PROLETARIANS OF ALL COUNTRIES, UNITE!

ENVER HOXHA

IMPERIALISM
AND
THE REVOLUTION

TIRANA, 1979
THE INSTITUTE OF MARXIST-LENINIST STUDIES
AT THE CC OF THE PLA

Originally published by
THE “8 NENTORI” PUBLISHING HOUSE

Reprinted by
Red Star Publishers
www.RedStarPublishers.org
ENVER HOXHA
 CONTENTS

Page
Foreword to the First Edition 7
Note to the Second Edition 10
PART ONE

I
THE STRATEGY OF IMPERIALISM AND 11
MODERN REVISIONISM
– The Strategy of World Imperialism 19
– The Strategy of Soviet Social-Imperialism 26
– The Strategy of Chinese Social-Imperialism 30
–The Role of Titoism and Other Revisionist 37
Trends in the Global Strategy of Imperialism and
Social-Imperialism
– The Revolution — The Only Weapon to Defeat 46
the Strategy of the Enemies of the Proletariat and
the Peoples
II
THE LENINIST THEORY ON IMPERIALISM 50
RETAINS ITS FULL VALIDITY
III
THE REVOLUTION AND THE PEOPLES 96
– We Must Defend and Implement the Marxist- 98
Leninist Teachings on the Revolution
– The Peoples’ Liberation Struggle — A 116
Component Part of the World Revolution
– Genuine Revolutionaries Call on the Proletarians 142
and Peoples to Rise Up for the New World, the
Socialist World
 PART TWO

I
THE THEORY OF “THREE WORLDS” — A 168
COUNTERREVOLUTIONARY CHAUVINIST
THEORY
– The Concept of the “Three Worlds” — A Negation 168
of Marxism-Leninism
– The Attitude of the Chinese Revisionists to 183
Contradictions Is an Idealist, Revisionist and
Capitulationist Attitude
– The Chinese View about the Unity of the “Third 207
World” Is Reactionary
– The Chinese Theory of the “Third World” and the 213
Yugoslav Theory of the “Non-Aligned World”
Sabotage the Revolutionary Struggle of the Peoples
II
CHINA’S PLAN TO BECOME A SUPERPOWER 224
III
“MAO TSETUNG THOUGHT” — AN ANTI- 253
MARXIST THEORY
THE DEFENCE OF MARXISM-LENINISM — A 298
MAJOR DUTY FOR ALL GENUINE
REVOLUTIONARIES
 FOREWORD TO THE FIRST EDITION
From the time the “Manifesto of the Communist Party”
of Marx and Engels was published in 1848 to this day the
struggle between revolutionary Marxism and opportunism,
in both the political and the ideological fields, has cantered
around one problem: is the revolution necessary for the
transformation of society to a socialist basis or not, do the
conditions exist to carry out the revolution or not, can it be
carried out in the peaceful way, or is revolutionary violence
indispensable?
With all their theories, of which there are scores if not
hundreds, the bourgeoisie and the opportunists have al-
ways tried to negate the incontrovertible truth that the fun-
damental contradiction of capitalist society is that between
the exploiters and the exploited, to deny the place and role
of the working class in history, and to negate the class
struggle itself as the determining factor of the development
and progress of human society. Their aim has always been
to disorientate the proletariat ideologically, to hinder the
revolution, perpetuate capitalist exploitation, and to destroy
Marxism-Leninism, the triumphant science of the revolu-
tion and the construction of socialism.
All these opponents and enemies of the proletariat and
the revolution have tried to proclaim Marxism-Leninism
outdated and to create various “theories”, allegedly adapted
to the new historical conditions, to the changes that capital-
ism and imperialism have undergone, and the evolution of
human society in general.
Thus Bernstein proclaimed Marx outdated, and Kaut-
sky, deliberately misinterpreting the transition of capital-
ism to imperialism, negated the revolution. Their example
and methods have been followed by all the modern revision-
ists, too, ranging from Browder and Tito, Khrushchev and
the “Eurocommunists”, to the Chinese “theoreticians” of
“three worlds”.
Under the false pretext that they are implementing and
developing Marxism-Leninism in a “creative manner”,
adapting it to the new conditions existing in the world to-
day, all these anti-Marxists are trying to negate the scien-

7
tific ideology of the working class and to replace it with
bourgeois opportunism.
The proletariat, the revolutionaries and their genuine
Marxist-Leninist parties have always waged an unrelenting
stern struggle against modern revisionism and its various
trends, and this struggle will never cease.
The revisionists, the reactionary bourgeoisie and its
parties try to label our theory, Marxism-Leninism., a
dogma, something rigid, petrified, which allegedly cannot
adapt itself to the contemporary realities of the time which
are full of dynamism and life. But speaking of dynamism
and vitality, Marxism-Leninism is the only theory with
these qualities, because it is the theory of the working class,
the most advanced class of society, the most revolutionary
class, which thinks correctly, which produces the material
blessings and is always in activity.
The efforts of the bourgeoisie and its ideologists who are
trying to convince mankind that Marxism-Leninism is al-
legedly outdated and out of step with “modern times”, are
intended to combat the scientific ideology of the proletariat
and to replace it with theories which preach a degenerate
life, the life of a lumpen, a society of unrestrained degenera-
tion, a so-called consumer society. The theories which claim
that the forms of a new society in continuous movement and
advance have now allegedly been found, are also intended
to deal a blow at the progressive revolutionary thinking of
the proletariat, at the ideology guiding it, as well as to per-
petuate capitalist oppression and exploitation.
Our theory, as Lenin teaches us, judges and defines the
forms and methods of class struggle correctly. It remains
closely linked with the practical problems arising from life,
from the epoch. This weapon helps us to analyse and un-
derstand correctly the course of development of human soci-
ety at every moment, to analyse and understand correctly
every historic turning-point of society and to carry out the
revolutionary transformation of society.
At its 7th Congress, our Party exposed all the different
revisionist currents, including the Chinese theory of “three
worlds”. Stressing the vital importance of Marxism-
Leninism for the triumph of the revolution, socialism and

8
the liberation of the peoples, it resolutely rejected the bour-
geois-opportunist theses and views on the present stage of
the world historical process, which repudiate the revolution
and defend capitalist exploitation, and emphasized strongly
that no change in the evolution of capitalism and imperial-
ism justifies the revisionist “inventions” and fabrications.
Principled criticism and ceaseless exposure of the anti-
revolutionary and anti-communist theories are absolutely
necessary to defend Marxism-Leninism, to carry forward
the cause of the revolution and the peoples, to demonstrate
that the theory of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin is always
young, and remains the unerring guide to future victories.
April 1978.

9
 NOTE TO THE SECOND EDITION
The book “Imperialism and the Revolution” was first
published [in Albanian] in April 1978 for distribution
within the Party.
In accord with the wishes of the communists who have
read this book, it is now made available to the public. Some
events that have taken place during the period since the
first publication have also been included.
December 1978.

10
 PART ONE
I
THE STRATEGY OF IMPERIALISM AND MODERN
REVISIONISM
In analysing the present international situation and
the situation of the world revolutionary movement, the 7th
Congress of the Party of Labour of Albania pointed out the
dangers imperialism and modern revisionism represent for
the revolution and the liberation of the peoples, stressed
the need for a merciless fight against them and the active
support that must be given to the Marxist-Leninist move-
ment in the world.
These questions have great importance because the
construction of socialism, the struggle to strengthen the
dictatorship of the proletariat and the defence of the
Homeland are inseparable from the international situation
and the general process of world development.
Today big forces, representatives of darkness, of the
enslavement and exploitation of the proletariat and the
peoples – American imperialism and its agencies, Soviet
social-imperialism, Chinese social-imperialism, the big
bourgeoisie and reaction, have risen against and are fight-
ing Marxism-Leninism. Such counterrevolutionary ideo-
logical currents as social-democracy, modern revisionism
and many other counterrevolutionary currents have also
risen against our revolutionary ideology.
In our struggle against all these enemies we must base
ourselves firmly on the Marxist-Leninist theory and the
world proletariat. Our struggle on the theoretical plane
will be crowned with success when we make a correct dia-
lectical analysis of the international situation, of events
which are developing, the objectives and aims of all the
social forces in motion, which are in contradiction and
struggle with one another. Scientific analysis of the inter-
national situation and clarification of the strategy of the
revolutionary struggle help us define the correct tactics in
differing circumstances, in order to win battle after battle.
That is how our Party has always acted.

11
 Socialism is in struggle with capitalism, the world pro-
letariat is locked in a merciless and continuous struggle
with the capitalist bourgeoisie, the peoples of the world are
in struggle with their external and internal oppressors.
The world proletariat is guided in the struggle by its Marx-
ist-Leninist ideology, which explains the necessity for this
struggle and mobilizes the forces in battle. This is why
capitalism and imperialism have always organized a bitter
struggle against the theory of Marx, Engels, Lenin and
Stalin.
Karl Marx discovered the laws of social development, of
revolutionary transformations and the transition of society
from a lower to a higher social order. He made a scientific
analysis of private ownership of the means of production,
the capitalist mode of distribution and the surplus value
which the capitalist seizes. He created the scientific theory
on classes and the class struggle, and defined the ways of
the struggle of the proletariat to overthrow the bourgeoi-
sie, to destroy the capitalist system, to establish the dicta-
torship of the proletariat, and build socialist society.
Various reactionary theoreticians in all countries of the
world have striven in every way to denigrate Marx’s the-
ory, to throw mud at it, to distort it and combat it. But this
theory, which is a true science, has succeeded in dominat-
ing progressive human thinking and has become a power-
ful weapon in the hands of the proletariat and the peoples
in the fight against their enemies.
By applying the Marxist theory and developing it fur-
ther, Lenin gave the proletariat and its vanguard, the
Marxist-Leninist party, a scientific theory on the condi-
tions of imperialism and proletarian revolutions. Lenin
developed Marxism not only in theory but also in practice.
Applying the doctrine of Karl Marx, he led the Bolshevik
revolution and carried it through to victory. Lenin’s work
was further developed by Stalin.
The triumph of the Great October Socialist Revolution
dealt the first crushing blow to imperialism, the entire
world capitalist system. It marked the beginning of the
general crisis of capitalism which has grown deeper and
deeper.

12
 The creation and consolidation of the Soviet state was
a colossal victory which showed the proletariat and the
peoples that the enemy they faced, capitalism and imperi-
alism, could be conquered and destroyed. The Soviet Union
was the living proof of this.
Infuriated by the loss the October Revolution in Russia
inflicted on it, the imperialist and capitalist world coalition
reinforced its instruments of political, economic and mili-
tary struggle against the new state of the proletarians and
the spread of Marxist-Leninist ideology throughout the
world. The imperialists, the reactionary bourgeoisie, Euro-
pean and world social-democracy, together with the other
parties of capital, prepared the war against the Soviet Un-
ion. Together with the Hitlerites, the Italian and Japanese
fascists, they also prepared the Second World War.
But in this war the vitality of socialism and Marxism-
Leninism, which emerged victorious, was confirmed even
more clearly.
After the victory over fascism, great changes in favour
of socialism occurred in the world. New socialist states
were set up in Europe and Asia. The socialist camp, with
the Soviet Union at the head, was created. This was a new
great victory for socialism and Marxism-Leninism, and an-
other great defeat for capitalism and imperialism.
The capitalist system came out of the Second World
War deeply shaken and with its equilibrium entirely upset.
Germany, Japan and Italy emerged from the war as de-
feated powers with their economies ruined. They lost the
political and military positions they had occupied previ-
ously. Although they emerged victorious from the war,
other imperialist states, such as Great Britain and France,
had been so greatly weakened, economically and militarily,
that their role as great powers had declined drastically.
The general crisis of capitalism was further deepened
with the collapse of the colonial system. As a result of this
collapse a series of new national states emerged, while in
those countries which still remained colonies or semi-
colonies, the liberation movement against the imperialist
yoke grew.

13
 These changes created most favourable conditions for
the triumph of socialism on a world scale. Because of the
deep economic and political crisis and the growing discon-
tent of the masses, many capitalist states were on the
verge of revolutionary outbreaks.
In these extremely grave and critical circumstances,
American imperialism came to their aid.
Unlike the other imperialist powers, the United States
of America emerged stronger from the war. Not only had it
suffered no damage, but it had accumulated colossal
wealth and had immensely increased its economic and
military potential, and its technical-scientific base. Fat-
tened on the blood shed by the peoples, this imperialism
became the sole leadership *of the entire capitalist world.
American imperialism mobilized all the reactionary forces
of the capitalist world to rescue the old capitalist order and
crush any revolutionary and national liberation movement
which endangered it, to destroy the socialist camp and re-
store capitalism in the Soviet Union and the countries of
people’s democracy and to establish its hegemony every-
where in the world. To attain its objectives, US imperial-
ism, along with world capital, set in motion its gigantic
bureaucratic-military state machine, its great economic,
technical and financial potential, all its human forces. US
imperialism assisted the political, economic and military
recovery of the shattered European and Japanese capital-
ism and, in place of the collapsed colonial system, set up a
new system of exploitation and plunder – neo-colonialism.
American imperialism mobilized its many means of
propaganda, its philosophers, economists, sociologists,
writers, etc., in the frenzied campaign which began against
Marxism-Leninism, against communism, against the So-
viet Union and other socialist countries of Europe and
Asia. At the same time, American imperialism imple-
mented an openly aggressive policy. Every field of life, the
economy, politics, ideology, the army and science, in the
United States of America was swept by war fever, militari-
zation and anticommunism.

*
English in the original.
14
 To conquer socialism, to put down the revolutionary
liberation movements, to combat the great influence of the
Marxist-Leninist theory and establish its hegemony in the
world, American imperialism went about it in two ways.
The first was that of aggression and armed interven-
tion. The American imperialists set up aggressive military
blocs such as NATO, SEATO etc., stationed armed forces
in large numbers on the territories of many foreign coun-
tries, set up, military bases on all continents, and built
powerful naval fleets which they deployed throughout the
seas and oceans. In order to crush and stamp out the revo-
lution, they undertook military intervention in Greece, Ko-
rea, Vietnam and elsewhere.
The other way was that of ideological aggression and
subversion against the socialist states, the communist and
workers’ parties, and of efforts to bring about the bourgeois
degeneration of these states and parties. In this direction,
American imperialism and world capital as a whole em-
ployed powerful means of propaganda and ideological di-
version.
But American imperialism and world capitalism, which
was recovering after the war, were facing a powerful ad-
versary, the socialist camp with the Soviet Union at the
head, the world proletariat and the freedom-loving peoples.
Therefore they had to be very careful in their reckoning
with this colossal power, which was guided by a correct
and clear policy, by a triumphant ideology which had cap-
tured and was more and more capturing the hearts and
minds of workers, revolutionaries and progressive ele-
ments.
Despite the efforts of US imperialism and world reac-
tion to crush and destroy the revolutionary movement of
the proletariat and the liberation struggle of the peoples,
they were mounting and growing stronger. Under Stalin’s
leadership, the Soviet Union very quickly healed the
wounds of war and was advancing at rapid rates in all
fields, in the economy, science, technology, etc. In the coun-
tries of people’s democracy the positions of socialism were
being consolidated. The communist parties and the anti-

15
imperialist democratic movement were extending their in-
fluence among the masses.
In these conditions, world imperialism and capitalism
utilized the modern revisionists, and the Yugoslav ones
among the first, in their fight against socialism and the
liberation movements of the peoples.
It was a stroke of good luck for world capitalism that
Yugoslavia, a country called a people’s democracy, came
out in opposition to, and entered into open ideological and
political conflict with, the Soviet Union, because within the
ranks of the socialist camp one member country had re-
belled. World capitalism gave great publicity to this event,
which helped it in its fight against socialism and the revo-
lution.
But although it inflicted great harm on the cause of the
revolution and socialism, the Titoite betrayal did not suc-
ceed in splitting the socialist camp and the communist
movement, as the bourgeoisie and reaction hoped. The
communists and revolutionaries all over the world sternly
condemned this treachery and pointed out the danger
posed by Titoism, as an agency of imperialism against
communism.
It was the Khrushchevite revisionists, who seized
power in the Soviet Union after Stalin’s death, that ren-
dered the greatest service to world capitalism in its fight
against socialism, the revolution and Marxism-Leninism.
The emergence of the revisionist group of Khrushchev was
the greatest political and ideological victory for the strat-
egy of imperialism after the Second World War.
The counterrevolutionary overthrow in the Soviet Un-
ion caused immense rejoicing among the US imperialists
and all the other capitalist powers, because the most pow-
erful socialist state, the bastion of the revolution and the
liberation of the peoples, was abandoning the road of so-
cialism and Marxism-Leninism and would be transformed,
in theory and practice, into a base of the counterrevolution
and capitalism.
The about-turn which took place in the Soviet Union
led to the split in the socialist camp and the international
communist movement. It was one of the main factors

16
which influenced the spread of modern revisionism in
many communist parties and created favourable conditions
for this. The Khrushchevite revisionist trend gravely dam-
aged the cause of the revolution and socialism throughout
the world.
A stern struggle began between the genuine Marxist-
Leninist and revolutionary forces, on the one hand, and
Khrushchevite revisionism, on the other.
Right from the start, the Party of Labour of Albania
raised high the banner of implacable and principled strug-
gle against Soviet revisionism and its followers, coura-
geously defended Marxism-Leninism, the cause of social-
ism and the liberation of the peoples, just as it had fought
and was fighting resolutely against Yugoslav revisionism.
All over the world, the genuine Marxist-Leninists and
revolutionaries, also, rose against the Khrushchevite be-
trayal. From the ranks of the revolutionary proletariat of
different countries emerged new Marxist-Leninist parties,
which shouldered the heavy burden of leading the struggle
of the working class and the peoples against the bourgeoi-
sie, imperialism and modern revisionism.
The hopes of imperialism and revisionism of finally de-
stroying socialism, extinguishing the genuine international
communist movement and crushing the peoples’ struggle
were not realized. The Khrushchevite revisionists soon re-
vealed their anti-Marxist and counterrevolutionary fea-
tures. The peoples saw that the Soviet Union had been
transformed into an imperialist superpower, which was
contending with the United States of America for world
domination, that, along with US imperialism, it had be-
come another great enemy of the revolution, socialism and
the peoples of the world.
On the other hand, the grave economic, financial, ideo-
logical and political crisis which swept the entire capitalist
and revisionist world, not only showed the further decay of
the capitalist system and its unalterable oppressive and
exploiting nature clearly, but also exposed the demagogy
and hypocrisy of all modern revisionists, who were pretti-
fying the capitalist order.

17
 But at the time when the revolutionary movement was
growing and becoming consolidated throughout the world,
when capitalism was being squeezed ever more tightly in
the grip of the crisis, and when Khrushchevite revisionism
and the other trends of modern revisionism were becoming
exposed in the eyes of the proletariat and the peoples, Chi-
nese revisionism came out openly on the world scene. It
became the close ally of US imperialism and the big inter-
national bourgeoisie to smother and sabotage the revolu-
tionary struggles of the proletariat and the peoples.
A very complex situation has been created in the world
at present. Operating in the international arena today are
various imperialist and social-imperialist forces which, on
the one hand, are fighting in unison against the revolution
and the freedom of the peoples, and on the other hand, are
contesting and clashing with one another over markets,
spheres of influence and hegemony. Now, in addition to the
Soviet-American rivalry for world domination, there are
the expansionist claims of Chinese social-imperialism, the
predatory ambitions of Japanese militarism, the strivings
of West-German imperialism for vital space, the fierce
competition of the European Common Market, which has
turned its eyes towards the old colonies.
All these factors have further exacerbated the many
contradictions of the capitalist and revisionist world. At
the same time, the prospect of the revolution and the peo-
ples’ liberation has not been eliminated as a result of the
betrayal of the Titoite, Soviet, Chinese and other revision-
ists but on the contrary, after a temporary set-back the
revolution is now on the verge of a fresh leap forward. It
will certainly forge ahead on the course history has set for
it and will triumph on a world scale.
Nothing can save imperialism, capitalism and revision-
ism from the remorseless vengeance of the proletariat and
the peoples, nothing can rescue them from deep antagonis-
tic contradictions and never-ending crises, revolutions,
their inevitable demise.
It is precisely this situation which is driving imperial-
ism to seek new roads and paths, to build new strategies
and tactics, in order to escape the catastrophe awaiting it.

18
 The Strategy of World Imperialism
US imperialism and the other capitalist states have
fought and are fighting to maintain their hegemony in the
world, to defend the capitalist and neo-colonialist system,
to emerge from the great crisis which has them in its grip,
with the fewest Possible losses. They have striven and are
striving to prevent the peoples and the proletariat from
fulfilling their revolutionary aspirations for liberation.
US imperialism, which dominates its partners, politi-
cally, economically and militarily, has the main role in the
struggle to achieve these aims.
The enemies of the revolution and the peoples want to
create the impression that, because of the changes that
have occurred in the world and the losses that socialism
has suffered, circumstances entirely different from those of
the past have been created. Therefore, although they have
fierce contradictions with one another, US imperialism and
the world capitalist bourgeoisie, Soviet social-imperialism
and Chinese social-imperialism, modern revisionism and
social-democracy are seeking a modus vivendi, a hybrid
“new society”, in order to keep the bourgeois-capitalist sys-
tem on its feet, to avert revolutions and to continue their
oppression and exploitation of the peoples in new forms
and by new methods.
Imperialism and capitalism have come to understand
that now they can no longer exploit the peoples of the
world with the previous methods, therefore, provided their
system is not threatened, they have to concede something,
which will cause them no harm, in order to keep the
masses in bondage. This they want to do with the invest-
ments and credits they distribute to those states and
cliques in which they have established their influence or by
means of arms, i.e., local wars, either by taking a direct
part in them or by inciting one state against another. Local
wars serve to make those countries which fall into its trap
more deeply subject to the hegemony of world capital.
All the “theoreticians” in the service of world capital, in
the West and in the East, are trying to find the formulae
for this “new society”. At present they have this new. form

19
in the capitalist-revisionist society of the Soviet Union,
which is nothing but a degenerate society, they have found
it in the capitalist system of Yugoslav “self-administration”
and in some so-called socialist oriented regimes of the
“third world”. They are trying to find a capitalist “new so-
ciety” of this type also in the Chinese variant, which is now
crystallizing.
From the programmatic statements which President
Carter made on May 22, 1977, in which he presented the
outlines of an allegedly new policy of the United States of
America, it is clear that the general and fundamental
characteristic of this “new policy” in the present conditions
is the fight of this superpower to cope with the proletarian
revolution and the national liberation wars of peoples who
aspire to liberate themselves from the yoke of big world
capital, especially from US imperialism and Soviet social-
imperialism.
As we pointed out in the foregoing, the capitalist world
is searching for a way out of the abyss, even if only for the
time being. Naturally, US imperialism is striving to find
this way out and, possibly, to co-ordinate it with Soviet so-
cial imperialism, with its NATO allies, with China, as well
as with other industrialized capitalist countries. Carter
appealed to the Eastern, Western and the OPEC member
countries and demanded that they work together and effec-
tively help the poorer countries. US imperialism tries to
present this collaboration as the only alternative to wars,
the only way to stop wars.
In his speech, the US President said, today “we have
been freed from that constant fear of communism, which at
one time led us to embrace every dictator who was ob-
sessed by the same fear”. Of course, when Carter, this
faithful representative of the bloodiest imperialism of our
time, speaks of being “freed from the fear of communism”,
he means communism à la Yugoslav, à la Khrushchev, à la
Chinese, whose masks only are communist, but the capital-
ist bourgeoisie has not been and will never be f reed from
the fear of genuine communism. On the contrary, imperial-
ism and social-imperialism have always been terrified of
genuine communism and they will be even more terrified

20
of it. It is this fear and dread that are driving the imperial-
ists and the revisionists into each others’ arms, to co-
ordinate their plans and seek the most appropriate forms
in order to prolong the existence of their rule of oppression
and exploitation.
In these moments of deep economic, political and mili-
tary crisis, the imperialists of the United States of America
are trying to consolidate the victories of imperialism, at-
tained through the betrayal by modern revisionism in the
Soviet Union, the former countries of people’s democracy
and in China, and to use them as a barrier against the
revolution and the revolutionary liberation struggle of the
proletariat and the peoples.
The US President also admits that, out of fear of com-
munism, in the past the capitalists and the imperialists
embraced and supported the fascist dictators like Musso-
lini, Hitler, Hirohito, Franco, etc. The fascist dictatorships
in the respective countries were the ultimate weapon of the
capitalist bourgeoisie and world imperialism against the
Soviet Union of the time of Lenin and Stalin and against
the world proletarian revolution.
The US President declares with an air of confidence
that the communist (read: revisionist) states have altered
their appearance, and he is not mistaken in this. He says,
“this system could not last forever unchanged”. Of course,
he is confusing the revisionist treachery with the genuine
socialist system, with communism. US imperialism, con-
siders the Khrushchevite Soviet system as a victory of
world capitalism and from this it deduces that the threat of
a conflict with the Soviet Union has become less intense,
though it does not deny the contradictions and rivalry for
hegemony with it.
According to Carter, the US government will ma e
every effort to maintain the status quo. In other words,
this means that both US imperialism and the other impe-
rialist states will strive to maintain and strengthen their
positions in the world, while they hope that together, they
can solve the disagreements may exist, and which in fact
do exist, with friendly countries and their allies, within
this status quo.

21
 As a conclusion, says Carter, “the US policy must be
based on a new, wider mosaic of global, regional and bilat-
eral interests”. After analysing this new, wider “mosaic” of
global, regional and bilateral interests, he reaffirms that
“the United States of America will honour all its commit-
ments to NATO, which must be a strong organization, be-
cause the alliance of the United States of America with the
great industrialized democracies is indispensable, since it
defends the same values, and therefore we all should fight
for a better life”.
As can be seen, the United States of America, .too, is
joining the Soviet modern revisionists, the Chinese revi-
sionists and the “big industrialized democracies” in their
efforts to create a “new reality”, a “new world”. In other
words, through demagogy, the United States of America is
trying to adapt its policy to the new situations. In order to
maintain the status quo, to halt the drive of Soviet he-
gemonism, to weaken Soviet social-imperialism and to win
China over to its side, so that it is ever more deeply com-
mitted to the imperialist camp, in order to quell the revolu-
tionary struggles of the proletariat and the peoples, the
United States of America has to make some phoney politi-
cal concessions. But it is making no concessions in military
matters, no concessions in the policy of keeping the states
and the peoples in bondage and under control, in the policy
of the exploitation of the national wealth of the other coun-
tries to its own advantage and that of the industrialized
countries.
This is the new policy of the United States of America.
It is clear to us that this is by no means a new policy, but
an old predatory imperialist, neo-colonialist, enslaving pol-
icy of ruthlessly exploiting the peoples and their wealth, a
policy of putting down revolutions and national liberation
wars. US imperialism now wants to give this old, perma-
nent policy an allegedly new, fresh coat of paint, to arm
counterrevolutionary elements, whether in power or not,
with weapons to fight communism which raises the peoples
and the proletariat in liberation wars and revolution.
Contrary to the Chinese theory of three worlds-, which
is a fraudulent capitalist and revisionist theory, US impe-

22
rialism is still on the offensive. It is striving to preserve its
old alliances and to create new ones to its own advantage
and to the disadvantage of Soviet social-imperialism or
whoever else might threaten US imperialist power. In par-
ticular it is trying to strengthen NATO, which has been
and remains an aggressive political and military organiza-
tion.
In all its strategic manoeuvring the United States of
America is not aggravating its relations with the Soviet
Union beyond a certain point and is continuing the SALT
negotiations with it, although Carter stated that it was
going ahead with the production of neutron bombs. Despite
this, between the United States of America and the Soviet
Union, there is an obvious tendency towards maintaining
the status quo.
Of course, while the United States of America and
NATO are striving to preserve this status quo with the So-
viet Union, at the same time, they have contradictions
with it, but these contradictions have not yet reached such
a level as to justify the Chinese refrain that war in Europe
is imminent.
At present, US imperialism is supporting China so that
it becomes stronger militarily and economically. US capital
is pouring into China, where not only the principal Ameri-
can banks, but also the American state, are making large
investments through credits. The United States of America
is playing the China card heavily, but is hedging its _bets.
At the same time it is continuing to play the card of Japan,
too. The United States of America wants smooth waters
between itself and Japan, wants the aid between them to
be mutual so that Japan, according to the American aims,
will be strengthened and become like an Israel in the Far
East the Pacific, South-east Asia and, why not, if required
and when the time comes, in its confrontation with China
too, eventually.
This is the situation in which China signed the treaty
of friendship and co-operation with Japan. But this treaty
has begun to assume major dangerous and ugly propor-
tions for the fate of the world from many angles, and it will
do in the future, because close economic and military col-

23
laboration will be established between Japan and China,
which will have as its objective the creation of separate
and joint spheres of influence, particularly in Asia, Austra-
lia and the whole Pacific basin. Naturally, this collabora-
tion will begin to be built under the shadow of the alliance
with the United States of America and the propaganda of
war against Soviet social-imperialism. The main aim of
this Sino-Japanese alliance is the containment and weak-
ening of the Soviet Union, its eviction from Siberia, Mongo-
lia and elsewhere, the elimination of its influence in the
whole of Asia and Oceania, and all the ASEAN member
countries.
This is the strategy of US imperialism, but at the same
time, also of Chinese imperialism and Japanese milita-
rism. The United States of America will try to assist China
and Japan and keep them under its direction, to
strengthen the alliance with them and hurl them against
the Soviet Union. But there is also the possibility that the
day may come when the diabolic, hypocritical, empire-
building, unprincipled policy in the imperialist-militarist
spirit, pursued by China and Japan, will turn against the
superpower which helped them to recover, just as Ger-
many did in the past, when it became a terrible fascist
power, attacked the allies of the United States of America
and went to war even with the latter, in the time of Hitler.
The United States of America will try to hold the bal-
ance between the Chinese power and the rising Japanese
power. But one fine morning, this balance will slip from its
grasp and the Sino-Japanese imperialist-militarist alliance
will become a threat not only to the Soviet Union, but also
to the United States of America itself, because the inter-
ests of these two big imperialist countries of Asia, China
and Japan, converge in their aims of domination in Asia
and elsewhere, and of weakening US imperialism and So-
viet social-imperialism.
In NATO, the United States of America has a domi-
nant position and great military, political and economic
influence. However, despite its unity, within NATO a dif-
ferentiation has begun from the standpoint of the influence

24
of its various member countries and the emergence of one
state over the others.
Year by year, the Federal German Republic is becom-
ing stronger within this organization. Its economic and po-
litical power and its trade in arms go beyond the bounds of
the European Common Market. Now we may say that the
policy of West Germany is assuming the features of totali-
tarian fascist revanchism, seeking to create its own
spheres of influence. Naturally, this does not suit either
Britain or France, the two original main partners of the
United States of America in NATO.
West Germany is seeking the re-unification of the two
German states so as to create one powerful state with a
great military potential which will be a threat to Soviet
social-imperialism and, in case of a general conflagration,
in alliance with Japan and China, may become a danger to
the whole world. It is developing very close relations with
China, in particular. Among the European states, it occu-
pies the main place in trade exchanges with China. West
Germany is the biggest and the most powerful European
supplier of credits, technology and modern armaments to
China.
Britain and France are also very interested in China,
therefore they are developing their relations with it. How-
ever, China is more interested in Bonn. This is worrying
Britain and France, because by becoming stronger, the
Federal German Republic may become even more domi-
nant over the other partners of NATO and the European
Common Market. Hence we observe that both the British
and the French governments speak of friendship and rela-
tions with China, but they do not forget to stress that they
want further development of their economic and friendly
relations with the Soviet Union, too. Bonn says this, too,
but it is rapidly developing its relations with China, which
presents itself as the main enemy of the Soviet Union. The
fascist group around Strauss, the Hitlerite generals, the
powerful real revanchists of Bonn, are openly advertising
themselves as China’s closest allies. Therefore, China does
not regard Federal Germany in the same light as France
and Britain.

25
 The Strategy of Soviet Social-imperialism
Having seized state power in the Soviet Union, the
Khrushchevites set themselves as their main objective the
destruction of the dictatorship of the proletariat, the resto-
ration of capitalism and the transformation of the Soviet
Union into an imperialist superpower.
After they had consolidated their positions following
the death of Stalin, Khrushchev and the group around him
first of all launched their attack on the Marxist-Leninist
ideology and began their struggle to dethrone Leninism by
attacking Stalin and levelling against him all the slanders
the filthy propaganda of the world capitalist bourgeoisie
had long been fabricating. Thus, the Khrushchevites be-
came the spokesmen and the executors of the wishes of
capital against the Marxist-Leninist ideology and the revo-
lution in the Soviet Union. They went to work systemati-
cally to liquidate the entire socialist structure of the Soviet
Union, they fought to liberalize the Soviet system, to trans-
form the state of the dictatorship of the proletariat into a
bourgeois state, and to transform the socialist economy
and culture into a capitalist economy and culture.
The Soviet Union, which had turned into a revisionist
country, into a social-imperialist state, built up its own
strategy and tactics. The Khrushchevites worked out such
a policy as to enable them to disguise all their activity with
Leninist phraseology. They elaborated their revisionist
ideology in such a way as to palm it off upon the proletar-
iat and the peoples as the Marxism-Leninism of the new
period., so they could tell the Communists, inside and out-
side the country, that “the revolution was continuing in the
Soviet Union in the new political, ideological and economic
conditions of world development”, and not only that this
revolution was continuing there, but that this country was
allegedly going over to the stage of the construction of a
classless communist society, where the party and the state
were withering away.
The party was stripped of its attributes as the van-
guard of the working class, as the sole political leading
force of the state and society, and was transformed into a

26
party dominated by the apparatchiki and the KGB. The
Soviet revisionists called their party the “party of the en-
tire people” and reduced it to such a condition that it could
no longer be the party of the working class, but the party of
the new Soviet bourgeoisie.
On the other hand, the Soviet revisionists preached
Khrushchevite peaceful coexistence as the general line of
the international communist movement and proclaimed
“peaceful competition with US imperialism” as the road to
the triumph of socialism in the Soviet Union and other
countries. They also declared that the proletarian revolu-
tion had allegedly entered a new stage, that it could tri-
umph also in ways other than the seizure of state power by
the proletariat through violence. According to them, state
power could be taken in peaceful, parliamentary and de-
mocratic ways, through reforms.
Gambling on the name of Lenin and the Bolshevik
Party, the Khrushchevite revisionists did their utmost to
impose this anti-Marxist line of theirs, this revision of the
Marxist-Leninist theory in all fields, on all the communist
parties of the world. They wanted the communist and
workers’ parties of the world to adopt this revisionist line
and transform themselves into counterrevolutionary par-
ties, into blind tools of the bourgeois dictatorship, to serve
capitalism.
But this was not fully achieved as they desired first
and foremost because the Party of Labour of Albania re-
mained unwavering in its consistent implementation of
Marxism-Leninism and in defence of its purity. At those
moments there were some other parties which, for their
own, not purely Marxist-Leninist reasons, wavered, did not
fully accept the Khrushchevite orientations, while some
accepted them reluctantly, but later submitted to them. At
those moments, the Communist Party of China, too, op-
posed the Khrushchevites, but as the facts show, it pro-
ceeded from aims and objectives quite the opposite of those
which impelled the Party of Labour of Albania to throw
itself into the struggle against Khrushchevite revisionism.
With their advent to power the Khrushchevites also
prepared the platform of their foreign Policy. Just like US

27
imperialism, Soviet social-imperialism, too, based its for-
eign policy on expansion and hegemonism by means of the
armaments race, pressure and blackmail, and military,
economic and ideological aggression. The aim of this Policy
was the establishment of social-imperialist domination
over the whole world.
In the Comecon countries, the Soviet Union is imple-
menting a typically neo-colonialist policy. The economies of
these countries have been transformed into appendages of
the Soviet economy. The Warsaw Treaty serves the Soviet
Union to keep these countries under its yoke, enabling it to
station there large military forces, which are no different
from occupation armies. The Warsaw Treaty is an aggres-
sive military pact which serves the policy of pressure,
blackmail and armed intervention of Soviet social-
imperialism. The revisionist-imperialist “theories” on “the
socialist community”, “the socialist division of labour”,
“limited sovereignty” “socialist economic integration”, etc.,
also serve this neo-colonialist policy.
But Soviet social-imperialism is not satisfied with the
domination it exercises over its satellite states. Like the
other imperialist states, the Soviet Union is now fighting
for new markets, for spheres of influence, to invest its capi-
tal in various countries, to monopolize sources of raw ma-
terials, to extend its neo-colonialism in Africa, Asia, Latin
America and elsewhere.
Soviet social-imperialism has a whole strategic plan
which includes a series of economic, political, ideological
and military activities for the purpose of extending its ex-
pansion and hegemonism.
At the same time the Soviet revisionists are working to
undermine the peoples’ revolutions and the liberation wars
by precisely the same means and methods as those em-
ployed by the US imperialists. Usually, the social-
imperialists operate through their tools, the revisionist
parties. but, according to the occasion and circumstances,
they also try to corrupt and bribe the ruling cliques in the
undeveloped countries, offer enslaving economic “aid” in
order to get a foothold in these countries, stir up armed
conflicts among the different cliques, siding with one or the

28
other, organize plots and putsches to bring pro-Soviet re-
gimes to power, and even resort to direct military interven-
tion, as they did, together with the Cubans, in Angola,
Ethiopia, and elsewhere.
The Soviet social-imperialists carry out their interven-
tion, their hegemonic, neo-colonialist actions under the
disguise of aid to, and support for, the revolutionary forces,
the revolution and the construction of socialism. In reality
they help the counter-revolution.
The revisionist Soviet Union tries to open the way to
realizing its expansionist, neo-colonialist Plans, by pre-
senting itself as a country which is pursuing a Leninist
and internationalist policy, as an ally, friend and defender
of the new national states, the undeveloped countries, etc.
The Soviet revisionists preach that, by linking up with the
Soviet Union and the so-called socialist community, which
they proclaim as the “main motive force of world develop-
ment today, these countries can advance successfully on
the road of freedom and independence, even of socialism.
This is why they have also concocted the theories of the
“non-capitalist road of development”, countries of “socialist
orientation”, etc.
Despite what they pretend, the strategy of the Soviet
social-imperialists has nothing in common with socialism
and Leninism. It is the strategy of a predatory imperialist
state which wants to extend its hegemony and domination
to all countries on all continents.
This hegemonic and neo-colonialist policy, which the
revisionist Soviet Union is pursuing, clashes, as it is bound
to do, with the policy which the United States of America
is pursuing and which China, too, has set out on. This is a
clash of interests among imperialists in their struggle for
the redivision of the world. It is precisely these interests
and this struggle that pit the one super power against the
other, that impel each of them to use all the forces and
means at its disposal to weaken its rival or rivals, although
clashes have not yet reached such a degree of exacerbation
that they hurl themselves into armed conflicts.

29
 The Strategy of Chinese Social-imperialism
The events and facts are demonstrating ever more
clearly that China is sinking deeper and deeper into revi-
sionism, capitalism and imperialism. On this road, it is
working to attain a series of strategic objectives, on a na-
tional and international level.
On a national level, Chinese social-imperialism has set
itself the task of abolishing any measured of a socialist
character which May have been taken after liberation, and
building in the country a capitalist system in the base and
the superstructure, of making China a great capitalist
power by the end of this century through the implementa-
tion of the so-called “four modernizations”, of industry ag-
riculture, the army and science.
It is striving to create such an internal organization of
the country as to ensure the domination of the old and new
Chinese capitalist bourgeoisie over the Chinese people.
Chinese revisionism is trying to establish this organization
and this domination in the fascist way, by means of the
club and oppression. It is working to create a unity be-
tween the army and the civilian base, so that the latter
serve this army of oppression.
The forms and methods which have attracted the at-
tention of the Chinese leadership most and which may be
implemented in China are those of the Titoites especially
the system of Yugoslav “self-administration”. Many Chi-
nese commissions and delegations of all sectors and pro-
files have been charged with studying this system and the
experience of Yugoslav capitalist “socialism” in general, on
the spot.
Already, a start has been made on putting this system
and experience into practice in China. On the other hand,
however, it is impossible for the revisionist leaders of
China not to see the failures of the Titoite self “administra-
tion”, not to bear in mind the conditions of their country
which are entirely different from those of Yugoslavia. Be-
sides this, they consider it necessary, also, to borrow many
of the capitalist forms and methods, which, according to
them, have proved their “effectiveness” in the United

30
States of America, West Germany, Japan and other bour-
geois countries. Apparently, the capitalist system which is
being built and developed in China will be a hybrid of vari-
ous revisionist, capitalist and traditional Chinese forms
and methods.
To become a big capitalist power, Chinese revisionism
needs a period of peace. The slogan of the great order, is-
sued by the 11th Congress of the Chinese party is linked
with this necessity. To ensure such order requires a capi-
talist order of the fascist dictatorial type on the one hand,
while on the other hand, peace and compromise among the
rival groups, which have always existed in the Chinese
party and state, must be maintained without fail. Time
will tell to what extent this order and peace will be en-
sured.
In their policy of turning China into a superpower, the
Chinese leaders aim to make economic and military gains
from US imperialism, as well as from the developed capi-
talist countries which are allies of the United States of
America.
This policy pursued by China has aroused keen inter-
est in the capitalist world, especially on the part of US im-
perialism, which sees in this policy of China a great sup-
port for its strategy of maintaining capitalism and imperi-
alism, strengthening neo-colonialism, putting down revolu-
tions and strangling socialism, as well as of weakening its
rival, the Soviet Union.
As Carter has declared, US imperialism wants “to col-
laborate closely with the Chinese”. He has stressed: “We
consider the US-Chinese relations a central element of our
global policy and we look upon China as a key force for
peace”. China is for the closest possible peaceful coexis-
tence with the United States of America.
With these views and stands, China is lining itself up
with those bourgeois-capitalist states which base their ex-
istence as states on US imperialism. This turn of China
towards imperialism, like that of the Soviet Union and
others before it, is becoming more and more a reality with
each passing day. This is seen even by the imperialists
themselves, who, rejoicing at this “new reality”, declare

31
that “the ideological conflicts which divided the United
States of America, the Soviet Union and China in the ‘50s
are less apparent today and there is an ever increasing
need for collaboration among the superpowers...”
The US imperialists, together with President Carter,
are ready to provide China with assistance to strengthen
its economy and army, of course, to the degree that inter-
ests them. They are patting the backs of the Chinese revi-
sionist leaders because the strategy of China constitutes
an important aid for the hegemonic aims of US imperial-
ism.
China applauds the American views and actions
against the revisionist Soviet Union because it wants to
show that they allegedly serve the revolution and the
weakening of the most dangerous great power in the world,
Soviet social-imperialism. For its part, US imperialism ap-
plauds China’s views and actions against the revisionist
Soviet Union, because, as one of Carter’s closest collabora-
tors has put it, “the Sino-Soviet conflict creates a more plu-
ralist kind of global structure”, which US imperialism pre-
fers and considers compatible with its notion of “how the
world should be organized”, or, in other words, how the
others should be incited to bump each other off in order to
make it easier for the United States of America to domi-
nate the world.
China’s pragmatic and venal policy has led it to become
an ally of US imperialism and proclaim Soviet social-
imperialism as the main enemy and threat. Tomorrow,
when China sees that it has achieved its objective of weak-
ening Soviet social-imperialism, when, in its logic, it sees
that US imperialism is becoming stronger, since it relies
on one imperialism to fight the other, it may continue the
fight on the other flank. In this case US imperialism could
become the more dangerous and then China must auto-
matically reverse its previous stand.
This is a real possibility. At their 8th Congress in 1956,
the Chinese revisionists considered US imperialism the
main threat. Later, at their 9th Congress, in April 1969,
they proclaimed that the two superpowers, US imperialism
and Soviet social-imperialism, comprised the main danger.

32
Later, following the 10th Congress which was held in Au-
gust 1973, and at the 11th Congress, they proclaimed So-
viet social-imperialism alone as the main enemy. With
such waverings, with such a pragmatic policy, it is not im-
possible that the 12th or the 13th Congress could come out
in support of Soviet social-imperialism and proclaim US
imperialism as the main enemy and this will go on until
China, too, attains its goal of becoming a great capitalist
world power. This being the case, what role will China play
on the international arena? Its role will never be revolu-
tionary, but regressive and counterrevolutionary.
An important aspect of the Chinese foreign Policy is
the alliance with Japan. As we pointed out above, this rac-
ist alliance between these two states, which was recently
sealed with the Sino-Japanese Treaty, is intended to real-
ize the strategic plans of China and Japan for their joint
domination of Asia, the ASEAN countries and Oceania.
The Chinese revisionists need this treaty and the friend-
ship with Japan, so that, together with the Japanese mili-
tarists, they can threaten Soviet social-imperialism and
possibly liquidate it and its influence in Asia.
But China also wants to take advantage of its links
with Japan to get credits, to import equipment, technology
and armaments from Japan, in order to realize its own
great power ambitions.
China attaches such importance to its all-round eco-
nomic collaboration with Japan that more than half its for-
eign trade is with that country.
In order to implement its expansionist policy, social-
imperialist China is working to extend its influence in Asia
as much as possible. At present it has no influence at all in
India, where both the United States of America and the
Soviet Union their separate and common interests within
the context of the changes and alliances which the future
may bring. China now wishes to start somewhat better
diplomatic relations with India.
But India has great pretensions towards Tibet. India
will try to liquidate even that little influence China may
have in Pakistan, because Pakistan is situated in a strate-
gic position flanking Iran and Afghanistan. The rivalries

33
over the great oil basin of the Middle East, in which US
imperialism is dominant, begin there. It is very difficult for
China to penetrate there. It will follow a policy against the
interests of the Arab peoples and in support of American
interests until such time as it becomes strong. At the same
time, China will help the United States of America to set
up, jointly with such countries as Iran, Saudi Arabia, etc.,
a powerful barrier to Soviet political, economic and mili-
tary penetration into this area vital to American and
European imperialism. To achieve their aims, the Chinese
social-imperialists are devoting special attention to West-
ern Europe. Their objective is to pit it against Soviet social-
imperialism. That is why they support NATO and the alli-
ance of the European countries with the United States of
America, the European Common Market and the “United
Europe”, in every way.
In its strategic plan, social-imperialist China aims to
extend its influence and hegemony to the countries of what
it calls the “third world”. The theory of the “third world”
has great importance for China. Mao Tsetung did not pro-
claim this “theory” as a dreamer, but with definite hege-
monic aims that China should dominate the world. His
successors are following this same strategy of Mao Tsetung
and Chou En-lai.
The Chinese strategic ambitions also extend to what is
called the “non-aligned world-, which Titoism advocates.
There is no difference between these “worlds”, one overlaps
the other. It is hard to distinguish which states belong to
the third world, and what distinguishes them from the
“non-aligned countries,” which states belong to the “non-
aligned” and what distinguishes them from those of the
“third world”. Thus, whatever they are called, they are the
same states.
This is one of the reasons why the Chinese leadership
gives so much importance to maintaining very friendly
state and party relations with Tito and Yugoslavia in all
fields, ideological, political economic or military.
The community of views of the Chinese revisionists
and the Yugoslav revisionists does not prevent either of

34
them from exploiting this cordial friendship for their own
particular purposes.
Tito is trying to exploit Hua Kuo-feng’s declarations
about his and the Yugoslav party’s loyal to Marxism-
Leninism, about the socialist character of “self-
administration”, and the “Marxist-Leninist” internal and
external policy which the Titoites are allegedly pursuing,
in order to show that Tito’s exposure for his anti-Marxist
deviations, his revisionism, is nothing but a slander by the
Stalinists, and, on this basis, he is seeking to build up his
own reputation on the international level.
For his part, Hua Kuo-feng is exploiting relations with
Yugoslavia for what is called China’ opening to Europe.
The Chinese revisionist are also trying to exploit their
friendship with the Titoites, who pose as champions of
“non-alignment”, as an important channel through which
to penetrate into the “non-aligned countries” and establish
their domination there. It was not without an ulterior mo-
tive that during his visit to Yugoslavia, Hua Kuo-feng
praised the “non-aligned” movement to the skies as the
“very important force in the struggle of the peoples of the
world against imperialism, colonialism and hegemonism”.
He sang the praises of this movement and Tito because he
dreams of taking control of this movement and making Pe-
king its centre.
In all its aspects, the policy of Chinese social-
imperialism is the policy of a great imperialist power, a
counterrevolutionary and warmongering policy, and there-
fore the peoples will come to hate it, oppose it, and fight it
more and more fiercely.
*
* *
The imperialist superpowers, of which we spoke above,
will remain imperialist and warmongering, and if not to-
day, tomorrow they will Plunge the world into a great nu-
clear war.
American imperialism is striving to get its hooks ever
more deeply implanted into the economies of other peoples,

35
while Soviet social-imperialism which has just begun to
spread its claws, is trying to drive them into various coun-
tries of the world in order to create and to consolidate its
own neo-colonialist and imperialist positions. But there is
also the “United Europe”, linked with the United States of
America through NATO, which has individual, not concen-
trated imperialist tendencies. On the other hand, China,
too, has joined in the dance in its endeavours to become a
superpower, as well as Japanese militarism which has
risen to its feet. These two imperialisms are linking them-
selves in an alliance in order to form an imperialist power
opposed to the others. In these conditions, the great danger
of world war is increased. The present alliances exist but
will tend to shift in the sense that they will change their
directions, but not their content. The beautiful words
poured out about disarmament at the UNO and the vari-
ous international conferences organized by the imperialists
are demagogy. They have created and are guarding their
monopoly of strategic weapons and are trafficking in arms
on a large scale, not to guarantee the peace and security of
nations, but to draw superprofits and to suppress the revo-
lution and the peoples, to unleash aggressive wars. Stalin
has said:
“The bourgeois states are arming and rearming
themselves with a vengeance. What for? Of course,
not for talks, but for war. And the imperialists need
war, because it is the only means for the redivision
of the world, for the redivision of markets, sources of
primary materials and spheres for the investment of
capital.”*
In their rivalry, which is driving them towards war,
the superpowers will certainly cause many partial wars
which they will incite between various states of the “third
world”, the “nonaligned”, or the “developing countries.”
President Carter has expressed the opinion that war
can occur at only two points of the globe, in the Middle
East and in Africa. And it is obvious why: because it is pre-

*
J. V. Stalin, Works, vol. 12, pp. 242-243 (Alb. ed.).
36
cisely in these two regions of the world that the United
States of America has greatest interests at the present
time. There is the oil in the Middle East, and in rich Africa
there is a clash of great neo-colonialist economic and stra-
tegic interests over the division of markets and spheres of
influence among the superpowers, which are trying to pre-
serve and strengthen their positions and to gain new ones.
However, there are other such areas, apart from the
Middle East and Africa, where the interests of the super-
powers clash, as for example in Southeast Asia. The
United States of America and the Soviet Union, plus
China, are striving to establish their spheres of influence
and divide the markets. This also gives rise to conflicts,
which from time to time turn into local wars, which are in
no way intended to liberate the peoples, but to set up or
replace ruling cliques representing local capital, cliques
which are sometimes with one superpower and sometimes
with the other. Soviet social-imperialism and US imperial-
ism are two monsters which the peoples do not trust.
Likewise, the peoples do not trust China, either.
When the superpowers fail to achieve their predatory
interests through economic, ideological and diplomatic
means, when the contradictions become exacerbated to the
most acute level, when the agreements and reforms prove
unable to resolve these contradictions, then the war be-
tween them begins. Therefore, the peoples, whose blood
will be shed in this war, must strive with might and main
not to be caught unawares, to sabotage the predatory in-
ter-imperialist war so that it does not assume world-wide
proportions, and if they are unable to achieve this, to turn
it into a liberation war and win.
The Role of Titoism and Other Revisionist Trends in
the Global Strategy of Imperialism and Social-
imperialism
In the savage fight which imperialism and social-
imperialism, world capitalism and reaction are waging
against the revolution, socialism and the peoples, they
have the support of the modern revisionists of all trends.
These renegades and traitors assist imperialism in the im-

37
plementation of its global strategy by undermining from
within, splitting and sabotaging the efforts of the proletar-
iat and the struggle of the peoples to get rid of social and
national bondage. The modern revisionists have taken
upon themselves to denigrate and distort Marxism-
Leninism, to confuse people’s minds and to alienate them
from the revolutionary struggle, to assist capital, to pre-
serve and perpetuate its system of oppression and exploi-
tation.
Along with the Soviet and Chinese revisionists, whom
we mentioned above, the Yugoslav Titoite revisionists
play a role of first-rate importance in this great and
dangerous counterrevolutionary game.
Titoism is an old agency of capital, a favourite weapon
of the imperialist bourgeoisie in its fight against socialism
and the liberation movements.
The peoples of Yugoslavia fought self-sacrificingly
against the nazi-fascist occupiers for freedom democracy
and socialism. They succeeded in liberating their country,
but were not allowed to continue the revolution on the road
to socialism. The Yugoslav revisionist leadership with Tito
at the head, which had long been worked on secretly by the
Intelligence Service and which, during the period of the
war, posed as preserving the features of a party of the
Third International, in fact, had other aims, which were
contrary to Marxism Leninism and the aspirations of the
peoples of Yugoslavia for the construction of a true social-
ist society in Yugoslavia.
The Communist Party of Yugoslavia, which came to
power, had inherited many mistakes of a deviationist na-
ture. After the Second World War, it displayed pronounced
national-chauvinist features, which had shown up as early
as the time of the war. These features were apparent in its
departure from the Marxist-Leninist ideology, in its atti-
tude towards the Soviet Union and Stalin, in its chauvinist
stands and actions towards Albania, etc.
The system of people’s democracy, which was estab-
lished in Yugoslavia, was temporary. It did not suit the
clique in power, though this clique continued to call itself
“Marxist”. The Titoites were not for the construction of so-

38
cialism, or f or the Communist Party of Yugoslavia to be
guided by the Marxist-Leninist theory, and they did not
accept the dictatorship of the proletariat. This was the
source of the conflict that broke out between the Informa-
tion Bureau of the Communist and Workers’ Parties and
the Communist Party of Yugoslavia. This was an ideologi-
cal conflict between Marxism-Leninism and revisionism,
and not a conflict between persons over “domination”, as
the revisionists try to make out. Stalin defended the purity
of the Marxist-Leninist theory, Tito defended the devi-
ationist, revisionist, anti-Marxist trend of modern revision-
ism, following in the footstep of Browder and the other op-
portunists, who emerged on the eve of and during the Sec-
ond World War.
In the early post-liberation years, the Yugoslav leader-
ship pretended that it was taking the construction of so-
cialism in the Soviet Union as an example and proclaimed
that it was allegedly building socialism in Yugoslavia. This
was done to deceive the peoples of Yugoslavia who had
shed their blood and aspired to genuine socialism.
In fact, the Titoites were not, and could not be, for the
socialist social order or the form of organization of the So-
viet state, because Tito was for the capitalist system and
for an essentially bourgeois-democratic state, in which his
clique would hold power. This state was to serve to create
the idea that socialism was being built in Yugoslavia, a
“specific” socialism of a “more humane type”, that is, pre-
cisely the kind of “socialism” which would serve as a fifth
column in the other socialist countries. Everything was
well calculated and co-ordinated by the Anglo-American
imperialists and the group around Tito. Thus, by playing
the game of imperialism and world capitalism, and coming
to terms with them, the Yugoslav revisionists placed them-
selves in opposition to the Soviet Union.
From the time of the anti-fascist national liberation
war, in pursuit of their old plans, British and, subse-
quently, US imperialism helped Tito not only to break
away from the Soviet Union, but also to carry out acts of
sabotage against it, and especially to work to detach other
countries of people’s democracy from the socialist camp, in

39
order to isolate the Soviet Union from all these countries
and unite them with the West. This was the policy of world
capitalism and its agency, Titoism.
The rabid anti-communist, Churchill, took a direct and
personal part in ensuring that Tito and his group were
placed in the service of capitalism. During the war he sent
“his most trusted friends”, as the British leader put it, and
later his own son, to Tito’s staff. Eventually, he himself
met Tito in Naples of Italy in May 1944, in order to make
quite sure that Tito would play no tricks. In his memoirs,
Churchill wrote that, in his talks with Tito, the latter ex-
pressed his readiness to make a public statement later
that “communism would not be established in Yugoslavia
after the war”.
Tito worked with such great energy to serve his mas-
ters that Churchill, appraising his great services, told him:
“Now I understand that you were right, therefore I am
with you, I like you even more than I did previously”. A
lover could make no warmer declarations to his love.
Almost before Yugoslavia had broken completely with
the Soviet Union and the countries of people’s democracy,
the imperialists, the American imperialists in particular,
sent it great economic, political, ideological and military
aid, which became more frequent and constant later on.
This aid was supplied only on condition that the coun-
try would develop on the capitalist road. The imperialist
bourgeoisie was not against Yugoslavia maintaining its
outward socialist forms. On the contrary, it was greatly in
its interest that Yugoslavia should keep its outward social-
ist colour, because in this way it would serve as a more ef-
fective weapon in the struggle against socialism and the
liberation movements. Not only would this kind of “social-
ism” be radically different from the socialism envisaged
and realized by Lenin and Stalin, but it would even come
out against it.
Within a relatively short time Yugoslavia became the
“socialist” mouthpiece of US imperialism, a diversionist
agency to assist world capital. From 1948 to this day, Ti-
toism has been characterized by feverish activity against
Marxism-Leninism to organize a propaganda campaign

40
everywhere in the world to present the Yugoslav system as
the form of a “genuine socialist” order, a “new society”, a
“non-aligned socialism”, which is no longer like the social-
ism Lenin and Stalin built in the Soviet Union, but a so-
cialist order “with a human face” which is being tried for
the first time in the world and which is yielding “brilliant
results”. The aim of this propaganda has always been to
lead the peoples and progressive forces fighting for free-
dom and independence everywhere in the world up a blind
alley.
The Yugoslav revisionists adopted those forms of run-
ning their country that the Trotskyites and the other anar-
chist elements, encouraged by the capitalist bourgeoisie,
tried to adopt in the Soviet Union in the time of Lenin, in
order to sabotage the construction of socialism there. While
he talked about building socialism, by adopting these
forms, Tito completely distorted the Marxist-Leninist prin-
ciples on building up industry, agriculture, etc.
The Republics of Yugoslavia assumed such features of
administration and organizational political leadership that
democratic centralism was liquidated and the role of the
Communist Party of Yugoslavia faded into insignificance.
The Communist Party of Yugoslavia changed its name. It
was transformed into the “League of Communists of Yugo-
slavia”, which looks like a Marxist name, while in its con-
tent, norms, competences and aims it is anti-Marxist. The
League became a spineless front, was stripped of the dis-
tinguishing features of a Marxist-Leninist party, preserved
the old form, but no longer played the role of the vanguard
of the working class, was no longer the political force which
led the Federative Republic of Yugoslavia, but, according
to the Titoite revisionists, allegedly performed only general
“educational” functions.
The Titoite leadership placed the party under the con-
trol of the UDB, to Which it was subordinated, turned it
into a fascist organization, and the state into a fascist We
know full well the great danger of these activities, for Koçi
Xoxe, the agent in the pay of the Titoites, tried to achieve
the same thing in Albania.

41
 Tito, Rankovich and their agency entirely liquidated
anything which might have had the true colour of social-
ism. Titoism waged a fierce fight against the attempts of
those internal elements who sought to blow up this agency
and this capitalist-revisionist organization, as well as
against all the Marxist-Leninist propaganda which was
conducted abroad to unmask the regime which posed as
socialist.
The Titoite leadership quickly abandoned the collec-
tivization of agriculture which had begun in the early
years, set up the capitalist state farms, encouraged the de-
velopment of private property in the countryside, allowed
land to be bought and sold freely, rehabilitated the kulaks,
left the field free for the private market to Flourish In
town and country, and carried out the first reforms which
strengthened the capitalist direction of the economy.
Meanwhile, the Titoite bourgeoisie was searching for a
“new” form to camouflage the Yugoslav capitalist order,
and this form was found. They called it Yugoslav “self-
administration”.
They dressed it up in a “Marxist-Leninist” cloak, claim-
ing that this system was the most authentic socialism.
At first, “self-administration” emerged as an economic
system, then it was extended to the field of state organiza-
tion and all the other fields of life in that country.
The theory and practice of Yugoslav “self administra-
tion” are an open negation of the teachings of Marxism-
Leninism and the universal laws of the construction of so-
cialism. The economic and political system of “self-
administration” is an anarcho-syndicalist form of the bour-
geois dictatorship, which is ruling a Yugoslavia dependent
on international capital.
The system of “self-administration”, with all its charac-
teristic features, such as the elimination of democratic cen-
tralism, the role of unified management by the state, anar-
chist federalism, the anti-state ideology in general, has
brought about permanent economic, political and ideologi-
cal chaos and confusion in Yugoslavia, weak and unequal
development of its republics and regions, great social-class
differentiations, national feuds and oppression, and the

42
degeneration of spiritual life It has brought about great
fragmentation of the working class, by putting one de-
tachment of it in competition with another, while fostering
the bourgeois sectional, localist and individualist spirit.
The working class in Yugoslavia not only does not play the
hegemonic role in the state and society, but the system of
“self-administration” places it in such conditions that it is
unable even to defend its own general interests and to act
as a unified and compact class.
From the capitalist world, particularly from US impe-
rialism, large amounts of capital have poured into Yugo-
slavia in the form of investments, credits and loans. It is
precisely this capital which constitutes the material basis
of the “development” of Yugoslav capitalist “self-
administrative socialism”. Its indebtedness alone amounts
to over 11 billion dollars. Yugoslavia has received over 7
billion dollars in credits from the United States of America.
Despite the numerous credits the Titoite leadership re-
ceives from abroad, the peoples of Yugoslavia have not en-
joyed, nor are they enjoying, the “brilliant results” of this
specific “socialism”. On the contrary, there is political and
ideological chaos in Yugoslavia. A system which engenders
large-scale unemployment at home and mass emigration of
labour abroad prevails there, and this makes Yugoslavia
completely dependent on the imperialist powers. The
Yugoslav peoples are being exploited to the bone in the in-
terests of the class in power and of all the imperialist pow-
ers which have made investments in that country. The
Yugoslav state is not concerned that prices go up every
day, that the poverty of the working masses is steadily in-
creasing and that the country is not only up to its neck in
debt, but is also deeply involved in the great crisis of the
capitalist world. Yugoslavia has only limited independence
and sovereignty, because, apart from anything else, it has
no economic potential completely its own. The greater part
of it exists in joint ownership with various foreign capital-
ist firms and states, therefore it is bound to suffer the de-
structive effects of the crisis and foreign exploitation.
But it is not accidental that world capitalism gives
Yugoslav “self-administration” such great political and fi-

43
nancial support and sings in harmony with the Titoite
propaganda to pass this system off as “a new tested form of
the construction of socialism” for all countries.
It does this because the form of Yugoslav “self admini-
stration” provides a way of ideological and political subver-
sion and sabotage against the revolutionary liberation
movements of the proletariat and the peoples, a way to
open the road to the political and economic penetration of
imperialism into the various countries of the world. Impe-
rialism and the bourgeoisie want to keep “self-
administration” as a reserve system for various circum-
stances and different countries, in order to prolong the life
of capitalism, which does not give up the ghost easily, but
is striving to find various forms of government at the ex-
pense of the peoples.
The Yugoslav theories and practices of “non alignment”
render a great service to various imperialists, for they help
them hoodwink the peoples. This is in the interest of the
imperialists and social-imperialists alike, because it helps
them to establish and strengthen their influence in the
“non-aligned countries”, to divert the freedom loving peo-
ples from the road of national liberation and proletarian
revolution. Therefore, both Carter and Brezhnev, as well
as Hua Kuo-feng, lavish praise on the Titoite policy of
“non-alignment” and try to exploit it for their own pur-
poses.
Titoism has always been a weapon of the imperialist
bourgeoisie, a fire-extinguisher to quell the flames of the
revolution. It is of the same line and has the same aims as
modern revisionism, in general, and its different variants,
with which it is in ideological unity. The ways, forms and
tactics they use in the struggle against Marxism-Leninism,
the revolution and socialism may be different, but their
counterrevolutionary aims are identical.
In the efforts which the bourgeoisie and reaction are
making to put down the revolutionary struggle of the pro-
letariat and the peoples, the revisionist parties of
Europe, in the first place, and those of all countries
on the other continents render them a great service.

44
 The revisionist parties of the countries of Western
Europe are making efforts to concoct a theory about a “new
society”, allegedly socialist, which will be achieved through
“structural reforms” and in close coalition with the social-
democratic parties, and even with the right-wing parties.
This society, according to them, will be built on new foun-
dations, through “social reforms” “social peace”, “the par-
liamentary road” and the “historic compromise” with the
bourgeois parties.
The revisionist parties of Europe, such as those of It-
aly, France and Spain, and following them all the other
revisionist parties of the West, deny Leninism, the class
struggle, the revolution and the dictatorship of the prole-
tariat. All of them have embarked on the road of compro-
mise with the capitalist bourgeoisie. They have named this
anti-Marxist line “Eurocommunism”. “Eurocommunism” is
a new pseudo-communist trend which is and is not in op-
position to the Soviet revisionist bloc. This wavering stand
is explained by their aim to have a coexistence of ideas
with European social-democracy and the whole welter of
views seething in the cauldron of Europe. The “Eurocom-
munist” can unite with anybody at all except those who
fight for the triumph of the revolution and the purity of the
Marxist-Leninist ideology.
All the revisionist, opportunist and social-democratic
trends are going the whole length to assist the superpow-
ers in their diabolical activities to suppress the revolution
and the peoples. The support of all these trends for the al-
legedly new organisms of the bourgeoisie has a single aim:
to smother the revolution by raising a thousand and one
material, political and ideological obstacles to it. They are
working to disorientate and split the proletariat and its
allies, because they know that, divided and split by fac-
tional struggles, the latter will be unable to create, either
at home or on an international plane that ideological po-
litical and militant unity which is essential to cope with
the attacks of world capitalism in decay.
The coalition of modern revisionism with social-
democracy is afraid of the advent of fascism, especially in
certain countries which are threatened by the extreme

45
right. To avoid the fascist dictatorship, the revisionists and
social-democrats make efforts “to mitigate” the contradic-
tions and “tone down” the class struggle between the
masses of the people and the proletariat, on the one hand,
and the capitalist bourgeoisie, on the other. Thus, in order
to secure “social peace”, these subjects of the coalition have
to make concessions to one another and to reach a com-
promise with the capitalist bourgeoisie, come to agreement
with it over some sort of regime suitable to both sides.
Thus, while the capitalist bourgeoisie and its parties
openly continue their fight against communism, the revi-
sionist parties endeavour to distort Marxism Leninism, the
guiding ideology of the revolution.
The trade-unions, which are reformist and are espe-
cially educated and trained in compromises with the own-
ing class and only for economic claims and not for strikes
with political demands and aims of the seizure of state
power by the proletariat, have become the mainstay of the
revisionist parties of Europe. Naturally, their bargaining is
aimed at striking a balance between the demand and the
offer – side begs alms and the other side determines the
size of this alms. The two sides, both the reformist trade-
unions and the revisionist parties, and the owning class
with its parties, state power and trade-unions, are threat-
ened by the revolution, by the proletariat and its genuine
Marxist-Leninist parties. Therefore, they are in search of a
reactionary compromise a solution that cannot be the same
in all the capitalist countries, because of the differences in
the strength of capital, the depth of the crisis and the ex-
tent of the contradictions eroding them from within.
The Revolution – the Only Weapon to Defeat
the Strategy of the Enemies of the Proletariat
and the Peoples
All the enemies, the imperialists, social-imperialists
and various revisionists, together or separately, are fight-
ing to mislead progressive people, to discredit Marxism-
Leninism, and especially to distort the Leninist theory of
the revolution, to suppress the revolution and any kind of
popular resistance and national liberation struggle.

46
 The arsenal of the enemies of Marxism-Leninism is
large, but the forces of the revolution are also colossal.
These are the forces which are stirring, clashing and fight-
ing with the enemies of the revolution and which have ru-
ined the peace of mind of the capitalist world and world
reaction and are making life impossible for them.
“A spectre is haunting Europe – the spectre of com-
munism. All the Powers of old Europe... have en-
tered into a holy alliance to exorcise this spectre”*.
This observation of Marx and Engels is still valid to-
day. Imperialism, social-imperialism and modern revision-
ism think that the danger to them from communism has
been eliminated, because, thinking that the heavy blow
which the revolution has suffered from the revisionist be-
trayal is irreparable, they are underestimating the
strength of Marxism-Leninism, and overestimating the
material, suppressive military, and economic potential
they have at their disposal. This is only an illusion of
theirs.
The world proletariat is gathering its forces. From
their own experience, the proletariat and the freedom-
loving peoples are gaining a clearer understanding, day by
day, of the treachery of the Titoite, Khrushchevite, Chi-
nese, “Eurocommunist” and other modern revisionists.
Time is working for the revolution, for socialism, and not
for the bourgeoisie and imperialism, not for modern revi-
sionism and world reaction. The fire of the revolution is
burning everywhere in the hearts of the oppressed peoples
who want to gain their genuine freedom, democracy and
sovereignty, to take power into their own hands and to set
out on the road of socialism, destroying imperialism and its
flunkies.
That phenomenon of the time of Lenin, when the
break-away from the Second International was followed by
the creation of new Marxist-Leninist parties, is taking
place today. The revisionist betrayal has brought about the

*
K. Marx and F. Engels. “The Manifesto of the Communist Par-
ty”, p. 13, Tirana, 1974 (Alb. ed.).
47
setting up and strengthening of genuine communist par-
ties, as it is bound to do, everywhere, and these parties
have taken up and raised high the banner of Marxism-
Leninism and the revolution, which the revisionists have
rejected and trampled in the mud. On them devolves the
burden of opposing the glorious Leninist strategy of the
revolution, the great theory of Marxism-Leninism to the
global strategy of world imperialism and revisionism. On
them devolves the burden of making the masses fully con-
scious of the objectives and the right road of the struggle
and the sacrifices it demands, of uniting, organizing, guid-
ing and leading them to victory.
We Marxist-Leninists, who are in the forefront of the
titanic struggle which is being waged today between the
proletariat and the oppressed peoples who aspire to free-
dom, on the one hand, and the savage rapacious imperial-
ists, on the other, must thoroughly understand the aims,
tactics, methods and forms which the common enemies and
the individual enemies of each country employ in the fight.
We cannot see this thing properly if we do not base our-
selves firmly on the Marxist-Leninist theory of the revolu-
tion, if we do not see that in the present situation there are
a series of weak links in the capitalist world chain, as
there will be in the future, at which the revolutionaries
and the peoples must carry out ceaseless activity, an unre-
lenting and courageous organized struggle to break these
links one after another. This, of course, requires work,
struggle, sacrifices and self-denial. Led by the interests of
the revolution, the courageous peoples and individuals can
and will face up to the large forces of imperialism, social-
imperialism and reaction, which are linking up with one
another, setting up new alliances and seeking a way out of
the difficult situations created for them. It is the revolu-
tionaries, the Marxist-Leninists, the struggle of the peo-
ples on all continents, in all countries, that create these
difficult situations for the regressive forces.
The communists everywhere in the world nave no rea-
son to fear the baseless myths which have predominated in
revolutionary thought for some time. The communists
must fight to win over those who make mistakes, in order

48
to help them mend their ways, making great efforts to this
end without, of course, falling into opportunism them-
selves. In the process of the principled struggle, in the be-
ginning there will be some vacillations but the vacillations
will occur among the waverers, whereas amongst those
who are resolute and apply the Marxist-Leninist theory
correctly, who have a proper view of the interests of the
proletariat of their own country, of the world proletariat
and the revolution, there will be no vacillation. However,
when the waverers see that the comrades are standing
firm on their revolutionary Marxist-Leninist opinions, they
will be further strengthened in their fight.
If the Marxist-Leninists apply the Marxist-Leninist
theory correctly and with determination, on the basis of
the present international conditions and the national con-
ditions of each country, if they ceaselessly strengthen pro-
letarian internationalist unity in merciless struggle
against imperialism and modern revisionism of all trends,
they will certainly overcome all the difficulties they will
encounter on their road, however great they may be. Prop-
erly applied, Marxism-Leninism and its immortal princi-
ples will inevitably bring about the destruction of world
capitalism and the triumph of the dictatorship of the prole-
tariat, by means of which the working class will build so-
cialism and march towards communism.

49
 II
THE LENINIST THEORY ON IMPERIALISM
RETAINS ITS FULL VALIDITY
In the present conditions, when the Khrushchevite, Ti-
toite, “Eurocommunist” and Chinese revisionists and the
other anti-Marxist trends are attacking the cause of the
revolution and peoples’ liberation on the pretext that the
situation has changed, a thorough study of Lenin’s works
on imperialism assumes first-rate importance.
We must return to these works and make an especially
thorough and detailed study of Lenin’s work of genius “Im-
perialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism”. From a care-
ful study of this work, we shall see how the revisionists,
and the Chinese leaders among them, distort the Leninist
thought on imperialism, how they understand the aims,
strategy and tactics of imperialism. Their writings, decla-
rations, stands and actions show that their view of the na-
ture of imperialism is completely wrong, they see it from
counterrevolutionary and anti-Marxist positions, as did all
the parties of the Second International and their ideolo-
gists, Kautsky and company, whom Lenin ruthlessly ex-
posed.
If we study this work of Lenin’s carefully and faithfully
adhere to his analysis and conclusions of genius, we shall
see that imperialism in our days fully retains those same
characteristics that Lenin described, that the Leninist
definition of our epoch as the epoch of imperialism and pro-
letarian revolutions remains unshaken, and that the tri-
umph of the revolution is inevitable.
As is known, Lenin begins his analysis of imperialism
with the concentration of production and capital and
the monopolies. Today, too, the phenomena of the con-
centration and centralization of production and capital can
be analysed correctly and scientifically only on the basis of
the Leninist analysis of imperialism.
A characteristic of present-day capitalism is the ever
increasing concentration of production and capital, which
has led to the merging or absorption of small enterprises
by the powerful ones. A consequence of this is the mass

50
concentration of the work force in big trusts and concerns.
These enterprises have also concentrated in their hands
huge productive capacities and resources of energy and
raw materials of incalculable proportions. At present the
big capitalist enterprises are also utilizing nuclear energy
and the newest technology, which belong to these enter-
prises exclusively.
Such gigantic organisms have a national and interna-
tional character. Within their own country, they have ru-
ined most of the small proprietors or industrialists, while
on the international plane they have grown into colossal
concerns, which include whole branches of the industry,
agriculture, construction, transport, etc. of many countries.
Wherever these concerns have extended their tentacles,
wherever the concentration of production has been
achieved by a tiny handful of multimillionaire capitalists,
the tendency to the liquidation of the small owners and
industrialists is becoming more widespread and pro-
nounced. This has led to the further strengthening of mo-
nopolies.
“This transformation of competition into monopoly,
said Lenin, “is one of the most important phenom-
ena, – if not the most important, in the economy of
present-day capitalism...”*.
Speaking of this feature of imperialism, he adds,
“...the rise of monopolies as the result of [concentra-
tion of production in general is a universal and
fundamental law of the present stage of develop-
ment of capitalismӠ.
The development of capitalism in today’s conditions
fully confirms the above conclusion of Lenin’s. Nowadays,
the monopolies have become the most typical and common
phenomenon, which determines the physiognomy of impe-
rialism, its economic essence. In the imperialist countries,
like the United States of America, the Federal German

*
V. I. Lenin, Collected Works, vol. 22, p. 237 (Alb. ed.).
†
V. I. Lenin, Collected Works, vol. 22, p. 241 (Alb. ed.).
51
Republic, Britain, Japan, France, etc., the concentration of
production has assumed unprecedented proportions.
For example, in 1976, there were nearly 17 million
people, representing over 20 percent of the employed work
force, employed in the 500 biggest US corporations. Sixty-
six percent of all the goods sold came from these corpora-
tions. At the time when Lenin wrote his book “imperialism,
the Highest Stage of Capitalism”, there was only one big
American company in the capitalist world, the “United
States Steel Corporation” with share capital of over one
billion dollars, whereas in 1976 the number of billionaire
companies was about 350. In 1975, the “General Motors
Corporation” automobile, trust, this supermonopoly, had a
total capital in excess of 22 billion dollars and exploited an
army of nearly 800,000 workers. Next comes the monopoly
“Standard Oil of New Jersey”, which dominates the oil in-
dustry of the United States of America and other countries
and which exploits over 700,000 workers. In the automo-
bile industry there are three big monopolies which account
for more than 90 percent of production in this branch; in
both the aviation and the steel industries, four very big
companies account for 65 and 47 percent of production re-
spectively.
The same process has occurred and is occurring in the
other imperialist countries, too. In the Federal German
Republic, 13 percent of the total number of enterprises
have concentrated about 50 percent of the production and
40 percent of the labour power of the country. In Britain,
50 big monopolies dominate everything. The British Steel
Corporation accounts for over 90 percent of the steel pro-
duction of the country. In France, two companies have con-
centrated three fourths of the steel production in their
hands, four monopolies own the whole production of auto-
mobiles, whereas four others control the entire output of
oil products. In Japan, ten big black metallurgy companies
produce all the pig iron and over three fourths of the steel,

52
while eight companies operate in non-ferrous metallurgy.
The same applies to the other branches and sectors. *
The small and middle-sized enterprises which still ex-
ist in these countries are directly dependent on monopo-
lies. They receive orders from the monopolies and work for
them; get credits and raw materials, technology, etc. from
them. In practice, they have become appendages of the
monopolies.
The concentration and centralization of production and
capital, creating giant monopolies which have no techno-
logical unity, is widespread today. Enterprises and entire
branches of industrial production, construction, transport,
trade, services, of the infrastructure, etc., operate within
these gigantic “conglomerate” monopolies. They turn out
everything, from children’s toys to intercontinental mis-
siles.
The economic power of the monopolies and the concen-
tration of capital, which has increased and is constantly
increasing, creates a situation in which the victims of the
competition are not just “the small babies”, that is, the
unmonopolized enterprises, which were typical in the past,
but even big financial enterprises and groups. As a result
of the insatiable appetite of the monopolies f or high mo-
nopoly profits and the extreme sharpening of the competi-
tion, this process has assumed colossal proportions during
the last two decades. ‘The mergers and take-overs in the
capitalist world today are 7 to 10 times greater than in the
years prior to the Second World War.
The mergers and combinations of industrial, trading,
farming and banking enterprises have led to the creation
of new forms of monopolies, to the creation of big indus-
trial-commercial or industrial-agricultural corporations,
forms which are finding wide application not only in the
capitalist countries of the West, but also in the Soviet Un-
ion, Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia, and other revisionist
countries. In the past the monopoly combines carried on

*
Information from: “Monthly Bulletin of Statistics”, United Na-
tions, 1977; “Statistical Yearbook” 1976; the US journal “Fortune”,
1976, etc.
53
the transport and selling of goods with the help of other
independent firms, whereas today, the monopolies control
production, transport and marketing.
The monopolies not only try to eliminate competition
between the enterprises under their control, but have also
extended their clutches to monopolize all the resources of
raw materials, all the regions rich in important minerals,
like iron, coal, copper, uranium, etc. This process is going
on on the national and the international plane.
The concentration of production and capital assumed
colossal proportions especially after the Second World War,
with the expansion and development of the sector of state
monopoly capitalism.
State monopoly capitalism means the subordination of
the state apparatus to monopolies, the establishment of
their complete domination in the economic, political and
social life of the country. In this way the state intervenes
directly in the economy in the interest of the financial oli-
garchy, in order to ensure the maximum profit for the class
in power through the exploitation of all the working peo-
ple, as well as to strangle the revolution and the peoples’
liberation struggles.
State monopoly property, as the most characteristic
basic element of state monopoly capitalism, does not repre-
sent the property of one individual capitalist or group of
capitalists, but the property of the capitalist state, the
property of the bourgeois class in power. In various impe-
rialist countries the state monopoly capitalist sector ac-
counts for 20 to 30 percent of the total production.
State monopoly capitalism, which represents the high-
est stage of concentration of production and capital, is the
main form of property prevailing today in the Soviet Union
and the other revisionist countries. This state monopoly
capitalism is in the service of the new bourgeois class in
power.
In China, too, through a number of reforms, such as
the establishment of profit as the main aim of the activity
of the enterprises, the Application of capitalist practices in
organization, management and remuneration, the creation
of economic regions, trusts and combines very similar to

54
the Soviet, Yugoslav and Japanese ones, the opening of
doors to foreign capital, the direct links of enterprises with
foreign monopolies, etc., the economy is assuming forms
typical of state monopoly capitalism.
At present, in the capitalist and revisionist world the
concentration and centralization of production and capital
have reached an inter-state level. The European Common
Market, Comecon, etc., which represent the union of mo-
nopolies of various imperialist powers, also encourage and
realize this tendency in practice.
Analysing the forms of international monopolies, in his
time Lenin spoke of the cartels and syndicates. In today’s
conditions, when the concentration of production and capi-
tal has reached very large proportions, the monopoly bour-
geoisie has also found other forms for the exploitation of
working people. These are the multinational companies.
In their outward appearance, these companies seek to
give the impression that they are under the joint owner-
ship of capitalists of many countries. In fact, in regard to
their capital and control, the multinational companies be-
long mainly to one country, although they carry out their
activities in many countries. They are expanding more and
more through the absorption of local companies and firms,
big and small, which cannot cope with the savage competi-
tion.
The multinational companies open up subsidiaries and
extend their enterprises to those countries where the pros-
pects for maximum profits seem most secure. The US mul-
tinational company “Ford”, for example, has set up 20 big
plants in other countries, in which 100 thousand workers
of various nationalities are employed.
Between the multinational companies and the bour-
geois state there are close links and reciprocal dependence,
which are based on their exploiting class character. The
capitalist state is used as a tool in their service for their
aims of domination and expansion on both the national
and the international plane.
In regard to their major economic role and the great
weight they carry in the whole life of the country, some
multinational companies, individually, constitute a mighty

55
economic force which, in many instances, is equal to or
even exceeds the budgets or production of several devel-
oped capitalist countries taken together. The production of
one of the powerful multinational companies of the United
States of America, “General Motors Corporation”, is
greater than the industrial production of Holland, Belgium
and Switzerland taken together. They intervene to secure
special favours and privileges f or themselves in the coun-
tries in which they operate. For example, in 1975, the
owners of the electronics; industry of the United States of
America demanded that the Mexican Government change
its Labour Code which envisaged some safety measures, or
otherwise they would transfer their industry to Costa Rica,
and, in order to bring pressure to bear, closed down many
factories in which nearly 12,000 Mexican workers were
employed.
The multinational companies are levers of imperialism
and one of the main forms of its expansion. They are pil-
lars of neo-colonialism and affect the national sovereignty
and independence of the countries in which they operate.
In order to open the way to their domination, these compa-
nies do not hesitate to commit any crime, from the organi-
zation of plots and the dislocation of the economy, down to
the outright buying of top officials, political and trade-
union leaders, etc. The Lockheed scandal provided ample
proof of this.
Many multinational companies have established them-
selves and are operating in the revisionist countries, too*.
They have begun to penetrate China, too.

*
Seventeen US, 18 Japanese, 13 West-German, 20 French, and 7
Italian and other multinational companies have established themselves
in the Soviet Union or have opened offices there. Over 30 multinational
companies have established themselves in Poland. Of them, 10 are
American, 6 West-German, 6 British, 3 Japanese, etc. There are 32
such companies operating in Rumania, 31 in Hungary, 30 in Czecho-
slovakia. The picture is the same in the other revisionist countries. (In-
formation from the book “Vodka-Cola”, by Karl Levinson, 1977, pp.
79-82).
56
 The concentration and centralization of production and
capital, which characterize the capitalist world today and
have led to extensive socialization of production, have not
in any way altered the exploiting nature of imperialism.
On the contrary, they have increased and intensified the
oppression and impoverishment of the working people.
These phenomena prove to the hilt Lenin’s thesis that un-
der conditions of the concentration of production and capi-
tal in imperialism,
“the result is immense progress in the socialization
of production,” but, nevertheless, “...appropriation
remains private. The social means of production
remain the private property of a few”*.
The monopolies and multinational companies remain
great enemies of the proletariat and the peoples.
The intensification of the process of concentration of
production and capital which is taking place in our time,
has further exacerbated the basic contradiction of capital-
ism, the contradiction between the social character of pro-
duction and the private character of appropriation, along
with all the other contradictions. Today, just as in the past
the colossal income and superprofits realized from the sav-
age exploitation of workers are appropriated by a handful
of capitalist magnates. Likewise, the means of production,
with which the united branches of industry have been
equipped, are the private property of capitalists, while the
working class remains enslaved to the owners of the means
of production and its labour power remains a market com-
modity. Nowadays the big capitalist enterprises no longer
exploit tens or hundreds of workers but hundreds of thou-
sands of them. As a result of the ruthless capitalist exploi-
tation of this great army of workers, the surplus value
seized by the US corporations in 1976 alone, is estimated
at over 100 billion dollars, as against 44 billion in 1960.
Lenin exposed the opportunists of the Second Interna-
tional, who preached the possibility of liquidating the an-
tagonistic contradictions of capitalism as a result of the

*
V. I. Lenin, Collected ‘Works, vol. 22, p. 247 (Alb. ed.).
57
emergence and development of monopolies. He proved with
scientific argument that the monopolies, as vehicles of the
oppression and exploitation of labour and the private ap-
propriation of the results of labour, make the contradic-
tions of capitalism even more severe. The superstructure of
the capitalist order is built on the basis of the domination
of monopolies. This superstructure defends and represents
the predatory interests of the monopolies, on both the na-
tional and international plane. The monopolies dictate the
internal and external policy, the economic, social, military,
and other policies.
The present-day reality of the concentration of produc-
tion and capital also exposes the preachings of the reac-
tionary chiefs of social-democracy, the modern revisionists
and opportunists of every hue, that the trusts, the property
of state monopoly capitalism, etc., can allegedly be trans-
formed in a peaceful way into socialist economies, that al-
legedly present-day monopoly capitalism will be integrated
gradually into socialism.
The concentration of production and capital,
Lenin teaches us, also serve as a basis for increased
concentration of money capital, its concentration in
the hands of big banks, and the birth and develop-
ment of finance capital. In the course of the develop-
ment of capitalism, together with the monopolies, the
banks, too, assume great development, absorbing the
money capital of the monopolies and concerns as well as of
small producers and investors. In this way, the banks,
which are in the hands of the capitalists and serve them,
become the owners of the main financial means.
The same process, which was carried out for the elimi-
nation of the small enterprises by the big ones, by the car-
tels and monopolies, has also taken place in the liquida-
tion, one after the other, of small banks. Thus, just as the
big enterprises created the monopolies, the big banks, too,
created their banking concerns. In the last two decades
this phenomenon has assumed colossal proportions and it
is still going on, very rapidly, today. A distinctive feature of
today’s mergers and Take-overs is the fact that not only

58
the small banks but also the middle-sized and the rela-
tively big ones are involved. This phenomenon is accounted
for by the increasing severity of the contradictions of capi-
talist reproduction, the extension of the struggle of compe-
tition and the grave crisis of the financial and monetary
system of the capitalist world.
Twenty-six big financial groups dominate in the United
States of America. The biggest of them is the Morgan
group, with 20 big banks, insurance companies, etc., and
with share capital of 90 billion dollars.
The level of the concentration and centralization of
banking capital is also very high in the other main capital-
ist countries. In West Germany, three out of seventy big
banks own over 58 percent of all banking assets. In Brit-
ain, all banking activity is controlled by four banks known
as the “Big Four”. The level of concentration of banking
capital is also high in Japan and France, too.
Lenin has proved that banking capital is interlocked
with industrial capital. At first, the banks are interested in
the fate of the credits they advance to the industrialists.
They mediate to ensure that the industrialists who receive
the credits reach agreement among themselves to avoid
competition with one another because the banks, them-
selves, would also suffer from this. This was the first step
of the banks in their interlocking with industrial capital.
With the development of the concentration of production
and money capital, the banks become direct investors in
the production enterprises, setting up joint-stock compa-
nies. In this way, banking capital penetrates in to indus-
try, construction, agriculture, transport, the sphere of cir-
culation and all other fields. For their part, the enterprises
buy large holdings of shares and become participants in
banks. Today the directors of banks and monopoly enter-
prises are members of one another’s boards of manage-
ment, thus creating what Lenin called their “personal un-
ion”. The finance capital which emerges from this process
includes all forms of capital: industrial capital, money
capital and commodity capital. Characterizing this process,
Lenin said:

59
 “The concentration of production; the monopolies
arising therefrom; the merging or coalescence of
banks with industry – such is the history of the rise
of finance capital and such is the content of that
concept”*.
Although since the Second World War finance capital
has increased and undergone structural changes, it still
has precisely those same aims it has always had, the mak-
ing of maximum profits through the exploitation of the
broad masses of working people inside and outside the
country. The insurance companies, which have greatly in-
creased over recent years in the main capitalist countries
and have become competitors of the banks, have the same
role. In the United States of America, for example, in 1970
as against 1950, banking assets had increased 3.5 fold,
whereas those of insurance companies had increased 6.5
fold, over the same period.
With the capital they accumulate through plundering
the people, these companies have been able to advance the
monopolies large sums amounting to hundreds of millions
of dollars. In this way, the insurance companies are
merged and interlocked with the industrial and banking
monopolies, becoming an organic constituent part of fi-
nance capital.
Driven by its insatiable thirst for profits, the monopoly
bourgeoisie turns every source of temporarily available
monetary means, such as the workers’ pension funds, the
people’s savings, etc., into capital.
Concentrated finance capital draws exceptionally large
amounts of income not only from the profit accruing to it
from the money absorbed from the concerns, small indus-
trialists, etc., etc., but also from the issue of securities and
provision of loans. Just as in the case of savings’ deposits,
in the latter, too, only a small share of the profit goes to
the lenders, while the bank itself makes colossal profits
from these activities, through which it increases its own
capital and investments, which, of course, create a con-
tinuous flow of additional profits for finance capital. Fi-
*
V. I. Lenin, Collected Works, vol. 22, p. 273 (Alb. ed.).
60
nance capital invests mostly in industry, but it has ex-
tended its network of speculation to other assets, too, such
as land, railways, and other branches and sectors.
The banks have real possibilities of providing consider-
able sums in credits, which are required by the high level
of concentration of production and the domination of mo-
nopolies. In this manner, favourable conditions are created
for the big monopoly combines to step up their savage ex-
ploitation of the working masses both at home and .abroad,
in order to ensure maximum profits.
With the restoration of capitalism in the Soviet Union
and the other revisionist countries, the banks there as-
sumed all the features characteristic of monopolies. In
these countries, the banks serve the exploitation of the
broad masses of the working people, both at home and
abroad, in the same way as in all other capitalist countries.
In recent years, trade on time payment under which
customers buy consumer goods, especially durable con-
sumer items, has increased rapidly in the capitalist and
revisionist countries. The provision of such credits ensures
the bourgeoisie markets for the sale of goods, the capital-
ists make colossal profits from the high interest rates
charged, while the debtors are bound hand and foot to the
creditors and the capitalist firms.
The debts and other obligations of the working people
to the banks and money-lending institutions have greatly
increased at the present time. In the United States of
America alone, in 1976 the indebtedness of the Population
from such credits had reached the sum of 167 billion dol-
lars, as against 6 billion in 1945, while in the Federal
German Republic the indebtedness of the population had
amounted to more than 46 billion marks.
The increased concentration and centralization of
banking capital has led to increased economic and political
domination by the financial oligarchy and the use of a se-
ries of forms and methods to increase the economic bond-
age, the impoverishment and misery of the broad masses of
working people.
The development of finance capital enabled a .small
group of powerful industrial capitalists and bankers not

61
only to accumulate great wealthy but also to concentrate
real economic and political power, which makes itself felt
in the entire life of the country, in their hands. These all-
powerful people are those who head the monopolies and
banks and constitute what is called the financial oligarchy.
Proceeding from the fact that the large companies have
now been transformed into share-holders’ companies, in
which even some worker may have a few token shares, the
apologists of capitalism labour to prove that capital has
now allegedly lost the private character which it had in the
time when Marx wrote “Capital”, or when Lenin analysed
imperialism, that it has supposedly become people’s capi-
tal. But this is a fable. Today, as in the past, powerful pri-
vate industrial-financial groups dominate the imperialist
countries: the Rockefellers, Morgans, DuPonts, Mellons,
Fords, the Chicago, Texas, California and other groups in
the United States of America; the financial groups of the
Rothschilds, Behrings, Samuels, etc., in Britain; Krupp,
Siemens, Mannesmann, Thyssen, Gerling, etc, in West
Germany; Fiat, Alfa-Romeo, Montedison, Olivetti, etc., in
Italy; the great families in France, and so on.
As the possessor of industrial, and finance capital, the
financial oligarchy has established its economic and politi-
cal domination over the entire life of the country. It has
even subordinated the state apparatus, which has been
transformed into a tool in the hands of the financial plu-
tocracy, to its own interests. The financial oligarchy dis-
misses and appoints governments, dictates the internal
and foreign policy. In internal life, it is linked with the re-
actionary forces, with all those political, ideological, educa-
tional and cultural institutions which defend its political
and economic power while in foreign policy it defends and
backs up all the conservative and reactionary forces which
support and open the road for its monopoly expansion, and
fight for the preservation and consolidation of capitalism.
The financial oligarchy does not hesitate to use any
means to secure its own domination, establishing political
reaction in all fields.

62
 “....finance capital,” said Lenin, “strives for domina-
tion, not for freedom”*.
The situation today proves that oppression by the mo-
nopoly bourgeoisie has been intensified everywhere. On
this basis, the contradiction between the proletariat and
the bourgeoisie is becoming deeper. At the same time, the
economic and financial expansion, accompanied with po-
litical and military expansion, has further exacerbated the
contradictions between the peoples and imperialism, as
well as the contradictions among the imperialist powers
themselves. The present-day propaganda of the Chinese
revisionists ignores this undeniable objective reality.
The concentration and centralization of banking capital
now takes place, not just in the context of one country, but
in the context of several capitalist, or capitalist and revi-
sionist countries. The joint banks of the European Com-
mon Market, or the “International Bank for Economic Co-
operation-, as well as the Investment Bank of Comecon,
are of this character. Similarly, the combinations of the
West-German-Polish or the Anglo-Rumanian, Franco-
Rumanian or Anglo-Hungarian banks, or the American-
Yugoslav, Anglo-Yugoslav or other banking corporations
are banking unions of the capitalist type. The Soviet Union
has opened up many banks in a number of capitalist coun-
tries and these have become competitors and partners of
capitalist banks wherever they have been established, in
Zürich, London, Paris, Africa, Latin America, and else-
where.
China, too, is being sucked deeper and deeper into the
whirlpool of this process of the capitalist integration of
banks. Apart from the banks it has in Hong-Kong, Macao
and Singapore, tomorrow China will be setting up banks in
Japan, America, and elsewhere. At the same time, it is
permitting the banks of imperialist powers to penetrate
China.
Lenin emphasized that present-day capitalism is
characterized by the export of capital. Today this eco-

*
V. I. Lenin, Collected Works, vol. 23, p. 124 (Alb. ed.).
63
nomic feature of imperialism has been further developed
and strengthened. The biggest exporters of capital in the
world today are the United States of America, Japan, the
Soviet Union, the Federal German Republic, Britain and
France.
For a certain period, capital was exported by the
United States of America, Britain, France and Germany,
countries with developed industry, which sucked from
colonies the riches of the land and those that lay below its
surface. Later, as a consequence of the war and crises,
some imperialist powers such as Britain, France, Ger-
many, were weakened economically, while American impe-
rialism enriched itself and became a superpower. In the
situation created after the Second World War the torrent
of exports of American capital was very detrimental to the
other capitalist powers.
Today, American capital is exported to all countries,
even to the industrialized ones, in the form of investments,
credits, loans, in the form of co-operation in joint compa-
nies or through the setting up of large industrial compa-
nies. American imperialism, monopoly capital, invests in
the undeveloped and poor countries, because there produc-
tion costs are low, while the level of exploitation of working
people is high. It invests in order to secure raw materials,
to monopolize markets, to sell its industrial products.
It is known that the development of capitalist countries
takes place unevenly therefore the big monopolies and
companies of the United States of America and the other
countries export capital precisely to those countries in
which economic development requires investments and
technology.
The capital invested brings fabulous profits to the fi-
nancial concerns and monopolies, because in the poor, un-
developed countries, land is very cheap and large tracts of
it, together with its riches, can be purchased with little
money. Labour power is cheap, too, because people on the
verge of starvation are forced to work for very low pay. It
has been calculated that for every dollar invested in these
countries, the imperialist powers make a profit of 5 dollars.

64
 According to American official data, during the 1971-
1975 period alone, direct investments from the United
States of America in the new states totalled 6.5 billion dol-
lars, while the profits it made in these countries over the
same period amounted to nearly 30 billion dollars’.
In order to disguise the export of capital, the imperial-
ist powers also resort to the practice of according credits.
Through these so-called credits or aid, the big capitalist
concerns and the states to which they belong bring great
pressure to bear on the recipient states and peoples, and
keep them under control. The “aid” or credits to the unde-
veloped countries originate from the plunder of the wealth
of these countries as well as from the exploitation of the
working masses of the developed countries and are given to
the wealthy of the undeveloped countries. In other words,
this means that the big US monopolies, for example, fatten
on the sweat of both the American people and the other
peoples, and when they export capital and accord credits,
these represent, precisely, the ,sweat and blood of these
peoples. On the other hand, these credits, which the big
monopolies provide for the countries of the so-called third
world, in fact, serve the feudal-bourgeois classes which
rule these countries.
The credits the new states receive are links of the im-
perialist chain around the necks of their own peoples. As
the statistical data show, the debts of these countries dou-
ble every five years. From nearly 8.5 billion dollars in
1955, the debts of the undeveloped countries to the imperi-
alist powers had risen to over 150 billion dollars in 1977.
World capitalism has developed technology and exper-
tise in its own interests, in order to multiply its profits
from the discovery of underground resources, the intensifi-
cation of agriculture, etc. All this technology, the technical-
scientific revolution itself, and the new methods of eco-
nomic exploitation serve imperialism, the capitalist mo-
nopolies, but not the peoples. Capitalism never makes in-
vestments, provides loans, or exports capital to other coun-
tries without first calculating the profits it will realize for
itself. The big monopolies and banks, which have spread
their spider’s web all over the capitalist and revisionist

65
world, never accord credits unless they are presented with
concrete data about the income to be made from the exploi-
tation of a mine, the land, the extraction of oil or water
from a desert, etc.
There are also other forms of according credits, like
those practised with those pseudo-socialist states which
are trying to disguise the capitalist course on which they
are proceeding. These are large credits provided in the
form of trade credits its which, of course, must be repaid
within a short time. These are provided jointly by many
capitalist countries which have calculated in advance the
economic as well as political profits they will draw from
the recipient state, taking into account both its economic
Potential and ability to pay. In no case do the capitalists
provide their credits for the construction of socialism. They
provide them to destroy socialism. Therefore, a genuine
socialist country never accepts credits, ill any form, from a
capitalist, bourgeois, or revisionist country.
Like the Khrushchevite Soviet revisionist, the Chinese
revisionists, also, employ many slogans, many quotations,
build many phrases which sound “Leninist”, “revolution-
ary”, but their real activity is reactionary, counterrevolu-
tionary. The Chinese leaders try to present even their Op-
portunist stands towards, and relations with, the imperial-
ist countries as if they are in the interest of socialism.
These revisionists use this camouflage with the intention
of keeping the masses of the Proletariat and the people in
the dark, so that they will not be able to transform their
discontent into a powerful means to carry out the revolu-
tion.
Let us take, for example, the question of the economic
construction of the country, the development of the social-
ist economy relying on one’s own forces. This principle is
correct. Every independent, sovereign socialist state must
mobilize the entire people, and define its economic policy
correctly, must take all measures for the proper and most
rational exploitation of all the wealth of the country, and
administer this wealth thriftily, must increase it in the
interest of its own people and must not allow it to be plun-
dered by others. This is a main, basic orientation for every

66
socialist country, while aid from abroad, aid from other
socialist countries, is supplementary.
The credits two socialist countries accord each other
have quite a different character. These credits constitute
disinterested internationalist aid. Internationalist aid
never engenders capitalism, never impoverishes the
masses of the people, on the contrary, it helps develop in-
dustry and agriculture, serves their harmonization, leads
to the improvement of the well-being of the working
masses, to the strengthening of socialism.
In the first place, the economically developed socialist
states ought to assist the other socialist countries. This
does not mean that a socialist country should not develop
relations also with the other non-socialist countries. But
these must be economic relations on the bases of mutual
interest and must not in any way make the economy of a
socialist, or any other non-socialist country, dependent on
the more powerful countries. If these relations among
states are based on the exploitation of small, economically
weak states by big and powerful states, then such “aid”
must be rejected, for it is enslaving.
Lenin says that finance capital has cast, in the literal
meaning of the word, its nets over all the countries of the
world. The capitalists’ monopolies, cartels and syndicates
work systematically, first they seize the internal market of
their own country, get industry, agriculture, under their
control, enslave the working class and other working peo-
ple, make superprofits, and then create great possibilities
to monopolize markets all over the world. Finance capital
plays a direct role in this.
We see today, and this completely tallies with Lenin’s
teachings on imperialism as the final stage of capitalism,
that the two superpowers, American imperialism and So-
viet social-imperialism, are contending over the division of
the world, to capture markets. The problem of oil, for in-
stance, which has become acute throughout the world, is,
first of all, the domain of the big American monopoly com-
panies, but British, Dutch, and other oil companies are
also involved in them. The Americans are manoeuvring on
the problem of oil in order to have a complete monopoly of

67
it. They have invested big capital and established large-
scale equipment in the oil producing countries, such as
Saudi Arabia, Iran, etc., and have got the ruling cliques of
these countries into their clutches, by corrupting kings,
sheiks, and imams with large sums of dollars. The rulers of
the oil producing countries are allowed by the financial
plutocracy of these countries to invest in the United States
of America, Britain and elsewhere, even to buy shares in
various monopoly companies, as well as luxury hotels, fac-
tories, etc.
Saudi Arabia, for instance, is a semi-feudal country
where poverty and obscurantism reign, although it ex-
tracts 420 million tons of oil a year while the working
masses live in poverty, the king and the big landowner
class have deposited over 40 billion dollars in the Wall
Street banks alone. The situation is the same in Kuwait,
the United Arab Emirates, and elsewhere. These cliques
make all sorts of concessions to the imperialist powers to
plunder the assets of the peoples of the countries where
they rule, with the aim of getting a share of the profits for
themselves.
The investments made by the oil producing countries,
and which are the property of the ruling cliques, constitute
a union, of course, on a very small scale, of the capital of
these cliques with American or British capital. On the face
of it, it seems as if the ruling cliques of the oil producing
countries have a sort of partnership of investments with
American, British, or French imperialism, and allegedly
influence the economies of the latter. In reality, quite the
opposite is the case. The profits of American imperialists
and the other imperialists are enormously big in compari-
son with the profits allocated to these cliques.
This is a characteristic of present-day neo-colonialism,
which, in order to be able to exploit the riches of some
countries to the maximum, makes some cautious conces-
sions in favour of the bourgeois-capitalist, or feudal ruling
groups, of course, not to its own detriment. This example
confirms the correctness of Lenin’s thesis, that the inter-
ests of the bourgeoisie of various countries can very easily
become interlocked, just as the interests of private mo-

68
nopolies can be interlocked with those of state monopolies.
The big monopolies may also combine with the monopolies
which are less powerful but which control great assets, es-
pecially underground resources, such as iron chromium,
copper, uranium, and other mines.
Government loans, credits and “aid” have become one
of the most widespread forms of the export of capital today.
This kind of export is practised by the Soviet Union and
the other revisionist countries, in particular.
Apart from the extraction of capitalist profits, these
credits, this “aid” and loans also have political objectives.
The states which accord the credits aim to support and
consolidate the political and economic power of particular
cliques, which defend the economic, political and military
interests of the creditor country. As the agreements on
such credits are concluded between governments, they
make the economic and political dependence of the debtor
on the creditor even greater. A classical example of this
form of capital export is the “Marshall Plan”, which, after
the Second World War, became the economic basis for the
political and military expansion of the United States of
America in the countries of Western Europe. The so-called
aid which the Soviet revisionists provide allegedly for the
development of the economy and the setting up of the state
sector of industry in such countries as India, Iraq, and
elsewhere, is of the same nature.
At present, American imperialism, Soviet social-
imperialism, and the capitalism of the industrialized coun-
tries have reached such a stage of development that the
profit they realize from the accumulation of capital has
grown extremely. The accumulation of capital creates large
profits, which go into the pockets of the monopolists, the
financial oligarchy, who do not put this income at the ser-
vice of the poverty-stricken working people, but export it to
those countries from which other, greater profits may ac-
crue to them. These are the countries which China calls
the “third world”. However, they make investments of this
kind in the developed capitalist countries, too.
Many books have been written about the process of
Penetration of American capital into Europe and its politi-

69
cal and economic aims. A clear picture of this is given in
the book by the American author Geoffrey Owen. At the
beginning of the chapter “The International Companies” he
says that the development of American investments
abroad has been made according to the concept that the
American firms represent not companies with overseas in-
terests, but international companies. The headquarters of
these companies are in the United States of America. This
means that the various big American firms think not only
of covering their own country and the needs of industry
and clients within the United States of America, but also of
extending their networks to foreign countries. These com-
panies invest their “excess capital” in other countries in
order to make bigger profits. Such giant corporations as
“Socony Mobil”, “Standard Oil of New Jersey”, etc., make
nearly half their profits from the plunder and exploitation
of foreign countries. About 500 companies secure profits of
about 10 billion dollars outside the country every year.
There are more than 3,000 such enterprises with invest-
ments in foreign countries. This is how such formulas and
terms as “multinational companies”, or “international capi-
talism”, etc., have come into, daily use in journalism and
banking operations.
Geoffrey Owen says that in 1929 over 1,300 European
companies were owned or controlled by American firms.
This was the first stage of the American offensive on Euro-
pean industry. The pressure of the Second World War,
which was being prepared, temporarily halted the invasion
Of American capital. From 1929 up till 1946, the amount
of direct investments by American companies in other
countries of the world fell from 7,500 million to 7,200 mil-
lion dollars. However, after the Second World War, in
1950, the amount of American investments abroad had
risen to 11,200 million, half of it concentrated in the Latin-
American countries and Canada. The investments in Latin
America were made to exploit the raw materials: oil, cop-
per, iron ore, bauxites, as well as bananas and other agri-
cultural products. In Canada they were mainly in mining
and oil and developed on a wide scale because of its prox-
imity and other conditions facilitating penetration.

70
 The Europe of the 1950’s also became another impor-
tant target for American investments. Investments on this
continent were extended rapidly in communications, mass
production goods and complex equipment. Together with
investments, American goods and products poured in.
The author in question points out that the situation
created after the Second World War in the capitalist mar-
ket gave an even greater impulse to American invest-
ments. Here are the figures on the increase of these in-
vestments abroad: in 1946 they totalled 7,200 million and
then they began to rise to 11,200 million in 1950, 44,300
million in 1964 and over 60,000 million dollars in 1977.
By incessantly extending their operations on a world-
wide scale, the American companies have made the compe-
tition with the local firms much fiercer and increased the
fear of domination by the American giants. This problem is
even more acute in the undeveloped countries where the
American firms dominate the key branches of industry and
exercise a preponderant influence in the national economy
of these countries. In other words, these giant American
companies control the local economies and governments
and in fact they run them. The prolonged struggle which
went on between the American oil companies and the
Mexican Government and which ended in 1938 with the
collapse of the Mexican Government’s policy of opposition,
is well known. There was a similar outcome to the struggle
between the British oil monopoly and the Iranian Govern-
ment, which resulted in the toppling of Mossadeq. Such
ruinous conflicts are going on all the time and they end
with the triumph of the big American trusts.
The big oil companies operate world-wide. For them it
has become normal and necessary to completely control all
the capital and production of this branch, to control gov-
ernments, etc., in the countries where they have invested,
because, if they lacked these possibilities, then difficulties
would arise in the co-ordination of their activity on a world
scale. This is why the big foreign companies oppose the ef-
forts of the local capitalists to get a bigger share in the
profits than that the American investors or those of other
imperialist countries allow them.

71
 The American companies in Europe, Canada, Asia, Af-
rica, and elsewhere, have created such a situation that in
practice they control the economies of many countries. The
governments of these countries stand in great fear of the
United States of America, which has made itself the lead-
ership* of the European economy, just as it has done in
military matters. Therefore, the industrialized capitalist
countries of Europe try to hinder the invasion of American
capital which has been and is pouring in ever greater
amounts into them.
The Chinese leadership claims that the European
states, industrialized since the 19th century, are making
more investments in the United States of America. But it
is known that while the investments of European capital in
the United States are made mainly in the form of securi-
ties, shares, bonds, deposits, etc., the American invest-
ments in Europe have dominant positions in the most im-
portant branches of the European economy.
Endeavouring to justify the increase of American in-
vestments, Geoffrey Owen claims that the European coun-
tries want and are making efforts to develop their indus-
tries on scientific bases, as, for instance, the electronics
and computer industries. These industries contribute to a
certain extent to technical progress, the rise of exports and
the overall economic growth of these countries.
But the American companies are more advanced in this
field than their European rivals and they control this tech-
nical progress in their own interests. In computer manu-
facturing, for instance, the respective European companies
have established close links to protect themselves against
competition from the American “International Business
Machine” (IBM) corporation which controls more than 70
percent of the American market and an even greater pro-
portion of the world market.
Likewise, the big American companies have the ten-
dency to embark on joint ventures with the local enter-
prises. In order to camouflage their exploitation, many
firms avoid having one hundred per cent ownership of sub-

*
English in the original.
72
sidiaries, and set up companies on a 49-51 percent or 50-50
joint investment basis. That is how the Americans have
gone about it in Japan, and that is how they have gone
about it in Yugoslavia, too, which tries to create the im-
pression that it is building socialism, relying on its own
forces, whereas in reality the Titoites have divided Yugo-
slavia economically among the United States of America
and the big firms of the developed industrial countries. By
doing so, the Titoites have also restricted the freedom and
independence of Yugoslavia.
There is a tendency among many of these big American
companies, like “General Motors”, “Ford”, “Chrysler”,
“General Electric”, etc., to have, in fact, 100 percent own-
ership of their subsidiaries in foreign countries. However,
these subsidiaries, according to Owen, never forget the
problem of nationalization, and their answer to this is that
“it is not a question of setting up companies with local in-
vestors, but of encouraging international ownership of the
shares in the mother companies”. This is the concept of the
“international” of capitalism, of which “General Motors”, in
particular, is the ardent champion.
These orientations of imperialist American capital or of
the American industrial establishment which invests out-
side the United States of America in order to create its
colonies and empire, are just a few facts which clearly il-
lustrate the thesis that US imperialism has not been
weakened in the least, despite what the Chinese revision-
ists Pretend. On the contrary, it has grown stronger, has
gained large concessions in foreign countries and is run-
ning many important branches of their economy. It has
also caused the governments of .other countries innumer-
able difficulties, frequently makes the law in these coun-
tries, and has many governments under its control and di-
rection. Of course, this process has its ups and downs, but
the general trend does not indicate the weakening of US
imperialism.
We are now living at a time when another superpower,
Soviet social-imperialism, is exporting its capital and is
bent on exploiting the different peoples. The capital ex-
ported by this superpower results from the surplus value

73
realized in the Soviet Union, which has been transformed
into a capitalist country.
The restoration of capitalism has led to a polarization
of the present-day Soviet society, in which a small section
rules and exploits the overwhelming majority of the people.
Now, the stratum consisting of the bureaucrats, the tech-
nocrats and the upper creative intelligentsia has been cre-
ated and assumed the form of a separate bourgeois, ex-
ploiting class which appropriates and divides up the sur-
plus value extracted from the savage exploitation of the
working class and the broad working masses. Unlike the
countries of classical capitalism, where this surplus value
is appropriated in proportion to the amount of capital of
each capitalist, in the Soviet Union and the other revision-
ist countries it is distributed according to the position peo-
ple of the higher bourgeois stratum occupy in the state,
economic, scientific, and cultural hierarchy, etc. The high
salaries, routine and special bonuses, prizes and stimuli,
privileges, etc., have been built up into a whole institution
for the appropriation of the surplus value extracted from
the toil and sweat of the working people. The stratum
which represents the “collective capitalist” protects this
plunder through a host of laws and norms, which guaran-
tee the capitalist oppression and exploitation.
The Soviet economy has now become integrated into
the system of world capitalism. While American, German,
Japanese and other capital has penetrated deeply into the
Soviet Union, Soviet capital is being exported to other
countries and, in various forms, is merging with local capi-
tal.
It is common knowledge that the Soviet Union eco-
nomically exploits the satellite countries, in the first place.
But now it is competing and contesting with the other
capitalist states for markets, spheres of investment, for the
plunder of raw materials, the preservation of neo-
colonialist laws in world trade, etc.
Bent on extending its hegemony, the new Soviet bour-
geoisie exports capital, but here it comes up against com-
petition not only from US imperialism, which is very pow-
erful, but also from the other developed capitalist states,

74
such as Japan, Britain, West Germany, France, etc. In
their quest for superprofits, these states export capital not
only to Africa, Asia and Latin America, but also to the East
European countries which are under the tutelage of the
revisionist Soviet Union, and export capital even to the
Soviet Union itself.
The ruling cliques of the so-called socialist countries,
like the Soviet Union, Czechoslovakia, Poland, etc., and
now China, too, allow foreign capital to flow into their
countries, because this capital serves the ruling cliques,
while it is a heavy burden on the peoples. The Comecon
countries are up to their necks in debt. They are in debt to
the Western countries to the tune of 50 billion dollars.
Yugoslavia was one of the first revisionist countries to
allow the penetration of foreign capital into its economy.
First it received credits, then bought licences, and later
went over to setting up joint enterprises. In Yugoslavia a
law was adopted in 1967, which permitted the creation of
joint enterprises, in which 49 percent of capital was owned
by foreign companies. In 1977, there were 170 such enter-
prises in Yugoslavia. Yugoslavia has ensured the most fa-
vourable conditions for the capitalist firms to carry out
their activity and ensure maximum profits.
The Yugoslav phenomenon proves that the foreign
capital invested in Yugoslavia is one of the decisive factors
which has turned it into a capitalist country. The United
States of America and the other wealthy capitalist states
have lost nothing by these investments. On the contrary,
they have made huge profits, while increasing the misery
of the working class and the peasantry of Yugoslavia.
Lenin said that the exporting of capital is a solid basis for
the exploitation of the majority of the nations and coun-
tries of the world, for the capitalist parasitism of a handful
of very rich states.
The capitalist states will make huge profits in China,
too. We see that US, Japanese, West-German and other
capital is now pouring in there in billions of dollars.
Agreements have been signed with the Japanese for the
joint exploitation of oil fields and the power resources of
the Yangtze River. An agreement has been concluded with

75
the Germans for the building of coal mines, etc. The in-
vestments which are being and will be made in China will
certainly bring the foreign capitalists handsome profits,
but at the same time they will strengthen the bases of
capitalism in China.
The exporting of capital from one capitalist country to
another capitalist or revisionist country, no matter
whether the state which gives or receives it is big or small,
is always one of the forms of exploitation of the peoples by
capital. This exploitation brings about the economic and
political dependence of the recipient country.
Lenin pointed out that, after capturing the home
market, the monopolies engage in economic struggle
to redivide and capture the world market for indus-
trialized goods and raw materials. Competition and
their greed for profits impel the monopolists of different
countries to reach temporary agreements, to enter into al-
liances and combinations with one another in order to di-
vide the international markets for the sale of finished
goods and the purchase of raw materials. Even when they
possess reserves of raw materials and energy, the devel-
oped capitalist states turn their attack on other countries,
since production costs in these countries are lower than in
their own countries and workers’ wages, especially, are
several times lower. The struggle that has been waged and
is still going on to capture oil resources and markets is no-
torious. As a result of this struggle scores and hundreds of
private enterprises and companies have been ruined and
the international oil cartel, which comprises 7 big monopo-
lies (5 American, 1 British and 1 British-Dutch, the notori-
ous Esso, Texaco, Shell, etc.), have managed to gain control
over 60 percent of the oil extraction and oil sales in the
capitalist countries of the Western world, and about 54
percent of its processing.
A similar division of resources and markets exists to-
day for copper and tin minerals, for uranium and other
valuable strategic minerals. Many of the old colonialist
countries like Britain and France have concluded special,
so-called preferential agreements of co-operation etc. with
the former colonial countries, which ensure them almost

76
exclusive economic and commercial privileges. The so-
called dollar, sterling, franc, or ruble areas indicate an
economic division of the world among the monopolies and
various imperialist states.
US imperialism, Soviet social-imperialism and the
other imperialist powers ensure maximum profits in dif-
ferent ways, through the discriminatory and unequal trade
they carry on with these countries. Today the developing
countries alone, excluding the OPEC countries, have a
debit balance which amounts to about 34 billion dollars.
In the present conditions, especially now in the condi-
tions of the economic crisis, the monopolies conclude direct
agreements also with the governments of capitalist coun-
tries on production quotas, prices, markets, etc. The exis-
tence of such organisms as the European Common Market,
Comecon, etc., is also clear evidence of the economic divi-
sion of the world which exists today.
This economic division of the world, the domination of
monopolies, their dictate over the life and economic devel-
opment of other countries is making the contradiction be-
tween labour and capital, as well as the contradictions be-
tween the peoples and imperialism, and the inter-
imperialist contradictions, much more severe.
The Chinese theory of the “three worlds”, which seeks
to reconcile the “third world” with the “second world” and
with US imperialism, is out of step with this reality. It
does not want to see that the relentless offensive of Ameri-
can, British, German, Japanese, French and other monopo-
lies towards what China calls the “third world” is increas-
ing the resistance of the peoples to all imperialist and he-
gemony-seeking powers and extending the objective condi-
tions for the irreconcilable struggle among them. On the
other hand, the unequal development of imperialist pow-
ers, which is an objective law of the development of capital-
ism, drives them to competition and abrasive frictions with
one another, in their quest for economic expansion every-
where in the world.
The Chinese theory of “three worlds”, which seeks to
reconcile these contradictions and advocates precisely
what social-democracy and the revisionists of every hue

77
have long been preaching, is in flagrant opposition to the
Leninist strategy, which, far from denying these contradic-
tions, aims to deepen them in order to prepare the prole-
tariat for revolution and the peoples for liberation.
In his analysis of imperialism, Lenin pointed out that,
with the transition of pre-monopoly capitalism to its high-
est and last stage, the stage of imperialism, the terri-
torial division of the world among the great imperi-
alist powers is completed.
“...the characteristic feature of the period under re-
view is the final partition of the globe, final not in
the sense that repartition is impossible; on the con-
trary, repartitions are possible and inevitable – but
in the sense that the colonial policy of the capitalist
countries has completed the seizure of unoccupied
territories on our planet. For the first time, the
world is completely divided up, so that in the future
only re-division is possible, that is, territories can
only pass from one ‘owner’ to another...”*.
Since the Second World War, the old classical colonial-
ism, which exploited most of the peoples of the world
physically, economically, politically and ideologically, has
been transformed into a new colonialism. This new coloni-
alism comprises an entire system of economic, political,
military and ideological measures, which imperialism has
built up with the aim of maintaining its domination and
ensuring political control and economic exploitation of the
former colonies and many other countries, while adapting
itself to the new conditions created after the war.
What are these new conditions?
After the war, the imperialist countries France, Brit-
ain, Italy, Germany, Japan and America were not in a po-
sition to maintain the situation which existed before the
war by force. France, for instance, could no longer keep
Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, and other countries of Africa in
a colonial status, as it did in the past. The same can be
said also of British, Italian, and other imperialisms.

*
V. I. Lenin, Collected Works, vol. 22, pp. 308-309 (Alb. ed.).
78
 The Second World War brought about a radical change
in the ratio of forces in the world. It led to the defeat of the
great fascist powers, but it also greatly weakened the old
colonialist powers and shook them to their foundations.
Everywhere, even in the countries which were not involved
in the cyclone, the anti-fascist war gave rise to the problem
of national liberation. Those peoples of the former colonial
countries, which took part in the war together with the
countries of the antifascist coalition in order to escape the
fascist yoke, could not return to colonial bondage or toler-
ate it any longer. The victory of the Soviet Union over na-
zism, the creation of the socialist camp, China’s liberation,
gave a very powerful impulse to the awakening of the peo-
ples’ national consciousness and their liberation struggle.
The broad masses of the peoples in the colonies came to
understand that the former situation had to be changed.
Liberation wars broke out in Indochina, North Africa, and
elsewhere.
Forced by this situation, many colonialist countries re-
alized that the old method of exploitation and administra-
tion of colonies without any sort of freedom and independ-
ence was outdated.
The colony-owning imperialist powers reached this
conclusion not because of their democratic feelings or their
desire to give the peoples freedom, but because of the pres-
sure by the colonized peoples and because these powers
were militarily, economically, politically, and ideologically
too weak to maintain the old colonialism. But French, Brit-
ish Italian, American and other imperialisms did not want
to give up the exploitation of these peoples and countries.
In the existing circumstances each imperialist power was
obliged to grant autonomy to these peoples or to promise
them freedom and independence after a certain time. Dur-
ing this period, which they allowed allegedly for the crea-
tion of the consciousness of self-government and the train-
ing of local cadres for this, their real aim was to prepare
other, new forms of imperialist exploitation, the new colo-
nialism, while creating the false impression among these
countries and peoples that allegedly they had won their
freedom. This was a stage after the war when world impe-

79
rialism suffered a great defeat, when the crisis of the colo-
nial system of imperialism became even more pronounced.
At this period of the decay of capitalism, as a result of the
weakening of imperialism by the Second World War, the
United States of America seized the opportunity and sad-
dled the colonial peoples, who were allegedly free and in-
dependent, with a new, more intensive exploitation. It ex-
tended its imperialist power over the former colonies of the
other imperialist powers, which had already been weak-
ened in one way or another.
Although they had won recognition of that sort of “in-
dependence” and freedom., which the former colonialist
powers granted them, many former colonial peoples were
forced to take up arms, because the imperialists were not
disposed to give them this “freedom” and this “independ-
ence” immediately. The French imperialists, in particular,
even after the war, were still trying to preserve the power
of France, or its grandeur. Thus, the peoples of Algeria,
Vietnam, and many others started their protracted strug-
gle for liberation and, in the end, they won it. Here we are
not going into detail about how they achieved it, which
were the social forces that fought, etc. The fact is that the
old French and British imperialism was weakened. Thus
Lenin’s theses that imperialism was in decay, that the old
capitalist-imperialist society was being eroded by the revo-
lutionary movements and the freedom-loving aspirations of
the peoples, who had been oppressed and enslaved up till
that time, was confirmed.
During this period American imperialism grew fat, ex-
panded the dollar area, placed territories of the franc and
sterling areas under its control, and, in order to protect its
hegemonic imperialist Power founded on the maximum
exploitation of the peoples, it set up numerous military
bases and established pro-American political cliques in
many of those countries of the world which had allegedly
gained their freedom and independence. This exploitation
was, of course, associated with a series of changes in the
structure and superstructure as well.
Finance capital has also created its own special ideol-
ogy, which precedes it in its exploitation of the proletariat

80
and the conquest of the world. It completes its domination
of the peoples, and justifies this domination by various
sugar-coated forms of bogus freedom, independence, as
well as by creating some so-called democratic parties, etc.
With the creation of banks and multinational compa-
nies, along with US capital investments, the American way
of life, with the degeneration inherent in it, is also ex-
ported.
The export of capital by the big imperialist powers cre-
ates the colonies which, today, are the countries where
neo-colonialism reigns. These countries have an alleged
independence but it is only formal. In other words, now as
in the past, the same process of the export of capital is go-
ing on, though in different forms, with “honeyed” explana-
tions and propaganda. The ruthless exploitation of the
peoples of these countries remains the same or becomes
even more ferocious; and the plunder of natural assets con-
tinues.
The biggest neo-colonialist power of our time is the
United States of America. In the three years, 1973-1975,
the government and private capital investments of the
United States of America in the former colonies, dependent
or semi-dependent countries, represented about 36 percent
of the total investments of the most developed capitalist
and revisionist countries in these regions*.
The economic, political and military treaties and
agreements between the imperialist powers and the former
colonial countries are enslaving, are weapons in the hands
of imperialism to keep these countries in bondage. The
words of Lenin who stressed
“....the need constantly to explain and expose among
the broadest working masses of all countries, and
particularly of the backward countries, the decep-
tion systematically practised by the imperialist
powers which, under the guise of politically inde-
pendent states, in fact, set up states that are wholly

*
Statistical Yearbook of FGR, 1977.
81
 dependent upon them economically, financially and
militarily,”*
are just as valid today as in the past.
In order to keep the peoples under their domination
American imperialism, Soviet social-imperialism and the
other imperialist powers, old or new, incite quarrels wher-
ever they can among neighbour states, or among different
social groups within a given country, and then, in the role
of the judge or the supporter of one side or the other, inter-
fere in the internal affairs of others, and justify their eco-
nomic, political and military presence there. The facts
show that whenever the superpowers have meddled in the
internal affairs of other peoples, the problems have re-
mained unsolved or the result has been the consolidation
of the positions of imperialism and social-imperialism in
these countries. The events in the Middle East, the conflict
between Somalia and Ethiopia, the war between Cambodia
and Vietnam, etc., bear witness to this.
Together with their investments, the United States of
America, the Soviet Union and all the other capitalist
countries consolidate, also, their positions in the countries
which accept these investments, as they struggle for mar-
kets and spheres of influence. This leads to frictions among
different capitalist states, and among big concerns which
are not linked with or interdependent on one another.
These frictions kindle local wars and may even lead to a
general war. As Leninism teaches us, a war that breaks
out for these reasons, whether local or general, has a
predatory and not a liberation character. Only when the
peoples rise against foreign invaders, when they rise
against the local capitalist bourgeoisie, which is closely
linked up with imperialism, social-imperialism and world
capital, is this a just, liberation war.
The representatives of big world capital are indulging
in a great deal of talk about the alleged need for amend-
ments to the present system of international economic re-
lations and the creation of a “new world economic order”,

*
V. I. Lenin, Collected Works, vol. 31, p. 159 (Alb. ed.).
82
which the Chinese leaders, too, support. According to
them, this “new economic order” will serve as a “basis for
global stability”. For their part, the Soviet revisionists
speak about the creation of a so-called new structure of
international economic relations.
These are efforts and plans of imperialist and neo-
colonialist powers, which want to keep neo-colonialism
alive, prolong its existence, and preserve their oppression
and plunder of the peoples. But the laws of the develop-
ment of capitalism and imperialism are subject neither to
the wishes nor to the theoretical inventions of the bour-
geoisie and the revisionists. As Lenin said, the consistent
fight against colonialism and neo-colonialism, the revolu-
tion, is the way out of these contradictions.
In analysing the fundamental economic features of im-
perialism, Lenin also defined its place in history. He
stressed that imperialism is not only the highest stage but
also the final stage of capitalism, the eve of the proletarian
revolution. Lenin pointed out:
“Imperialism is a specific historical stage of capital-
ism... is (1) monopoly capitalism; (2) parasitic or de-
caying capitalism (3) moribund capitalism”*.
The reality of the present-day capitalist world fully
confirms this conclusion.
The economic basis of all the socio-economic ills of im-
perialism, as Lenin proved, is monopoly. Monopolies are
powerless to overcome the contradictions of the capitalist
economy. Lenin linked the parasitism and decay of imperi-
alism organically with the tendency of monopoly to inhibit
the development of the productive forces in general, to
deepen the disproportional development between branches
and of the national economy as a whole, to fail to utilize
the human and material productive capacities, with the
tendency to hinder the application of the new develop-
ments of science and technology to the benefit of the
masses and the progress of the entire society.

*
V. I. Lenin, Collected Works, vol. 23, p. 122 (Alb. ed.).
83
 The greed for profits, the competition, force the mo-
nopolies to invest in advanced technology in the process of
production. But in the entire historical process of the de-
velopment of imperialism, the dominant tendency is to-
wards disproportional development and restraint on devel-
opment.
Expenditure on research and the development of sci-
ence in the field of industry, and especially the war indus-
try, in the United States of America, for instance, has in-
creased from 2 billion dollars in 1950, to almost 11 billion
in 1965, and about 30 billion in 1972. Frequently the big
firms come up against difficulties in scientific research, but
once something is discovered, they buy up the patents and
hire qualified workers; however they apply the research
only when their own interests require this. Naturally, the
most important sectors, which present more interest for
investments in the field of development and the technical
revolution, have priority, because they offer greater possi-
bilities for profits. War industry tops the list, as it is here
that the rate of profit is highest. For example, in 1964 the
United States of America invested 3,565 million dollars in
scientific research in the sector of aviation and missiles. In
the same year, 1,000,537 thousand dollars were invested in
the electrical and telecommunications industry, 196 mil-
lion in the chemical industry, 136 million in the machine-
building industry, 174 million in the automobile industry,
172 million in scientific instruments, 38 million in the rub-
ber industry, 8 million in the oil industry, 9 million in the
methane industry, etc.
In today’s conditions the militarization of the economy,
as a manifestation of the decay of imperialism, has become
a characteristic feature of all the capitalist and revisionist
countries. But the process of the militarization of the econ-
omy has assumed unprecedented proportions, especially in
the United States of America and the Soviet Union. The
direct military spending by both sides has increased to as-
tronomical proportions, reaching a joint total of over 240
billion dollars a year. In their policy of hegemony and
world domination, the United States of America and the
Soviet Union are also making extensive use of the arms

84
trade, which is another clear expression of the decay of im-
perialism. Every year they sell more than 20 billion dollars
worth of weapons. The other imperialist states, such as
Britain, West Germany, France, Italy, etc., also engage in
selling arms. The regular customers of this imperialist
trade are such reactionary and fascist cliques as those of
Chile, Brazil, Argentine, Israel, Spain, South Korea, Rho-
desia, the South African Union, etc. Also numbered among
these customers are the countries rich in strategic raw ma-
terials or oil, to which the imperialists offer their weapons
as a bait to induce them to allow the plunder of their
wealth. The ever more frequent outbreak of economic cri-
ses of overproduction is clear proof of the decay and para-
sitism of present-day monopoly capitalism. The outbreak of
crises, which have now become very deep, confirms the cor-
rectness of the Marxist theory on anarchic, spontaneous
and disproportional character of production and consump-
tion, and refutes the bourgeois “theories” on the develop-
ment of capitalism “without crises”, or the transformation
of capitalism into “regulated capitalism”.
The general law of capitalist accumulation discovered
by Marx, that the impoverishment of working people
grows, on the one hand, while the profits of the capitalists
increase, on the other hand, is operating with ever greater
force in capitalist society today. The process of the polari-
zation of society into proletarians and into bourgeois, who
represent a limited number of people, is deepening. The
present-day imperialist system, which has greater eco-
nomic possibilities to corrupt the upper strata of the prole-
tariat, the worker aristocracy, has increased the latter to
very large proportions. The financial oligarchy is making
extensive use of this aristocracy today, to deceive and con-
fuse the proletariat, to dampen its revolutionary ardour. It
is from this worker aristocracy that those whom Lenin
calls socialists in words but imperialists in deeds, usually
emerge. Social-democracy, the “bourgeois workers’ par-
ties”, the opportunist leaders of trade-unions, the modern
revisionists, etc., all come within this description of
Lenin’s. Lenin stresses that imperialism is linked with op-

85
portunism, that the opportunists assist to preserve and
strengthen imperialism. He says:
“the most dangerous of all are those who do not
wish to understand that the fight against imperial-
ism is a sham and humbug unless it is inseparably
bound up with the fight against opportunism”*.
The decay of imperialism is clearly seen also in the
growth and intensification of reaction in all fields, and es-
pecially in the political and social fields. As practice con-
firms, when the monopoly bourgeoisie sees that the class
struggle is becoming acute, it casts off all disguise and de-
nies the working, masses even those few rights they have
won by shedding their blood. The fascist regimes and dic-
tatorships which have been established in many countries
of the world are evidence of this.
All this rotten system, which is in a chaotic state, is
propped up by a huge praetorian army, by very large num-
bers of police mobilized and armed to the teeth. All these
military and police forces are set in motion to prevent or
suppress any kind of resistance which goes beyond the lim-
its defined by a jungle of laws made by the ruling bour-
geoisie. The cadres of the armed forces and other instru-
ments of oppression live in affluence and receive fat sala-
ries. In Italy, for instance, you hear nothing but talk about
the army, the police, the carabinieri, about security agents
who are decorated, but also killed. In this very confused
situation which prevails in the bourgeois states, gangster-
ism has developed and become widespread, and this is
bred by the capitalist order itself. It is an expression of its
degeneration, a reflection of the desperation and confusion
to which the bourgeois system of oppression and exploita-
tion gives rise. The bourgeoisie tries to prevent those cases
of gangsterism which cause it problems and worry the
bourgeois state. But it incites and uses gangsterism to ter-
rorize the broad working masses who live in poverty. In
many capitalist countries gangsterism has become an in-
dustry and has extended from robbing banks and stores to

*
V. I. Lenin, Collected Works, vol. 22, p. 367 (Alb. ed.).
86
kidnapping people and holding them to ransom for large
sums of money. In some countries gangsterism has been
organized in different groupings. These groupings often
have names with a “revolutionary”, or “communist”, sound.
The bourgeoisie allows them a free hand to operate in or-
der to prepare the situation for, and justify the staging of,
a fascist coup d’état. In order to discredit the revolution
and socialism, this gangster activity is publicized as
though it is carried out by “communist groups” which are
allegedly operating against the bourgeois order. As a con-
clusion, we can say that in the present situation of imperi-
alism as a whole, of US imperialism, Soviet social-
imperialism, as well as other imperialisms, imperialism of
whatever description is at the stage of weakening and de-
cay, and that the old society will be overthrown to its foun-
dations by the revolution, and will be replaced by a new
society, socialist society, This new socialist society exists
and will extend, it will develop, gain ground regardless of
the fact that the Soviet revisionists betrayed socialism in
the Soviet Union, regardless of the fact that opportunism
prevails in China and a new social-imperialism is rising
there, regardless of the fact that capitalism has been re-
stored in the erstwhile countries of people’s democracy.
Socialism will pursue its own course and will triumph over
world imperialism and capitalism through struggle and
efforts, but never, in any way, through reforms and peace-
ful parliamentary roads, as Khrushchev preached and as
all the revisionists are preaching. It will triumph by re-
maining loyal to the Leninist theory on imperialism and
the proletarian revolution and never by following the pre-
sent-day revisionist theories which proclaim state monop-
oly capitalism to be an allegedly new, special stage of capi-
talism, to be the “birth of socialist elements in the bosom of
capitalism”.
Proceeding from Lenin’s conclusions on the nature of
imperialism and its place in history, as a result of the con-
tradictions eroding it from within and people’s liberation
and revolutionary struggles, the whole of world imperial-
ism as a social system no longer has that undivided power
to dominate it once possessed. This is the dialectics of his-

87
tory and it confirms the Marxist-Leninist thesis that impe-
rialism is on the decline, in decadence and decay.
The trend towards the weakening of capitalism and
imperialism is the main trend of world history today. Marx
and Lenin argued this on the basis of concrete facts, his-
torical events, and materialistic dialectics. The trend to-
wards united efforts by states opposed to imperialism also
leads to the weakening of imperialism. But this latter ten-
dency, which China absolutizes without making the neces-
sary differentiations, without studying the particular
situations, does not lead to the correct road. While claim-
ing that US imperialism is in decline and less powerful
than Soviet social-imperialism, while proclaiming the third
world as the main motive force of the epoch, in practice the
Chinese leaders are encouraging capitulation and submis-
sion to the bourgeoisie.
It is true that the peoples want liberation, but they can
gain this liberation only through struggle, through efforts,
and headed by a militant leadership. Marx, Engels, Lenin
and Stalin teach us that this leadership is the proletariat
of each country. But the Proletariat and its Marxist-
Leninist parties must make thorough-going political, eco-
nomic and military analyses, weigh everything in the bal-
ance, make decisions and define the appropriate strategy
and tactics, always bearing in mind the preparation and
carrying out of the revolution. If the revolution is forgot-
ten, as it is by the Chinese, neither the analyses, actions,
strategy, nor the tactics can be Marxist-Leninist and revo-
lutionary.
We cannot have any illusions about imperialism of any
kind, either powerful or less powerful. Imperialism from its
nature creates the conditions for economic and political
expansion, for unleashing wars, because its character is
essentially exploitative, aggressive. Therefore, to deceive
the masses of the peoples who want liberation, that they
will achieve this if they are guided by such revisionist
theories as that of “three worlds”, is to perpetrate a crime
against the peoples and the revolution.
Our epoch, as Lenin teaches us, is the epoch of imperi-
alism and proletarian revolutions. We Marxist-Leninists

88
must understand from this that we have to combat world
imperialism, any imperialism, any capitalist power, which
exploits the proletariat and the peoples, with the greatest
severity. We stress the Leninist thesis that the revolution
is now on the order of the day. The world is going to ad-
vance towards a new society which will be the socialist so-
ciety. World capitalism, imperialism and social-
imperialism will become even more decayed and will come
to an end through the revolution.
Lenin teaches us that we must fight imperialism to
the finish, must criticize it in the broad sense of the
term and rouse the oppressed classes against the
policy of imperialism, against the bourgeoisie. The
Marxist-Leninist analysis of the development of imperial-
ism today clearly shows that nothing in Lenin’s analysis
and conclusions on the nature and features of imperialism
and the revolution can be altered. The attempts of all op-
portunists, from the social-democrats down to the
Khrushchevite and Chinese revisionists, to distort the Len-
inist theses on imperialism are counterrevolutionary.
Their aim is to negate the revolution, to prettify imperial-
ism and to prolong the life of capitalism.
When Lenin exposes imperialism and its apologists like
Bernstein, Kautsky, Hilferding and all the other opportun-
ists of the Second International, he points out:
“Imperialist ideology also penetrates the working
class. No Chinese wall separates it from the other
classes”*.
Unfortunately, however, even the “Chinese wall” has
now been breached and the imperialist propaganda and
ideology have penetrated China.
The Chinese opportunists are not in the least original.
Treading the road of Kautsky and company, they, too, are
prettifying imperialism, in general, and American imperi-
alism, in particular, presenting the latter as an imperial-
ism in retreat, on which the peoples should rely in order to
defend themselves from the Soviet social-imperialists.

*
V. I. Lenin, Collected Works, vol. 22, p. 347 (Alb. ed.).
89
 The similarity between the “theories” of the Chinese
revisionists and those of Kautsky is all too obvious. In his
time, Kautsky tried to defend the colonial policy of imperi-
alism, to cover up its exploitation and expansion, by dis-
torting the Marxist theory on the development of capital-
ism. This is also being done today by the Chinese leaders
who, in an effort to support American imperialism and its
neo-colonialist policy, churn out absurd theories allegedly
based on Marx or Lenin. However, to speak in the terms
Lenin used, the Chinese “theory” is a plunge into the mire
of revisionism and opportunism.
Kautsky’s theory spread the illusion that allegedly in
the conditions of monopoly capitalism, the possibility ex-
ists of another, non-annexationist policy. In this connection
Lenin stressed:
“The essence of the matter is that Kautsky detaches
the politics of imperialism from its economics,
speaks of annexations as being a policy ‘preferred’
by finance capital, and opposes to it another bour-
geois policy which, he alleges, is possible on this
very same basis of finance capital. It follows, then,
that monopolies in economics are compatible with
non-monopolistic, non-violent, non-annexationist
methods in politics. It follows, then, that the territo-
rial division of the world, which was completed pre-
cisely during the epoch of finance capital, and
which constitutes the basis of the present peculiar
forms of rivalry between the biggest capitalist states,
is compatible with a non-imperialist policy. The re-
sult is a Slurring-over and a blunting of the most
profound contradictions of the latest stage of capi-
talism, instead of an exposure of their depth; the re-
sult is bourgeois reformism instead of Marxism”*.
Ignoring the fact that the monopolies, finance capital,
dominate the economic field in the United States of Amer-
ica, and that it is precisely they who dictate the home and
foreign policy, the Chinese revisionists talk about a peace-
ful imperialism which no longer seeks expansion and in-

*
V. I. Lenin, Collected Works, vol. 22, p. 328 (Alb. ed.).
90
deed is on the retreat. The Chinese leaders “forget” Stalin’s
words that the main features and requirements of the fun-
damental economic law of present-day capitalism are,
“...the securing of the maximum capitalist profit
through the exploitation, ruin and impoverishment
of the majority of the population of the given coun-
try, through the enslavement and systematic robbery
of the peoples of other countries, especially back-
ward countries, and., lastly, through wars and mili-
tarization of the national economy, which are util-
ized for the obtaining of the highest profits”*.
Thus, the “new” theories of the Chinese leaders show
that they are singing Kautsky’s old song to a new tune.
While exposing the chieftains of the Second Interna-
tional, who wanted to make a distinction between imperi-
alist powers on the basis of which were more aggressive
and which less aggressive, Lenin stressed that this stand
was anti-Marxist. This attitude impelled the parties of the
Second International to the positions of chauvinism, to
open betrayal of the cause of the proletariat and the revo-
lution. In our epoch, said Lenin, there can be no question
of which of the imperialist states involved in the First
World War, on one side or the other, is the “greater evil”.
“Present-day democracy,” says he, “will remain true
to itself, only if it joins neither one nor the other im-
perialist bourgeoisie, only if it says that ‘the two
sides are equally bad’, and if it wishes the defeat of
the imperialist bourgeoisie in every country. Any
other decision will in reality be national-liberal and
have nothing in common with the genuine interna-
tionalism.Ӡ
In the present conditions, if the Chinese thesis, accord-
ing to which Soviet social-imperialism is more aggressive
than American imperialism, were to be accepted, this
would lead to open betrayal of the revolution, of the his-

*
J. V. Stalin, “Economic Problems of Socialism in the USSR”, p.
45, 1974 (Alb. ed.).
†
V. I. Lenin, Collected Works, vol. 21, pp. 145-148 (Alb. ed.).
91
toric mission of the working class, to going over to the posi-
tions of the Second International. The two imperialist su-
perpowers represent to the same degree the main enemy
and danger to socialism, the freedom and independence of
the peoples, and the sovereignty of nations. They are the
main defenders of world capitalism.
In order to conceal their betrayal of the peoples, the
Chinese leaders say that the relations of the big monopo-
lies with some countries which possess great wealth create
a situation in which even conflicts between the monopoly
powers and the peoples can be avoided. This is a mon-
strous absurdity, an attempt to present ferocious imperial-
ism as tame, to create a false situation of euphoria that
allegedly the investment of capital will create wellbeing for
the people of the country in which the investment is made,
and thus the antagonistic contradictions between the im-
perialists and the peoples of these countries will no longer
exist. This false theory, which is now being trumpeted by
the Chinese leaders, has been concocted by imperialism in
order to extend its domination everywhere in the world
and to assist the reactionary cliques ruling in the various
countries to oppress their own peoples and to sell their
countries to the foreigners.
These “theories” are a repetition, in new, refined forms,
of the reactionary theories of the opportunists of the Sec-
ond International. At the time of the First World War,
Lenin exposed Kautsky’s anti-Marxist theory of “ultra-
imperialism”. Kautsky alleged that wars could be pre-
vented under imperialism through an agreement among
the capitalists of various countries.
In his polemic with Kautsky, Lenin said:
“...in the realities of the capitalist system, and not in
the banal philistine fantasies of English parsons or
of the German `Marxist’ Kautsky, ‘inter-imperialist’
or ‘inter-imperialist’ alliances, no matter what form
they may assume, whether of one imperialist coali-
tion against another, or a general alliance embrac-

92
 ing all the imperialist powers, are inevitably noth-
ing more than a ‘truce’ in periods between wars”*.
These teachings of Lenin’s are very relevant in the pre-
sent conditions when the Chinese revisionists are talking
about, and making feverish efforts to set up, an alliance
and a great world front of all the fascist and feudal, capi-
talist and imperialist states and regimes, including the
United States of America, against Soviet social-
imperialism.
Alliances between imperialist countries, Lenin
stressed, are possible, but they are created for the sole
purpose of jointly crushing the revolution and socialism, of
jointly plundering the colonies and dependent and semi-
dependent countries.
The Chinese revisionists, like the chieftains: of the
Second International, have substituted the pragmatic slo-
gan, “Let us unite with all those who can be united”
against Soviet social-imperialism, for the slogan of the
Communist Manifesto, “Proletarians of all countries,
unite!”
The theory of the “three worlds”, invented by the Chi-
nese leaders does not analyse the historical development of
imperialism from the Marxist-Leninist class standpoint,
but sees it in a distorted light, ignoring the contradictions
of our time which Marx and Lenin defined so clearly. Fol-
lowing this “theory”, “socialist” China unites with Ameri-
can imperialism and the second world., that is, with other
imperialists who exploit the peoples, and calls on the
“third world”, the peoples who aspire to fight against world
imperialism and capitalism, whether American imperial-
ism or Soviet social-imperialism, to unite, against Soviet
social-imperialism only.
The Titoite theory of non-aligned countries, too, is just
as anti-Marxist as the theory of’ the “three worlds”.
These two “theories” are the rails of the one railroad on
which the train of American imperialism and Soviet social-
imperialism is running, a train loaded with the wealth

*
V. I. Lenin, Collected Works, vol. 22, pp. 359-360 (Alb. ed.).
93
plundered from the peoples of the world. The Titoites and
the Chine revisionists are trying to open some holes in the
trucks of this imperialist and social-imperialist train, so
that a little oil, sugar, a few dollars, pounds, francs or ru-
bles may leak out. These rails which have been laid over
the backs of the oppressed peoples, and which are intended
to keep these peoples in permanent bondage, are two theo-
ries just as reactionary as all the other anti-Marxist theo-
ries of the Trotskyites, anarchists, Bukharinites,
Khrushchevites, of the supporters of Togliatti, Carrillo,
Marchais, etc., etc.
Life is constantly confirming Lenin’s theses of genius
on imperialism. Capitalism has entered the phase of its
decay. This situation is arousing the revolt of the peoples
and impelling them to revolution. The struggle of the peo-
ples against imperialism and the bourgeois capitalist
cliques is building up in various forms, with varying inten-
sities. Quantity will inevitably turn into quality. This will
happen first in those countries which constitute the weak-
est link of the capitalist chain and where the consciousness
and organization of the working class have reached a high
level, where there is a deep political and ideological under-
standing of the problem.
Imperialism has stepped up its barbarous oppression
and exploitation of the peoples. But, at the same time, the
peoples of the world are becoming more and more con-
scious that they cannot go on living in capitalist society,
where the working masses are no less oppressed and ex-
ploited than in the pre-War period.
Despite all the efforts by imperialism and its hangers-
on, it will find no stability, now or in the future, in its
struggle to establish its hegemony over the peoples. It can-
not find stability because of the awakening consciousness
of the working class and the masses of oppressed working
people who want liberation, as well as because of the inevi-
table inter-imperialist contradictions.
The peoples are seeing, and later they will see ever
more clearly, that world imperialism and capitalism are
not based solely on the economic, military, political and
ideological strength of the two superpowers, but are based

94
also on the wealthy classes which keep the peoples of their
own countries in bondage, under exploitation and under
fear so they will not rise up to gain their true freedom and
independence.
The broad masses of various peoples of the world have
also begun to understand that the present-day bourgeois-
capitalist society, the exploiting system of world imperial-
ism, must be overthrown. For the peoples this is not just
an aspiration, in many countries they have taken up arms.
Therefore, there is no need to concoct theories which
divide the world into three or four parts, into “aligned” and
“non-aligned”, but the great objective historical process
must be seen and interpreted correctly, according to the
teachings of Marxism-Leninism. The world is divided in
two, the world of capitalism and the new world of social-
ism, which are locked in a merciless struggle with each
other. In this fight the new, the socialist world, will tri-
umph, while the old capitalist society, the bourgeois and
imperialist society, will be overthrown.

95
 III
THE REVOLUTION AND THE PEOPLES
Marx showed with scientific argument the necessity for
the destruction of capitalist society and the construction of
a more advanced society, socialism and then communism.
Developing Marx’s thought, in his book “Imperialism, the
Highest Stage of Capitalism”, Lenin showed that the pre-
sent epoch is the epoch of imperialism and proletarian
revolutions.
This is the epoch of the destruction of the old capitalist
order, colonialism and imperialism, of the seizure of state
power by the proletariat and the liberation of the op-
pressed peoples, the period of the triumph of socialism on a
world scale.
This means that today we are living in the epoch of the
replacement of the old exploiting society, which is intoler-
able for the majority of mankind, for the oppressed and
exploited, with a new society in which the exploitation of
man by man is done away with once and for all. It was pre-
cisely from these fundamental teachings and its Marxist-
Leninist analysis of the process of world development to-
day that our Party proceeded when, at its 7th Congress, it
put forward the thesis that the world is at a stage in which
the question of the revolution and liberation of the peoples
is a problem demanding solution.
The struggle of the proletariat against the bourgeoisie
is a stern, merciless struggle which goes on continuously.
Confronting each other stand two great social forces. On
the one side stands the capitalist-imperialist bourgeoisie,
which is the most ferocious, deceitful and blood-thirsty
class known to history. On the other side stands the prole-
tariat, the class totally dispossessed of means of produc-
tion, ruthlessly oppressed and exploited by the bourgeoisie,
which is at the same time the most advanced class of soci-
ety which thinks, creates, works and produces, but does
not enjoy the fruits of its toil.
Each of these classes strives to rally forces around it-
self and prepare them for its own aims: the proletariat, for
social and national liberation, to carry out the revolution;

96
the bourgeoisie, to preserve its domination and suppress
the revolution. The bourgeoisie gathers around itself the
most ominous, regressive and criminal forces, while the
proletariat strives to win all the revolutionary, progressive
forces over to its side.
Marxism-Leninism teaches us that the struggle be-
tween the proletariat and the bourgeoisie builds up con-
tinuously and will certainly be crowned with the victory of
the proletariat and its allies. But for this struggle to be
crowned with success, the proletariat must be organized,
must have its own vanguard party, must make the broad
masses of the people conscious of the necessity for revolu-
tion, and lead them in the fight to seize state power, to es-
tablish its own dictatorship, to build socialism and com-
munism, the classless society.
There are many hot-heads in the world, with good or
evil intentions, who think that the revolution can be car-
ried out at any time, at any moment, at any place. But
such people are mistaken. The revolution cannot be carried
out at any time and at any place, according to one’s wishes.
The revolution breaks out and is carried through at that
link of the capitalist chain which is the weakest. For the
revolution to break out and triumph, the; appropriate ob-
jective and subjective conditions must exist, and the fa-
vourable moment must be found for launching into revolu-
tion. The main thing is that, when they start the revolu-
tion, the broad masses of the people, with the proletariat
at the head, must be determined and prepared to carry it
through to the end.
Lenin stresses that the revolution is carried out by the
people of each country, that it is not exported. This does
not mean that the Marxist Leninists, wherever they are
militating, should not feel themselves in solidarity, should
not be linked with one another by the purest feelings of
proletarian internationalism, and should not assist the
struggle of the proletariat and peoples of other countries
for their liberation. On the contrary, all communists, all
proletarians, all the revolutionary forces in the various
countries are duty bound to assist the revolution in each
particular country and all over the world, through propa-

97
ganda, agitation, material aid, the example of their deter-
mination and selflessness, and by faithful adherence to
Marxism-Leninism. Of course, success in the utilization of
this assistance depends, first of all, on the preparation of
the proletariat and its party, on the development of the
revolutionary struggle in this or that country.
In the “Manifesto of the Communist Party” Marx and
Engels show that the interests of the proletariat and the
people of one country are inseparable from the interests of
the proletariat and peoples of the entire world.
As Lenin teaches us and life has confirmed, the revolu-
tion triumphs in each country individually. Therefore, this
triumph depends, first Of all, on the working class and its
revolutionary party of each country, on their ability to im-
plement the teachings of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin
on the revolution in the concrete conditions.
However, a great deal of confusion has been created
around these teachings and especially around the Leninist
theory on the revolution, many mines have been laid by
the Titoite, Soviet, “Eurocommunist”, Chinese and other
modern revisionists, who have taken it upon themselves to
mislead people on the issue of the revolution and to pre-
vent its outbreak.
Today, when this question is put forward for solution,
it is an imperative duty for the Marxist-Leninists to dispel
the fog the revisionists have spread about the revolution,
to unmask their manoeuvres and deliberate misrepresen-
tations about the revolution, to unmask their manoeuvres
and deliberate misrepresentations about this problem, to
expose their counterrevolutionary, chauvinist, hegemonic
intentions, and to ensure that the teachings of Marxism-
Leninism on the revolution are understood and applied
correctly.
We Must Defend and Implement the Marxist-
Leninist Teachings on the Revolution
Marxism-Leninism teaches us and the experience of all
revolutions has confirmed that for the revolution to break
out and triumph, the objective and subjective factors must
exist.

98
 Lenin formulated this teaching in his book “The Col-
lapse of the Second International”, and developed it fur-
ther in his book “‘Left Wing’ Communism, an Infantile
Disorder” and other writings.
Dwelling on the revolutionary situation as the objective
factor of the revolution, Lenin describes it as follows:
“1) When it is impossible for the ruling classes to
maintain their rule in an unchanged form,”* due to
the deep crisis, which has involved these classes, a
crisis which causes discontent and indignation
among the oppressed classes. “Usually, for the revo-
lution to break out,” he says,” it is not enough for
‘the lower strata not to want to live in the old way; it
is necessary also that ‘the upper strata should be
unable’ to live in the old way. 2) When the want and
suffering of the oppressed classes have become
acute... 3) When, as a consequence of the above
causes, there is a considerable increase in the activ-
ity of the masses, who... are drawn into... independ-
ent actions of historic importance.Ӡ
“In other words, this truth can be expressed in this
way: revolution is impossible without a nation-wide
crisis (affecting both the exploited and the exploit-
ers)”‡.
“Without these objective changes,” he emphasizes,
“which are independent not only of the will of sepa-
rate groups or parties, but even of separate classes,
a revolution Рas a general rule Рis impossibleӤ.
But not every revolutionary situation gives rise to revo-
lution, says Lenin. In many cases, he says revolutionary
situations like those of the years 1860-1870 in Germany, or
of the years 1859-1861 and 1879-1880 in Russia, were not
transformed into revolutions, because of the absence of the

*
V. I. Lenin, Collected Works, vol. 21, p. 223 (Alb. ed.).
†
Ibid.
‡
V. I. Lenin, Collected Works, vol. 31, p. 83 (Alb. ed.).
§
V. I. Lenin, Collected Works, vol. 31, p. 223 (Alb. ed.).
99
subjective factor, that is, the high level of consciousness
and readiness of the masses for the revolution,
“...the ability of the revolutionary class,” as Lenin
puts it, “to carry out revolutionary mass actions
strong enough to break (or dislocate) the old gov-
ernment, which, never, not even in a period of crisis,
‘falls’ if it is not ‘dropped’“*.
In preparing the subjective factor, as Lenin wrote in
his early works, the revolutionary party of the working
class, its leadership, education and Mobilization of the
revolutionary masses play a decisive role. The party
achieves this both by working out a correct political line,
which responds to the concrete conditions and the revolu-
tionary desires and demands of the masses, and through a
colossal amount of work, involving intensive and politically
well-pondered revolutionary actions, which make the pro-
letariat and the working masses conscious of the situation
in which they are living, of the oppression and exploitation,
of the barbarous laws of the bourgeoisie, and the absolute
necessity for the revolution as a means to overthrow the
enslaving order.
In this way, the poor strata will react with such inten-
sity that even the wealthy, the bourgeoisie in power,
shaken also by other internal and external contradictions,
will have difficulty in continuing to rule as before. When
these conditions are fulfilled, when the objective and sub-
jective factors, which are linked with each other, exist,
then it is possible for the revolution not only to break out
but also to triumph.
Revolutionaries always ponder deeply over these the-
ses of genius of Lenin, and not only ponder over them but
also make concrete and all-round analyses of the situa-
tions. They act to ensure that they will never be taken by
surprise by the revolutionary situations, so they will not
find themselves disarmed at these decisive moments, but
be able to utilize them for the preparation and launching of
the revolution.

*
Ibid.
100
 What does the analysis of the current situation in the
world show? Proceeding from the Leninist theory of the
revolution, the Party of Labour of Albania draws the con-
clusion that the situation in the world today is revolution-
ary in general, that this situation has matured, or is rap-
idly maturing, in many countries, while in other countries
this process is developing.
When we say that the situation today is revolutionary,
we mean that the world today is moving towards great
outbursts. In general the situation today is like a volcano
in eruption, a scorching fire, a fire which will burn pre-
cisely the oppressing and exploiting ruling upper classes.
The capitalist and revisionist world is in the grip of a
grave, economic and political, financial and military, ideo-
logical and moral crisis. The present crisis, which has
shaken the entire structure and superstructure of the
bourgeois and revisionist order, has made the general cri-
sis of the capitalist system even deeper and more acute.
The consequences of the crisis are clearly very grave
and devastating, especially in the field of the economy. The
deepening of the most severe economic crisis following the
Second World War has been going on since 1974. It has
brought about a decline of considerable proportions in in-
dustrial production: 20 percent in Japan, 15 percent in
Great Britain, 14 percent in the United States of America,
18 percent in France and Italy, 10 percent in the Federal
German Republic, etc. The crisis has caused a very deep
depression. In many capitalist countries unused productive
capacities in some key branches of the economy have
reached up to 25-40 percent and this situation is dragging
on for years on end. That is why industrial production con-
tinues to stagnate. Colossal stocks of “surplus” goods re-
main unsold.
Yet, despite all these stocks of unsold goods and even
though many productive capacities are not exploited, the
monopolies’ profits continue to increase because of rising
prices. Prices are going up from day to day, while inflation
has reached very high figures in certain countries.
Price rises and, in particular, inflation, have become a
very convenient means in the hands of the monopolies and

101
the capitalist and revisionist state to saddle the working
class and other working people with the heavy burden of
the crisis.
Under the pretext of checking inflation, the capitalist
and bourgeois-revisionist states increase the taxes on the
incomes of the working masses and freeze their wages, and
at the same time reduce taxation on the profits of the mo-
nopolies, devalue the currency, etc. These measures are
directed against the working class and all working people,
step up their exploitation and reduce their standard of liv-
ing.
The long drawn-out economic crisis has worsened the
living conditions of the working class and peasant masses
and made life very much harder for them. Unemployment
has increased to proportions seldom seen before, and has
become chronic, a major ulcer of bourgeois and revisionist
society. In the capitalist-revisionist world, 110 million peo-
ple have been thrown out in the streets. Only in the United
States of America not less than 7-8 millions are unem-
ployed. Today, hundreds of millions of people are living on
the verge of starvation or actually starving. Hundreds of
millions of people are tortured with the anxiety over inse-
curity for the morrow.
The poverty and insecurity for the broad masses of
working people, as well as the reactionary, anti-popular
internal and external policies followed by the capitalist
and bourgeois-revisionist regimes have added and are con-
tinuously adding to the discontent of broad strata of the
population. This grave situation has aroused their uncon-
tainable anger, which is expressed in strikes, protests,
demonstrations, in clashes with the repressive organs of
the bourgeois and revisionist order, and in many cases,
even in real revolts. The popular masses are growing ever
more hostile to the regimes ruling them.
Striving, even in this situation of crisis, to safeguard
their maximum profits, the governments of imperialist,
capitalist and revisionist countries make all sorts of
fraudulent promises and proposals to placate the discon-
tent and anger of the masses and divert their minds from
revolution. Meanwhile, the poor are becoming even poorer,

102
the rich even richer, the gap between poor and rich even
richer, the gap between poor and rich social strata, be-
tween the developed capitalist countries and the undevel-
oped countries is growing deeper and deeper.
The present crisis has also extended to political life, in-
citing contradictions among the ruling circles of the capi-
talist and revisionist states. Clear evidence of this is the
great increase in government crises and the frequent re-
placement of teams in power.
The bourgeoisie and the ruling cliques are compelled to
change the horses in their government teams more and
more frequently, with the aim of deceiving the working
people and bolstering their hopes that the fresh team will
be better than the old one, convincing them that the latter
are to blame for the crisis and for failing to get out of it,
while the former will improve the situation, and so on.
This whole fraud, which is continuously conducted on
broad proportions, is camouflaged with false slogans about
freedom, democracy, etc., especially during electoral cam-
paigns. At the same time, the bourgeoisie in the capitalist
and revisionist countries is reinforcing its savage weapons
of violence, the army, the police, the secret services, the
courts, the control by its dictatorship over every movement
and effort of the proletariat. In the capitalist and revision-
ist countries today there is an obvious trend towards in-
creased bourgeois violence and the limitation of democratic
rights.
The tendency towards the development of fascism in
the life of the country and preparations for the establish-
ment of fascism, at the moment when the bourgeoisie con-
siders it impossible to rule by “democratic” methods and
means, is becoming ever more evident.
The economic-financial and political crisis has gripped
not only the monopolies, the governments the political par-
ties and forces inside each particular country, but also the
international alliances, the economic, political and military
blocs, like the European Common Market and Comecon,
the European Community, NATO and the Warsaw Treaty.
The contradictions, frictions, contests and quarrels be-

103
tween partners of these alliances and blocs, are manifest-
ing themselves ever more openly and abrasively.
Another expression of the crisis and attempts to get out
of it can be seen in the armaments race, the all-round
preparations for war and the Instigation of local wars by
the superpowers and the other imperialist powers, such as
those in the Middle East, the Horn of Africa, the Western
Sahara, Indochina and elsewhere. This course serves the
hegemonic and expansionist plans of one or the other im-
perialist power. It keeps alive and develops the war indus-
try and the arms trade, which have assumed unparalleled
proportions today.
But all these political and military means are only pal-
liatives which do not and cannot cure the ills of the gravely
ailing capitalist revisionist system.
To the present economic and political crisis of the capi-
talist and revisionist world must also be added the un-
precedented ideological and moral crisis. At no other time
has there been such ideological confusion and moral cor-
ruption as that which is being seen today.
At no other time have there been so many variants of
bourgeois theories, right, middle or “left” decked out in
every kind of secular and religious, classical and modern,
openly anti-communist and allegedly communist and
Marxist cloaks. At no other time has such moral corrup-
tion, such a degenerate way of life, or such great spiritual
depression been witnessed. The bourgeois and revisionist
theories, built up with so much effort and trumpeted so
boastfully as guides to salvation from the evils of the old
society., such as the theories of the “final stabilization of
capitalism”, “people’s capitalism,”, “the consumer society”
“post-industrial society”, “averting crises”, “the technical-
scientific revolution”, Khrushchevite “peaceful coexis-
tence”, “a world without armies, weapons and wars”, “so-
cialism with a human face”, etc., etc., have now been
shaken to their foundations.
All these aspects of the general crisis are to be found
not only in Yugoslavia, where the consequences of the cri-
sis are more obvious, but also in the social-imperialist So-
viet Union and the other revisionist countries. Oppression

104
and exploitation have been stepped up everywhere in these
countries, all of them are suffering from the ills of capital-
ism, from the quarrels and conflicts over power and privi-
leges in the ranks of the leaders and the upper strata; eve-
rywhere the popular masses are seething with dissatisfac-
tion and anger. Thus, great possibilities for the revolution
exist in these countries, too. The law of the revolution op-
erates there the same as in every other bourgeois country.
It is precisely this situation of the present general cri-
sis of capitalism, the trend of which is to become steadily
deeper, that makes us draw the conclusion that the revolu-
tionary situation has already enveloped or is in the process
of enveloping the majority of capitalist and revisionist
countries, and hence, that this situation has placed the
revolution on the order of the day.
Under the ever greater pressure of the crisis and the
defeats they have suffered in their predictions and their
manoeuvres to strangle the revolution, the bourgeoisie and
the revisionists are trying to find new expedients and to
fabricate other fraudulent theories.
Today, the modern revisionists have unfurled the ban-
ner of defence of the capitalist system, of oppression and
exploitation of the peoples, of splitting the revolutionary
and liberation movement, and in general, of the deception
of the masses. But they, too, will suffer the same fate as
the social-democrats and all other opportunists of the past,
who have turned into simple lackeys of the bourgeoisie.
In the present situation of its grave economic, political
and ideological crises, the bourgeoisie is demanding that
its revisionist servants come out more openly in its sup-
port. This is forcing them more and more to drop their dis-
guise, but also to become more thoroughly discredited.
Lenin says:
“The opportunists are bourgeois enemies of the pro-
letarian revolution, who in peaceful times carry on
their bourgeois work in secret, concealing them-
selves within the workers’ parties, while in times of
crises they immediately prove to be open allies of the
entire united bourgeoisie, from the conservative to
the most radical and democratic part of the latter,
105
 from the freethinkers to the religious and clerical
sections”*.
This scientific conclusion of Lenin’s is proved to the hilt
by the service the modern revisionists are rendering the
crisis-stricken capitalist system today.
Take Italy, for instance, the typical country in which
the decay of capitalism, in its base and superstructure, is
reflected. From the end of the Second World War up till
now the Christian Democrats, the party of the big bour-
geoisie, the party of the Vatican which has gathered all the
religious-reactionary bourgeoisie and elements of the right
around itself, have been in power in Italy. Their govern-
ment is ruling a country which is in a state of bankruptcy.
Right from 1945 to this day, the top strata of the bourgeoi-
sie have been in the grip of such a grave crisis that, within
that period there has been a succession of about 40 gov-
ernments, “monocolour” Christian Democrat, socialist-
Christian-Democrat, tripartite, Christian Democrat-
socialist-social-democrat, “centro sinistra” governments,
“centro destra” governments, etc.
The deep government crisis in Italy reflects that situa-
tion of the internal general crisis from which no way out
can be found. The quarrels, conflicts, political murders and
scandals, such as the removal of President Leone, the
murder of the head of the Christian Democrat Party, Moro,
etc., which are becoming more and more frequent, are con-
sequences of the crisis.
Italy has become a bridgehead of the United States of
America. Its bankrupt economy, which has fallen into the
clutches of American imperialism, is also linked with the
European Common Market, where it is the partner with
the least weight.
As a result of this situation, the broad working masses
in Italy have been impoverished and. are becoming more
so. Italy has the highest level of unemployment among the
countries of the European Common Market. Italy has the
greatest emigration of the labour force and its imports are

*
V. I. Lenin, Collected Works, vol. 21, p. 106 (Alb, ed.),
106
greater than its exports. By restricting their buying of food
products from Italy, the member countries of the European
Common Market, especially West Germany and France,
have created a difficult situation in Italian agriculture.
The export prices of Italian butter, milk, and fruit have
fallen sharply while the cost of living in that country has
become extremely high. Italy has become a country of big
strikes in which workers from heavy and light industry
and transport, down to postmen, airline crews and even
the police take part.
In such a situation of seething discontent, when the in-
terests of the masses and the revolution require that all
this great discontent of the proletariat and the entire peo-
ple should be channelled into the fight against the reac-
tionary bourgeoisie, against its preparations for the fascist
attack it is trying to launch, the Italian revisionists and
the reformist trade-unions, the entire worker aristocracy,
as well as the supporters of the Chinese theory of the
“three worlds”, are acting as firemen to extinguish the
flames of the revolution and as defenders of the bourgeois
order.
This rotten bourgeois order is being defended by all the
parties, from the fascist party to the Berlinguer’s revision-
ist party. The Italian revisionist party is united with the
bourgeoisie precisely to keep this bourgeois order, shaken
to its foundations, in power. It is trying to weaken and.
suppress the revolutionary drive of the Italian proletariat
by spreading the lie that it is following and applying a
Marxism applicable to the conditions of its own country.
Not only did Berlinguer enter into negotiations with
the Christian Democrats long ago, but he has even reached
agreement with them, and indeed, without formally par-
ticipating in the government, on many problems, he is gov-
erning together with them. The government supports this
party, but at the same time, for the sake of appearances,
makes believe that it disagrees with it. The Italian revi-
sionist party, for its part, is playing the same game.
The Italian revisionists are raising a great clamour
about a government program, agreed on by the five parties
of the Italian parliamentary Majority, which they are

107
boosting as an “important victory”, as a “new political
phase” in their country. But this political phase, that Ber-
linguer talks about, is the inclusion of the revisionist party
in the plans of Italian capital. Berlinguer describes this as
a serious, realistic, and undogmatic agreement. He claims
that this agreement will bring about a real change, not
only in the political relations among parties, but also in the
entire economic, social and state life of the country.
Thus the Italian revisionists are going down precisely
the road Lenin predicted for the different opportunists,
who seek unity with capital in order to obstruct the revolu-
tionary drive of the masses. With this unity, they think
that they have come some way towards achieving their aim
of going to socialism through pluralism. Obviously, this is
nothing but a dream, and the President of the Italian Sen-
ate, Amintore Fanfani, is not at all mistaken when he de-
scribes this agreement among the five parties as a collec-
tion of dreams.
It is a collection of dreams on the part of the Italian re-
visionists, whereas on the part of the forces of capital, it is
by no means a dream, but a well-pondered act designed to
liquidate the ideas of communism in Italy, and to block the
claims of the Italian people and proletariat and suppress
their revolutionary struggle for the construction of a new
society. The Italian revisionists are now receiving a few
crumbs, but, claiming that the government needs the par-
ticipation of the revisionist party, they are trying to have
the party brought completely into the government, like a
fish in its element. In a word, the Italian revisionist party
is trying to become totally involved in the reactionary mess
of Italian monopoly capital.
Berlinguer’s party is an utterly degenerate party ideo-
logically, with a completely reformist, parliamentarist, so-
cial-democratic program. It supports the order established
by the pseudo-democratic Constitution in the formulation
of which the Italian “communists” themselves, headed by
Togliatti took part. It is precisely under this Constitution
that the reactionary and clerical bourgeoisie has been
making the law in Italy and oppressing the proletariat and
the broad masses of the people for the past three decades.

108
The so-called Italian communists find this oppression just
and in conformity with the constitution.
Inside or outside the Italian Parliament, through the
press organs, television and radio, the Italian revisionist
party together with the other parties of the bourgeoisie,
with the Christian Democrat party at the head, is carrying
out a policy accompanied with unrestrained demagogy
which stupefy the Italian public, confuse and disorganize it
day by day, in order to weaken the revolutionary will of the
proletariat and the Political consciousness of the working
masses.
Italian reaction and the Vatican are in great need of all
this activity. The Italian revisionist party is trying to sup-
press the revolutionary movement of the masses of the
people, headed by the proletariat, in order to hinder the
revolution, to help the bourgeoisie out of its predicament
and avert the overthrow of the existing order.
Take another example, Spain. After the death of
Franco, King Juan Carlos came to power in Spain. He is
the representative of the Spanish big bourgeoisie, which,
seeing that during its long rule the fascist regime had
plunged the country into a grave crisis, came to the conclu-
sion that Spain could no longer be governed as in Franco’s
time. Therefore certain changes had to be made in the form
of government and Franco’s discredited Falange could no
longer be kept in power. After a series of changes of heads
of government, the people most trusted by the new king,
the continuers of the reformed Francoism, took power.
Demonstrations and strikes broke out in Spain as
never before. Through them the people demanded changes,
naturally, not this “change” that took place, but deep-going
and radical changes. The strikes, demonstrations and
clashes there did not cease and are still going on. The
masses are demanding freedoms and rights, and the dif-
ferent nationalities autonomy. In this situation, in order to
mislead the masses in revolt, the government of Juan Car-
los also legalized the revisionist party of Ibarruri-Carrillo.
The heads of this party have become obedient flunkies of
the Spanish monarchic regime, have turned into scabs to
hold back the great revolutionary drive which has built up

109
in the existing situation and, in conjunction with the bour-
geoisie, to suppress all the elements with revolutionary
ideas from the Spanish War and admirers of the Republic.
Here, too, we see the fire brigade role of the Spanish
revisionist party, identical with the role played by the Ital-
ian revisionist party, although it has less power than the
latter.
The revisionist parties in France, Japan, the United
States of America, Britain, Portugal and all the other capi-
talist countries are playing a similar role in defending the
bourgeois order, enabling it to overcome the crises and
revolutionary situations, to befuddle and paralyze the pro-
letariat and the other oppressed and exploited masses, who
are understanding ever more clearly that it is no longer
possible to live in the “consumer society” and other exploit-
ing societies, and who are rising in revolt against the capi-
talist political and economic order.
The revisionist parties are particularly hostile to Len-
inism. This means that they are hostile to the revolution,
because it was Lenin who elaborated the theory on the pro-
letarian revolution to perfection and put it into practice in
Russia. On the basis of this theory, the socialist revolution
triumphed in Albania and other countries. The Leninist
theory, which shows the way to the triumph of revolution
everywhere, reveals the worthlessness of the counterrevo-
lutionary revisionist theories about peaceful transition to
socialism through the parliamentary road, without de-
stroying the bourgeois state apparatus, indeed, according
to them, even utilizing it for peaceful socialist transforma-
tions, with no need for the leadership of the proletariat and
its vanguard party or the dictatorship of the proletariat.
Precisely at these very revolutionary moments, when
there are great possibilities for the revolution to break out
at the weakest links of the capitalist chain, when there is
extremely great need to raise the class consciousness of the
proletariat, to prepare the subjective factor, to build up
confidence in the correctness and universal character of
the Marxist-Leninist theory, which shows the true road to
the seizure of state power by the proletariat and other op-
pressed masses, the revisionists are rendering the bour-

110
geoisie an invaluable service in its efforts to cope with and
avert the revolution. That is why the bourgeoisie is striv-
ing in every way to involve the revisionist parties and the
trade-unions under their influence in the fight against the
revolution and communism. This is precisely the objective
that the whole line of American imperialism, world capital-
ism and the bourgeoisie of every country is intended to
achieve. The bourgeoisie wants the revisionist parties to
place themselves openly and totally in the service of capi-
tal by operating under “communist” colours and allegedly
fighting to change the situation, to create a new hybrid so-
ciety in which not only the owning class and wealthy
classes, but allegedly the poorer classes, too, will have
their say, with the revisionist “communist” parties and the
socialist parties passing themselves off as their represen-
tatives and champions.
The revisionists in power, in particular, the Yugoslav,
Soviet and Chinese revisionists, are rendering world capi-
talism a very great service in the struggle to hold back and
stamp out the revolutions.
The Yugoslav revisionists are declared enemies of Len-
inism. They are the most ardent propagandists of the ne-
gation of the universal character of the laws of the socialist
revolution embodied in the October Revolution and re-
flected in the Leninist theory of the revolution. They
preach that allegedly the world today is moving towards
socialism spontaneously, therefore there is no need for
revolution, for class struggle, etc. The Yugoslav revision-
ists present their capitalist system of “self-administration”
as a model of true socialism, alleging that it is a panacea
both against the “evils” of “Stalinist” socialism and against
the evils of capitalism. According to them, the establish-
ment of this system allegedly does not require violent revo-
lution, the dictatorship of the proletariat, state socialist
ownership, or democratic centralism. “Self-administration”
can be established quietly and gently by agreement and
collaboration between ruling circles, between employers
and workers, between the government and property own-
ers.

111
 It is precisely because Yugoslav revisionism is an en-
emy of Leninism and sabotages the revolution that inter-
national capitalism, and especially American imperialism,
is so “generous” in providing Titoite Yugoslavia with finan-
cial, material, political and ideological aid.
In words, the Soviet revisionists do not reject Leninism
and the Leninist theory of the revolution, but they fight it
in practice with their counterrevolutionary stands and ac-
tivity. They are no less afraid of the proletarian revolution
than the American imperialists or the bourgeoisie of any
other country, because in their own country the revolution
topples them from the throne, strips them of their power
and class privileges, while in the other countries it ruins
their strategic plans for world domination.
They try to present themselves as continuators of the
October Revolution, as followers of Leninism, in order to
deceive the proletariat and the working masses both in the
Soviet Union and in other countries.
They talk about “developed socialism” and “transition
to communism” in order to put out any discontent, revolt,
and revolutionary movement of the working masses in
their country against the revisionist rule, and to suppress
them as “counterrevolutionary”, “anti-socialist” acts. Out-
side their country, they use “Leninism” as a mask to con-
ceal their anti-Marxist, anti-Leninist theories and prac-
tices, to open the way for the expansionist and hegemonic
plans of social-imperialism.
The Soviet revisionists present the violent revolution in
the developed capitalist countries as very dangerous at the
present time, when, according to them, any revolutionary
outburst could be transformed into a thermo-nuclear world
war which will exterminate mankind. Therefore, they rec-
ommend the revolution on the peaceful road, the transfor-
mation of Parliament “from an organ of bourgeois democ-
racy into an organ of democracy for the working people” as
the most suitable road today. They also present “détente”,
the so-called easing of tension, which serves the aims of
Soviet foreign policy, as the general trend of world devel-
opment today, which will allegedly lead to the peaceful tri-
umph of the revolution on a world scale.

112
 For demagogical purposes they do not deny the dicta-
torship of the proletariat, indeed, in theory they come out
in defence of it, saying that, in specific instances, even vio-
lent revolution may be used. But they need these declara-
tions especially to justify the plots and armed putsches
which they organize in one country or another to establish
pro-Soviet reactionary regimes and cliques there, to divert
the national liberation movements from the right road, and
to put them under their hegemony, etc.
Now revisionist China, too, has become a zealous ex-
tinguisher of the revolution.
The entire internal and external policy of the Chinese
revisionists is directed against the revolution, because the
revolution upsets their strategy of making China an impe-
rialist superpower.
Within China the revisionist leadership is savagely
suppressing any revolutionary outburst of the working
class and the other working masses against its bourgeois-
counterrevolutionary stands and actions. It is striving in
every way to cover up the contradictions of the present ep-
och, especially the contradiction between labour and capi-
tal, between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie. The Chi-
nese revisionists say that there is only one contradiction in
the world today, the contradiction between the two super-
powers, which they present as a contradiction between the
United States of America and all other countries of the
world, on the one hand, and Soviet social-imperialism, on
the other. Basing themselves on this fabricated thesis, they
call on the proletariat and the peoples of every country to
unite with the bourgeoisie of their countries to defend the
homeland and national independence against the danger
which comes only from Soviet social-imperialism. With this
the Chinese revisionists preach to the masses the idea of
renouncing the revolution and the liberation struggle.
To the Chinese revisionists the problem of the proletar-
ian and national liberation revolution is simply not a cur-
rent issue, also because, according to them, nowhere in the
world is there a revolutionary situation. Therefore, they
advise the proletariat to shut itself up in libraries and
study “theory”, because the time for revolutionary actions

113
has not come. In this context, it is clear how hostile and
counterrevolutionary is the policy of the Chinese revision-
ists, who are splitting the Marxist-Leninist movement and
hindering the unity of the working class in the fight
against capital.
The Chinese press and, as well as the speeches of the
Chinese leaders, make no mention at all of the big demon-
strations and strikes which the entire proletariat is orga-
nizing in different capitalist countries today. This is be-
cause they do not want to encourage the revolt of the,
masses, because they do not want the proletariat to utilize
these situations in their fight against oppression and ex-
ploitation. How hypocritical sound their bombastic and
empty slogans that “the countries want independence, the
nations want liberation and the people want revolution”!
Not only is the claim of the Chinese revisionists that
there is no revolutionary situation in the world today con-
trary to the reality, but they also, demand that the prole-
tariat with its Marxist-Leninist party sit with its arms
folded and refrain from undertaking any revolutionary ac-
tion at all, from working to prepare the revolution. Long
ago, at the 2nd Congress of the Communist International,
Lenin had criticized such capitulationist views expressed
by the Italian Serrati, according to whom no revolutionary
actions should be carried out when there is no revolution-
ary situation.
“The difference between the socialists and Commu-
nists,” said Lenin, “consists in the former refusing to
act in the way we act in any situation, i.e., conduct
revolutionary work”*.
This criticism by Lenin is a heavy slap in the face also
for the Chinese modern revisionists, and all the other revi-
sionists, who, like the social-democrats, are against revolu-
tionary actions by the proletariat and the other working
masses.
Lenin called Kautsky a renegade, because

*
V. I. Lenin, Collected Works, vol. 31, p. 277 (Alb. ed.).
114
 “...he had completely distorted Marx’ doctrine, tai-
loring it to suit opportunism, and that he had ‘re-
pudiated revolution in deeds, while accepting it in
words”*.
The Chinese revisionist leaders go a little further than
Kautsky. They do not admit the necessity of the revolution
even in words.
This reactionary line explains the profoundly counter-
revolutionary policy and attitudes of the Chinese revision-
ist leadership, which is seeking in every way to enter into
alliances and collaborate with US imperialism and the
other developed capitalist countries, supports the Euro-
pean Common Market and NATO.
By entering into alliance and seeking unity with the
US imperialists, who, together with the Soviet social-
imperialists, are the most ferocious oppressors and exploit-
ers and the arch-enemies of the proletariat and the peo-
ples, as well as with the other imperialist rulers, with the
blackest world reaction, while demanding that the prole-
tariat of the European countries and the other developed
capitalist countries bend their backs and submit to oppres-
sion by the bourgeoisie, the Chinese revisionists them-
selves are also participating in this oppression and uniting
with world capitalism in the fight against the revolution,
against socialism, and against the peoples’ liberation.
As can be seen, world capitalism, with modern revi-
sionism and all its other tools, is waging a fierce and
many-sided fight on all fronts to stop revolutions from
breaking out.
They are striving with might and main to overcome the
crises, to cool or defuse the revolutionary situations in or-
der to prevent them from being transformed into revolu-
tion. However, the crises and revolutionary situations are
objective phenomena, which do not depend on the will and
desires of the capitalists, the revisionists or anyone else.
Only when the capitalist order of oppression and exploita-

*
V. I. Lenin, Collected Works, vol. 28, p. 257 (Alb. ed.).
115
tion, which inevitably gives rise to them, has been wiped
out, can they be avoided.
The imperialists, the other capitalists and the revision-
ists know well that the revolution does not break out spon-
taneously in periods of crises and revolutionary situations.
Therefore they direct their attention and their main blows
towards the subjective factor. On the one hand, they strive
to stupefy and deceive the proletariat, the other working
masses and the peoples, to hinder them from becoming
conscious of the necessity for the revolution, and from unit-
ing and organizing themselves; on the other hand, they
fight to destroy the international Marxist-Leninist move-
ment, to stop it from building up and gaining strength, so
that it will not become a great leading political force of the
revolution, so that the genuine Marxist-Leninist parties of
each country will not gain the political and ideological ca-
pacity to be able to unite, organize, mobilize, and lead the
masses in revolution and to victory.
But, however much the imperialists, the capitalists,
the revisionists and reactionaries strive and struggle, they
cannot stop the wheel of history from rolling onwards.
Their strivings and struggle will come up against the revo-
lutionary strivings and struggle of the proletariat and the
freedom-loving peoples, while the modern revisionists will
suffer the same fate as the social-democrats and all the
opportunists of the past, all the lackeys of the bourgeoisie
and imperialism.
The Peoples’ Liberation Struggle – a Component
Part of the World Revolution
When we speak of the revolution we do not mean only
the socialist revolution. In the present epoch of the revolu-
tionary transition from capitalism to socialism, the peo-
ples’ liberation struggle, the national-democratic, anti-
imperialist revolutions, the national liberation movements,
also, are component parts of a single revolutionary process,
the world proletarian revolution, as Lenin and Stalin ex-
plained.

116
 “Leninism,” says Stalin, “has proved... that the na-
tional problem can be solved only in connection with
and on the basis of the proletarian revolution, and
that the road to victory of the revolution in the West
lies through the revolutionary alliance with the lib-
eration movement of the colonies and dependent
countries against imperialism. The national prob-
lem is a part of the general problem of the proletar-
ian revolution, a part of the problem of the dictator-
ship of the proletariat”*.
This connection has become even clearer and more
natural today, when, with the collapse of the old colonial
system, most of the peoples have taken a big step forward
towards independence by creating their own national
states, and when, following this step, they are aspiring to
go further. They want the liquidation of the neo-colonialist
system, of any imperialist dependence and any exploitation
by foreign capital. They want their complete sovereignty
and economic and political independence. It has now been
proved that such aspirations can be realized, such objec-
tives can be attained only through the elimination of any
foreign domination by and dependence on foreigners and
the liquidation of oppression and exploitation by local
bourgeois and big land-owner rulers.
Hence, the linking and interlacing of the national-
democratic, anti-imperialist, national liberation revolution
with the socialist revolution, because, by striking at impe-
rialism and reaction, which are common enemies of the
proletariat and the peoples, these revolutions also pave the
way for great social transformations, assist the victory of
the socialist revolution. And vice-versa, by striking at the
imperialist bourgeoisie, by destroying its economic and po-
litical positions, the socialist revolution creates favourable
conditions for and facilitates the triumph of liberation
movements.
This is how the Party of Labour of Albania sees the
question of the revolution. It sees it from Marxist-Leninist
positions, and that is why it gives all-out support and

*
J. V. Stalin, Works, vol. 6, p. 144 (Alb. ed.).
117
backing to the just struggles of the freedom-loving peoples
against US imperialism, Soviet social-imperialism and the
other imperialist powers, against neo-colonialism, because
these struggles assist the common cause of the destruction
of imperialism, the capitalist system and the triumph of
socialism in each country and on a world scale.
Therefore, when we draw the conclusion that the revo-
lution is a question put forward for solution, that it is on
the agenda, we have in mind not only the socialist revolu-
tion, but also the democratic anti-imperialist revolution.
The level of maturity of the revolutionary situation, the
character and the development of the revolution cannot be
the same for all countries.
These things depend on the concrete historical condi-
tions of each individual country, the stage of its economic
and social development, the ratio of classes, the situation
and the level of organization of the proletariat and the op-
pressed masses, the scale of the interference of foreign
powers in the different countries, etc. Each country and,
people has many specific problems of the revolution, which
are very complicated.
At present, there is a great deal of talk about the situa-
tion in Africa, Asia, Latin America, and the carrying out of
the revolution there. The Chinese leaders the question of
the revolution and the independence and national libera-
tion of these countries in a global way, as if it can be solved
by means of the unity of the entire “third world”., i.e., of
states, classes, governments, etc., ignoring the concrete
situations and problems of leach individual country and
region. This metaphysical view shows that the Chinese
leaders are, in fact, against the revolution and the libera-
tion of the peoples of Africa, Asia, Latin America, that they
are for the maintenance of the status quo, for the preserva-
tion of the imperialist and neo-colonialist domination in
these countries.
We, too, speak about the question of the liberation the
African, Asiatic, Latin-American, Arab and other peoples.
These peoples have many common problems which they
must solve, but each of them also has very complicated
specific problems.

118
 The general and common task of these peoples is the
liquidation of any foreign yoke, imperialist, colonial and
neo-colonial, and the oppression by the local bourgeoisie.
These peoples in Africa, Latin America, Asia, and else-
where are ‘seething with anger and hatred against the for-
eign yoke, as well as against the yoke of the local bourgeois
or landowner-bourgeois ruling cliques, sold out to the US
imperialists, the Soviet social-imperialists, or the other
imperialists. These peoples have now awakened and can
no longer tolerate the plunder of their riches, their sweat
and blood, can no longer reconcile themselves to the eco-
nomic, social and cultural backwardness in which they
live.
Arising from the struggle against US imperialism and
Soviet social-imperialism, the main enemies of the revolu-
tion and the national and social liberation of the peoples,
the struggle against the bourgeoisie and reaction, the peo-
ples have many common interests, many common prob-
lems, and on this basis they must unite with one another.
The fight against Israel – the most blood-thirsty
tool of US imperialism – which has become a great
stumbling block to the advance of the Arab peoples,
is a common problem for all these peoples. In prac-
tice, however, not all the Arab states are of one mind about
the struggle they should wage jointly against Israel and
about the character this struggle against their common
enemy should have. Frequently, some of them see this
struggle from a narrow nationalist angle.
We cannot agree with such a stand. We stick to our
stand that Israel must withdraw to its own lair and re-
nounce its chauvinist, provocative, offensive and aggres-
sive attitudes and actions against the Arab states. We de-
mand that Israel give up the territories of the Arabs, that
the Palestinians gain all their national rights, but we can
never accept that the Israeli people should be wiped out.
The efforts of the peoples of the Arab countries for
complete liberation from the clutches of imperialism and
social-imperialism, for the strengthening of their freedom

119
and sovereignty, are likewise the common problems of all
these peoples.
However, each of the Arab peoples has its own charac-
teristics, has specific problems, which are different from
those of the others, and which arise from its socio-economic
development, its cultural level, its state organization, the
level of freedom and sovereignty achieved, the unification
of clans and tribes in many of them, etc. To lump all these
separate elements together and to demand that the ques-
tion of freedom, independence, democracy and socialism
must be solved for all these countries in the same manner
and at the same time, is an impossibility.
In those Arab countries in which the interests of the
bourgeoisie have been greatest, the various imperialists
have invested considerable sums for the exploitation of
natural assets and the peoples.
To achieve this, certain working conditions had to be
created, both for the colonizers and the colonized. Wher-
ever the natural assets have been most plentiful and the
interests of the colonizers greatest, there the exploitation
of the people and their wealth also have been more inten-
sive. Naturally, the exploitation of assets has also brought
about a certain development, but this cannot be considered
as an overall, harmonious development of the economy of
this or that country. The colonizers financed and assisted
the chieftains of the principal tribes, who sold their souls
and the riches of the peoples to the imperialist occupiers.
In return they were given a small percentage from the co-
lossal profits made by the colonizers.
Depending on the circumstances and the power of the
state which had enslaved them, with these profits and the
aid of their foreign patrons, the tribal chiefs created some
sort of allegedly independent state, with the support and
under the control of the colonizing country. In this way,
with the aid of the colonizers, the tribal chiefs were turned
into the wealthy bourgeois stratum of sheiks, who sold
their, territories, together with their peoples, for next to
nothing putting the peoples under a double bondage, that
of the foreign colonizers and their own. Thus, the strata of
the big bourgeoisie, the big landowners, mediaeval kings,

120
on the one hand, and the slaves, the proletariat working on
the foreign concessions, on the other, were created and con-
fronted one another in the Arab countries. With the money
and profits the foreign exploiters granted them, the upper
strata adopted the mode of living of the European and
American bourgeoisie. Their sons even attended the colo-
nizers’ schools, where they acquired some western culture.
They passed themselves off as the representatives of their
people’s culture, but in fact, they were trained to keep the
working masses in bondage and to allow the colonizers to
continue the ruthless exploitation of the latter.
That Arab state which had greater wealth, developed
more rapidly, another which was not so wealthy, developed
more slowly, while the state which was poor, remained at a
very low level of development.
Having an organization suitable for the imposition of
radical oppression, and also having the armed forces in
their hands, colonialism, the state power of feudal mon-
archs and the big land-owning bourgeoisie nipped in the
bud any attempt at revolt, any claim, even for some very
limited economic rights, let alone for political demands and
the revolution.
In the development of the Arab states at the present
day, they are not all faced with solving the same problems.
The King of Saudi Arabia, for instance, has different prob-
lems and views the economic, political, organizational and
military questions differently from the Emirs of the Per-
sian Gulf who see these questions from quite another angle
and over a different range. Similarly, Iraq, Syria, Egypt,
Libya, Tunisia, Algeria, Morocco, Mauritania, etc., all see
their own problems from different points of views.
Therefore, when we speak of the Arab peoples, we ar-
rive at the conclusion that, though they have many com-
mon interests, their problems are not identical and cannot
be solved in the same way in one country as in another.
Similarly, we cannot say that an alliance and a single opin-
ion about the solution of common problems exist among
these countries. The problems are different for each Arab
state not only because of the differing stands of the gov-
ernments of one or the other country, but also because of

121
the attitudes of the colonial and neo-colonial states which
still continue to make the law in most of them.
What has been said about the Arab peoples also
applies to the peoples of the African continent. Af-
rica is a mosaic of peoples with an ancient culture.
Each African people has its own culture, customs, way of
life, which, with some variations, are at a very backward
stage, for well-known reasons. The awakening of the bulk
of these peoples has only recently begun. De jure, the Afri-
can peoples, in general, have won their freedom and inde-
pendence. But there can be no talk of genuine freedom and
independence, since most of them are still in a colonial or
neo-colonial state.
Many of these countries are governed by the chieftains
of the old tribes who have seized power and rely on the old
colonialists, or the US imperialists and the Soviet social-
imperialists. The methods of government in these states at
this stage are not and cannot be other than a marked sur-
vival of colonialism. The imperialists are ruling most of the
African countries again through their concerns, their capi-
tal invested in industry, banks, etc. The overwhelming
bulk of the wealth of these countries continues to flow to
the metropolises.
Some of the African countries have fought for that
freedom and independence they enjoy today, while the oth-
ers have had it granted without fighting. During their co-
lonial rule in Africa, the British, French and other coloniz-
ers oppressed the peoples but they also created a local
bourgeoisie, more or less educated in the Occidental man-
ner. The leading figures today have also emerged from this
bourgeoisie. Among them there are many anti-imperialist
elements, fighters for the independence of their own coun-
tries, but the majority either remain loyal to the old colo-
nizers, in order to preserve the close relations with them
even after the formal abolition of colonialism, or have en-
tered into economic and political dependence on the US
imperialists or the Soviet social imperialists.
The colonizers did not make large investments in the
past. This was the case, for instance, with Libya, Tunisia,

122
Egypt, etc. However, the colonizers drained the wealth of
all these countries, seized large tracts of land, and devel-
oped a proletariat, by no means small in number, in some
special branches of the industry, such as in the extraction
and processing of raw materials. They also drew large
numbers of workers to the metropolises, such as to France,
for instance, but also to Britain, as a cheap labour force
which worked in the colonizers mines and the factories.
In the other parts of Africa, especially in Black Africa,
industrial development remained more backward. All the
countries of this region were divided up, especially be-
tween France, Britain, Belgium and Portugal. Great un-
derground riches, like diamonds, iron, copper, gold, tin,
etc., were discovered there long ago, and industry to mine
and process minerals has been set up there.
In many African countries, large, typically colonial cit-
ies, were built, where the colonizers; lived a fabulous life.
Now, on the one hand, the local great bourgeoisie and its
wealth is growing and developing there, while on the other
hand, the impoverishment of the broad masses of working
people is increasing still more. In these countries a certain
degree of cultural development has been achieved, but it
has more of a European character. The local culture has
not developed. It has generally remained at the stage
reached by the tribes and is not represented outside them,
in the centres with towering sky-scrapers. This has come
about because, outside the large centres, were the coloniz-
ers lived, stark misery and extreme poverty existed, hun-
ger, disease, ignorance and ruthless exploitation of the
people, in the full meaning of the term, reigned supreme.
The African population remained culturally and eco-
nomically undeveloped and continuously diminished in
numbers, declining because of colonial wars, the savage
racial persecution, and the traffic in African negroes, who
were sent to the metropolises, the United States of Amer-
ica, and other countries to work like animals in the planta-
tions of cotton and other crops, as well as in the heaviest
jobs in industry and construction.
For these reasons, the African peoples still have a
great struggle ahead of them. This is and will be a very

123
complicated struggle, differing from one country to an-
other, because of the state of their economic, cultural and
educational development, the degree of their political
awakening, the great influence which the different relig-
ions, such as the Christian and Moslem religions, the old
pagan beliefs, etc., exert on the masses of these peoples.
This struggle becomes still more difficult since many of
these countries are actually under the domination of neo-
colonialism combined with that of local bourgeois-capitalist
cliques. The law there is made by those powerful capitalist
and imperialist states which subsidize or control the ruling
cliques, which they set up and remove whenever the inter-
ests of the neo-colonialists require or when the balance of
these interests is upset.
The policy pursued by the big landowners, the reac-
tionary bourgeoisie, the imperialists and the neo-
colonialists is intended to keep the African peoples in per-
manent bondage, in ignorance, to hinder their social, po-
litical and ideological development, and to obstruct their
struggle to gain these rights. At present we see that those
same imperialists who used to lord it over these peoples in
the past, as well as other new imperialists, are trying to
penetrate into the African continent, by meddling in every
way in the internal affairs of the peoples. As a result of
this, the contradictions among imperialists, between the
peoples and the bourgeois-capitalist leaderships of most of
these countries, and between the peoples and the new
colonizers, are becoming more and more severe every day.
These contradictions must be utilized by the peoples,
both to deepen them and to benefit from them. But this can
be achieved only through resolute struggle by the proletar-
iat, the poor peasantry, by all the oppressed and the
slaves, against imperialism and neo-colonialism, against
the local big bourgeoisie, the big landowners and their
whole establishment. A special role in this struggle de-
volves upon progressives and democrats, the revolutionary
youth and patriotic intellectuals, who aspire to see their
own countries advancing free and independent, on the path
of development and progress. Only through continuous and
organized struggle by them will life be made difficult for

124
the local and foreign oppressors and exploiters and gov-
ernment impossible. This situation will be prepared in the
specific circumstances of each African state.
British and US imperialism have not given to the peo-
ples of Africa any freedom. Everybody can see what is hap-
pening in South Africa, for instance. The white racists, the
British capitalists, the exploiters, are ruling there, sav-
agely oppressing the coloured peoples of that state, where
the law of jungle prevails. Many other countries of Africa
are dominated by the concerns and capital of the United
States of America, Britain, France, Belgium, and other old
colonialists and imperialists, who have become somewhat
weaker, but who still hold the keys to the economies of
these countries.
The peoples of Asia, too, have traversed a road
full of suffering and hardship, ruthless imperialist
oppression and exploitation. On the eve of the Second
World War, nine tenths of the population of this continent,
Soviet Asia excluded, was in a state of colonial and semi-
colonial oppression and exploitation by the imperialist
powers of Europe, Japan and the United States of America.
Great Britain alone had colonies totalling 5 million 635
thousand square kilometres of territory with more than
420 million inhabitants in Asia. The colonial oppression
and exploitation of the overwhelming majority of the coun-
tries of Asia had left them in a state of marked socio-
economic and cultural backwardness and utter poverty.
They served only as sources to supply the imperialist me-
tropolises with raw materials such as oil, coal, chromium,
manganese, magnesium, tin, rubber, etc.
After the war, the colonial order was shattered in Asia,
too. Separate national states were set up in the colonial
countries. Most of these countries won this victory through
bloody war waged by the popular masses against the colo-
nialists and the Japanese invaders.
The liberation war of the Chinese people, which led to
the liberation of China from Japanese imperialist rule, the
routing of the reactionary forces of Chiang Kai-shek and
the triumph of the democratic revolution, was of special

125
importance for the collapse of colonialism in Asia. For a
time, this victory, in such a large country as China, exerted
an extensive influence on the liberation struggle of the
Asian peoples and the peoples of other countries domi-
nated by, or dependent on, the imperialist powers. But this
influence gradually declined, because of the line followed
by the Chinese leadership after the founding of the Peo-
ple’s Republic of China.
The Chinese leadership proclaimed that China had set
out on the road of socialist development. The revolutionar-
ies and the freedom-loving peoples of the world, who
wanted and expected China to become a powerful bastion
of socialism and world revolution, ardently welcomed this
proclamation. But their desires and hopes were not being
fulfilled. Hard though it was for people to believe, the facts
and the very troubled and confused situation which pre-
vailed in China showed that it was not marching on the
socialist road.
Meanwhile, the struggle of the Asian peoples had not
ended with the destruction of colonialism. While being
obliged to recognize the independence of the former colo-
nial countries, the British, French, Dutch and other coloni-
alists wanted to preserve their economic and political posi-
tions in these countries in order to continue their domina-
tion and exploitation in other, neo-colonialist forms. The
penetration of the United States of America into Asia, es-
pecially the Far East, Southeast Asia and the islands of
the Pacific, made the situation particularly serious. This
region had and still has great economic and military-
strategic importance for American imperialism. It estab-
lished big military bases and deployed powerful fleets
there. Parallel with this, US capital got the economies of
the countries of this area firmly into its blood-stained
clutches. Meanwhile the US imperialists undertook large-
scale military operations, diversionist and espionage ac-
tivities to put down the national liberation movements of
the Asian countries. They succeeded in dividing Korea and
Vietnam in two, setting up reactionary, puppet regimes in
the southern parts of both these countries. Pro-imperialist
landowner-bourgeois regimes were established in many

126
former colonial and semi-colonial countries of Asia. In this
way, the mediaeval slavery, the savage rule of maharajas,
kings, sheiks, samurais, and modernized capitalist gen-
tlemen was preserved there. These regimes sold their
countries to the imperialists again, especially to US impe-
rialism, thus immensely hindering the socio-economic and
cultural development of these countries.
Under these conditions, the peoples of Asia, who were
again languishing under the heavy imperialist and land-
owner-bourgeois yoke, could not lay down their arms, but
had to continue their fight for liberation to get rid of this
yoke. Generally, this struggle was led by the communist
parties. Wherever these parties had succeeded in estab-
lishing sound links with the masses, making them con-
scious of the liberation aims of the war, and mobilizing and
organizing them in revolutionary armed struggle, positive
results were reached. The historic victory which the peo-
ples of Indochina, especially the Vietnamese people, won
over the US imperialists and their local landowner-
bourgeois stooges, showed the entire world that imperial-
ism, even a superpower like the United States of America,
with all its mighty economic and military potential, with
all the modern means of war at its disposal, which it uses
to put down the liberation movements, is unable to subju-
gate peoples and countries, whether big or small, when
they are determined to make any sacrifice and fight self-
lessly to the finish for their freedom and independence.
Liberation armed struggles have been waged and are
still going on in many other countries of Asia, like Burma,
Malaysia, the Philippines, Indonesia and elsewhere. Had it
not been for the anti-Marxist and chauvinist interference
and stands of the Chinese leadership, which have brought
about splits and disorientation among the revolutionary
forces and the communist parties leading these forces,
these struggles would certainly have scored greater suc-
cesses and victories. On the one hand, the Chinese leaders
proclaimed their support for the liberation wars in these
countries, while on the other hand, they supported the re-
actionary regimes, welcomed and farewelled the chiefs of
these regimes with paeans of praise and a thousand hon-

127
ours. They have always followed the strategy and tactic of
subordinating the liberation movements of the Asian coun-
tries to their pragmatic policy and hegemonic interests.
They have always brought pressure to bear upon the
revolutionary forces and their leadership in order to im-
pose this policy on them. They have never been really con-
cerned about the question of peoples’ liberation and the
revolution in the countries of Asia, but only about the re-
alization of their chauvinist ambitions. They have not
helped these peoples but have hindered them.
The question of the revolution and the liberation
struggle in Asia has never demanded solution so forcibly
and imperatively as it does now, it has never been more
complicated and difficult to solve.
This complication and these difficulties have resulted
mainly from the aims and activities of the American impe-
rialists, as well as from the anti-Marxist, anti-popular,
hegemonic and expansionist aims and activities of the So-
viet and Chinese revisionists and social-imperialists. The
United States of America is aiming and striving with
might and main to preserve and strengthen its strategic,
economic and military positions in Asia, for it considers
these positions of vital importance to its imperialist inter-
ests.
The Soviet Union, too, is aiming and striving by all
means and with all forces to expand the Positions it has
already occupied in Asia.
China, on its part, has openly displayed its. Pretension
to become the ruler of Asian countries, by forming alli-
ances, to this end, with the United States of America, and
especially with Japan, and directly opposing the Soviet
Union.
Japan, also, has the ambition to dominate Asia, the old
ambition of Japanese imperialism.
That is why the Soviet Union is so greatly afraid of the
Sino-Japanese alliance and is opposing it so strongly. But
neither does American imperialism want this alliance to
become so solid that it goes beyond the limits which might
infringe American interests, although it encouraged and
gave its “blessing” to the signing of the treaty between

128
China and Japan, from the standpoint that this treaty
might contain the Soviet expansion which is to the detri-
ment of American domination.
India, which is a big country, also, has ambitions of be-
coming a great power with the atomic bombs and great
weight in Asia, of playing a special role, in particular con-
cerning the strategic position it has at the nodal point of
the expansionist interests of the two imperialist superpow-
ers, American and Soviet, in the Indian Ocean, the Persian
Gulf and on its northern and eastern borders.
British imperialism has not given up its aim of domi-
nation in the Asian countries, either. And certain other
capitalist-imperialist states also have similar aims.
That is why Asia has become one of the areas of the
fiercest inter-imperialist rivalries today, and consequently,
many dangerous hotbeds of world conflagrations, for which
the peoples will pay the price, have been created there.
In order to quell the revolutions and the liberation
struggle in the countries of Asia and open the way to the
realization of their hegemonic and expansionist plans, the
Soviet and Chinese revisionists, in feverish competition
with each other, have been and are engaged in a very filthy
job of splitting and destroying the ranks of the communist
parties and the revolutionary and freedom loving forces of
these countries. This activity was one of the main causes of
the catastrophe suffered by the Communist Party of Indo-
nesia, and of the splitting and destruction of the Commu-
nist Party of India, etc. They advocate the alliance and
unity of the proletariat and the broad popular masses with
the local reactionary bourgeoisie, while each of them is try-
ing to win the friendship of this ruling bourgeoisie, for its
own ends.
The interference of the Soviet and Chinese social-
imperialists in the various countries of Asia from their
hegemonic and expansionist positions and ambitions has
faced the liberation movements of these peoples with great
dangers and has even put the victories of the liberation
war in Vietnam, Cambodia and Laos directly in jeopardy.
The revolutionary and freedom-loving forces of the
Asian countries, which are led by the Marxist-Leninist

129
communist parties, have to face up to and eliminate both
the danger from local reaction, which is armed by its impe-
rialist patrons, and the dangers from the splitting and dis-
ruptive activities, and the hegemonic and expansionist
plans of the Soviet and Chinese revisionists. They also
have to free themselves from a series of old reactionary,
mystical, Buddhist, Brahmanic and other religious ideas
and concepts, which hold back the liberation movement.
They also have to prevent “new” reactionary ideas and con-
cepts from striking root, such as the revisionist ideas of
Khrushchevism, Maoism, and other just as reactionary
theories, which disorientate and deceive the masses, de-
prive them of their militant class spirit, and lead them into
wrong and hopeless paths.
The liberation struggle ahead of the peoples of Asia is
truly difficult and has many obstacles indeed, but there
never has been, and never will be, an easy liberation
struggle or revolution, without great difficulties and obsta-
cles that must be overcome, which do not require blood-
shed and many sacrifices to achieve ultimate victory.
The countries of Latin America, in general, have
a higher level of capitalist development than the
countries of Africa and Asia. But the degree of depend-
ence of the Latin-American countries on foreign capital is
not lower than that of the overwhelming majority of Afri-
can and Asian countries.
Unlike the African and Asian countries, most of the
countries in Latin America proclaimed themselves inde-
pendent states much earlier, since the first half of the 19th
century, as a result of the liberation struggles of the peo-
ples of that continent against the Spanish and Portuguese
colonizers. Had these countries not fallen under another
yoke, the semi-colonial yoke of British, French, German,
American and other foreign capital, right after they shook
off the Spanish or Portuguese colonial yoke, they would
have made much greater progress. Up to the beginning of
this century the British colonialists were the masters of
the situation on this continent. They plundered colossal
amounts of raw materials from these countries, built ports,

130
railways, power stations in the exclusive service of their
concessionary companies, and traded there industrial
goods produced in Britain.
This situation changed, but not in favour of the Latin-
American peoples, with the penetration of Latin America
by the United States of America at the stage of its imperi-
alist development. The imperialism of the United States of
America used the slogan “America for Americans”, embod-
ied in the “Monroe Doctrine”, in order to establish its undi-
vided domination over the whole Western hemisphere. The
economic penetration of the United States of America into
this hemisphere was carried out both by means of military
force and political blackmail and by dollar diplomacy, by
means of the stick and the carrot. Thus in 1930, invest-
ments of American and British capital in Latin America
were equal, whereas after the Second World War, the
United States of America became the real master of the
economy of this region of the globe. Its big monopolies took
control of the key branches of the economy in Latin Amer-
ica. The countries of that continent became part of the “in-
visible” empire of American imperialism, which began to
make the law in all of them, to appoint and dismiss the
heads of state and the governments, to dictate their inter-
nal and external economic and military policies.
The monopoly companies of the United States of Amer-
ica drew fabulous profits from the exploitation of the rich
natural resources and the toil, sweat and blood of the
Latin-American peoples: for each dollar invested in the
various countries of this continent they took 4-5 dollars
profit. This situation still prevails to this day.
Although the capital investments by the imperialist
states in Latin America led to the setting up of some mod-
ern industry, particularly the extracting industry as well
as light and food processing industry, these investments
have been a very great hindrance to the general economic
development of the Latin-American countries. The foreign
monopolies and the neo-colonialist policy of the imperialist
states have given the economic development of these coun-
tries a distorted, one-sided form, a mono-cultural charac-
ter, turning them simply into specialized suppliers of raw

131
materials: Venezuela – oil, Bolivia – tin, Chile – copper,
Brazil and Colombia – coffee, Cuba, Haiti and the Domini-
can Republic – sugar, Uruguay and Argentina – livestock
products, Ecuador bananas, and so on.
This one-sided character made the economy of these
countries utterly unstable, utterly incapable of rapid and
all-round development, completely at the mercy of the
changes and fluctuation of prices on the capitalist world
market, Any decline in production and any manifestation
of economic crisis in the United States of America and the
other capitalist countries was bound to be reflected nega-
tively, indeed even more drastically, in the economies of
the countries of Latin America, too.
After the Second World War, the imperialist Metropo-
lises began to make direct large-scale investments in the
various branches of industry, mining, farming, to buy up
national enterprises, etc.
They extended their domination over whole sectors of
production, and stepped up the plunder of the countries of
Latin America to the maximum. At the same time, they
encouraged provision of loans and financing at high inter-
est rates, thus binding these countries even more tightly to
the foreign domination and to the domination of the United
States of America, first of all. Brazil alone has debts to the
foreign banks amounting to almost 40 billion dollars and
Mexico nearly 30 billion dollars.
Capitalist development in Latin America has remained
generally backward also because there are still many sur-
vivals of the latifundia which have not completely lost
their feudal character, that is why in some of the Latin-
American countries there is very marked backwardness, as
in those of Asia and Africa. In the countries of Latin Amer-
ica an oligarchy, a very powerful monopoly big bourgeoisie
dependent on imperialist economic policy and direct impe-
rialist interference, has been created, which together with
the big landowners has state power in its hands and, al-
ways with the support of American imperialism and to-
gether with it, ruthlessly oppresses and exploits the work-
ing class, the peasantry and the other strata of working
people who live in abject poverty.

132
 This development has also created quite a large indus-
trial proletariat which, together with the agricultural pro-
letariat and the building and services workers, makes up
nearly half the population, unlike Africa and Asia where,
in most countries, the working class is very small.
Besides this, in Latin America the peasantry and the
working class, which has emerged from its ranks, have a
rich militant revolutionary tradition gained in the cease-
less struggles for freedom, land, work and bread, a tradi-
tion which has been developed further in the battles
against the local oligarchy and foreign monopolies, against
American imperialism. The peoples of Latin America rank
among the peoples who have fought and shed their blood
the most against their internal and external oppressors
and exploiters. In these battles they have had more than a
few victories, and not minor ones either, but the complete
victory of democratic freedoms, the wiping out of exploita-
tion, securing national independence and sovereignty, has
still not been won in any Latin-American country. The
Latin-American peoples cherished many hopes, had many
illusions, about the victory of the Cuban people, which be-
came an inspiration and encouragement to them in their
struggle to shake off the yoke of the local capitalist and
landowner rulers and American imperialists. However,
these hopes and this inspiration soon faded when they saw
that Castroite Cuba was not developing on the road of so-
cialism but on that of revisionist-type capitalism, and
faded even more quickly when Cuba became the vassal and
Mercenary of Soviet social-imperialism.
In Latin America today, as on all continents, the situa-
tion is complicated.
In most of these countries the situation, is revolution-
ary and puts the revolution for the overthrow of the bour-
geois-landowner order and the liquidation of imperialist
dependence on the order of the day. Of course, these revo-
lutions cannot have the same character, the same process
of development and the same solution everywhere, for the
known reasons of the particular conditions and problems of
each country or group of countries, the different levels of
their socio-economic development, their dependence on im-

133
perialism or social-imperialism, the more or less moderate,
or more or less fascist, bourgeois regimes, etc. But one
thing is obviously essential – the interlinking, more closely
than in many countries of Africa and Asia, of the anti-
imperialist, democratic and socialist tasks of the revolu-
tion.
Latin America also has many advantages in regard to
the preparation of the subjective factor of the revolution,
because of the relatively high level of consciousness and
readiness of the broad popular masses to fight against the
internal and foreign oppression and exploitation, for free-
dom, democracy and socialism. However, it is not just the
imperialists, especially the Americans, together with local
reaction, but also the local revisionists and the other op-
portunist stooges of capitalism, as well as the Soviet and
Chinese revisionists, who are obstructing, confusing, and
fighting with all their strength against the full preparation
of this factor.
Sticking to its policy of keeping Latin America as its
exclusive domain, from which it extracts colossal super-
profits, American imperialism is manoeuvring with all its
means – military force, secret agents, demagogy and de-
ception, to prevent any other imperialism from predomi-
nating there, to ensure that the revolution will not break
out and triumph in any of these countries. Thus it wants to
preserve both the total dependence of the Latin-American
countries on the United States of America and the bour-
geois-landowner order in these countries.
An important weapon in the hands of the, United
States of America to this end is the so-called Organization
of American States, which is under the command of the
president, the Pentagon and the State Department of the
United States. The Constitution of this organization gives
the United States the right to intervene in any way and
with any means, even military means, to maintain the
status quo, both internal and external, of the countries of
Latin America.
Meanwhile, the big American monopolies have per-
fected their method of exploitation in these countries by
organizing the multi-national monopoly companies which

134
have their centres in, and are controlled by, the United
States of America, and by making large use of state capi-
talism, by means of which they also secure their control
over the local governments and state apparatus in general.
But these and many other means the United States of
America employs do not solve the problems arising from
the grave economic and political crisis which has the
Latin-American countries also in its grip.
Now that the local capitalists and landowners cannot
exist without being dependent on, or having the support of
American imperialism, the idea of the revolution, as the
only and indispensable means to gain national and social
liberation, is becoming ever more deeply and widely im-
planted in the consciousness of the proletariat, the working
peasantry, the progressive intelligentsia, and the masses
of the youth of these countries.
In order to avert the revolutions, the American imperi-
alists and the local capitalists resort to two main methods.
One is to establish military-fascist regimes through a “pro-
nunciamento militar” (military putsch) when they see that
their positions are more immediately threatened. This is
what they did in Brazil, Chile, Uruguay, Bolivia and else-
where. The other method is to organize democratic-
bourgeois regimes with marked limitations and large gaps
in fundamental freedoms, as in Venezuela, Mexico, or as
they are doing now in’ Brazil, trying, in this manner, to
ease the revolutionary tensions and give the impression
that the bourgeoisie of these countries and, to an even
greater extent, the administration of the United States of
America and its president are allegedly concerned about
human rights.
However, such means and manoeuvres cannot solve
the problems of the crisis, cannot avert revolutionary
situations, cannot wipe the revolution off the agenda.
The proletariat and all the revolutionary forces in the
Latin-American countries are faced with very important
revolutionary tasks. In order to perform such tasks, that is,
to carry out the revolution, to win their complete national
independence, to establish democratic freedoms and social-
ism, they have to fight in many directions, against the lo-

135
cal bourgeois and latifundist oligarchy, against US imperi-
alism, as well as against various lackeys of capital, imperi-
alism and social-imperialism, such as the pro-Soviet and
Castroite revisionists, the pro-Chinese revisionists, the
Trotskyites, etc. They must not only cope with the diver-
sionist and splitting activity of various shades of opportun-
ists and revisionists, but also free themselves from petty-
bourgeois influences such as expressed by a number of
putschist, foquist, adventurist concepts and practices
which have become a kind of tradition, but which have
nothing in common with the true revolution, and on the
contrary, cause it great damage. However, this question
requires careful handling.
In regard to the militant tradition of the peoples of
Latin America the positive, revolutionary aspect is pre-
dominant. It constitutes a very important factor that must
be used to the best advantage and as widely as possible in
the preparation and development of the revolution while
giving the tradition a new content, free from the negative
pistolero and foquist elements.
The Marxist-Leninist parties of the working class will
play a decisive role in carrying out these great tasks. Now,
not only have such parties been created in almost every
country of Latin America, but most of them have taken
important steps forward in the work of preparing the pro-
letariat and the masses of the people for revolution.
In irreconcilable struggle against the revisionists and
other opportunists, against all the lackeys of the bourgeoi-
sie and imperialism, against Castroite, Khrushchevite,
Trotskyite, “three worlds”, and other such views and prac-
tices, they have worked out a correct political line and ac-
cumulated sufficient experience in the struggle to put this
line into practice, becoming the bearers of all the revolu-
tionary tradition of the past, in order to use it and develop
it further to the advantage of the workers’ and liberation
movement, the preparation and raising of the masses in
revolution.
The revolutionary situations existing today make it es-
sential for these parties to maintain the closest possible
contacts and consult with one another as frequently as

136
possible, to be able to gain the maximum benefits from one
another’s experience and co-ordinate their stands and ac-
tions on the common problems of the struggle against the
reactionary bourgeoisie and imperialism, against Soviet,
Chinese and other brands of modern revisionism, and on
all the problems of the revolution.
Now that the peoples have awakened and refuse to live
any longer under the imperialist and colonial yoke, now
that they are demanding freedom, independence, develop-
ment and progress, and are seething with anger against
foreign and internal oppressors, now that Africa, Latin
America and Asia have become a boiling cauldron, the old
and new colonialists are finding it difficult, if not impossi-
ble, to dominate and exploit the peoples of these countries
by means of the previous methods and forms. They are
quite unable to do without their plunder and exploitation
of the wealth, the toil and the blood of these peoples. That
is why all these efforts are being made to find new meth-
ods and forms of deception, plunder and exploitation, to
dispense some alms, which, again, do not benefit the
masses, but the bourgeois-land owner ruling classes.
Meanwhile the question has been made even more
complicated, because Soviet social-imperialism long ago
began to penetrate and entrench itself more and more
deeply in the former colonies and semi-colonies, and be-
cause social-imperialist China has begun to make feverish
efforts to get in there, too.
The revisionist Soviet Union carries out its expansion-
ist interference under the guise of its allegedly Leninist
policy of aid for the peoples’ liberation struggle, posing as
the natural ally of these countries and peoples. As a means
to penetrate into Africa and elsewhere, the Soviet revision-
ists employ and spread slogans of a socialist colour in order
to deceive the peoples who aspire to liberate themselves, to
liquidate oppression and exploitation, and who know that
the only road to complete national and social liberation is
socialism.
The Soviet Union also involves its allies, or better, its
satellites in its interference. We are seeing this concretely
in Africa, where the Soviet social-imperialist and their Cu-

137
ban mercenaries are intervening on the pretext that they
are assisting the revolution. This is a lie. Their interven-
tion is nothing but a colonialist action aimed at capturing
markets and subjugating peoples.
The intervention of the Soviet Union and its Cuban
mercenaries in Angola is of this nature. They have never
had the slightest intention of assisting the Angolan revolu-
tion, but their aim was and is to get their claws into that
African country which had won a certain independence af-
ter the expulsion of the Portuguese colonialists The Cuban
mercenaries are the colonial army dispatched by the Soviet
Union to capture markets and strategic positions in the
countries of Black Africa, and to go on from Angola to other
states, to enable the Soviet social-imperialists, too , to cre-
ate a modern colonial empire.
Under the cloak of aid for peoples’ liberation the Soviet
Union and its mercenary, Cuba, are intervening in other
countries with armies equipped with artillery and ma-
chine-guns, allegedly to build socialism, which does not
exist in either the Soviet Union or Cuba. These two bour-
geois-revisionist states intervened in Angola in order to
help a capitalist clique seize power, contrary to the aims of
the Angolan people who had fought to win their freedom
from the Portuguese colonialists. Agostinho Neto is playing
the game of the Soviets. In the struggle against the other
faction, in order to seize power for himself, he called in the
Soviets to help him. The struggle between the two oppos-
ing Angolan clans did not have anything of a people’s revo-
lutionary character.
The fight between them was a struggle of cliques for
power. Each of them was supported by different imperial-
ist states. Agostinho Neto emerged the winner from this
contest, while socialism did not triumph in Angola. On the
contrary, following the intervention from abroad, Soviet
neo-colonialism has been established there.
Social-imperialist China, too, is making great efforts to
penetrate into the former colonial and semi-colonial coun-
tries.
An example of how China intervenes is provided by Za-
ire, a country ruled by the clique around Mobutu, the

138
wealthiest and most bloodthirsty clique on the African con-
tinent. In the fighting which flared up in Zaire recently,
the Moroccans of the Sherifian Kingdom of Morocco, the
French air force, and China, too, all rushed to the aid of
Mobutu, the murderer of Patrice Lumumba. The assis-
tance given by the French is understandable, because with
their intervention they were defending their concessions
and concerns in Katanga, and at the same time, protecting
their men, as well as Mobutu and his clique. But what do
the Chinese revisionists want in Katanga? Whom are they
assisting there? Are they helping the people of Zaire who
are being suppressed by Mobutu and his clique and by the
French, Belgian, US and other concession holders? Or are
not they, too, assisting the blood-thirsty Mobutu clique?
The fact is that the Chinese revisionist leadership is assist-
ing this clique not indirectly, but quite openly. To make
this assistance more concrete and more demonstrative, it
sent its foreign minister, Huang Hua there, as well as mili-
tary experts and military and economic aid. Thus, it acted
in an anti-Marxist, anti-revolutionary way. China’s inter-
ference has exactly the same features as that of King Has-
san of Morocco and that of France.
The Chinese social-imperialists are interfering not only
in the affairs of that country, but also in other affairs of
the peoples and countries of Africa and other continents,
especially in those countries into which they are striving to
penetrate in every way, in order to establish economic, po-
litical and strategic bases there.
Even the United States of America dare not assist Pi-
nochet, the fascist hangman of Chile, so openly as China is
doing. Indeed, the Americans do not assist the reactionary
rulers of other countries in this way, even although they
have great interests at stake there. This does not mean
that the US imperialists are renouncing their own inter-
ests. They do defend these interests, defend them very
strongly, but in more subtle ways.
With the stand it is maintaining, the so-called socialist
China is going against the interests and aspirations of the
peoples, the communists, the revolutionary elements,

139
against the aspirations of all the progressive people of
Latin America.
China is taking under its protection the various dicta-
tors who are ruling the peoples and, with terror and any
other means, are suppressing the efforts of revolutionaries,
the proletariat and the Marxist-Leninist parties that are
fighting for national and social liberation. With such
stands, it has taken the road of counter-revolution. Under
the guise of Marxism-Leninism it is trying to show that it
is allegedly exporting the idea of the revolution to various
countries, but in fact, China is exporting the idea of the
counter-revolution. In this way it is helping US imperial-
ism and the fascist cliques in power.
The imperialist or social-imperialist powers are striv-
ing to the same extent to prevent the African, Asian, or
Latin-American peoples from developing their revolution-
ary struggle stage by stage, against the oppression and
savage exploitation by their leaderships and the imperial-
ists, who are ruling in agreement with them and sucking
their blood.
The duty of revolutionaries, progressives, and patriots
in the countries with a low level of socioeconomic develop-
ment and dependent on the imperialist and social-
imperialist powers is to make the peoples conscious of this
oppression and exploitation, to educate, mobilize and or-
ganize them and hurl them into the liberation struggle,
always bearing in mind that it is the broad masses, the
peoples, that carry out the revolution. To this end it is nec-
essary to make thorough analyses of the internal and ex-
ternal situation in each country, of its socio-economic de-
velopment, the ratio of class forces, the antagonisms
among classes, and the antagonisms between the people
and the reactionary cliques in power, as well as between
the people and the imperialist states.
On this basis correct conclusions-can be drawn about
the step which must be taken and the tactics which must
be employed. What is required from the revolutionary
forces is intensive work, determination and wisdom, and
first and foremost, thorough understanding of the fact that
the liberation struggle in their countries can achieve true

140
victory only by linking this struggle with the cause of the
proletariat, the cause of socialism.
Therefore, the proletariat in each country must create
its own revolutionary party, which must be capable of ap-
plying the teachings of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin
faithfully, linking them closely with the conditions of each
country, with the situation of each individual people. It is
absolutely essential that each of these parties has a pro-
found knowledge of the mentality of the masses and the
economic, political, ideological and cultural development of
its country, and does not act in a capricious and adventur-
ist way, in a Blanquist way, but fights persistently to rally
round itself the allies of the proletariat, the broad masses
of the people.
The revolutionaries and the masses of the people need
to prepare themselves persistently, bearing in mind the
activities of the reactionary bourgeoisie and the big land-
owners in power, and the foreign oppressors, as well as the
intrigues of neo-colonialists. These are important factors,
which the revolutionary elements and the peoples must
face up to with maturity, with sound organization and
revolutionary tactics.
Naturally, not only are ties of co-operation, co-
ordination and exchange of experience not excluded, but it
is essential to establish them between the revolutionary
forces and elements of various countries. This is made eas-
ier because they have many similar conditions, such as op-
pression and’ exploitation by neo-colonialist and the reac-
tionary bourgeoisie, and a common culture, as well as the
common goal of liberation from this oppression and exploi-
tation. The conditions and interests they have in common
impel the revolutionary and progressive elements of all
these countries to hold consultations, to develop coopera-
tion and coordination in their activities, with which they
counter the actions of the enemies who oppress them.
Viewing the situation of the peoples languishing under
neo-colonialist domination from the Marxist-Leninist
standpoint, the task facing all genuine revolutionaries is to
give the revolutionary and liberation struggle of these peo-
ples unreserved support and backing, so that it advances

141
consistently and the revolution builds up ceaselessly, to its
complete victory.
Genuine Revolutionaries Call on the Proletarians
and Peoples to Rise up for the New World, the
Socialist World
As we explained in the foregoing, the crisis of capital-
ism is growing ever deeper. As a result, the proletariat, the
oppressed classes and peoples are refusing to endure the
exploitation any longer, demanding a change in their lives,
demanding the overthrow of the bourgeois order, the aboli-
tion of neo-colonialism and imperialism. But these aspira-
tions can be realized only through the revolution. No vic-
tory can be achieved without clashing with, and attacking,
the internal and external class enemies.
The genuine Marxist-Leninist parties of the working
class, as the leaders of the revolution, make the proletar-
iat, the toiling masses, and the peoples conscious and pre-
pare them politically, ideologically and militarily for these
clashes.
The Marxist-Leninist parties, all revolutionaries, how-
ever few in numbers, establish themselves among the peo-
ple, organize the masses systematically, with great care
and patience, convince them that they are a great force,
that they are able to overthrow capital, to seize state
power and wield it in the interest of the proletariat and the
people. Such parties do not think that, being small, they
cannot stand up to the coalition of the parties of the bour-
geoisie and the opinion formed by them.
The task of the revolutionaries is to prove to the broad
masses of the people that this opinion created by the bour-
geoisie is wrong, that it must be demolished and that the
true revolutionary opinion, which represents a great trans-
forming force, must be formed.
To carry out their mission successfully, the Marxist-
Leninist parties consider that, first of all, they must have a
revolutionary strategy and tactics, a correct political line,
which must respond to the interests and aspirations of the
broad popular masses, and the revolutionary solution to
the problems and tasks which the struggle to destroy the

142
bourgeois order and the foreign imperialist domination
presents.
Marxism-Leninism is the only science which
gives the revolutionary party of the working class
the possibility to work out a correct political line, to
define the strategic aim and tasks clearly, and apply
revolutionary tactics and methods for their realiza-
tion.
Enlightened by Marxism-Leninism and in conformity
with the concrete socio-economic and political conditions of
the country and the international circumstances, the
Marxist-Leninist party knows how to orientate itself and
stand at the head of the masses at any time and at every
stage of the revolution, be it a democratic, national libera-
tion, or socialist revolution. A revolutionary strategy and a
correct political line based on Marxism-Leninism, the revo-
lutionary practice of the world proletariat and the class
struggles of its own country, makes it possible to clearly
define the strategic aim at the given stage, to determine
who are the chief internal and external enemies against
whom the main blow should be struck, who the internal
and external allies of the proletariat are, etc.
The Marxist-Leninist parties have as their aim the
overthrow of the capitalist order and the triumph of social-
ism, whereas, when the revolution in their country is con-
fronted with tasks of a democratic and anti-imperialist
character, they aim to develop it unceasingly, to raise it to
a socialist revolution, to go over as quickly as possible to
the fulfilment of socialist tasks.
Both the strategic aim of the Marxist-Leninist parties
and the roads to achieve it are totally different from those
of the false communist and workers’ parties. The former
cannot conceive of achieving this aim except by overturn-
ing the capitalist relations of production and destroying
the old state apparatus, the whole bourgeois superstruc-
ture, to its foundations. They adhere to the teachings of
Lenin who says,
“The essence of the revolution is that the proletariat
destroys the ‘administrative apparatus’ and the en-

143
 tire state apparatus, replacing it with a new appa-
ratus comprised of the armed workers”.*
The latter preach the preservation of the old state ap-
paratus, though in words they claim that they stand for
socialism. According to them, socialism can be established
through reforms, through the parliamentary road, even by
using the old state machine.
A number of so-called communist parties are now prov-
ing to be even more zealous than the declared bourgeois
parties in their defence of the existing capitalist order. For
instance, the revisionist party of Ibarruri-Carrillo brazenly
defends the monarchic regime of Juan Carlos, at a time
when some Spanish bourgeois parties are demanding its
replacement with a republican regime. Likewise, the revi-
sionist party of Berlinguer comes out as a fervent cham-
pion of the oppressive laws of the Italian capitalist state,
which are aimed against democratic freedoms, at a time
when various bourgeois parties are not doing this openly.
The Chinese revisionists, for their part, instruct the par-
ties which follow the Chinese line in the capitalist coun-
tries that they must fight together with the most militarist
circles to strengthen the armies and the bourgeois appara-
tus of violence, allegedly to defend the homeland, but in
reality to suppress the revolution, if it should break out.
In their aims to undermine the revolutionary and lib-
eration movement and to perpetuate capitalism and impe-
rialist domination, the bourgeoisie and its followers, espe-
cially the modern revisionists, are trying by all manner of
means to confuse and split the revolutionary forces while
erasing the distinction between the friends and the ene-
mies of the revolution.
Typical of this are the preachings of the Chinese revi-
sionists who present the big monopoly bourgeoisie, the re-
actionary and fascist regimes, NATO and the European
Common Market, and even American imperialism, as al-
lies of the proletariat and the oppressed peoples.

*
V. I. Lenin, Collected Works, vol. 25, p. 577 (Alb. ed.).
144
 As for the Marxist-Leninist parties, they consider that
an absolutely essential condition for building a genuinely
revolutionary strategy is the establishment of a clear-cut
dividing line between the motive forces of the revolution
and its enemies and a clear definition of the main internal
and external enemy against whom, as Stalin pointed out,
the main blow must be aimed, without underrating and
overlooking the fight against the other enemies.
In our time, in the conditions of imperialism, the main
internal enemy of the revolution, not only in the developed
capitalist countries, but also in the oppressed and depend-
ent countries, is the local big bourgeoisie which stands at
the head of the capitalist order and fights with all its
means, with violence and oppression, demagogy and deceit,
to preserve its domination and privileges, to smother and
extinguish any movement of’ the working people which
jeopardizes its state power and class interests in the
slightest degree. On the other hand, in the actual condi-
tions, the main external enemy of the revolution and the
peoples is world imperialism, the imperialist superpowers,
in particular. To advise and call on the proletariat and the
oppressed peoples to rely on one superpower to fight the
other, or to enter into alliance with the imperialist powers
for the sake of allegedly defending national freedom and
independence, as the Chinese revisionists advocate, is
nothing but betrayal of the cause of the revolution.
The revisionists have made the hegemonic role of
the working class in revolution, which constitutes
one of the fundamental questions of the revolution-
ary strategy, their special target.
“The main thing in the doctrine of Marx,” wrote
Lenin, “is the explanation of the world historic role
of the proletariat, as the creator of socialist society”*.
Lenin described the negation of the idea of the hegem-
ony of the proletariat in the revolutionary movement as
the most vulgar expression of reformism.

*
V. I. Lenin, Collected Works, vol. 18, p. 651 (Alb. ed.).
145
 Among the modern revisionists, some strive to prove
that the working class is allegedly being deproletarianized
and transformed into “co-manager” of enterprises, hence
there is no longer a place for the proletarian revolution, no
need for a social order different from the existing one. Oth-
ers claim that not only the workers, but everybody engaged
in work and cultural activities, all wage and salary earners
are now proletarians, and that not only the working class,
but also other classes and strata of the society are inter-
ested in socialism. Therefore, they conclude, the hegemonic
role of the working class in the revolutionary movement
today has lost its meaning. The Soviet revisionists do not
deny the leading role of the working class in words, while
they have liquidated it in practice, because they have de-
prived this class of any possibility to lead. But even in the-
ory they eliminate this role, in as much as they defend the
ill-famed theory of “the party and state of the entire peo-
ple”. The Chinese revisionists, as the pragmatists they are,
sometimes put the peasantry, sometimes the army, some-
times the pupils and students, etc., which ever suits the
occasion, at the head of the revolution.
The Party of Labour of Albania resolutely defends the
Marxist-Leninist thesis that the working class constitutes
the decisive force in the development of society, the leading
force for the revolutionary transformation of the world, for
the construction of socialist and communist society.
The working class remains the main productive force of
society, the most advanced class, the class more interested
than any other in national and social liberation, in social-
ism, and is the bearer of the finest traditions of revolution-
ary organization and struggle. It has the only scientific
theory for the revolutionary transformation of society and
its own militant Marxist-Leninist party which guide it to-
wards this goal. Objectively history has charged it with the
mission of leading the entire struggle for the transition
from capitalism to communism.
The hegemony of the proletariat in the revolution is
decisive for the solution of the fundamental question of the
revolution, the question of political power, in its own fa-
vour and that of the masses of the people.

146
 The new power may pass through different phases and
may be given various names, in keeping with the concrete
conditions in which the revolution is carried out and the
various stages it may go through, but there can be no de-
velopment of the revolution towards the triumph of social-
ism without the establishment of the dictatorship of the
proletariat. Marxism-Leninism teaches us this, and the
experience of all triumphant socialist revolutions also
demonstrates it. Therefore, whatever the circumstances in
which the revolution may be carried out, the Marxist-
Leninist party never renounces its aim of establishing the
dictatorship of the proletariat.
All the revisionists of various hues and trends without
exception, in one way or another, deny the need to estab-
lish the dictatorship of the proletariat, because they are
against the revolution, because they stand for the preser-
vation and perpetuation of the capitalist order.
The proletariat with its Marxist-Leninist party
goes into battle together with its allies. This, too, is
one of the most important questions of the revolu-
tionary strategy.
The natural and close ally of the proletariat is the poor
peasantry, which is linked with it not just by the immedi-
ate strategic aim but also by the distant and ultimate stra-
tegic aim. Such allies are the poor strata of the urban
working people too. The proletariat, together with the poor
peasantry and the other oppressed and exploited working
people, constitute the main motive forces of the revolution.
The urban petty-bourgeoisie also, which is constantly
in the grip of big capital and under threat of total expro-
priation, can and should become an ally.
The proletariat also tries and struggles to make allies
of other strata of the population, such as the progressive
section of the intelligentsia, which is exploited by internal
and foreign capital. The weight of the intelligentsia has
increased in capitalist and revisionist countries. But de-
spite all the changes its position, character and the role of
its work have undergone, it does not and never, can consti-
tute a class in itself, and neither is it nor can it be merged

147
with the working class, as various revisionists claim.
Therefore, as Lenin has shown and history has proved, the
intelligentsia cannot be an independent socio-political
force’. Its role and place in society are determined by its
socio-economic position and ideological and political convic-
tions. No matter how much this position and these convic-
tions may change, the intelligentsia can never replace the
working class in its role of leading the revolution. The task
of the proletariat is to win the progressive section of the
intelligentsia over to its side, to convince it of the inevita-
bility of the collapse of the capitalist system and the tri-
umph of socialism, and make it an ally in the revolution.
In the countries of Africa, Latin America, Asia, etc.,
with little socio-economic development and more depend-
ent on foreign capital, and where the democratic and anti-
imperialist tasks of the revolution have special importance,
the middle peasantry and that section of the bourgeoisie
which is not linked with foreign capital and which aspires
to an independent development of the country, can also be
allies of the proletariat.
The uniting of this section of the bourgeoisie with the
democratic and anti-imperialist revolution depends on the
correct strategy and tactics of the proletariat, the skilful
and intelligent manoeuvring of the revolutionary party of
the working class. In this way, the proletariat with its
party can convince not only the petty-bourgeoisie, but also
this bourgeoisie, to place itself under the leadership of the
proletariat and rise to abolish the foreign domination and
liquidate the savage capitalist big bourgeoisie, a tool of im-
perialism which oppresses and exploits the people, demor-
alizes them and corrupts their pure feelings, and centu-
ries-old culture.
To win over the other classes and strata which are in-
terested in achieving the strategic aim at a given stage of
the revolution as its allies, the proletariat has to do battle
with the big bourgeoisie and the other reactionaries, as
over every other issue.
Foreseeing their defeat, the reactionary bourgeoisie
and the big landowners make a thousand attempts and
manoeuvres to draw the petty-bourgeoisie, the peasantry

148
and the progressive intelligentsia to their side, and to pre-
vent them from becoming allies of the proletariat. They
even try to deceive the working class itself, so that the
revolution will not break out and, if it does, to ensure that
it will not be carried through to the end, but will become
bogged down or make an about-turn.
For their part, the proletariat and its Marxist-Leninist
party work for and have all the possibilities to achieve
unity of their allies around themselves against the com-
mon enemies, such as the big bourgeoisie, the big land-
owners, the imperialists and social-imperialists, and to
prevent the strata of the peasantry and the petty-
bourgeoisie from becoming a reserve of big capital or the
fascist dictatorship, as occurred in the time of Hitler in
Germany, Mussolini in Italy, and Franco in the Spanish
War.
The Marxist-Leninist party maintains a cautious and
flexible attitude, especially towards its wavering, possible,
or temporary allies, including the various strata of the
middle bourgeoisie, which are linked by numerous threads,
various interests, traditions and prejudices with the world
of capital and imperialism. The proletariat and its van-
guard, the Marxist-Leninist party, without ever budging
from their principled positions, are interested in attracting
such forces, too, in spite of their waverings and instability,
to the side of the revolution or the liberation struggle, or at
least in neutralizing them, so that they do not become a
reserve of the enemy.
The laws of the revolution operate in the countries
where the revisionists are in power also, as everywhere
else. What is the position of the new bourgeoisie that is
developing in the revisionist countries of Europe? It as-
pires to free itself from the all-round, savage oppression of
the Soviet bourgeoisie, from Soviet social-imperialism, but
the two sides have fundamental interests in common. The
bourgeoisie of these countries could not exist apart from
the Soviet bourgeoisie. And even if it were to detach itself
from this savage social-imperialist big bourgeoisie, there is
no doubt that it would soon come under the domination of

149
the bourgeoisie of the developed capitalist states of West-
ern Europe and US imperialism.
As well as this, in the revisionist countries which are
being economically, politically and militarily integrated
into the great Soviet social-imperialist state, other strata
of the population, besides the proletariat, are discontented
because of the exploitation they are subjected to by the
new bourgeoisie and the domination by Soviet social-
imperialism. For this reason they hate both their own rul-
ing bourgeoisie and Russian hegemonism and neo-
colonialism. The proletariat of these countries needs to be
awakened and made conscious of the historical necessity of
coming out once again on the battlefield, of hurling itself
into the fight to overthrow and rout the traitors in order to
carry out the proletarian revolution again, to re-establish
the dictatorship of the proletariat. It must create its new
Marxist-Leninist parties and unite all the popular masses
around itself.
While adhering consistently to the principle that the
decisive factor for the triumph of the revolution is the in-
ternal one, the revolutionary struggle of the proletariat
and the people of the country themselves, whereas the ex-
ternal factor is of an auxiliary and secondary nature, the
Marxist-Leninist parties do not ignore or underrate in the
least the external allies of the revolution. At the same
time, they take a principled and flexible stand towards the
external allies, just as they do towards the internal allies.
In accordance with the teachings of Lenin and Stalin
and basing themselves on the existing conditions, they see
the proletariat and its revolutionary movement in other
countries, the revolutionary anti-imperialist movement of
the oppressed peoples of the world and the genuinely so-
cialist countries as the natural and reliable external allies
of the revolutionary movement in each country.
In particular cases, circumstances can also be created
in which a socialist country, or a people fighting imperial-
ist or social-imperialist aggression, may find themselves on
a common front even with various’ countries of the capital-
ist world which also are fighting the same enemy, as oc-
curred in the period of the Second World War.

150
 In such cases, it is of first-rate importance to ensure
that the interests of the revolution are always kept in
mind, are never forgotten, obscured or; sacrificed for the
sake of the common front or alliance with these temporary
allies, to ensure that this front or alliance is not trans-
formed into an aim in itself. It is especially important not
to allow such allies to intervene to sabotage the revolution
and to wrest the victory from it. The experience of the
Communist Party of Albania in its stand towards the
American and British allies in the years of the Anti-fascist
National-Liberation War is significant. This stand was
salutary for, the fate of the revolution in Albania.
The revolutionary strategy is indivisible from
the revolutionary tactics employed by the Marxist-
Leninist parties to achieve the aim and to fulfil the
tasks of the revolution. While being part of strategy and
in its service, tactics may change according to the ebb and
flow of the revolutionary tide, the concrete circumstances
and conditions, but always within the limits of the revolu-
tionary strategy and Marxist-Leninist principles.
“The task of tactical leadership,” says Stalin, “is to
master all forms of struggle and organization of the
proletariat and to ensure that they are used properly
so as to achieve with the given relation of forces the
maximum result necessary to prepare for strategic
success”*.
While adopting skilful tactics and forms of struggle to
carry forward the cause of the revolution, the true Marxist-
Leninist parties always loyally uphold revolutionary prin-
ciples. They reject and combat any tendency to abandon
principles for the sake of tactics, they are the most resolute
opponents of any unprincipled pragmatic policy based on
passing circumstances, which characterizes the entire ac-
tivity of revisionists of all trends.
The revolution is always the deed of the masses led by
the revolutionary vanguard. Therefore, the Marxist-
Leninist party cannot fall to devote great attention to the

*
J. V. Stalin, Works, vol. 6, p. 164 (Alb. ed.).
151
revolutionary organization of the masses in appropriate
forms, proceeding from the concrete conditions and circum-
stances, the traditions existing in each country, etc. With-
out organized links of the party with the masses it is idle
even to talk of raising, preparing and mobilizing them in
revolutionary struggle.
Precisely for this reason the Marxist-Leninist party at-
taches great importance to the creation of organizations of
the masses under its leadership. Certainly, this is not a
question which is solved easily, especially today, when
many kinds of trade union, co-operativist, cultural, scien-
tific, youth, women’s and other organizations exist in all
the capitalist and revisionist countries. Most of these or-
ganizations are under the leadership and influence of the
bourgeoisie, revisionists and the church.
However, as Lenin teaches us, the communists must
get in and work wherever the masses are. Therefore they
cannot fail to work also in the mass organizations led or
influenced by the bourgeoisie, social-democrats, revision-
ists, etc. The Marxist-Leninists work in them to undermine
the influence and leadership of the bourgeois and reformist
parties, to spread the influence of the revolutionary party
of the working class among the masses, to expose the
fraudulent character of the programs and activity of the
chiefs of these organizations, and to give the activities of
the masses an anti-capitalist, anti-imperialist, antire-
visionist political character. Through the revolutionary
work they carry out in the ranks of the masses, revolution-
ary factions can also be formed within these organizations,
indeed the possibilities may be created to take over the
leadership of these organizations and to set them on a cor-
rect course.
But in any case the Marxist-Leninist party never gives
up the aim of setting up revolutionary organizations of the
masses under its leadership.
The most important organizations of the masses
are the trade-unions. Generally speaking, in the capital-
ist and revisionist countries today, these organizations
serve the bourgeoisie, revisionism, to keep the proletariat

152
and all the working masses in bondage. In his time, Engels
said that the trade unions in Britain had been transformed
from organizations which terrified the bourgeoisie into or-
ganizations which served capital. The trade-union organi-
zations have bound the worker with a thousand threads,
with a thousand coils of the chain of enslavement, so that
when the isolated worker revolts, he can easily be sup-
pressed. The opportunist trade-union leaders work so that
the revolts of the workers of one or more enterprises, who
go on strike or hold demonstrations, are kept under control
and assume only an economic character. The worker aris-
tocracy works very hard to manipulate things in this direc-
tion. In the capitalist countries, this aristocracy plays a
major role in eroding, suppressing, and misleading the re-
volt of the masses and has long become a fire brigade to
quell the flames of the revolution.
In all the capitalist countries today, the main and revi-
sionist parties have their own trade-unions. These trade-
unions are now acting in unity and have established close
collaboration in order to hold back the revolutionary
movement of the proletariat, and corrupt the working class
politically and morally.
In France and Italy, for instance, the trade unions of
the revisionist parties are large and powerful unions. But
what do they do? They try to keep the proletariat in bond-
age, to lull it to sleep and, when it grows angry and rebel-
lious, to set it on the course of negotiations with the boss
class and to shut the mouths of the workers with some
very small crumbs from the capitalist superprofits. And
what they give them is then taken back by raising prices.
Therefore, to free itself from capitalism, it is essential
for the proletariat of every country to shake off the yoke of
the trade-unions dominated by the bourgeoisie and oppor-
tunists, as well as that of any kind of social-democratic and
revisionist organization or party. All these organisms sup-
port the owning class in various ways and try to create the
illusion that “they are a great force”, that “they are a
brake”, that “they can impose themselves on the big capi-
talists” allegedly in favour of the proletariat. This is noth-
ing but a big fraud. The proletariat has to smash these or-

153
ganisms. But how? It must destroy them by fighting the
leadership of these trade-unions, by rising against their
treacherous connections with the bourgeoisie, by breaking
up the “calm”, the “social peace” which they want to estab-
lish, a “peace” which is disguised with the alleged revolts
against the owning class which the unions engage in from
time to time.
It is possible to work to destroy these trade unions by
getting into them in order to fight and erode them from
within and oppose their unjust decisions and actions. This
activity must involve the biggest and most powerful groups
possible of workers in the factories. In every case the aim
must be to achieve a steel unity of the proletariat in the
fight not only against the employers but also against their
agents, the trade-union bosses. The forceful exposure of all
the traitor elements at the head of trade-unions, of the
bourgeois degeneration of the trade-union leadership and
the reformist trade-unions in general, frees the workers
from many illusions they still have about this leadership
and these trade-unions.
While infiltrating the existing trade-unions, the Marx-
ist-Leninists never descend to the trade-unionist, reform-
ist, anarcho-syndicalist, revisionist positions, which char-
acterize the leadership of these trade-unions. They never
become partners with the revisionists and the other bour-
geois and opportunist parties in the leadership of trade
unions. Their aim is to expose the bourgeois character and
reactionary role which the trade unions, in general, have
today in the capitalist and revisionist countries, to under-
mine these organizations in order to open the way to the
setting up of genuine proletarian trade-unions.
The organization of the masses of the youth is of
special importance to the Marxist-Leninist parties.
The role of the youth in the revolutionary movements has
always been great. From its very nature the youth is for
the new and against the old, and shows itself ready to fight
for the triumph of everything progressive, revolutionary.
However, on its own, it is incapable of finding the right
road. Only the party of the working class can show it this

154
road. When the inexhaustible revolutionary energies of the
youth are united with the energies of the working class
and the other working masses to wipe out oppression and
exploitation, for national and social liberation, there is no
force which can stop the triumph of the revolution.
However, in the capitalist and revisionist countries to-
day, the majority of the youth expend their energies in
wrong directions. They are misled by the bourgeoisie and
revisionism and often turn to adventurism and anarchism
or fall into utopia and despair, because they have been dis-
orientated and bemused and take a gloomy view of the fu-
ture, the prospects for the fulfilment of their political, ma-
terial and spiritual demands.
The Marxist-Leninists always pay very great attention
to the youth, try to enlighten them and convince them that
the aspirations and desires of the youth can be fulfilled
only on the road Marxism-Leninism shows them, and un-
der the leadership of the working class and its party. They
are working to free the youth from the influence of the
bourgeoisie and revisionists, from the “leftist”, Trotskyite,
or anarchist movements, and to mobilize them in revolu-
tionary organizations, to draw them on to the road of the
revolution.
The genuine Marxist-Leninist party and the revolu-
tionary communists take part actively in the workers’
strikes and demonstrations and fight to turn, them into
political strikes and demonstrations, so as to make life im-
possible for capitalism, the employers, cartels, monopolies
and the trade-union chiefs. In the course of this broad ac-
tivity the proletariat come to grips more often and more
openly with the armed forces of the bourgeois order, but
from these clashes it will learn to fight better. In the
course of the struggle it also finds what forms of organiza-
tion and revolutionary struggle are possible, correct, and
appropriate. “You cannot learn to swim without getting
into the water,” goes a popular saying. Without fighting by
means of strikes, demonstrations, without active involve-
ment in actions against capitalism in general, the struggle
for the final victory cannot be organized and intensified,
the bourgeois order cannot be overthrown.

155
 The revolution is not prepared by merely talking, like
the various revisionists, or by theorizing about the “three
worlds”, like the Chinese revisionists. It cannot triumph on
the peaceful road. Lenin did speak of this possibility, in
specific instances, but he always put the main stress on
revolutionary violence, because the bourgeoisie never sur-
renders its power voluntarily. The history of the inter-
national workers’ and communist movement, of the
development of revolutions and the victories of the
working class in a number of former socialist coun-
tries, and in our socialist country, shows that up till
now revolutions have triumphed only through
armed insurrection.
Revolutionary armed insurrection has nothing in com-
mon with military putsches. The former has as its aim the
radical political overthrow of the old regime, smashing it to
its very foundations. The latter do not, and cannot, lead to
the overthrow of the order of oppression and exploitation,
or the liquidation of imperialist domination. The armed
insurrection is based on the support of the broad masses of
the people, whereas the putsch is an expression of mistrust
of the masses, of isolation from the masses. Putschist ten-
dencies in the policy and activity of a party which calls it-
self a party of the working class are a deviation from Marx-
ism-Leninism.
In accord with the concrete conditions of a country and
the situations in general, the armed uprising may be a
sudden outburst or a more protracted revolutionary proc-
ess, but not, an endless one without perspective, as advo-
cated by Mao Tsetung’s “theory of protracted people’s war”.
If you compare the teachings of Marx, Engels, Lenin and
Stalin on the revolutionary armed insurrection with Mao’s
theory on “people’s war”, the anti-Marxist, anti-Leninist,
anti-scientific character of this theory becomes clearly ap-
parent. The Marxist-Leninist teachings on the armed in-
surrection are based on the close combination of the strug-
gle in the city with that in the countryside under the lead-
ership of the working class and its revolutionary party.
Being opposed to the leading role of the proletariat in
the revolution, the Maoist theory considers the countryside

156
as the only base of the armed insurrection and neglects the
armed struggle of the working masses in the town.
It preaches that the countryside must keep the city,
which is considered as the stronghold of the counterrevolu-
tionary bourgeoisie, besieged. This is an expression of dis-
trust in the working class, the negation of its hegemonic
role.
While adhering unwaveringly to the teachings of Marx-
ism-Leninism on the violent revolution as a universal law,
the revolutionary party of the working class is resolutely
opposed to adventurism and never plays with armed insur-
rection. In all conditions and circumstances, it carries out
an unceasing revolutionary struggle and activity in various
forms, in order to prepare itself and the masses for the de-
cisive battles in the revolution, for the overthrow of the
rule of the bourgeoisie with revolutionary violence. But
only when the revolutionary situation has fully matured
does it put armed insurrection directly on the order of the
day and take all the political, ideological, organizational
and military measures to carry it through to victory.
Propaganda is a powerful means in the hands of
a Marxist-Leninist party for the preparation of the
masses for the revolution, but it must be fiery, clear
and convincing. Revolutionary propaganda is worthless if
it is only phrase-mongering. Only an incisive propaganda,
closely linked with the problems of life, with the general
problems and local questions, a propaganda which creates
and encourages the spirit of initiative among the broad
masses, can educate the proletariat and the other working
masses politically and ideologically, can get them into ac-
tion and prepare them for revolution.
Apart from the great means of force it has at its dis-
posal, like the army, the police, etc., the capitalist bour-
geoisie in all countries also has wide experience of the
struggle against the proletariat and its activity. Likewise,
it possesses an entire propaganda network, including the
press, radio, television, films, theatres, music, etc. All this
propaganda has such power to corrupt that it is capable of

157
temporarily disorientating, perverting and weakening the
efforts of the proletariat and its struggle for liberation.
In the states of so-called bourgeois democracy, where a
measure of democratic freedom also exists, it is not enough
to carry on only the normal journalistic propaganda
against capitalism in general. The newspapers of various
bourgeois and revisionist parties are constantly raising a
hue and cry, not against the bourgeois order, of course, but
against individuals, those who try to grab more than their
share of the cake at the big table where they all sit down
together to gorge themselves at the expense of the people.
The propaganda, especially the press of the new Marx-
ist-Leninist parties, is faced with a very great task: to ex-
pose the falsity of bourgeois “democracy”, to tear the mask
from all its manoeuvres, as well as from the demagogy of
the revisionists and other lackeys of capital.The Marxist-
Leninist propaganda and press tell the naked truth, show
the road to social and national liberation through revolu-
tion, while the bourgeois and revisionist propaganda and
press deceive people, lull them to sleep and disorientate
them, in order to divert the masses from the revolution, to
lead them up blind alleys, to keep them enslaved.
But in order to enlighten the masses, to convince them
of the correctness of the political line of the party of the
working class, to prepare them for the revolution, propa-
ganda alone is not sufficient. Lenin says that to prepare
the revolution,
“...the political experience of these masses them-
selves is necessary”*.
Propaganda becomes effective, hits the target,
only when it is carried on together with revolution-
ary action. Without action, thought withers away. This
activity is not and must not be an adventure, but a stern
struggle, a fierce clash with the class enemies, which
passes from a simpler to a higher form, which overcomes
numerous difficulties and accepts all the sacrifices the
revolution demands.

*
V. I. Lenin, Collected Works, vol. 31, p. 92 (Alb. ed.).
158
 The genuine Marxist-Leninists parties stand in the
vanguard and not at the tail-end of revolutionary action.
The temporarily limited possibilities of the struggle and
efforts by means of which they must and do oppose the
great force of capitalist reaction, do not discourage them.
They teach, their members to be courageous and to bear in
mind that a correct, well-considered, mature, and deter-
mined action on their part has; profound repercussions
among the masses who see it and hear about it. When the
communists act in this way, the masses realize that the
aims of this or that revolutionary action are in the interest
of the proletariat and the exploited. Courage and maturity
in actions are of great importance, because in, this way,
little by little, ground is gained and progress made in
building up the surge of the revolution. Revolutionary ac-
tion links the parties of the working class with the masses,
brings them to the head of the masses, and enables them
to triumph over the reformist, revisionist parties.
“Every step taken by a genuine movement,” says
Marx, “is worth more than a dozen programs”*
Apart from the revolutionary forces led by the Marxist-
Leninist party, in the capitalist countries there are also
other forces which fight and clash with the police, the gen-
darmerie, etc. Many of the actions and attacks by these
forces have a terrorist, adventurist, and anarchist charac-
ter. They are presented under all sorts of colours and la-
bels and are guided by various ideologies. Such actions are
often organized at the instigation and with the funds of the
secret services of capitalist countries and, among other
things, are aimed at discrediting the Marxist-Leninist par-
ties by attributing such actions to these parties. The fascist
elements or the secret agents of the bourgeoisie, who fre-
quently organize and lead these actions, try to take advan-
tage of the discontent, the anger and the courage of the
proletariat, school pupils and students, the youth in gen-
eral, in order to involve the various groups and movements

*
K. Marx and F. Engels, Selected Works, vol. 2, p, 8, Tirana 1975
(Alb. ed.).
159
emerging from these masses in actions which not only have
nothing in common with the genuine revolutionary move-
ments, but also seriously jeopardize them, create the im-
pression that the proletariat is degenerating and has be-
come a lumpen proletariat.
Paying the proper attention to this question, the Marx-
ist-Leninist parties, on the one hand, must convince the
masses, from their own experience, that revolutionary ac-
tions have a completely different character from terrorist
and anarchist actions, and on the other hand, must fight to
win the revolutionary elements, who have been deceived,
away from the ranks of terrorist and anarchist groups and
the fascist elements and secret agents of the bourgeoisie
operating in these groups.
The Marxist-Leninist parties are parties of revolution.
Contrary to the theories and practices the revisionist par-
ties, which are totally immersed in bourgeois legality and,
“parliamentary cretinism”, they do not reduce their strug-
gle only to legal work, nor do they see this as their main
activity. In the context of efforts to master all forms of
struggle, they attach special importance to the combina-
tion of legal with illegal work, giving priority to the latter,
as decisive for the overthrow of the bourgeoisie and the
real guarantee of victory. They educate and teach their
cadres, their members and sympathizers to know how to
act intelligently, skilfully, and courageously under both
legal and illegal conditions. But even when operating in
the conditions of profound clandestinity, while trying to
avoid exposing their forces to the enemy and to safeguard
the revolutionary organization from the enemy’s blows, the
Marxist-Leninist parties do not shut themselves away, do
not weaken, or break their links with the masses, never for
a moment interrupt their live activity among the masses,
and never fail to utilize all the legal possibilities, which the
conditions and circumstances permit, to the advantage of
the cause of the revolution.
While entertaining no illusions about the possibility of
seizing power on the parliamentary road, the Marxist-
Leninist party may also consider it in order, in particularly
favourable instances, to take part in such legal activities

160
as elections to municipal councils, parliament, etc., with
the sole aim of propagating its line among the masses and
exposing the bourgeois political order. However, the party
does not transform this participation into a general line of
its struggle, as the revisionists do, does not make these the
main, or even worse, the only forms of its struggle.
While utilizing the legal possibilities, the party seeks,
finds and applies forms and methods of a revolutionary
character, from the simplest to the most complicated, re-
gardless of the sacrifices, while trying to make these forms
and methods as popular and as acceptable as possible to
the masses.
In their activity, the Marxist-Leninists are not worried
about breaking and violating the bourgeois Constitution,
laws, rules, norms, and order with their revolutionary ac-
tions. They are fighting to undermine this order, to pre-
pare the revolution. Therefore, the Marxist-Leninist party
prepares itself and the masses to cope with the counter-
blows the bourgeoisie may strike in response to the revolu-
tionary actions of the proletariat and the popular masses.
In the present conditions of development of the revolu-
tionary and liberation movement, as a complicated process
with a broad social basis, in which numerous class and po-
litical forces take part, the revolutionary party of the prole-
tariat not infrequently comes up against the problem of
collaboration and common fronts with other parties and
political organizations at this or that stage of the revolu-
tion, on these or those problems of common interest. A cor-
rect, principled and at the same time flexible stand, far
from any opportunism and sectarianism, on this problem is
of major importance for drawing in, preparing and mobiliz-
ing the masses for the revolution and the liberation strug-
gle. The Marxist-Leninist party is not and in principle
cannot be against collaboration or common fronts with
other political parties and forces, when the interests of the
cause of the revolution require this and the situation
makes it necessary. However, the Marxist-Leninist party
never sees this as a coalition of chieftains and as an aim in
itself, but as a means to unite and arouse the masses in
struggle. The important thing is that in these common

161
fronts the proletarian party must never for a moment lose
sight of the class interests of the proletariat and the final
aim of its struggle, must not merge itself in the front, but
must preserve its ideological individuality and its political,
organizational, and military independence there, must
fight to secure the leading role in the front and to imple-
ment a revolutionary policy there.
For the Marxist-Leninist party to be able to work out
and apply a revolutionary strategy and tactics, a correct
political line to, know how to find its bearings in difficult
situations, with the enemies and overcome the obstacles, it
is absolutely essential that it carry out great, wide-
ranging work for the study and assimilation of the
Marxist-Leninist theory.
One of the reasons why the former communist parties
in the capitalist countries turned into revisionist parties
was precisely because they had utterly neglected the study
and assimilation of Marxism-Leninism. The Marxist-
Leninist doctrine was used only as an adornment, was
turned into empty words and slogans, had not been im-
planted deeply in the consciousness of the party members,
had not become part of their flesh and blood, and had not
become a weapon for action. That small amount of work
which was done for the study of Marxism-Leninism was
aimed only at acquainting the party member with some
cut-and-dried formulas, just enough to enable him to call
himself a communist, to love communism in a sentimental
way, while about how and in what manner this would be
achieved he knew nothing, because he was not taught this.
The leaders of those parties, who were not lacking in
words but were short on deeds, lived in bourgeois envi-
ronment and infected the proletariat of their countries
with liberal and reformist ideas.
Thus, the turn of the revisionist parties towards the
bourgeoisie is a social-democratic opportunist evolution
which had long been prepared by their leaders who are in
fact social-democrats, the worker aristocracy, which led
these so-called communist parties.
The Marxist-Leninist parties cannot fail to remember
this negative experience and draw from it the lesson that

162
they must organize the study and assimilation of Marxism-
Leninism on a sound basis, always linking this study with
revolutionary action.
The unity and co-operation of the Marxist-
Leninist parties of different countries on the basis of
the principles of proletarian internationalism is of
special importance for the preparation of the revo-
lution.
This unity will be strengthened and this cooperation
will be extended in struggle against imperialism and so-
cial-imperialism, against the bourgeoisie and modern revi-
sionism of every description, Khrushchevite, Titoite,
“Eurocommunist”, Chinese, etc.
The revisionists, as enemies of the revolution, fight
proletarian internationalism with all their strength and
means, in order to wrest this powerful weapon in the
struggle against the bourgeoisie and imperialism from the
hands of the world proletariat and the proletariat of every
country.
It is the duty of the Marxist-Leninist parties to expose
the manoeuvres of the Titoite revisionists and the “Euro-
communists,” who call proletarian internationalism obso-
lete and outdated today, as well as those of the Soviet revi-
sionists and Chinese revisionists who have distorted prole-
tarian internationalism and are trying to use it as a
weapon to realize their hegemonic, social-imperialist aims.
The Communist Party of China, which does not follow
the principles of proletarian internationalism and does not
support the revolutionary and liberation struggles of the
peoples, has set out on the road of rapprochement and
friendship with the social-democratic and bourgeois par-
ties, including the ultra-right and reactionary ones. At the
same time, it is trying to create various groups dependent
on and directed by it. It needs such groupings precisely in
order to sabotage the genuine Marxist-Leninist parties and
the progressive elements who have set to work to awaken
the people, to rouse them to revolution against the ruling
cliques which are linked with the superpowers. The small
groups, which call themselves parties and toe the Chinese

163
line, as the opportunists they are, do nothing but defend
and propagate the revisionist theories of the group of Hua
Kuo-feng and Teng Hsiao-ping and its counterrevolution-
ary actions. These groups are devoid of any individuality of
their own or any determination to fight according to the
Marxist-Leninist theory.
The main slogan of these parties, which is also the ba-
sic slogan of the Chinese policy, is that, in the present
situation, the sole and fundamental task of the proletariat
is to defend national independence, which is allegedly
threatened only by Soviet social-imperialism. They are re-
peating, almost word by word, the slogans of the chiefs of
the Second International who abandoned the cause of the
revolution and replaced it with the thesis of defence of the
capitalist homeland. Lenin exposed this false and anti-
Marxist slogan, which does not serve the defence of true
independence but serves the instigation of inter-
imperialist Wars. He clearly defined what the stand of the
true revolutionary should be towards the conflicts between
imperialist groupings. He wrote:
“If the war is a reactionary imperialist war that is,
if it is being waged by two world coalitions of the
imperialist, violent, predatory, reactionary bour-
geoisie then every bourgeoisie (even of the smallest
country) becomes a participant in the plunder, and
my duty as a representative of the revolutionary pro-
letariat is to prepare for the world proletarian revo-
lution as the only escape from the horrors of a world
slaughter...
“That is what internationalism means, and that
is the duty of the internationalist, the revolutionary
worker, the genuine socialist”*.
The parties following the Chinese line have become
apologists for the growth and strengthening of bourgeois
armies, using the excuse that this is supposedly necessary
for the defence of independence. They call on the working
people to become obedient soldiers and to come out, to-

*
V. I. Lenin, Collected Works, vol. 28, pp, 324-325 (Alb. ed.).
164
gether with the bourgeoisie, against all those who are
fighting to weaken this main weapon of capitalist rule and
exploitation. In a word, they want the proletariat and the
working masses to serve as cannon fodder in the predatory
wars which imperialism and social-imperialism prepare.
At the same time these hangers-on of the Chinese have
become ardent defenders of the bourgeois capitalist state
institutions, especially of NATO, the European Common
Market, etc.’ which they consider as the main factors for
the “defence of independence”. Like the Chinese leaders,
they whitewash and prettify these pillars of capitalist
domination and expansion. They are assisting precisely
those organisms which, in reality, have seriously violated
the independence and sovereignty of their countries.
For these pseudo-Marxists, alliance with the big bour-
geoisie, defence of the bourgeois army, support for NATO,
the European Common Market, etc., is a trouble-free road
because it not only does not lead them to clashes with the
bourgeoisie but, on the contrary, ensures its favours.
These positions of these groupist elements without a
future are leading them towards unification with the par-
ties of Eurocommunism and the bourgeoisie, and this is
bound to happen, because China itself is calling on the pro-
letariat to unite with the bourgeoisie. Already, there is no
difference whatsoever between these pseudo-Marxist-
Leninists and Marchais.
The Marxist-Leninists must be very much on guard
against the empty phrases which the modern revisionists,
the social democrats and the pseudo-Marxist-Leninists use
about proletarian internationalism, the unity of proletari-
ans in the defence of peace, etc. Proletarian international-
ism is genuine when people work self-sacrificingly to assist
and carry out revolutionary actions, to create a real situa-
tion of revolutionary struggle, in their own country in the
first place. At the same time, .as Lenin says, they must
support, with propaganda, sympathy and material aid, this
struggle and line in all countries without exception. Any-
thing else, he teaches us, is a fraud and Manilovism.
Therefore, we must be very much on our guard against
such pseudo-Marxist, pseudo-revolutionary, pseudo-

165
internationalist elements, whether individuals or small
groups, or parties which call themselves Marxist-Leninist,
but which, in fact, are not so, but are social-chauvinist,
centrist and petty-bourgeois. All these parties which are
beating their breasts about their proletarian international-
ism, about the defence of peace, about reforms, etc., serve
capital.
The Chinese revisionists, also, talk about proletarian
internationalism at times, but they stand on nationalist
and chauvinist positions. The Chinese leaders are among
those who beat their breasts and swear “to god” that they
are f or proletarian internationalism, for peace, for the
struggles of the proletariat and its claims, but in practice
they stand aside and do nothing but issue deceptive
phrases to split the revolutionary forces.
The important task the Marxist-Leninist parties are
faced with is to strengthen proletarian internationalism,
which must be developed amongst all parties, big or small,
old or new. All of them must strengthen the unity between
them and co-ordinate their political, ideological and fight-
ing actions.
By stressing this important line, which is a primary
task of the Marxist-Leninist parties in order to be able to
launch a frontal attack on world capitalism, its enslaving
policy, as well as on its intrigues, trickery and alliances
with Soviet, Titoite, Chinese, Italian, French, Spanish and
other modern revisionisms, these parties will create a
powerful front which will become ever more unbreakable
day by day. If they act in unity and all strike at the forces
of reaction together, if they expose all the intrigues which
capitalism and modern revisionism concoct in various ways
in order to put down the revolution and quell the class
struggle, their triumph is assured.
We Marxist-Leninists must fight and call on the work-
ers, wherever they are, to rise up against their age-old
enemies and break their chains, to carry out the revolu-
tion, and not submit to monopolies and capitalists, as the
modern revisionists advocate. The task of the Marxist-
Leninists, of the true revolutionaries is to call on the prole-

166
tarians and the peoples to rise for the new world, for their
world, for the socialist world.

167
 PART TWO
I
THE THEORY OF “THREE WORLDS” – A
COUNTERREVOLUTIONARY CHAUVINIST
THEORY
Today the Chinese revisionists, also, have come out
openly and are fighting on a broad front against the Lenin-
ist theory and strategy of the revolution and the liberation
struggle of the peoples. They are trying to oppose this glo-
rious scientific theory and strategy with their theory of
“three worlds”, which is a false, counterrevolutionary, and
chauvinist theory.
The theory of “three worlds” is in opposition to the the-
ory of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin, or more exactly, is a
negation of it. It is of no consequence to know who first in-
vented the term the “third world”, who was the first to di-
vide the world in three parts, but it is certain that Lenin
did not make such a division, while the Communist Party
of China claims paternity to it, asserting that Mao Tsetung
invented the theory of “three worlds”. If he is the author
who first formulated this so-called theory, this is further
evidence that Mao Tsetung is not a Marxist. But even if he
only adopted this theory from others, this, too, is proof
enough that he is not a Marxist.
The Concept of the “Three Worlds” – A Negation of
Marxism-Leninism
The notion of the existence of three worlds, or of the di-
vision of the world in three, is based on a racist and meta-
physical world outlook, which is an offspring of world capi-
talism and reaction.
But the racist thesis which places the countries on
three levels or in three “worlds” is not based simply on skin
colour. It makes a classification based on the level of eco-
nomic development of the countries and is intended to de-
fine the “great master race”, on the one hand, and the “race
of pariahs and plebs”, on the other, to create an unalter-
able and metaphysical division in the interests of the capi-

168
talist bourgeoisie. It considers the various nations and
peoples of the world as a flock of sheep, as an amorphous
whole.
The Chinese revisionists accept and preach that the
“master race” must be preserved and the “race of pariahs
and plebs” must serve it meekly and devotedly.
Marxist-Leninist dialectics teaches us that there is no
limit to development, that nothing stops changing. In this
process of unceasing development towards the future,
quantitative and qualitative changes occur. Our epoch, like
any other, is characterized by profound contradictions
which Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin defined so clearly. It
is the epoch of imperialism and proletarian revolutions,
hence, of great quantitative and qualitative transforma-
tions which lead to revolution and the seizure of power by
the working class in order to build the new socialist soci-
ety.
The whole of Marx’s theory is founded on the class
struggle and dialectical and historical materialism. Marx
proved that capitalist society is a society divided into ex-
ploiting and exploited classes, that classes will disappear
only when the, classless society, communism, has been
achieved.
Today we are living in the stage of the collapse of im-
perialism and the triumph of proletarian, revolutions. This
means that in present-day capitalist society there are two
main classes, the proletariat and the bourgeoisie, which
are in irreconcilable, life-and-death struggle with each
other.
Which of them will triumph? Marx and Lenin, Marxist-
Leninist science, the theory and practice of the revolution,
provide us with convincing proof that, in the final analysis,
the proletariat will triumph by destroying, overthrowing
the power of the bourgeoisie, imperialism and all, exploit-
ers, and will build a new society, socialist society. They
teach us also that even in this new society, classes, that is,
the working class and working peasantry, which are
closely allied to each other, will exist for a very long time,
but there will also be remnants of the overthrown and ex-
propriated classes. During this entire period, these rem-

169
nants, as well as elements which degenerate and oppose
the construction of socialism, will try to regain their lost
power. Hence, under socialism, too, stern class struggle
will exist.
Marxist-Leninists always bear in mind that in all
countries, with the exception of those where the revolution
has triumphed and socialist order has been established,
there are the poor classes with the proletariat at the head,
and the wealthy classes with the bourgeoisie at the head.
In every capitalist state, wherever it may be, and how-
ever democratic or progressive, there are oppressed and
oppressors, there are exploited and, exploiters, there are
antagonisms there is merciless class struggle. The varying
intensity of this struggle does not alter this reality. This
struggle has its ups and downs, but it exists and cannot be
quelled. It exists everywhere, it exists in the United States
of America between the proletariat and the imperialist
bourgeoisie, it exists, likewise, in the Soviet Union, where
Marxism-Leninism has been betrayed and a new bour-
geois-capitalist class which oppresses the working people
of that country, has been created. Classes and the class
struggle exist also in the “second world”, as in France,
Britain, Italy, West Germany, Japan. They exist also in
the “third world”, in India, Zaire, Burundi, Pakistan, the
Philippines, etc.
Only according to Mao Tsetung’s theory of “three
worlds”, classes and the class struggle do not exist in any
country. It does not see them, because it judges countries
and peoples according to bourgeois geo-political concepts
and the level of their economic development.
To see the world as divided in three, into the “first
world”, “second world” and the “third world”, as the Chi-
nese revisionists do and not from the class angle, means to
deviate from the Marxist-Leninist theory of the class
struggle, means to negate the struggle of the proletariat
against the bourgeoisie for the transition from a backward
society to a new society, socialist society, and later to class-
less society, communist society. To divide the world in
three means failure to recognize the characteristics of the
epoch, to impede the advance of the proletariat and the

170
peoples towards the revolution and national liberation, to
impede their struggle against American imperialism, So-
viet social-imperialism, capital and reaction in every coun-
try and in every corner of the world. The theory of “three
worlds” advocates social peace, class conciliation, and tries
to create alliances between implacable enemies, between
the proletariat and the bourgeoisie, the oppressed and the
oppressors, the peoples and imperialism. It is an attempt
to prolong the life of the old world, the capitalist world, to
keep it on its feet precisely by seeking to extinguish the
class struggle.
But the class struggle, the struggle of the proletariat
and its allies to take power and the struggle of the bour-
geoisie to maintain its power can never be extinguished.
This is an irrefutable truth and no amount of empty theo-
rizing about the “worlds”, whether the “first world”, the
“second”, the “third world”, the “non-aligned world”, or the
umpteenth “world”, can alter this fact. To accept such a
division, means to renounce and abandon the theory of
Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin on classes and the class
struggle.
After the triumph of the October Revolution, Lenin and
Stalin said that in our time there are two worlds: the so-
cialist world and the capitalist world, although at that
time socialism had triumphed in only one country. Lenin
wrote in 1921:
“... there are now two worlds: the old world of capi-
talism, that is in a state of confusion but which will
never surrender voluntarily, and the rising new
world, which is still very weak, but which will grow,
for it is invincible”*.
This class criterion of the division of the world is still
valid today, regardless of the fact that socialism has not
triumphed in many countries and the new society has not
supplanted the old bourgeois-capitalist society. Such a
thing is certainly bound to happen tomorrow.

*
V. I. Lenin, Collected Works, vol. 33, pp. 153-154 (Alb. ed.).
171
 The fact that socialism has been betrayed in the Soviet
Union and the other former socialist countries does not in
any way alter the Leninist criterion of the division of the
world. Now as before, there are only two worlds, and the
struggle between these two worlds, between the two an-
tagonistic classes, between socialism and capitalism, exists
not only on a national scale but also on an international
scale.
The Chinese revisionists, who do not admit the exis-
tence of the socialist world under the pretext that the so-
cialist camp no longer exists as a result of the betrayal by
the Soviet Union and the other former socialist countries,
deliberately ignore one thing, namely, that the emergence
of modern revisionism does not in the least alter the gen-
eral trend of history towards the revolution’ towards the
collapse Of imperialism, regardless of the fact that capital-
ism still, exists. At the same time, they ignore the fact that
the immortal ideas of Marxism-Leninism exist, are devel-
oping and triumphing, that the Marxist-Leninist parties
exist, socialist Albania exists, the peoples fighting for free-
dom, independence and national sovereignty exist, and
that the world proletariat exists and is fighting.
The Paris Commune did not triumph, it was sup-
pressed, but it gave the world proletariat a great example.
Marx said that the experience of the Commune revealed
the temporary weakness of the French proletariat, never-
theless it prepared the proletariat of all countries for the
world revolution and provided a great lesson as to the con-
ditions necessary to achieve victory. Marx raised this great
experience of the communards who “stormed the heavens”
to the level of theory and taught the proletariat that it
must smash the apparatus of the bourgeois state and its
dictatorship with revolutionary violence.
The modern revisionists are cowards. They think that
the counterrevolutionary forces are very powerful today.
But this is not at all true. They are weaker than the peo-
ples. The peoples, with the proletariat at the head, are
stronger. They will crush the counterrevolutionary forces,
the forces of reaction, imperialism and social imperialism.
This view is based on the class analysis of the world. Any

172
other view is wrong, regardless of how revisionists may
disguise their activity and fears with revolutionary
phrases.
When we Marxist-Leninists say that there are two, and
not three or five, worlds, we are on the right road and, on
the basis of Marxism-Leninism, we must build our struggle
against the capitalist bourgeoisie, American imperialism
and Soviet social-imperialism, and against the other impe-
rialisms. This struggle must lead to the destruction of the
old bourgeois-capitalist world and the establishment of the
new socialist order.
The proletariat is the motive social force of our
epoch. Lenin emphasized that the motive force which
drives history forward is represented that class which
stands
“...at the hub of one epoch or another, determining
its main content, the main direction of its develop-
ment, the main characteristics of the historical
situation in that epoch, etc.”*
Contrary to this thesis of Lenin’s, however, the Chinese
revisionists are trying to present the “third world” as the
“great motive force which is driving the wheel of history
forward”. To make such a declaration means to give a defi-
nition of the motive force which is wrong in theory and
practice. How is it possible in the present epoch of social
development, which has at its hub the most revolutionary
class, the proletariat, to call a grouping of states, the over-
whelming bulk of which are ruled by the bourgeoisie and
the feudal lords, indeed, even open reactionaries and fas-
cists, the motive force? This is a gross distortion of Marx’s
theory.
The Chinese leadership takes no account of the fact
that in the “third world” there are oppressed and oppres-
sors, the proletariat and the enslaved, poverty-stricken
and destitute peasantry, on the one hand, and the capital-
ists and landowners, who exploit and fleece the people, on
the other.
*
V. I. Lenin, Collected Works, vol. 21, p. 147 (Alb. ed.).
173
 To fail to point out this class situation in the so-called
“third world”, to fail to point out the antagonisms which
exist, means to revise Marxism-Leninism and defend capi-
talism. In the countries of the so-called “third world”, in
general, the capitalist bourgeoisie is in power. This bour-
geoisie exploits the country, exploits and oppresses the
poor people in its own class interests, to make the largest
possible profits for itself and to keep the people in perpet-
ual slavery and misery.
In many countries of the “third world”, the govern-
ments in power are bourgeois, capitalist governments, of
course, with differing political nuances. They are govern-
ments of the class hostile to the proletariat, the oppressed
and poor peasantry, hostile to the revolution and liberation
wars.
The bourgeoisie, which has state power in these coun-
tries, is protecting precisely that capitalist society which
the proletariat in alliance with the poor strata of town and
countryside, seeks to overthrow. It constitutes that upper
class which, proceeding from its own narrow interests, is
ready, at any moment, at any turn of events, to sell the
wealth of the land and the underground assets of the coun-
try, the freedom, independence and sovereignty of the
homeland, to foreign capitalism. This class, wherever it is
in power, is opposed to the struggle and aspirations of the
proletariat and its allies, the oppressed classes and strata.
Many of the states which the Chinese leadership in-
cludes in the “third world” are not opposed to American
imperialism and Soviet social-imperialism. To call such
states “the main motive force of the revolution and the
struggle against imperialism”, as Mao Tsetung advocates,
is a glaring mistake that stands out like the Himalayas.
There are other pseudo-Marxists, too, but they at least
know how to hide and disguise themselves behind their
bourgeois theories.
The Chinese revisionists have the same anti-Marxist
view not only of the “third world” but also of what they call
the “second world”, where the big capitalist bourgeoisie
and the big imperialists of yesterday, who are still imperi-
alists, are ruling. In the countries of the so-called second

174
world, there is a large and powerful proletariat, which is
exploited to the bone, which is kept down by crushing laws,
the army, the police, the trade-unions, by all these weap-
ons of the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie. Both in the coun-
tries of the “third world” and in those of the “second
world”, it is the bourgeois capitalist class, the same social
forces, which are ruling the proletariat and the peoples
and which must be smashed. Here, too, the main motive
force is the proletariat.
Just as they do in the “third world” and the “second
world”, in the United States of America and the Soviet Un-
ion, too, the Chinese revisionists ignore the proletariat,
which represents the great army of the revolution, negate
precisely the main motive force of society, that force which
has to attack the monopoly bourgeoisie, its class enemy
and the enemy of the world revolution in general.
Mao Tsetung’s theory of “three worlds” denies this
great reality and discounts the proletariat of Europe and
the other developed countries. It is true that some degen-
eration also exists in the ranks of the proletariat, whether
of the so-called third, second, or first world, because the
bourgeoisie is not sitting idle, but is fighting its enemy, not
only with weapons and oppression, but also politically and
ideologically, with the way of life it creates, etc. But the
fact that some stratum of the proletariat, such as the la-
bour aristocracy, degenerates, does not mean that Marx-
ism-Leninism should be abandoned and the decisive role of
the working class in the world revolutionary process de-
nied. Through correct Marxist-Leninist education, through
their daily revolutionary activity, the genuine communists
protect the proletariat of every country and every world
from degeneration and mobilize it to struggle against its
oppressors, be they British or French, Italian or German,
Portuguese or Spanish, American or Japanese, etc.
In the United States of America, also, which is the
head of world imperialism, there is a big proletariat. Being
one of the most industrialized countries of the world, it is
also the wealthiest, therefore the crumbs that capital gives
away to deceive the proletariat are a little bigger than
those in the other bourgeois countries. In the United

175
States of America the way of life has a greater influence on
the proletariat, but we cannot, in the least, negate the role
and contribution of the American proletariat to the revolu-
tion in that country.
In fact, in the United States of America also, there is a
section of opinion opposed to imperialism, predatory wars,
oppression by the capitalists, trusts, banks, etc. Even
among the strata of the petty-bourgeoisie in that country
there is a resistance to the oppression by big capital.
By negating the class struggle, the Chinese the-
ory of “three worlds” also negates the struggle of the
peoples to free themselves from foreign domination,
to win democratic rights and freedoms, negates
their struggle for socialism. This counterrevolutionary
and anti-scientific theory rules out the struggle of the peo-
ples against their enemies – imperialism, social-
imperialism and the entire international big bourgeoisie.
To put the peoples into “three compartments” and
preach that only the “third world” aspires to liberation
from imperialism, that it alone is supposedly the “main
motive force against imperialism”, is a deception and a fla-
grant deviation from Marxism-Leninism. If the imperial-
ists and capitalists are to be included in the “first world”
and in the “second world”, then the question arises: where
are the peoples of these “two worlds”, who are also fighting
for their liberation against those same oppressors who are
oppressing the “third world”, to be put? The inventors and
supporters of the division of the world in three are quite
unable to answer this question, because, according to their
anti-Marxist and anti-Leninist concept, they merge the
imperialists, the rulers and the peoples into one.
Marxist-Leninists cannot identify the Soviet peoples
with the anti-Marxist, social-imperialist, double-dealers
and the new capitalists who are ruling them. Likewise,
they cannot mix up and confound the American people
with US imperialism. If they were to act as the Chinese
revisionists; are doing, then the revolutionaries would be
making a gross theoretical mistake and setting themselves
against the revolution; they would be supporting precisely

176
imperialism and social-imperialism, the forces of capital
against which the proletariat and the people within the
lair of their enemies are also fighting.
What is the sense of the Chinese call that the .third
world. should unite in alliance with the “second world” to
fight half of the “first world”, when such a division of the
world confuses the individuality, aspirations and develop-
ment of the peoples who are opposed to and in struggle
against the oligarchy that oppresses them? The level of the
peoples’ resistance and revolutionary struggle is likewise
different, but their ultimate aim, communism, is the same.
In these conditions, we Marxist-Leninists must carry out
propaganda work and mobilize ourselves so that, through
continuous class struggles against imperialism, social-
imperialism, capitalism and their fraudulent ideologies, we
achieve the ultimate aim.
The Chinese revisionists not only merge and unite peo-
ples into one with the rulers in the capitalist countries, but
they also want to liquidate the identity of socialist coun-
tries, when they preach that these countries, too, can be
included in the “third world”.
How can a socialist country be identified with the
“third world” in which antagonist classes, oppression and
exploitation exist, and line up with “kings and princes”, as
the Chinese leaders assert? The Chinese revisionists, who
call their country socialist, allege that they include them-
selves in the “third world” in order to assist the peoples of
this “world”. This is a fraud by means of which they want
to conceal their expansionist aim. To assist and support
the peoples’ struggle, a true socialist country has no need
to divide the world in three, or include itself in the “third
world”.
With our stands, guiding ourselves by class criteria, we
Marxist-Leninists help the peoples, the proletariat, genu-
ine democracy, sovereignty and freedom, and not the state
where the kings, shahs and the reactionary cliques rule.
We help those peoples and democratic states which want to
liberate themselves from the yoke of superpowers, but we
stress that this cannot be done properly, on the correct
road and according to monarchs class criteria, unless they

177
also fight the and the international monopolies that are
connected with the superpowers. The Chinese leaders
claim to have solved this complicated class problem by
merging themselves in this imaginary “third world”. But
this is an anti-Marxist solution. Contrary to what the Chi-
nese leaders claim, most of the states and governments of
the “third world” are not for struggle against the “first
world” or against US imperialism and Soviet social-
imperialism, or the “second world”.
The trend among the peoples of the world is towards
the struggle for liberation, for revolution, for socialism, but
the governments of kings, emirs and reactionary cliques of
the Mobutu and Pinochet type of the “third world” in which
China has included itself, are not included in this trend.
In regard to the states of the so-called third world, the
Chinese leadership does not make any class differentia-
tion, according to the principles of proletarian internation-
alism and the interests of the world revolution. It takes no
account of the fact that these national states, most of
which are led by the upper strata of the bourgeoisie, are
under the influence of, and closely linked by many threads
with, US imperialism and also with Soviet social-
imperialism.
In these states there are deep internal contradictions
between the proletariat and the poor and oppressed peas-
antry, on the one hand, and the bourgeoisie and all enslav-
ers, on the other. The aid which a socialist country gives
the peoples of these states should be a great stimulus to
their progress towards the creation of a truly democratic
state, without obscuring the perspective, without affecting
the question of the triumph of the proletarian revolution
and seizure of power by the proletariat. The revolution
cannot be imported. It will be carried out by the proletariat
and people of each country. Of course, the seizure of power
will not be done overnight, but as Lenin teaches us, those
conditions must be created so that, at each turn of history,
the proletariat will be found in the forefront of the struggle
to overthrow the degenerate state power of dictators and
the reactionary bourgeoisie and to establish the rule of the
people.

178
 The division we communists make of the world today,
on the basis of the Leninist class criterion, does not hinder
us from fighting the superpowers and supporting all the
peoples and states that are seeking liberation and have
contradictions with the superpowers. Socialist Albania has
given wholehearted and powerful support to the struggle of
the peoples of Asia, Africa, Latin America, because this
struggle is in their own interests and is directed against
imperialism and foreign colonial domination. But to con-
ceal and distort the principles of Marxism-Leninism, the
ideology and policy of the party of the proletariat, as the
Chinese leaders do, this is anti-Marxist, a fraud and a de-
ception. The Party of Labour of Albania has not done and
will never do such a thing, because this would be an un-
pardonable crime against its own people, against other
peoples, against the international proletariat and the
world revolution.
In its division of the world into three, the Com-
munist Party of China is advocating class concilia-
tion.
The genuine Marxist-Leninists never forget the teach-
ings of Lenin, who stresses that the opportunists and revi-
sionists strive by hook or by crook to tone down the class
struggle, to deceive the working class and the oppressed
with “revolutionary” clichés, while divesting the Marxist-
Leninist doctrine of its revolutionary content. This is what
the Chinese revisionist leadership is doing when it
preaches conciliation and peaceful coexistence between the
working class and the bourgeoisie.
As Engels and Lenin teach us, the contradictions be-
tween classes or social forces with opposing fundamental
interests cannot be reconciled, but on the contrary, become
more and more severe and end up in socio-political con-
flicts. The very existence of the state proves that the an-
tagonisms between classes are irreconcilable. Therefore, to
try to mitigate these class antagonisms which can be seen
in the various bourgeois and revisionist countries of the
“third”, “second”, or the “first world”, by preaching unprin-
cipled unity, means to deny the objective character of the

179
existence of contradictions and to treat this problem in an
anti-Marxist way.
The Chinese “theoreticians” try to reconcile classes
that can never be reconciled, and this means that they are
in revisionist, opportunist positions.
The distortion of Marx’s theory by the Chinese revi-
sionists is quite obvious when they consider the countries
which they include in the, “third world” countries where
class peace prevails, and the state in those countries an
organism of class conciliation.
To accept the notion of the “third world”, as the Chi-
nese leaders advertise, means to work to create an opinion
which will serve to defend those state organisms which the
bourgeoisie needs to oppress the working class and the
masses of the people. The thesis of the toning down of the
class struggle, as Lenin said when he was attacking the
revisionists, justifies and endorses this oppression. To seek
unity within the “third world”, in fact, means to seek unity
of the oppressed class with the oppressor class, that is, to
try to tone down the antagonisms between the working
masses and the bourgeoisie, between the people and the
foreign oppressors. These sermons of the Chinese revision-
ists run counter to the interests of the national and social
liberation of the peoples, to their aspirations for freedom,
independence and social justice.
The majority of the states which allegedly make up the
“third” or the “non-aligned world” are dependent on foreign
finance capital which is so strong and so widespread that it
has a decisive weight in every aspect of life there. These
states do not enjoy complete independence. On the con-
trary, they are dependent on this big finance capital, which
develops that policy and spreads that ideology which justi-
fies the exploitation of peoples.
The bourgeoisie and imperialism take great pains to
conceal this reality, and when exposed, they contrive vari-
ous “theories” against the independence and sovereignty of
states. In order to smother the aspirations of the peoples to
freedom, independence and sovereignty, the bourgeois and
revisionist theoreticians present these aspirations .as
“anachronistic”, give them various metaphysical interpre-

180
tations and counter them with the slogan of “world inter-
dependence”, which allegedly expresses the current trend
of development of human society, or with the slogan of
“limited sovereignty”, which allegedly expresses the su-
preme interests of the so-called socialist community, etc.
The bourgeois-revisionist reality of the violation of the
freedom, independence and sovereignty of nations and
states in all forms and directions, shows the decay of the
capitalist system. We are living in an epoch when the
bourgeoisie is losing ground as a ruling class, while the
world proletariat has become a colossal force and has en-
tered into ceaseless, merciless struggle to get that class
which exploits it off its back. Under the blows of the peo-
ples and the class struggle of the proletariat, the bourgeoi-
sie was compelled to renounce colonialism de jure, and to
formally recognize the freedom, independence and sover-
eignty of many countries, which it had been occupying and
exploiting to the bone for a long time.
However, for many countries the freedom, independ-
ence and sovereignty, legally recognized by the capitalist
states to their former colonies, have remained formal to
this day, because the capitalists and imperialists are still
ruling there in new forms. To prolong their domination
over the former colonies, taking advantage of the economic,
political and ideological backwardness of the and the lack
of organization of the revolutionary forces, these regressive
forces of our time make extensive use of plots and intrigues
to divide and rule, suitable terrain for which can still be
found in these countries.
In dealing with this problem, it should not be thought
that, since the former colonial countries have not yet won
complete independence and sovereignty, their struggle has
been useless. By no means. The struggle of the peoples for
the emancipation of their small countries from the dictate
and tutelage of the mighty – imperialism and social-
imperialism – must not be underrated. On the contrary,
the Party of Labour of Albania and the Albanian state
have given and will continue to give unreserved support to
this just revolutionary and liberation struggle, which they
have regarded as a victory of the peoples in strengthening

181
their political independence and breaking free from colo-
nial and neo-colonial domination. But we are against those
revisionist theoreticians who preach that now the entire
revolutionary struggle should be reduced to a struggle for
national independence, to win and to defend this inde-
pendence against the aggression of imperialist powers,
while negating the struggle for social liberation.
Only victory in this struggle guarantees genuine and
complete national freedom, independence and sovereignty.
These advocates of the exploiting order “forget” that the
class struggle between the proletariat and its allies, on the
one hand, and the local bourgeoisie and its external allies,
on the other, is going on fiercely at all times, and some day
it will lead to those moments, to those revolutionary situa-
tions, as Lenin calls them, when the revolution breaks out.
The ever more favourable conditions that are being created
in the world for anti-imperialist and democratic revolu-
tions to develop on a large-scale and for their leadership by
the proletariat must be utilized in order to go on from the
struggle for national independence to another more ad-
vanced phase’, to the struggle for socialism. Lenin teaches
us that the revolution must be carried through to the end,
by liquidating the bourgeoisie and its state power. Only on
this basis can there be talk of true freedom, independence
and sovereignty.
According to our Marxist-Leninist concept, the people
cannot have freedom and sovereignty in a society with an-
tagonistic classes where the feudal or bourgeois class holds
sway. Freedom, independence and sovereignty have a con-
crete socio-political content. Genuine and complete free-
dom, and sovereignty are secured under the conditions of
the dictatorship of the proletariat, while, where state
power is in the hands of the exploiting class, the economic
and political relations of inequality between the exploiters
and the exploited and between countries lead to loss, or
restriction of the freedom and sovereignty of the people. As
a result, there can be no talk of real national freedom and
sovereignty, and even less of people’s sovereignty, in the
countries which are included in the “non-aligned” or the
“third world”. Only from a scientific analysis based on the

182
Marxist-Leninist theory is it possible to determine cor-
rectly which people is really free and which is enslaved,
which state is independent and sovereign, and which is
dependent and oppressed. The Marxist-Leninist theory
clearly explains who are the oppressors and exploiters of
the peoples, and which is the road for the peoples to be-
come free, independent and sovereign. We Albanian com-
munists understand the freedom, independence and sover-
eignty of states and peoples only in this way, in the light of
Marxism-Leninism.
The Attitude of the Chinese Revisionists to
Contradictions is an Idealist, Revisionist and
Capitulationist Attitude
The implementation of a correct revolutionary strategy
based on the teachings of Marxism-Leninism demands not
only an all-sided dialectical analysis and appreciation of
the motive forces of the world revolutionary and liberation
trend, the correct assessment of the enemy forces, with
their strong and weak aspects, but also a correct and scien-
tific understanding of the contradictions characteristic of
our time.
If we interpret the contradictions in connection with
the concrete facts and the real development of the situa-
tions, according to the teachings of the Marxist-Leninist
theory, then we shall not make mistakes.
In connection with the contradictions, the Chinese
leaders “theorize”, “interpret”, “philosophize”, paraphrase
and confuse many theses which the classics of Marxism-
Leninism formulated so clearly. Interpreting contradic-
tions differently from what they really are, they enter into
agreements and compromises not in favour of the libera-
tion struggle, the peoples, the revolution and the construc-
tion of socialism, but in favour of the bourgeoisie and im-
perialism. These leaders, who pose as Marxist-Leninist
philosophers, have two masks: one to present themselves
as if they are in order with the Marxist-Leninist theory,
and the other to distort it in practice.
Their stand in regard to the contradictions, alliances
and compromises stems from a distorted and pragmatic

183
analysis which they make of the international situation,
the contradictions that exist in the world, the contradic-
tions among the imperialist powers, among the various
capitalist states, between the proletariat and the bourgeoi-
sie, etc. This stand has its roots in their idealist and revi-
sionist world outlook.
However, the Chinese leaders’ laying of the problem of
contradictions, alliances and compromises on the table for
discussion is not fortuitous. The Chinese leadership has
now thrown off its disguise and has come out openly
against the revolution. It has become a standard-bearer of
right opportunism, revisionism. Like all revisionists, the
leaders of the Communist Party of China, also, are trying
to “justify” their departure from the Marxist-Leninist the-
ory, their revisionist orientation, by using quotations from
Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin. Of course, they curtail cut
up and take these quotations out of their context, and thus
mutilated, use them to peddle their reactionary stands and
theses as Marxist-Leninist. But the Chinese revisionists
are neither the first nor the last to make these distortions,
tendentious curtailments and interpretations of our correct
theory. Long before them, the chief s of social-democracy,
the Titoites, the Soviet, Italian, French and other revision-
ists did the same thing and they are still at it.
In the first place, by juggling with the contradic-
tions, the Chinese leaders are endeavouring to jus-
tify their stand towards US imperialism, to pave the
way for their rapprochement and collaboration with
it.
The Chinese revisionists claim that there is only one
contradiction in the world of today, and that this puts the
“third world”, the “second world” and half of the “first
world” in confrontation with the Soviet Union. Proceeding
from this thesis which unites the peoples with a group of
imperialists, they advocate that all class contradictions
must be set aside and that the only fight must be against
Soviet social-imperialism.
But let us analyse how things stand on the question of
the contradictions between the peoples and the superpow-

184
ers, and the contradictions between the superpowers
themselves.
In the present conditions, in defining a consistent revo-
lutionary strategy and tactics, the principled stand to-
wards the two imperialist superpowers, the United States
of America and the Soviet Union, which constitute the
greatest force in defence of the capitalist system of oppres-
sion and exploitation, the main bastions of world reaction,
assumes first-rate importance. They are sworn enemies,
the most dangerous enemies of the revolution, socialism
and the peoples of the entire world; they have taken upon
themselves the odious role of the international gendarme
against every revolutionary and liberation movement, and
represent the most aggressive warmongering powers,
which, with their actions are driving the world towards a
devastating war.
No one, least of all the Party of Labour of Albania, can
deny the existence of profound contradictions between the
two greatest imperialist powers of our time – American
imperialism and Soviet social-imperialism. We have con-
tinually stressed that the contradictions between the two
superpowers not only exist, but are becoming deeper. Par-
allel with this, the superpowers, on their part, are making
efforts to reach agreement over certain questions. Lenin
explains this phenomenon with the two tendencies of capi-
tal. He said,
“...two tendencies exist – one which makes the alli-
ance of all imperialists inevitable, and the other
which pits some imperialists against others...”*.
But why are there irreconcilable contradictions and an-
tagonisms between the two super~ powers? Because, since
they are big imperialist powers, each of them is fighting for
world hegemony, to create new spheres of influence, for the
enslavement and exploitation of peoples. The appetite and
greed which each of them has, is the source of bickering
and severe friction between them, and even to a bloody
world war.

*
V. I. Lenin, Collected Works, vol. 27, p. 418 (Alb. ed.).
185
 We Marxist-Leninists must exploit the contradictions
which exist between the superpowers in the interests of
the revolution and the peoples’ liberation struggles.
Exploiting the contradictions in the enemy camp is a
component part of revolutionary strategy and tactics. Sta-
lin described the exploitation of the contradictions and con-
flicts in the ranks of the enemies of the working class,
within the country or among the imperialist states in the
international arena, as an indirect reserve of the proletar-
ian revolution. It is a well-known historical fact that the
Soviet socialist state, under the leadership of Lenin and
Stalin, took into account and exploited inter-imperialist
contradictions in the period after the October Revolution,
or during the years of the Second World War.
But in every instance, the assessment and exploitation
of the contradictions amidst the enemies by the revolu-
tionary forces, the socialist countries, are the result of a
concrete Marxist-Leninist analysis of these contradictions
and their level of severity, of the ratio of forces at a given
period or moment, in order to define in what way, in what
form and by what means to exploit them. The principle is
that these contradictions must always be exploited in fa-
vour of the revolution, the peoples and their freedom, in
favour of the cause of socialism. The exploitation of contra-
dictions amidst the enemies should lead to the growth and
strengthening of the revolutionary and liberation move-
ment, and not to making it weaken and fade, should lead
to an ever more active mobilization of the revolutionary
forces in the struggle against the enemies, especially the
main ones, without allowing any illusions about them to be
created among the peoples.
The two superpowers, the United States of’ America
and the revisionist Soviet Union, have the suppression of
the revolution and socialism as, the first point in their pro-
gram. Not only do the Chinese leaders not stress this fact,
which is an expression of the irreconcilable contradiction
between socialism and capitalism, but they even deny it in
practice. Of course, it is impermissible for Marxist-
Leninists to forget that the superpowers, despite the
struggle between them for. hegemony, despite the contra-

186
dictions they have, never lose sight of their common objec-
tive of suppressing the peoples who demand freedom, and
of sabotaging the revolution, and this, too, leads to general
or local wars. On this question, the Chinese revisionists
continue to hold their known standpoint of the fight only
against Soviet social-.imperialism, which, according to
them, is the more dangerous, more aggressive and more
bellicose. They relegate US imperialism to second place –
and stress that the United States of America “wants the
status quo, that it is in decline”. From this the Chinese re-
visionists arrive at the conclusion that an alliance with
American imperialism against Soviet social-imperialism
can and should be reached.
US imperialism is not at all weakened or tamed, as the
Chinese leaders claim. On the contrary, it is aggressive,
savage and powerful, like Soviet social-imperialism. The
fact that US imperialism no longer has that dominant po-
sition it held in the past, does not alter anything. This is
the dialectics of the development of capitalism and it cor-
roborates Lenin’s theses that imperialism is capitalism in
decline, decadence. But, proceeding from this, to go so far
as to underestimate the actual aggressive economic and
military strength of one or the other superpower, is im-
permissible. It is likewise impermissible, proceeding from
a real weakening and decline of the imperialists’ power, to
say that one imperialism has become less dangerous and
that the other is more dangerous. Both imperialist super-
powers are dangerous, because neither of them ever forgets
the fight against those who want to dig the grave for them,
and those who want to dig the grave for the superpowers
are the peoples.
To advocate the struggle against Soviet social-
imperialism only, and to cease the fight against US impe-
rialism in fact, as the Chinese leaders are doing, means to
fail to uphold the fundamental theses of Marxism-
Leninism. There is no doubt about the fact that Soviet so-
cial-imperialism must be fought to the finish. But to fail to
fight just as hard against US imperialism, too, this is un-
acceptable, this is betrayal of the revolution.

187
 If the Chinese course is followed, then it will not be
clear what US imperialism is and what Soviet social-
imperialism is, why these two superpowers have contradic-
tions and what is the essence of these contradictions, what
is the basis of the struggle between them, which we must
deepen, and what we must do to prevent these two imperi-
alist states from unleashing a world war, etc. If we under-
stand these questions properly in theory, and if we act cor-
rectly on the basis of the Marxist-Leninist theory, then the
absolute need for us to assist and support the peoples
fighting against the two superpowers and the bourgeois
capitalist cliques ruling them will become quite today is
going clear. The capitalist world today is going through a
grave crisis. But this crisis must be assessed in all its
magnitude, and likewise, like contradictions which exist in
the capitalist world must also be assessed in all their grav-
ity.
Their pragmatic and anti-Marxist logic leads the Chi-
nese revisionists to present the Soviet Union as a country
developing without contradictions, as an imperialism
which is ruling the other revisionist countries, like Poland,
East Germany, Hungary, Czechoslovakia, Rumania and
Bulgaria, without problems. They present the Soviet bloc
as, a bloc in ascendency, and the Soviet Union as the only
imperialism left in the world, bent on establishing its he-
gemony everywhere.
If we speak of the hegemony of the Soviet Union over
the revisionist countries of Eastern Europe, this is ex-
pressed, in the first place, in the military occupation of
these countries by the Soviet armed forces, in the ruthless
and unscrupulous plunder of their assets by Soviet social-
imperialism, which is trying to integrate them completely
into the system of Soviet republics. Naturally, the revision-
ist Soviet Union is encountering opposition in these efforts.
The time will come when this opposition and these contra-
dictions, which exist in latent form within the revisionist
pack, will become more acute and will burst out.
We have described Soviet social-imperialism as aggres-
sive because it attacked and occupied Czechoslovakia, be-
cause it has intervened in Africa and elsewhere, and has

188
plans and is preparing for other acts of aggression. But can
it be said that US imperialism has committed fewer acts of
aggression, or is less aggressive than Soviet social-
imperialism?
The Chinese leadership has forgotten the aggression of
the United States of America against Korea, it has forgot-
ten the prolonged and barbarous war against Vietnam,
Cambodia and Laos, it has forgotten its war in the Middle
East, its intervention in the republics of Central America,
etc. It has erased all these things from the led and now
comes out with the conclusion that US imperialism has
allegedly been tamed! It forgets that US imperialism has
extended its tentacles all over the world, has set up its
military bases everywhere, and is developing and
strengthening them. Mao Tsetung and Chou En-lai forgot
this, the Chinese revisionist leadership forget this when
they tell us that US imperialism has allegedly been weak-
ened and tamed and, hence, an alliance can be concluded
with it! To act in this way means to seek to extinguish the
struggle against imperialism in general and against US
imperialism in particular, and indeed even against Soviet
social-imperialism, which China claims to be fighting so
hard.
It is true that Soviet social-imperialism has a great
hunger for expansion. Its intervention in Angola and
Ethiopia, its attempts to establish bases in the Mediterra-
nean and several Arab countries, to seize the Red Sea nar-
rows or to establish military bases in the Indian Ocean, all
these are blatant imperialist actions. But these positions of
Soviet social-imperialism are not consolidated to the same
extent that US imperialism has consolidated its neo-
colonialist economic, strategic and military positions in
other countries. It is precisely this situation that the Chi-
nese leadership appears to underestimate, but in reality it
recognizes and supports it.
At the same time, the Chinese revisionists cannot fail
to see that, despite the contradictions existing between the
capitalist states of Western Europe and US imperialism,
they are closely linked with one another, linked through
political, military and economic alliances, such as NATO,

189
the European Common Market, etc. It is impossible f or
the Chinese leadership not to know that US capital has
penetrated deeply into, the economies of the countries of
Western Europe, and not only there, but also into Eastern
Europe and the Soviet Union.
The Chinese leadership knows full well that the United
States of America has invested and continues to invest
scores of billions of dollars in various countries of the
world. Then what is it hoping for? Is it hoping that the
western capitalist countries, with all their contradictions
with the United States of America, Will break away from it
in order to weaken their own camp, to renounce that
armed might, those economic, social and cultural ties they
have with it, and leave themselves naked before Soviet so-
cial-imperialism for the sake of China’s interests? This is
an absurdity of the Chinese foreign policy.
As we have already stressed, there is no doubt that the
contradictions existing between the two superpowers and
the other imperialist and capitalist-revisionist countries
should be exploited by the revolutionary and liberation
forces. But it is important that this should be understood
correctly, should always be seen from the angle of the in-
terests of the revolution and subordinated to them. The
exploitation of contradictions among the imperialist pow-
ers and groups, the capitalist-revisionist states, etc., can
never be an aim in itself for the working class and the
Marxist-Leninist revolutionaries.
To exploit the contradictions between the imperialist
countries and the two superpowers means to deepen the
rifts between them, to encourage the revolutionary and
patriotic forces of these, countries to oppose US imperial-
ism and Soviet social-imperialism, which want to subju-
gate them, economically, politically and militarily, to ex-
ploit-, them and deny them their national identity, etc,.
But what is China doing?
The Chinese policy advocates the “holy alliance”
of the western capitalist countries with the United
States of America. Indeed it goes even further. It ad-
vocates the alliance of the proletariat of the coun-

190
tries of Western Europe with the reactionary bour-
geoisie of these countries. Where is the revolutionary
Marxist-Leninist line here? Where is the line of exploiting
contradictions? Do the Chinese leaders think that they will
be able to strengthen this bloc against the Soviets, accord-
ing to their own desires, with such a policy? This is the
utopia they are dreaming of, but it is a metaphysical view
on their part.
The United States of America, the western capitalist
countries, and along with them, Japan and Canada, too,
are not so crazy as the Chinese leaders think, their policy
is not so naive as the Chinese policy. For their part, they
know very well how to exploit the contradictions existing
between China and the Soviet Union. They know how to go
about it and act in order to weaken the big aggressive
power, the Soviet Union. They have long been fighting in
this direction, and one cannot say that they have achieved
no results. The United States of America and all the other
capitalist states are inciting the contradictions between
the revisionist countries of the East and the Kremlin.
Now China, too, has begun to practise this old Ameri-
can policy. Hua Kuo-feng’s visit to Rumania and Yugosla-
via was according to this course. But China’s opening up to
Europe, its fanning up create a favourable field of action
for itself in the Balkans, all these things are not done in
the interests of the peoples and the revolution. They are
part of the Chinese policy of incitement to war, the aim of
which is that the peoples of Europe should kill one another
and become cannon fodder in an imperialist war.
“Pravda” has long been engaged in polemics with the
United States of America, of course without effect, accus-
ing it of a rapid build up of armaments. Its concern is not
to criticize this action of the United States of America,
since the Soviet social-imperialists themselves are doing
the same thing. The problem is that the increase of US
military potential relatively weakens Soviet fighting
strength and forces the Soviet Union to follow the United
States of America step by step, in order to balance its mili-
tary potential and aggressive power. However, keeping up
with US imperialism in the armaments race weakens the

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economy of the Soviet Union, because it means that large
material, monetary and human funds are transferred from
the economy to the army. This is what is worrying
Brezhnev and company.
But the astonishing thing is that, through their news-
paper “Renmin Ribao”, the Chinese revisionists, unreserv-
edly take the side of the Americans, publishing article af-
ter article urging the United States of America not to lose
the lead in the armaments race, but to ceaselessly increase
its military potential. Thus it turns out, according to
“Renmin Ribao”, that it is not the United States of America
which is arming, but only the Soviet Union. Such an advo-
cate of the Americans as the Chinese revisionist leadership
is becoming is not to be found in any other country. The
bourgeoisie tries at least to preserve a sense of proportion
in its criticism and interpretations of realities, to weigh up
the situations 1 which are developing, tendentiously, of
course. But to act in the way the Chinese leaders are do-
ing, is something quite unprecedented.
At his meeting with Teng Hsiao ping, the Secretary of
the American Department of State; Vance, explained to
him that the “United State of America has military superi-
ority over the Soviet Union”. But Teng Hsiao ping told a
large group of American journalists who were visiting
China at that time, that.”Peking does not believe” Vance’s
statement, and that the “Soviet Union is much superior to
the United States of America”. “None so deaf as he who
does not want to hear”, as the saying goes.
The Chinese thesis, presented as an alleged Marxist
thesis, which casts doubt on the fact that it is not just one
but both the imperialist superpowers which are seeking
the redivision of the world, to create new colonies, to op-
press the peoples and extend their markets, cannot be ac-
cepted.
The very posing of the question that one imperi-
alism is stronger and the other weaker, one is ag-
gressive and the other tamed, is not Marxist-
Leninist. The presentation of the question in this manner
is a reflection of a reactionary view which leads the Chi-

192
nese revisionists into alliance with the United States of
America, NATO and the European. Common Market, with
the King of Spain, the Shah of Iran, Pinochet of Chile and
all the fascist dictators! The Chinese policy, which is harm-
less to US, imperialism, which is harmless to the power of
the banks and the biggest capital of our time, is an out-
and-out bourgeois reformist, pacifist policy, and very stu-
pid.
The Chinese leaders cannot fail to see that American
finance capital, the trusts and monopolies are by no means
reducing their investments abroad, that they are not giv-
ing up their ambitions to exploit and enslave, but, on the
contrary, are becoming stronger and trying to alter the ra-
tio of forces in the world in their o favour.
The Soviet social-imperialists are doing the same
thing. The aim of their economic policy, of the big trusts
which exist in the Soviet Union, is to suck the blood of sat-
ellites and other countries by all manner of means. They
have dressed themselves up in a new cloak and present
themselves under another name, while they, too, strive to
alter the ratio of forces to their own advantage, at first al-
legedly through agreements and negotiations, but, when
the time comes, also by force, i.e., war.
With their reasoning that the United States of America
“want the status quo”, that “it is on the decline”, and that
Soviet social-imperialism is the “more dangerous, more
aggressive, more bellicose”, etc., the Chinese revisionists
want to prove that the United States of America can and
should become the ally of China against the Soviet Union.
The various kinds of relations, which they are extending,
the open support they give the increase in the war budget
and the further arming of the United States of America
confirm this.
The Chinese revisionists preach that the situation to-
day is such that the Marxist-Leninists, the revolutionaries
and the people can make a compromise with and rely on
US imperialism. Our Party is against any compromise
with ferocious US imperialism, because such a thing is not
in the interests of the revolution and the liberation of the
peoples. We have been, are, and will be in struggle with