), 94, 108 f., 280;
1404'“i 8 ff. : 168. victories of, 106.
i4o8'’33 ff.: 156. Attains II, ofPergamon, 294.
I4i3'’2i ff. : 169. Attains in, 294.
[Aristotle], de Mundo 399*14; 262. Audience, behaviour, 97 ff., 272 ff. ; com-
— Oecon.344*20 1 ; 1 29. position, 263 ff. ; knowledge of dramatic
— Physiognom.,
230. legend, 52, 275ff-: size. 263; taste, 167,
— Problems 6: 157 seix.. f., 163. 170 f., 274 ff.
xix.43: 165.
MX. 48: 233, 258 f.
Bacchylides, 76, 76.
XXX. 10: 280.
Barefoot actors, 183 f., 187 f., 208.
Aristoxenus, fr. 8 fSVchrli) : 258.
— 79; 258.
fr.
Boukoleion (BovKoXeiov), at Athens, 5, 12.
— 104: 252.
fr.
Boule, concerned witli City Dionj-sia, 69 f.,
96 f.
Artemis Kidaria, 191.
— Leukophryene, 292. Boys, in theatre audience, 263 f.
— Orthia, Korythalia, masks in worship of,

Brea, 62.
191.
.Artists of Dionysus, 132, 229, 233, 279 ff.; Callimachus, fr. 1 78 (Pfeiffer) 5.
and royal houses, 2876, 292 ff., 295 — fr. 305; I, 4.
;
countries of origin, 284 ; disputes among, — frs. 454-6 70. :
288 ff. ; guilds of, at Athens, 279, 282, Chairemon (tragic poet), 82 ;
plays revived,
2856, 288 2956, 2996, 303, 3iif.;
ff., 287.
on Corcyra, 295, 302; in Cyprus, 287!., Cbairestratos (tragic actor), victory of, 112,
311 ; in Egypt, 287, 300, 3106; in Ionia ”5-
and Hellespont, 286, 288, 291 f., 296, 298, Chamaileon fr. 41 (Wehrli): 197, 250.
303 ; at Isthmus and Nemea, 282 f., 285 f., Chares, fr. 4 (Jacoby): 129.
288 ff., 296, 303 ; membership, in third Children, on stage, 141, 144 f., 146, 151 f.
; ;
348 INDEXES
Chionidcs (comic poet), victor>’ at City gramme, 73, 83, iiof. ; no age-limit for
Dion>*sia, 72 f., 82, 112. poets, 84; number of actors, 1498*.; of
Chiton, worn by tragic actors and cliorus, plan's, 828; of poets, 83; political con-
180 ff., 198 fT.; origins of, 200-2; woin tent, 275; productions of, under name of
by comic actors, 210 fi*., 221 f., 230. another, 84 ff.
Chocs, sec A'dey. — at Rural Dionysia, 47 ff., 50 ff.
Clioirilos (tragic poet), and masks, 190, 197. — at Sotcria, 155.

Choregoi, 46, 71, 96; foreigners as, 29, 41, Contractors, for seating in theatre, in
47; at City Dion>'sia, 58, 61 f,, 69, 72, 74, Pciraeus, 46; for hiring ‘Artists’, 282.
96 f.; for dith>Tamb, 75 fi*.; expenditure Cornutus 30, p. 60, 20 (Lang): 45.
of, 77, 86 ff. ; recorded in ‘Fasti’, 102; not Cos, 294, 296.
recorded in JiSaaicaAmt, 108; age limit, Costumes, hiring of, 88; see also Actors,
75; appointment of, 86 f.; politics of, 90; Chorus, Chiton, Himation, Masks.
self-interest in conspicuous expenditure, Cralmus, see Kratinos.
89; on vases (?), 184; at Rural Dionysia, Cult of the dead, at Anthcstcria, 9, 138“.
47 f** commemoration of victories
49» 5* }
in home deme, 54 ff. replaced by Agono- ;

Damasias, of Thebes, choregos at Rural
thetes, 74, 91-93. Dion^’sia, at Elcusis, 47.
Chorus, dilliyrambic, composed of citizens, Damon, 247.
76; cost of, 77, 87 f.; exempt from mili- Damoxenos (comic poet), victory of, U3.
tar>' service, 77; selection of, 76; train- Dance, character 246 ff. ; in stasima,
of,
ir'gj
77; unmasked, 77. 251 f. ; oxrjfiara of, 248 ff. terminolog>',
— comic, cost of, 77, 88; dress and masks, 252 ff. ; use of hands, 248 f.
;
213, 215, 219, 238 f.; later histor>’, 234, Delos, festivals at, 116, 129, 284, 286, 293,
243, 284; number of, 236. 302.
— tragic, composed of professionals by mid- Delphi, festivals at, 129, 155, 281, 2828,
fourth centur>% 90 ;
cost of 77, 87 f. ; ? dis- 289 ff., 308.
appears by third century, 284; deliver)^ Dciphinion (sanctuar)' at Athens), 20.
of stasima, 245 f; divided, 2456; dress Demarch, manages Kura) Djon>’Sja, 46 ff.
and masks, 180 ff., 208 f., 237 f.; impor- escorts distinguished persons in theatre, in
tance of, 232 ff. ; later history, 233 f. Pciraeus, 268.
number of, 234 f. ; secondary, 88 f., 236 f. Dcmclcr, 20, 27, 348, 47, 296, 3178
— sat)Tic, deliver^', 246; dress, 184-6, 238; Demetrius (C>'nic), 248.
number of, 236. Demetrius of Phalcrum, 63, 91 f.
Chorus-leader (coiy'phaeus), 241 ; in dithy- Demosthenes (general), as choregos, 105,
ramb, 77; in later Aristophanes, 234; in 107; in Km^hlSf 218.
tragedy, 242, 245; on vases, 186, 209; Demosthenes, 62 ff,, 69, 758“., 268, 277;
origins of, 222. given npoehpta in theatre, 268; on actors,
Chous (drinking vessel), ? characteristic of 168.
Anthcstcria, ii, 32; size of, 10. — de Cor. 28: 265 f.
Ciiytroi, see A'ln-pot. 129: 28.

Cicero, de Oral. 251 — de F.L. to: 133.
—
i. : 170.
iii. 224; 168. 192: 280.
— in Caec. Div. 48 ; 1 70. 246-7: 133 f-. 141-
— Tusc. Disp. iv. 63 274.
: — de Pace 6 279. :
Claudius, and the ‘Artists of Dion>-sus’, 297. scliol. 6: 129, 133.

Clement of Alexandria, Protrepl. i. 2 : 28, — in Meid. 8-10: 64, 68.
10: 27.
—
30. 35-
— Stromal, p. 365: 255. *3: 75-
—
i,
Cleomcncs III, 286, 17:96.

Colour, of stage costume, comedy, 230 f. 60: 77.
tragedy, 203. 156: 77, 88.
medy, at Lenaia, more significant than — TTcpi av»*TaêuJS 2 : 268,
tragedy, 41, 120; organization of, 41 f., 10: 266,
107 f. ; date of introduction, 82. [Dcmostliencs],in Xeaeram 73-78: 4 f., 23,
— at City Dion>’sia, 82 f., 97 f.,
64 ff., 72 ff., Derketos (comic actor), victories of, 116,
108; costume and m.asks, 21Q-31; date Dialogue form, in choral lyrics, 242 ff., 245.
of introduction, 82; dropped from pro- Didymus, 14, 249.
INDEXES 349
Dikaiarchos, fr. 84 (Wehrli) 100, 275. : — fr. 30: 128.
Dikaiogenes (tragic and dithyrambic poet), — fr. tig; 226.
5 °-
Dithyramb, ? at Anthesteria, 1 6 f. ; at Le-
Diocletian, and the ‘Artists of Dionysus’, naia, in third century, 125; not in fifth
301 f., 321. and fourth centuries, 42 ; at City Diony-
Diodorus Siculus xii. 103 : 4, 41. sia, 66, 72,74-79* 9^, 98, 102 f., 124^;
xiii. 97; 99. duration of, 74; number of choruses
Diogenes laertius iii. 56: 56, 130 f. (men’s and bo)'s’) competing, 66, 75;
iv. 8 7. :
old dithyrambs revived, 79 ; poet’s name
V. q6: 71. not recorded, 76, 102; prize for, 78; at
Dions'sia, City (rd er dcrci, rd dcmKct, rd Soteria, 283 ;
at Thargelia, 75.
pcydAa), t6, 18, 26 f., 29, 40, 55, 57-101
distinguished from Lenaia, 37 ; from Rural Ecbatana, Alexander’s festival at, 280.
Dionysia, 37, 57; date of introduction, Ekkiesia, meeting of, after City Dionysia, 64,
57 f. ; documentary records of, 70 ff., loi- 66, 68 ff. ; during City Dionj'sia, 64 f.
13, Ii7f., 120-2; begins at dawn, 67; Ekphantides (comic poet), victories of, 54 f.,
choice of poets, 84 ; comedy at, 64 f., 66, 1 12.
72 ff., 82 f., 108; dithyTamb at, 66, 71 f., Elaphebolion (month), 63 ff.
74; dramatic performances at, 70; judge- Elcusinian m>^teries, ? connected with Le-
ment of contests, 95-99; no age limit for naia, 34 ff., 40; with Rural Dionysia, in
poets, 84 ; programme of, 63 ff. ; satyT- Peiraeus, 46; and origins of tragic cos-
plays at, 66, 72 ; tragedy at, 64 ff., 72 ff., tume, 200 f.
79-82. Eleusinion (sanctuary at Athens), 20.

Dionysia, Rural (rd xar' aypovs), 26, 42-56; Eleusis, accounts, 8, 27; ‘Artists of Dionysus’
at Aixone, 49 ; at Eleusls, 47 f. ; in Peiraeus, at, 296, 302, 317 f.; Rural Dion>'sia at,
45 ff. ; distinguished from City Dionysia, 47 f., 127.

37; from Lenaia, 26, 37, 40; dramatic Elcutherai, 57 f., 60.
contests at, 45 ff. most evidence from ;
Enneakrounos, i 1 9 ff., 68. ,
fourth century, 52; not held everywhere Ephebes, at City Dionysia, 58, 60 f., 82
at same time, 43 ; origins of, 42 f. at Lenaia, 27; in cult of Dionysus, in
Dionysius (tyrant of Syracuse), 6, 168; as Peiraeus, 44, 46 f. in theatre of Dionysus, ;
tragic poet, 41. 268 f.

Dionysius Halicamasseus : Anliq. vii. 72. 1 1 Ephippus (comic poet), 61,213 ; victories of,
5 - 114, 122.
— Comp. Verb, xi: 261. Epictetus, Diss. fr. j i, p. 464 (Schenkl) : 169.
Dionysus, 15; actors as, on vases (?), 182, Epidaurus, ‘Artists of Dionjsus’ at, 300;
184, 213 ; as pillar-god, 30 ff. ; dress of, on theatre at, 263.
s-ases, 200, 207 f. ; masks in worship of, Eratosthenes (Alexandrian scholar), 70, 178.
30 ff., 191 ; sacrihces to, 61 ; sanctuary of, Erctria painter, 1 1, 32 f.
Alfivait, I f., 4, 6, 9 ff., 19 29, 38,
ff., Euaretos (tragic poet), 94, 108 f.
39 f. ; ship-car, 8, 1 2 f. ; temple of, in Euboea, law of, on relations with actors,
theatre precinct, 57; near Academy, 60; 280 ff., 306 ff.
eiaaymyij of, in Peiraeus, 44; at City Eubulus (comic poet), produces plays Sid
Dionysia, 60 ff., 65; orrapaypos of, 28, 35. •PiAiinrou, 85; victories of, 1 14.
— Anthios, 9. Euegoros, law of, 27, 44, 466, 51, 59, 6r,
—
•
^dAoivcus, 23. 63 f., 68, 102, 127.
— Briseus,
298. Euhippe, 177, 195.
— Eleutiiereus,
57 f., 60. Eukleides (grammarian), 240, 256.
— Kahfteios, 32,
284 ff. Eumenes II, of Pergamon, 292 ff.
— KaOTjy^pwvj 292. Euphancs (comic poet), victories of, 114.
— /lijraios, 2, :9, 29,
37 ff., 42. Euphronios (comic poet), victory of, 104,
— /lipratos, 6, 8, 19, 39. 106, 1 12, ti8.
— Melpomenos, 300. Eupolis, 219; produces Autolycus Sid dijfio-
— ’Opffds, 32.
57,
orpaTov, 85; revision of plays, too; vic-
— iTeptxidrios, 32. tories of, 1 12 f., 1 18.
Diopeithes (comic poet), victories of, 112. — Domes, 217.
Diphilus (comic poet), tot, 231, 273; plays — 240; fr. 26, 59.
revived, 123; victories of, 114. — 304: fr. 250.
; :
350 INDEXES
Euripides, actor*aria5 in, 261; anapaestic dithyrambic choruses, 77 ; as flute-
dimeters in, 161 f., 242; and Athenian players, 76, 78 f. ; as poets, in dithyTambic
audience, 274, 276, 278; children’s parts contests, at Athens, 76, 78.
in,144; ? competed at Lenaia, 41 ; ? com-
peted at Rural Dion>'sia, in Pciraeus, 46,
Gamelion (month), 26, 34, 51.
52, 55; defeated by XenoUes and Niko-
Gc, sanctuary of, at Athens, i, 19 f., 22,
machos, gg; distribution of parts in,
GcWius, A., V. 7: 196.
144-8; epurhematic structure, 164, 243;
Generals {arparrjyoi), in cult of Dionysus, 42,
exodos formulae, 162; lyric astropha in,
46 irpoehpla in theatre, 268.
;
160, 164, 243, 261; musical inno\ations
Glaukon, commemorates victory as chore-
26 p, 322 f.; number of \nctories, 98 f.;
gos, 78.
plays revived, 100, 108 f,, 133 (?), 148,
Gnesippos (tragic poet), 84, 117.
168, 274, 286 f.; possible trilogies by, 81
Gorgosthenes (tragic actor), 117; victories
secondary chorus in, 237; trochaic tetra-
of, 112.
meters in, 159 f.; two actors in, 145;
victory of, 50.
— Alcestis 174. Hadrian, 74, 93, 269 f., 272, 298.
— Bacchae 747
ff. :
1216 ff.: 174. Hagios Eleutherios, frieze at, 51.

— Hecuba 59 ff. : 1 74. Halai Aixonides, 54.
342 ff.: 175. Hamaspathaedaya (Persian festival), 13.
1049 ff.: 173. Harpokration:
— Helen ii86ff. : 173. — s.v. cVAwJfTf, 273.
— Hipp. 451 275f. ff.: — s.v. OetopiKa, 267.
— 283
Ion ff. : 20. — s.v. TTO/iTTfiar Kai iTOfxnevaVf 5, 63.
— 947
J.T. ff.: 2. — s.v. Xoc?, 2.
— Orest.1317 ff. : 173. Hegelochos (tragic actor), 136, 170.
— Phoen. schol.
93: 133, 147. Kephaistos, actor as, on vases, 184.
— Rhesus,genuineness of, 71, 148. Heraclitus, fr. 15 (Dicis-Kranz) : 28, 30,
Euripides, the younger, 80. 44.
Expression, change of, impossible on stage, Hcrakleides (comic poet), 109.
172 f., 174, 176. Hcraklcides (tragic actor), victories of, 73,
104, 1 12, 117.

Herakicitos, of Argos (tragic actor), com-
Festivals, days of, begin at sunset, t, lof., petes at Soteria, 120; victories of, 1x5.
13; spread of, in third century, 281, 284 f.; Hcrakles, actor as, on vases, 187; (comic),
suspension of legal proceedings during, 211, 214, 222.
27y 59> 68; see also Anthesteria, Dionysia, Hermes XBovios, 3 f., 13 f.
Lenaia, IIiBoLyki, Xocj, XvrpoK. Hermippus (comic poet), victories of, at
Flute, in accompaniment, in comedy, of City Dionysia, 85, 105, 107, 112, 118; at
exodos, 244; of parabasis, 157; of recita- Lenaia, 113.
tive, 164!.; in tragedy, of anapaestic Hermon (comic actor), 67, 170, 224.
dimeters, 160 ff., 242 ; of iambics in lyric Hesiod, Op. 504: 25.
contexts, 163!.; of lyrics and recitative, — schol. Op. 368 : 7.
156 ff., 165!.; in purely instrumental Hesychius
music, in comedy, 262. — atyupov
s.v. Bia. (rrap* alyeipov ^ca), 37 f.
Flute-player, often non-Athenian, 49, 76, — S.v. AyBearripiaht^j 9.
79; not masked, 166 f., 242; at Soteriain — s.v. dpiarepoardrijs, 241.
third century, 155, 166, 283!.; in dithy- — S.v. ypafifialf 242.
ramb, 75 f., 79 ; in comedy and tragedy, — S.v. StavAioi', 262,
paid by choregos, 88; on vases, 179, — Aiovvaov
S.v. ydfios, 5.
182 ff., 212. — Aijvaiw
S.v. erri dycov, 28, 3/*
Footwear, of tragic actor, 171, 175, 180 ff., — s.v, KaToAoyi^, 157*
204 ff. — S.v. 14.
Foreigners, present at City Dionysia, 58 ; not — S.v. KVpiTTolt I9I.
normally at Lenaia, 25 f., 40 ; as choregoi, — Xavpoardraif
s,v, 241.
not at City Dionysia, 29; at Lenaia, 29, — s.v. A'^^'ot, 28.
41 ; at Rural Dionysia, 47 ; as chorus-men, — S.v. Aifivaif 28, 38.

at Lenaia, 41 ; at City Dionysia, not in — S.v, fiiaBoSy 89.
8 fr 1
INDEXES 351
S \ . TOTt KpCTOl, gS II®. 3114:74
— s V. iiu/r-fpeVx«> 84 It®. 3157: 56
— s V. mxar7j 7 32 ,
IV. 558: 312 ff
— s V. TcrpaKtiifio;, 45. IX 2. 531. 12: 157.
Hcs>chius Milcsius, Onomatologon, p 15 Xlt I. 125: 122.
(Rose) : 71. XU 9 207: 281f 30G ff ,
Hieromnemon (tragic actor), victories of, 1097-8: 73, 83, 85, 120-2.
XIV.
15, 120
1 — 0 G.I S 50-51 : 287, 310 f
Hieron>’mos (comic actor), victories of, 116, 326: 315
120 509: 320.
Himation, worn by tragic actors and chorus, — S E G 1. 187 283
180, 182 ff ; by comic actors and chorus, 1 362: 281
21 1 ff, 221 f., 230 11.580: 314
Hipparchos (tragic actor), identified, 120; IV. 418: 3i9f
Mctoncs of, 1 15. VI 59: 298, 318 f
Hippias (sophist), 260 xiii 587: 31
Hippocrates, iVo/ioy t; 127. XIV 65 65 :
Hippolochos, 6 XV 104:44
Horace, Ars Pod. 192 ; 136 — 399. 308
2iG: 166 424: 283
221; 238. 457- 285, 308 f
275-80: 190, 197, 205 460 282:
Hypcreides,in ,
Dm
col 26 2G7. : 564. 291
Hypodikos (dith>Tambic poet), 72, 103 648 : 287
704 290 f
.
1024' 36
lakchos, connected with Lenaia, 27, 34 f 1080: 286 f
lasos, festivals at, 293 f, 31G f — Fomtles de Deipkts •
Ikarion (deme), Rural Dion>'sia at, 48!, Ill no 351 285, 309 f
I, •
7G ; theatre, 54. Ill 2, no 68 282, 308 •
Inscriptions: Ill 2, nos 137-8:289

— l.G 1*. 46: 6a. — Sokolovvski, Lou Sacrdts d’Asit Mtneure,
ih95:24- no 37-8
11*. 1006, 1008:
34, Go no 48 :
iP 1176:46. — Ath MtH 66 (1941), pp zi8F:4g

11®. 1178: 48. — Hespena 7 (1938), p 100: 69
11®. 1186:
47, 127. pp 1 16-18: 123 f
11®. 1206: 50 — Rtp di^lologiaBB pp 253!!: 318.
11®. 1330: 311 f
ii®. 1338: 296, 317 f lobaccheion (lobacchoi), at Athens, 8, 12,

11®.
1496:27,39, 45 f 16, 24, 65
11®. 1672: 8, 27, 35, 46.
Ion, of Chios, fr 10: 7.
11®. 2130: 27.
lophon (tragic poet), 84; victoiy of, 105,
11®. 2318: 71 f., 82 f, 85, 87, 101-7,
107
12G ff
Isaeus viii 35- 4, 23, 25
11® 2319-23: 41, 72 f, 83 f., 94, to7- Ischander (tragic actor), 50 (’), 133
II.
Isocrates xv 11 33-34 : 96
It®. 2325: 41, 73, 85, 107 f, 112-20 Istros (Alexandrian scholar), 93, 205
11®. 2853: 108 luba, of Mauretania, 1 34, 78 1
It®. 3055:79
II®. 3073:42, 92, 120, 127
11®. 3090; 47 f, 87 Jerash (Gerasa), ‘Artists ofDion>sus’ at, 297.
it®. 3091 54 ff Jerome, 1 18 f.
:
11®. 3092 49 f. Judges, of contests at Cit) Dton)^^, 95-98.

:
11®.
3094:49
11®. 3095- 48 Kalliades (comic poet), victory of, it 4,
11®. 3103: 44 Kallias (comic poet), victories of, 104, 107,
11®. 3106: 49 112, 118, 121.
;
352 INDEXES
Kallias (comic actor), victories of, 1 16, 123. tion, 40, 108, 125; end of, 42; outside
Kallikrates (comic actor), 94 f. Athens, 36 f. ; ? at Rhamnous, 42 ; see also
Kallippides (tragic actor), 94, 168, 176; ac- ‘Lenaenvasen*.
cused of excessive gesture, 174J victories ‘Lcnaian theatre*, 39 f.
of, 109, 115, ng. Lenaion, sanctuary at Athens, 23, 25 f., 28,
Kallippos (the elder, comic actor), 109. 37 f., 38 f.; month, outside Athens, 18 f.,
Kallippos (the younger, comic actor), ap- 25 f*. 35 ff-> 28 i.
pearances of, no; victories of, 109, n6, Leningrad painter, 183 f.
120. Lentulus, P. Cornelius, 289 f.

Kallirrhoe, i, 19 ff., 24. Lcptincs (tragic actor), victories of, 1 12, 1 15.
Kallistratos, 84 f. Lesbonax, 248.
Kallistratos (tragic poet), at Lenaia, 109. Lessees, of theatres, 46 f., 266.
Kantharos (comic poet), victory of, 105, Leukon (comic poet), victories of, 112.
1 12, 1 18. Likymnios (? tragic actor), 100, 168.
Karkinos (tragic poet), victories of, 104, Lucian, on actors and acting, 138, 168 f.,
112. 203 f., 305 ; value of evidence for classical
Kephisodorus (comic poet), 118; victories theatre, 177, 196.
of, 1 13. — Apologia de mere. cond. 5 305.
Kimon, and tragic contest of 46^ b.c., 95. — Column. 132!, 7:
:
Kinesias, 87; ? two poets of this name, 71 — de 16: 255.

salt.
dithyrambic poet, 79, 261. 19; 248.
Kleandros (tragic actor), acts for Aeschylus, 25: 246.
93. 131 f- 27: 82, 157, 170, 196, 204 f.
Kleandros II (tragic actor), victory of, 105. 63 248.

—
:
Klearchos, fr. tg (Wchrli), 132. Demosth. encom. 27*. 82.

Klearchos (comic poet), victories of, 114. — Callus 26: 205.
Kleon, and Aristophanes, 275; given irpo- — Harmonides i : 79.
eSpia in theatre, 268. — lupp. trag. 41 : 203.
Kleophon, 267. — Menippus j6: 138.
Kodros, 24. — Nigrinus 8 : 305.
Kollytos (deme). Rural Dionysia at, 50. II : 169.
Krates (comic poet), as actor in plays of — 31: 68 f.
Pise. 1
Kratinos, 93; date, 118; victories of, 112. 33:305.

— fr. 24: 128. Lycophron (Alexandrian scholar and poet),
Krates (historian), fr. 8 (Jacoby) 7. : 70.
Kratinos, 37, g8, 136, 149, 2ig ; as actor, 93; Lycurgus, 15, 46, 94, 104; and texts of
refused chorus, 84; victories, 54!. (with tragedies, 100; reconstruedon of theatre
BovKoXot), ii2f., 1 18. of Dionysus, 40, 52, 189, 263, 270.
— fr. 15: 84. — in Leocr, 86 f. : 24.
— fr. 71 : 218. Lykis (comic poet), victories of, 112.
— fr. 256 : 84. Lykon (comic actor), 280; victories of, 116.
Kraton, of Chalkedon (flute-player), 292 f., Lyre, in tragedy, 165 f.
305, 314 ff. Lysias 3 iv. 96 f.
Krexos (dithyrambic poet), 157. — 42:

xix. 29,
:
88.
— 1-5:
xxi. 75, 77, 87, 1 18.
Lamachos (general), in Aristophanes, 218. — XXV, 13 89. :
Lasos (dithyrambic poet), 72. Lysikrates, monument of, 78.

Lebedos, 294. Lysikrates (tragic actor), 94 f.; appearances
Lemuria (Roman festival), 14. of, 109.
‘Lenaenvasen’, 30 ff. ; supplement to Lysippos (comic poet), 73, 121 ; victory of,
Frickenhaus’s list, 30 n. 2. 118, 121.
Lenaia, 7, 25-42, 51 ; and mystic rites, 36;
connected with Eleusinian Mysteries, Maenads, 28 ff., 33 f.
34 ff., 40 ; date of introduction, 35 ; dis- Magnes (comic poet), victories of, 82, 104,
tinguished from Anthesteria, i8f. ; from 112, 118.
City Dionysia, 39 f. ; from Rural Dionysia, Makron (vase-painter), 30, 33, 184.
26, 37, 40; dramatic contests at, 40-42, Masks, use of, 137, 139, 141, 144, 149, 171,
t09j 113-16, 120, 125; date of introduc- *73 ^> *795 alleged amplification-effect.
;; :
INDEXES 353
igo, 195 f.; and identification of charac- Naples, ‘Artists of Dionysus’ at, 296, 298.
ters, in comedy, 218 f., 230; in tragedy, Nausikrates (comic poet), victories of, 114.
192; change ofi 173!.; characteristics of, Nausikrates (comic actor), victories of, 116.
tragic, fifth and fourth centuries, 189, tgi- Neleus, sanctuary of, at Athens, 24 f.
3; later, 189 f., 196; comic. Old and Neoptolcmos (tragic actor), 94, 100, 108 f.,
Middle, 218 ff.;New, 219 f., 229 f.; in- 133, 168; as diplomat, 279; victories of,
vention of, 190; not worn by dithyrambic 109, ti5, 120.
choruses, 77; prehistory of, 191 ;
special, Neoptolcmos II, 282.
comic, 219; tragic, 195; on reliefs, comic, Nikias (general), as choregos, 78, 88; in
49, 213 f., 215 f., 224, 226; tragic, 188; Knights, 218.
on vases, comic, 21 1 ff. ; tragic, 179, 181 f., Nikokles (citharode), 42.
186 f., 188 f., igif. ; bronze, tragic, 190; Nikomachos (tragic actor), victory of, 112.
marble, comic, 227, 229; terracotta, Nikomachos (tragic poet), 258; defeats
comic, 214 f., 224, 226 ff.; tragic, 179, Euripides, 99.
190; Pollux’ lists, 177 f.; comic, 210, 220, Nikomachos, of Alexandreia Troas (tragic
223-30; tragic, 193-5. poet), 81.
Maypole, ? at Anthesteria, 1 7. Nikophon (comic poet), 1 18; victories of, 113.
Mcidias, 76 f., 97, 273, 279. Nikostratos (comic or dithyrambic poet), 49,
Melanippides (dithyrambic poet), 78 f., 261. 109, 1 19.
Meletus, 71, 80. Nikostratos (tragic actor), log, 156, 170;
Menander, 63, 98, tot; and Athenian victories of, 105, 106 f., 115.
audience, 278; appearances of, 109 f.; Nimes (Nemausus), ‘Artists of Dionysus’ at,
chronology, 84, 119; distribution of parts, 297. 3 °'-
154 f. ; plays revived, tot, i to f., 123, 271 Niobid painter, 166, 184.
tetrameters in, 165; victories of, 114, 119. Nothippos (tragic poet), ?same as Gnesip-
— Dyskolos, exodos of, 162, 264. pos, q.v., 117; victories of, 112.
— fr. 153: 241.
Menekrates (tragic poet), victory of, 105. Odeion, 63 f., 67 f.
Menekrates (tragic actor), victories of, ti2, Old plays revived, ? not at Lenaia, 41, 73,
”5 - 123 ; at City Dionysia, 66, 72 ff., 79, 82 f.,
Menippus of Gadara, 248. 99 f., 105, 106, 108 ff., 123 f.; outside
Mesatos (tragic poet), 1 17 victories of, 1 12.
;
Athens, 168, 274, 2866.
Metagenes (comic poet), victories of, 113. Olympicion (sanctuary at Athens), i, 19 f.,
Metics, as choregoi at Lenaia, 29, 41 ;

in pro- 24.
cession at City Dionysia, 61. Olynthos, destruction of, 214, 279.
Middle Comedy, anapaestic dimeters in, Orestes, arTior for rites of Anthesteria, 2, 5 f.,
165; see also Chorus, Masks. 10. 38.

Mithridates Eupator, 295. Orientals, on stage, 183, 187, 198 f., 209.
Mncsimachos (comic poet), victory of, 1 14. Orphans, of svar-dead, at City Dionysia, 59,
Modes, of music in tragedy, 258 ff., 332 f. 67 ; given rrpoeSpla at theatre, 268.
Moschion (comic actor), victories of, 1 16. Orpheus, poems of, at Anthesteria, 8, 16.
Mouseia (festival atThespiae), 284 ff., 308 f.
Mummius, and disputes among Artists’ Padding, in comic costume, 212, 215, 222 f.
guilds, 289. Paiania (deme). Rural Dionysia at, 50.

Music, and accentuation, 261 f. ;
and human Panathenaia, 92, 267; ? tragedy at, 56.
character, 259 f. ; and svords, 260 f. Pandia (festival), 64, 66, 68.
character of, 257 ff., 322 f. instrumental,
;
Pans, chorus of, 185.
262 ; Orestes papyrus, 260 f. Pantakles (dithyrambic poet), 71.
Mute persons, see Kioâ TTpoaciuro. Pantaleon (flute-player), 79.
Mynniskos (tragic actor), acts for Aeschylus, Pantomime, 248, 250, 256.
93> toy, 13 1 ; on excessive gesture, 174; Papposilenos, actor as, on vases, 186; cos-
victories of, 105 (422 b.c.), 112, 115, 117. tume of, 186, 238; distinct from satyr
Myonnesos, 294. coryphaeus, 236.
Myrrhinous (deme), 45, 50. Papyri
Myrtilos (comic poet), victory of, 1 13. — B.G.U. 1074; 297.
— P. Hibeh 13: 260.
Naia (festival at Dodona), 286 f. 182, col. ii. 15: 265.
Nakedness, stage, 213, 217, 221. — P. 0 >y. 221, col. iii: 237.
; :
354 INDEXES
Papyri {coni.): Philippus (comic poet), produces plan’s of
853, col. X. 7 ff. : I f., 22. Eubulus, 85; \dctories of, 114.
161 1 : 98. Philochorus, fr. 5b (Jacoby)
: 32.
2256, fr. 3 : 1 7, 232. — fr. 33 : 267.

2455, fr. 1 : 274.
1
— fr. 57: 4, 16.
2476: 297. — fr. 84: 3*
— P. Teblunis 122. — fr. 171:91,272.
Parabasis, 158, 164, 244 f. Philodemus, Index Acad. Hercul. 8, p. 43 : 6.
Parentalia (Roman festival), 13. Philoklcs (tragic poet), 80 ; defeats Sophocles,
Parian Marble (Alarmor Parium)y 70, 72, 99-
92, 103, 107, 117, 119, 122, Philonides (comic poet), victories of, 112.
Parmenon (comic actor), 50, 120, 171; Philonides (comic actor), victory of, 116.
victory of, 116. Philonikos (comic poet), victor)’ of, 1 13.
Parrhasios (painter), 173. Philostratus, Heroicus xii. 2 7.
Parts, distribution of, see Actors. — Vit. ApolL iii. 14: 8.
;
Pausanias, 20 f., 24, 60, 208. iv. 21 : 8, 16.

— 2.5:57.
i. vi. 11 : 86, 197, 205.
— 1.21.4:9. — Vit. Soph. i.9: 197.
— 8 57
i. 38.
:
f. Philoxenos (dithyrambic poet), 78, 134, 261.
Pegasos, 57 f. Philythos (comic poet), victory’ of, 1 13.
Peiraeus, Rural Dionysia at, 45 ff. ; theatre Phlya (deme), Rural Dionysia at, 50 f.
at, 46, 54, 266, 268; ‘TTOftTh] at, 27. Phlyax vases, 212, 216-18.
Peisistratus (Peisistralids), 19 f., 24; and Phoinikidcs (comic poet), n8; victories of,
City Dionysia, 58; Peisistratid era and ”3-
dress of tragedy, 200. Phormion (comic actor), 280; victories of,
Peloponnesian War, alteration of pro- 116.
gramme of City Dionysia during, 64, 66. Photius
Pergamon, 292, 294, 300. — s.v. Bvpale Rapes ...» 8, 14.
Pericles, alters theatre of Dionysus, 40 j and — s.v. tVpia, 28, 37.
the theorikon, 266 f.j as choregos, 90, — s.v, A-jyatov, 28.
104; builds Odeion, 64, 68; in Kratinos’ — s.v. piopa ’qii'ipa, 7.
Bp§.Traif 218. — s.v. opxnorpa, 29, 37.

Perseus, actor as, on vase, 210 f. — S.v. pdpvoSf 7.
Persia, and origins of ‘tragic dress’, 201 f. — s.v. rd cV TU)v afia^wvj 7, 27.
Phallic elements, in cult of Dionysus, at City — S.V. rplros dpurrepovy 241.
Dionysia, 57, 62 ; at Rural Dionysia, 43 f. — s.v. 'YBpoif> 6 piay 3.
not at Lenaia, 36. — S.v. ÔKpiveoOaiy 13 1.
Phallos, in comic costume, 21 1 ff., 217, Phrynichos (tragic poet), 322; and female
220 ff., 231. masks, 190; as choreographer, 91, 239,
Phanodemus, fr. 1 1 (Jacoby) : 6. 250; politics of, 90.
— fr. 12: 6, 9, 32. — Capture of Miletus, 274.
Phanostratos (tragic poet), victory of, 120. — Phoenissae, date of, 236 f.
Pherekrates (comic poet), acts in pla>'s of Phrynichos (comic poet), 17; victories of,
Krates, 93; victories of, 112 f., 118. 112 f,, 118.
— fr. 145: 261. Phrynis (lyre-player and ? dithyrambic
Philemon (comic poet), g8; and Athenian poet), 79, 217, 261.
audience, 278; plays revived, loi, no, Phyromachus, alleged decree of. 265, 269.
123 ; victories of, 1 14, 1 19 f. Pindar, 76, 78.
Philemon II, 113, 118. — fr. 75 (Snell): 17.
Philemon III, 113, 118. — fr. 133: 35-
Philemon (comic actor), date of, 120; vic- — fr. 140 b: 126.
tories of, 1 16; vocal quality, 169. Plato, 43; ? ^vTOte tragic ‘tetralogy’, 81.
Philetairos (comic poet), victories of, 114. — Gorgias 502 b-d : 265.
Philinos (tragic poet), victory of, 114. — Laws 654 b : 246.
ii.
Philip of Macedon, dramatic performances ii. 658 a-d 265. :
organized by, 279 f. ii. 659 a: 97, 277.
Philippides (comic poet), 94 ; plays revived, iii. 700 c: 99, 272, 277.
loi. 111 ;
victories of, 109, 114, 119. vii. 798 d: 246.
INDEXES 355
vii. 815 c: 247 f. — iv. 108-9: 158, 239 f.
vii. 816 a-b: 253. — iv. 109-10: 137, 265.
vii. 817 c: 265. — iv. T14: 169.
817 d: 84.
vii. — iv. 115-20: 177 f., 203, 205, 230
— Phaedms z-j 6 c: 129. — iv. 121 39.
f.
— Symposium 194 a-b: 67, 127. — iv. 122

:
269, 273.
—
:
— Timams 72 b; 126. iv. 123: 131.

Plato (comic poet), 85, 247 victories of, 1 12. — iv. 124: 133.
Piatonios, 219.
;
— iv. 133-54: 177 f., 193 ff., 223 ff.
Plautus, and costume of New Comedy, — iv. 140: 181.

224 ff., 231. — iv. 143: 218.
Piays, evidence of, for acting style, 171 f., — vi. 75: 61.
I75f. for actor’s appearance, comedy, — vii. 87 : 262.
218 f.,
;
220
tragedy, 179, J92, 202 f.;
ff.; — vii. 125: 29.
for actions of chorus, 239, 242 ff., 252,254; — viii. 90: 27.
for appearance of chorus, 208 ff., 219. Polos (tragic actor), 100, 132, 169, 176,
Plotinus hi. 2. 17; 133. 204 f., 281, 305.
Plutarch, Alexander 29 ; 280. Polychrome ware, 212 f.
— Aristides35 274. : Polyphrasmon (tragic poet), victories of, 104,
— Demosth. 29. 2 88. 106, 1 12, 117.
—
:
— Kimon 7-9 95. 8. Lymrgeia, 80.

— Lysander 23. 6: 132. ;
Polyzelos (comic poet), victories of, 113.

— Mkias 2-3 78, 88. 3. :
Poseideon (month), 26, 42, 45, 51.
29. 3: 276. Poseidippos (comic poet), and ‘Artists of
— 2-3 266.
Pericles 9. : Dionysus’, 286; plan’s revived, 101, 111;
— Phokion 2-3: 88. 19. victories of, 1 13, 1 18.
3 3: 92
‘- . Poseidippos II, 1 13.
— Amator. 756 b: Pratinas, 80, 183; as dancer, 251.
— de audiendo 33 c 274.
274. : — fr. 1 (Page) : 78, 256 f.
46 b: 91, 258. Priene, 12, 37, 294, 296.

— 527 d 44, 62.
de cupid. div. Priests, given rtpochpia at Athens, 268 f. see
— de 998 c 274.
esu carrtis ;
:
of Dionysus.
also Artists
;
— Ath. 349 b 77.

de glor. Proagon, of City Dionysia, 63 ff., 67 f. ; of
— 8i6
Praec, ger. reip. 132.
:
f: Lenaia, 67.
— Quaest.Conv, 613 b; i. 5. ProWeides (comic poet), victories of, 106,
h. 643 a: 5 f. 114.
hi. 645 d-e: 322 f. Prometheus, in dramatic scene, on vases, 1 86.
hi. 6550: 6. Pronomos (flute-player), 186 f.
V. 678 d: 241. Pronomos vase, 166, 186 f., 206, 208, 236,
vii. 7ii c: 168. 254.
be. b Protagonist, see vpwTayon’ior^s.
— quomodo747
ff.: 249.
63 b 273.
adulator : Prostration,on stage, 175 f.
P’lutaych] de Musica 1 136 d 258. : Pro.xeny, awarded to ‘Artists of Dionysus’,
1:373:323. 284; conferred by guilds of ‘Artists’,
ii37e-f: 323. 287 f., 302.
Ji40f: 1568 Pscllos, Michael, 322.
1141 c-d: 75. Ptolemy Philadelphus, 287.
— Vit. X Orat. 839 d : 84. Pyronides, 217.
840 a: 134. Pythais, 289, 291.
841 f: 15. Pythion (sanctuary at Athens), 1, 19 f., 24.
Pnyx, reconstruction of, 214.
Poliochos (comic poet), victory of, 1 13. Quintilian x. I. 72 : 278.
Pollux, on satyr-play costume, 180; sources
and value of, 137, 177 ff., 234 f.
— xi. 3. 74: 173-
— h. 161 241. Raised stage, 190; and introduction of

— IV.
:
103-5: 249 ff. oyxos-mask, 196.

— iv. io6-g: 234!. Rapid and violent movement, on stage,
— iv. 107:245. 175 f-. =04-
; :
356 INDEXES
Recitative, in performance of comedy plays revived, (?) 50, 100, (?) 123, (?) 133,
164 f.; of tragedy, 140, 142, 156 ff. 169; refused chorus, 84; trochaic tetra-
Revision of pla>*s, for second performance, meters in, 159; victories of, 41, 98, 104,
- ri2; ? victory’ at Rural Diony’sia, at
99 101 .
Resident aliens, see Melics. Elcusis, 47 f., 52 ;

first victory at City’
Rhamnous, cult of Dionysus at, 42, 51, 53 f. Dionysia, 95.
Rhegium, ‘Artists of Dion^’sus’ at, 295. — Electro 1296 ff: i72f.
Rhinthon of Taras, 216. — O.T., ? change of masks in, 173,
Rhodes, 37, 294. — Telepketa, 55, 81.
Rieti statuette, 171, 204. — 73 'ro, cited by Pollux, 177, 195; parodied,
Rome, and ‘Artistsof Dion)'sus*, 289 ff., 212 f.
291 f., 294 f., 299, 301 ; festivals in honour Sophocles, the younger, victories of, 105,
of, 281 ; inscriptions at, 37, 120 ff. 107.
Roscius, and introduction of masks at Rome, Soteria (festival at Delphi), 116, 120, 154 f.,
196. 236, 248, 283, 286; chronology of, 283.
Rural Dionysia, see Dion^’sia, Rural. Sphy’Tomachos, alleged decree of, 265, 269.
Stasima, 245, 251 f., 256.
Salamis, Rural Dion>'sia at, 46, 51. Stephanus of Byzantium:
Sannio (chorus-trainer), 279. — S.X’. yl^rator, 26, 37.
Samos, ‘Artists* at, 296. — s.v. (âcnjAif, 41, 117.
Sann>Tion fr. 2 39. : Stichomythia, in recitative scenes, 158, 159*.
Saondas (tragic actor), \nctory of, 112. Strabo viii. 5. 1 23. :
Sarapieia, festival at Tanagra, 295. — u

ix. 2. : 20.
Sat>Tion (comic poet), victory of, 1 13. — xiv. I.
29: 294.
Satyros (tragic actor), 161, 204 f. ‘Suidas*
Sat>TOs (comic actor), 280; victories of, 1 16. — SA’. 205. 190,
Satyrus, 265, •— SA’. d?T* atyfjpou 38.
— Vit. Eur.y fr,38, col. 19: 276. — aoKoôpetVt
s.v.
^fr. 39, col. 22: 261. — s.v. hpaxfsr) 267.
Satyr-plan’s, at City Dionysia, 66, 72 ff, 79, — sv. 0 €<miSt 190.
108; not at Lenaia, 41, 73, 125; re^'ived, — s.v. BewpiKtiy
267*
123 f.; actors, costumes, i8o, 183 (?), — woKpirtSr, 93
s.v. r€fii^(X€is f.
187; chorus, costumes, 184 ff.; number, — s.v. 193.

236; dance, 249, 252, 254; later history, — S.v. Eotf>oKXTjs,
41, 134 81, f, 234.
124, 291. — s.v. tâpvYYivhTji’f
77 *
Satyrs, on vases, 31, 43; men dressed as, s.v. XnOVlht)Sy 82, 132.
183 ff. ; with mallets, i84f. Sulla, and the ‘Artists’, 296, 318; and sack
Semele, ? connected wth Lenaia, 34, of Athens, 295.
Seneca, Ep, 115: 274. Susa, Ale.xandcr*s wedding-feast, 280.
Silenos, see Papposilenos. Su'inging, rile of, at Anthesteria, 11.
Simonides, 76, 78. Symehoregia, see
Simykas (tragic actor), 134, 169. Syracuse, ‘Artists of DionysvLs* at, 295.
Sisenna (proconsul of Macedonia), 290.
[Skylax], Penplus 112:4. Tears, on stage, 171 f, 176.
Sleeved garments, worn by flute-player, 182, Teickleidcs (comic poet), 73; victories of,
199; by actors and chorus, 183, 186 ff, Ii2f., 120 f.
198 ff; by Papposilenos, 186; origins of, Telesis (Telestes) (dancer), 91, 248 f, 251.
200-2. Teos, a88, 291 ff., 300, 303, 305, 314.
Smyrna, and ‘Artists of Dionysus*, 298. Terracottas, evidence of, for comic costume,
Sokxates (tragic actor), 134, 169. 214 f.
Sophocles, abandons trilogy structure, 81 Tetralogies (TCTpoAoymt), titles of, used for
anapaestic dimeters in, 161, 242; and reference, 71, 80 f ;
meaning of word, 80.
actors, 93; and Athenian audience, 278; Thargelia (festival), 27, 92; dithyramb at,
and death of Euripides, 68 ; as actor, 93, 75 f-
130; as dancer, 251 ; competes at Lenaia, Theatre, at Epidaurus, size of audience,
41; defeated by Philokles, 99; distribu- 263; at Ikarion, 54; in Pciraeus, 46 f., 54,
tion of parts in, 140-4; in O.C., 142-4; 266, 268 ; at Rhamnous, 53 f. at Thori- ;
epirrhcmatic structure in, 163 f, 243; kos, 52 f.

; : :
INDEXES 357
Theatre orDion>'sus, t6, 28, 39 f., 52, 59 f., masks, 180-209; number of plays, 798;
68, 189; libations in, 67; purified by of poets, 79.
sacrifice of sucking pig, 67 ; seats, cost of, — at Rural Dionysia, 47 ff., 50 ff.
265 f. ; assignment of, 268 ff., 300 ; size — at Soteria, 155, 286 8
of audience, 263; composition, 26368; Tribute, displayed in theatre at City
tickets, 270 f. Dionysia, 26, 59, 67.
Themistius, Oral. 26. 316 d ; 130 f., 198, Q04. Triclinius (Byzantine scholar), 198, 235,
Thcmistocles, as choregos, 90, 236. 253-
Theodektes (tragic poet), number of plays, Trilogies, 80 8
81 f. ; victories at City Dionj-sia, 1 1 2, 1 1 7 Tripods, in commemoration of victories,
victory at Lenaia, 41, 1 17. 77 f-
Theodoros (tragic actor), 100, 119, 1328, Tritagonist, see TptTaycuvtcrrrJ?.

I35i tytj tyS; chronology, 119; victories Trousers, worn by actors or chorus, 183, 200,
of, 1
1 5, (?) 1
17; vocal qualities, 168. 209.
Theophilos (? comic actor), 109. Trumpet, used to announce events at City
Theophrastus, 6, 28, 230, 276. Dionysia, 67.
— Char. vi. 4: 270. Tryphon of Alexandria (scholar), 178, Q49.
ix. 5 : 265 8 Twelve Gods, altar of, 62.
xi. 3; 273. Tyre, Alexander’s festival at, 280.
xiv. 4: 273. Tzetzes
XXX. 6: 266. — 18p. (Kaibel) : 136, 149.
Theopompus, 266. — pp. 23 8 : 236.
— fr-34y(J“coby):3f'- — P-33: 239.
Theopompos (comic poet), victories of, — 1098:
de Trag. 240.
Thcorikon, 266 18, 270. Ulpian, on Dem. i. I, pp. 328 (Dindorf)

Thespis, 72, 124, ig5; as actor, 93, 1308; 2668
as dancer, 251; innovations of, 1308,
1908, 232. Vase-paintings, convention in, 31, 33, 179,
Thettalos (tragic actor), 94, 108 8, 135, 280; 182, 192; evidence of, for Anthesteria,
victories of, to6, 109, 1 15, 120. 10-12, 168; for Lenaia, 30 ff. ; for Rural
Thorikos (dome), theatre at, 52 8 Dionysia, 43 8 ; for actor’s appearance, in
Thrasyllus, monument of, 78. comedy, 210-13, 216-18; in tragedy,
Thucydides ii. 15. 3-6: r, t8, 19 8 180-9, 191 8, 198-200, 206, 209.
— iv. ti8: 59, 64. Villa Giulia painter, 31.
— V. 23:59, 64. Virgil, Georg, ii. 7 8 : 208.
Thyiades, 31, 35. ii. 38off.: 45.
270 flf.
Tickets, theatre, Vila Aeschyli, 177.
Tights, worn by comic actors, 210 18, 217, — 9: 244.
2218; ?not after fourth century, 231; — 12: 86.
worn by stage satyrs, 183 18 — 14: 198, 205.
Tigrancs, and the ‘Artists’, 296. — 15: 93. >3' f-
Timaeus, fr. 158 (Jacoby) : 6. Vita Euripidis, p. 3. 1 1 ff. (Schwartz) : 68.
Timokles (tragic poet), distinguished from Vita Sophoclis 4 93, 130, 234.
— 5:
:
comic poet of same name, 107; victories ‘30-

of, 106, 109. — 6: 93, 205.
Timokles (comic poet), victory of, 1 14. — 23: 258.
— fr. 6 : 128.
Timotheos (tragic poet) ? victory at Lenaia, ,

Wine-presses, in cult of Dionysus, 23, 26, 29.
55- Women, in the audience, 2648, 269; on
Timotheos (dithjTambic poet), 79, 166; and stage, 153, 221.
Euripides, 261.
Tlepolemos (tragic actor), acts for Sophocles, Xenokles (tragic poet), 99.
93- Xenokles, of Aphidna (choregos), 90, 104,
Tragedy, at Lenaia (two plays only), 41 8, 107.
72 8 at City Dionj’sia, 64 18, 72 ff., 79-
; Xenokles, of Sphettos (agonothetes), monu-
82; date of introduction, 103; composi- ment of, 120.
tion of new pla)-s ceases, 82 ; costume and Xenokrates (tragic poet), statue of, 286.
358 INDEXES
Xenophilos (comic poet), victory of, 113. Zagreus, ? connected with Lenaia, 35.
Xenophon, Hipparch. iii. 2 : 62. Zenobius;
— Mem. ill. 4. 3 f. 76 f.
• — s.v. 6vpa^€ Kapes . . 7j
— Symp. iii.
:
ir: 168, 176. — s.v. 7T€VT€ KpiTwv yovvaot Heiraij 98.

vi. 3: 156. -
— s.v. owrofiiarepos <y/ca^7]?, 61.
[Xenophon], A9. IJoX. ii. 18: 90. Zcnon (treasurer of ‘Artists of Dionysus’),
Xenophon (comic poet), victory of, 113- 288, 312 ff.

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THE

Sir Arthur Pickard-Gambridge

UKIVERSm' OF JODHPUR LIBRARY

© Oxford University Press i9^S

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may he reproduced,

Printed in Great Britain

PREFACE TO SECOND EDITION

substantially altered, and a new section on the so-called ‘Lenaian theatre’

significance of changes of metre ; the treatment of gesture and emotion

I have sometimes travelled away from the subject of the Athenian

and to the suggestion of connexions and ‘derivations’ which cannot be

I THE LESSER FESTIVALS

8. Late developments 29- 16

1 1 . Importance of the Rural Oionysia, especially in the fourth

n- THE GREAT OR CITY DIONYSIA

2. General character 5^59

9. Preliminary survey 7^7 *

to. The inscriptions and Aristotle 7*

III • THE ACTORS

A. TRAGEDY AND SATYR PLAY l8o-20g

2. The archaeological evidence i8o-go

4. Dress. Origins of tragic costume. Later developments 197-204

A. THE CHARACTER, FUNCTIONS, AND MOVEMENTS OF THE

C. MUSIC IN DRAMA pOgCS 257-62

VII -THE ARTISTS OF DIONYSUS

3 The Euboean law. The first guilds

quarrels between tlie guilds 288-gI

1. Chous, Athens, National Museum CC 133® (from Deubner, Attiscke Feste^

2. Chous, Athens, National Museum 17286 (photo. Beazley)

between pp. 10 and 1

4. Chous, Athens, National Museum 17753 (photo. Beazley)

9. Infant on Swing. Chous, Athens, Vlasto Collection (photo. Beazley)

13. Dionysiac Procession. Skyphos, British Museum B 79 (from Deubner, Attische

Feste, pl. 14, 2)

15. Dithyrambic Chorus and Flute-player. Bell-krater, Copenhagen 13817

17. Kylix from Vulci, Berlin 2290 (Staatliche Musecn, Berlin)

between pp. 32 and 33

ig. Stamnos, Villa Giulia 983 (photo. Alinari)

21. Stamnos, Louvre G 532 (from Frickenhaus, Lenacnvasen, fig. 23)

24. Chous, Athens, Vlasto Collection (photo. Beazley)

25. Monument from Akone, Athens, Epigraphical Museum (photo. J. M. Cook)

26. View of Theatre at Thorikos (from Bulle, Untersuchnngen an griechischcn

27. Plan of Theatre at Thorikos (ibid. Taf. i)

29. Theatre at Ikarion (ibid., fig. 4)

3 . Victory Tripod. Neck-amphora, British Museum E 298 (photo. British Museum)

36. Hydria fragments, Corinth T 1144 (American School of Classical Studies,

Oenochoe, London, Hamilton-Smith (from BulL Inst. Class. Stud. (London),

Stamnos, Lou\Te 10754 (from Scritii . . . Liberiini, pp. gi-pS; pl-

44. Cup fragments, Boston 03.841 (from Brommer, Salyrspitle'-, fig. 8)

46. Bell-krater fragments, Bonn 1216.183-5 and 354-7 (photo. Beazley)

49. The Pronomos Vase. Volutek-ratcr, Naples 3240 (from Furtwangler-

50a, b. Krater fragments from Taranto, AVurzburg (from Corolla Curtius,

between pp. 190 and igi

51. Relief from Peiraeus, Athens, National Museum 1500

53. Bell-krater fragment, Athens, Agora P 24828 (American School of Classical

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS xix

57. Terracotta Mask, Athens, Agora T 88 (American School of Classical Studies,

between pp. 206 and 207

66. Thamyras. Hydria, Oxford 530 (photo. Ashmolean Museum)