Estructura de les Llengües

Curs 2023-2024

Solucionari: Exercicis bàsics: Estructura del SN, i cas i concordança

Termini lliurament: dimecres, 15/2/24, 23.59h (Aula Global)

1. Fes exercici 3C (ngbaka, familia “Atlantic Congo”) al final del Cap. 3 de Kroeger.

3C. Write a set of PS rules which will generate all of the grammatical noun phrases (#1–9)
but none of the ungrammatical ones (#10–18).

1. toa kpo ‘one house’

2. toa ke ‘this house’
3. toa ge ‘that house’
4. gã folo kpo ‘one big elephant’
5. folo ge tũ ‘that black elephant’
6. bisĩ gbogbo kpo ‘one small lion’
7. gbogbo ge fẽ ‘that white lion’
8. bisĩ gbogbo ke fẽ ‘this small white lion’
9. gã folo kpo tũ ‘one big black elephant’

10. *ke (‘this’)

11. *toa ke kpo (‘this one house’)
12. *toa kpo ge (‘that one house’)
13. *ge toa (‘that house’)
14. *kpo toa (‘one house’)
15. *folo kpo gã (‘one big elephant’)
16. *tũ folo ge (‘that black elephant’)
17. *gbogbo bisĩ kpo (‘one small lion’)
18. *fẽ gbogbo ge (‘that white lion’)

N -> {toa ‘house’, folo ‘elephant’, gbogbo ‘lion’} SN -> (Adj1) N Det (Adj2)
Adj1 -> { gã ‘big’, bisĩ ‘small’}
Adj2 -> {tũ ‘black’, fẽ ‘white’}
Det -> {kpo ‘one’, ke ‘this’, ge ‘that’

2. Fes els exercicis 7A (quitxé) i 7B (àzeri del sud) al final del Cap. 2 de Kroeger i, a més,
contesta les següents preguntes (les respostes es troben fàcliment a Internet):
a. On es parlen aquestes llengües?
Quitxé: es parla a Guatamala; àzeri del sud: nord-oest de l’Iran.
b. De quines grans famílies són? Són de la mateixa familia que el català?
Quitxé: és de la familia maia (no indoeuropea); àzeri del sud: la família turca
c. Quantes persones (aproximadament) parlen aquestes llengües?
Quitxé: té aprox. 1,1M parlants; àzeri del sud: aprox. 13M parlants
7A Describe the verb agreement system of Quiché as revealed in the following examples,
and provide a position class chart showing the structure of the verb. Note: the prefix u:- is
realized as r- before vowels (el llibre ho posa amb “u:-” i “r-” invertides). You should ignore
vowel length in affixes, which is morphophonemic, and the verbal suffixes which are glossed
as suff. Hint: it may be helpful to make a work-chart of the agreement markers similar to
that shown in (29) above.

1sg 2sg 3sg 1pl 2pl 3pl

Subj intran -in- -at- ∅ -oj- -ix- -e’-
Agent -inw- -a- -u:- -qa- -ii- -ki-
Pacient -in- -at- ∅ -oj- -ix-

1a. x-at-b’iin-ik. 2a. x-at-qa-ch’ay-o. 3a. x-∅-in-w-il ri aaq.

pfv-2sg-walk-suff pfv-2sg-1pl-hit-suff pfv-3sg-1sg-see the pig
‘you (sg) walked.’ ‘we hit you (sg).’ ‘I saw the pig.’

b. x-oj-b’iin-ik. b. x-oj-a-ch’ay-o. b. ka-∅-q’ab’ar ri ixoq.

pfv-1pl-walk-suff pfv-1pl-2sg-hit-suff imperf-3sg-get.drunk the
‘we walked.’ ‘you (sg) hit us.’ woman
‘The woman gets drunk.’
c. ka-∅-b’iin-ik. c. jachin x-at-u-ch’ay-o?
imperf-3sg-walk-suff who pfv-2sg-3sg-hit-suff c. k(a)-e’-q’ab’ar ri ixoq-iib’.
‘he walks.’ ‘Who hit you (sg)?’ imp-3pl-get.drunk the woman-
pl
d. k(a)-e’-war-ik. d. aree ri at x-in-a-ch’ay-o. ‘The women get drunk.’
imperf-3pl-sleep-suff foc the 2sg pfv-1sg-2sg-hit-
‘they sleep.’ suff d. x-∅-u:-paq’ ri sii’ ri achii.
‘You (sg) were the one who hit pfv-3sg-3sg-split the firewood
e. x-in-war-ik. me.’ the man
pfv-1sg-sleep-suff ‘The man split the firewood.’
‘I slept.’ e. x-∅-ii-to’-o. e. jas x-∅-u:-paq’ ri achii?
pfv-3sg-2pl-help-suff what pfv-3sg-3sg-split the man
f. laa ix x-ix-tzaaq-ik? ‘you (pl) helped him.’ ‘What did the man split?’
Q 2pl pfv-2pl-fall-suff f. ee jachiin x-∅-ki-tzaq ki-jastaaq?
‘Were you (pl) the ones f. k(a)-ix-r-il-o. pl who pfv-3sg-3pl-lost 3pl-thing
who fell?’ imperf-2pl-3sg-see-suff ‘Who are the ones who lost
‘he/she sees you (pl).’ their thing(s)?’

Temps Absolutiu Ergatiu Arrel Sufix

x- ‘pfv’ -in- 1sg -inw- 1sg b’iin ‘walk’ -ik
k(a)- ‘imperf -at- 2sg -a- 2sg war ‘sleep’ -o
-∅- 3sg ( -u:- 3sg tzaak ‘fall’
-oj- 1pl -qa- 1pl ch’ay ‘hit’
-ix- 2pl -il- 2pl to’ ‘help’
-e’- 3pl -ki- 3pl il ‘see’
ab’ar ‘get
drunk’
sii’ ‘split’
tzaq ‘lost’
7B. Describe the case system of Iranian Azerbaijani as revealed in the following examples.
Note: vowel quality in suffixes is affected by “vowel harmony.” You should assume that /ə/
and /a/ are variant forms of the same vowel when they occur in suffixes; and likewise for /ɨ/
and /i/. The consonants marked with square brackets, [n] and [y], are inserted by a
phonological rule and can be ignored for the purposes of this problem.

1. inək öldi. 14. Məməd Fatma[y]a mektubi verdi.

cow die Memed Fatma letter gave
‘The cow died.’ ‘Memed gave the letter to Fatma.’

15. Fatma inə[y]in ağzɨ[n]a yuni verirmiş.

2. Məməd inə[y]i öldürdi. Fatma cow mouth-3sg wool was.giving
Memed cow die-caus ‘Fatma was giving wool to the cow’s mouth.’
‘Memed killed the cow (lit.: caused the cow to die).’
16. indi dağda qar əriyir.
3. ev Ardabildə idi. now mountain snow melts
house Ardabil was ‘Snow is melting on the mountain now.’
‘The house was in Ardabil.’
17. Həsən dağa sarɨ irəli getdi.
4. saat altɨda evdən cixdɨ. Hasan mountain toward forward went
Hour six house came.out ‘Hasan went straight toward the mountain.’
‘He came out of the house at 6 o’clock.’
18. bir dağ qələ[y]ə yaxɨn idi.
5. Fatma inəkinən evə qəyitdi. one mountain castle near was
Fatma cow home returned ‘A mountain was near the castle.’
‘Fatma returned home with the cow.’
19. Məmədin atɨ təz qaçdi.
6. (siz) evdə kitabi oxursuz. Memed horse-3sg quickly ran
2pl house book read-2pl ‘Memed’s horse ran quickly.’
‘You are reading the book in the house.’
20. arvad bɨçağɨnan qarpɨzi kəsdi.
7. (siz) kitab oxursuz. woman knife watermelon cut
2pl book read-2pl ‘The woman cut the watermelon with a knife.’
‘You are reading a book.’
21. Fatma[n]ɨn anasɨ dedi.
8. alma[n]i Məməddən aldɨm. Fatma mother-3sg said
apple Memed bought-1sg ‘Fatma’s mother said (it).’
‘I bought the apple(s) from Memed.’
22. olar ipi kəsdiler.
9. kitablar Bakɨdan gəldilər. 3pl rope cut
books Baku come ‘They cut the rope.’
‘The books came from Baku.’
23. onun əl-ayağ-ɨ-[n]i ipinən bağladɨlar.
10. Bakɨ[y]a gedəcəksən? 3sg hand-foot-3sg rope bound
Baku go-fut-2sg ‘They bound his hands and feet with rope.’
‘Are you going to Baku?’
24. ağaclari təpə[y]ə daşɨdɨlar . . .
11. qɨz Məmədi gör-cək . . . trees hill carried
girl Memed saw-when ‘They carried the trees to the hill . . .’
‘As soon as the girl saw Memed . . .’
25. quşlar dağlara sarɨ uçüşürdi.
 12. oğlan qɨza alma[n]i verdi. birds mountains toward were.flying
boy girl apple gave ‘Birds were flying toward the mountains.’
‘The boy gave the apple to the girl.’
13. Məməd Fatma[y]a mektub verdi.
Memed Fatma letter gave
‘Memed gave a letter to Fatma.’

Es pot identificar els següents casos:

∅: nominatiu
-i: acusatiu -d[a]n: origen
-[a]: meta/destinatari -d[a]: locatiu
-in[a]n: instrument/comitatiu -[i]n: genitiu

El nominatiu i acusatiu són clarament casos gramaticals: Els subjectes als exemples tenen
diversos papers temàtics. Els altres casos són més aviat semàntics. Un exemple que no em
queda clar és el cas a la paraula per “castell” a (18). Podria ser el cas locatiu amb un canvi
fonològic, o podria ser el cas que denota meta/destinatari.