Dwnload Full Microbiology The Human Experience 1st Edition Foster Test Bank PDF
Dwnload Full Microbiology The Human Experience 1st Edition Foster Test Bank PDF
Dwnload Full Microbiology The Human Experience 1st Edition Foster Test Bank PDF
https://testbankfan.com/download/microbiology-the-human-experience-1st-edition-fos
ter-test-bank/
MULTIPLE CHOICE
3. Based on the figure shown, the type of organism indicated with an arrow could be a
7. Which of the following methods for classifying life forms can best be used to distinguish between
two closely related rod-shaped bacterial organisms, Salmonella typhimurium and Escherichia coli?
a. physical characteristics c. DNA sequence comparison
b. method of reproduction d. environmental habitat
ANS: C DIF: Moderate REF: 1.1
OBJ: 1.1b Describe the three major domains of life: Archaea, Bacteria, and Eukarya. Explain
what the three domains have in common and how they differ. MSC: Applying
10. Which of the following would you not expect to find in the human digestive tract?
a. archaea c. bacteria
b. algae d. intestinal viruses
ANS: B DIF: Moderate REF: 1.1
OBJ: 1.1b Describe the three major domains of life: Archaea, Bacteria, and Eukarya. Explain
what the three domains have in common and how they differ. MSC: Understanding
11. Antibiotics are chemotherapeutic drugs that function by inhibiting an important cellular structure
or process of an organism that is causing an infection. Which of the following would not be
affected by an antibiotic that targets cellular metabolic enzymes?
a. Streptococcus pyogenes bacteria c. ameba
b. Herpes virus d. bread mold
ANS: B DIF: Moderate REF: 1.1
OBJ: 1.1c Define viruses, and explain how they relate to living cells.
MSC: Analyzing
13. Which of the following was an unexpected benefit of the bubonic plague?
a. There was no benefit to the bubonic plague.
b. The population of Europe experienced a baby boom.
c. It resulted in a better understanding of aseptic practices and how to prevent the spread of
infection.
d. The population decline enabled the cultural advancement of the Renaissance.
ANS: D DIF: Easy REF: 1.2
OBJ: 1.2a Explain how microbial diseases have changed human history.
MSC: Understanding
14. Which of the following organisms would you NOT be able to see using Robert Hooke’s
microscope?
a. vinegar eels c. mold filaments
b. dust mites d. Mycobacterium tuberculosis
ANS: D DIF: Moderate REF: 1.2
OBJ: 1.2a Explain how microbial diseases have changed human history.
MSC: Understanding
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
published in London a folio volume, “La perspective, avec les raisons
des ombres et miroirs.”
In his dedication of another work to the queen of England in 1614,
we find some allusion made to the construction of hydraulic
machines. On his return to France he, as we said before, was
appointed engineer to Louis XIII., and was doubtless encouraged by
Cardinal Richelieu, that great patron of arts and letters.
In the castle of Heidelberg we find another instance of the difficulty
that exists in uprooting an historical error. There is in the Galerie des
Antiquités of this castle a portrait on wood of Salomon de Caus.
Above this portrait is exhibited a folio volume of this author, the
Hortus Palatinus, Francofurti 1620, apud Joh. Theod. de Bry, with
plates. A manuscript note that accompanies this volume, mentions
that the letter of Marion Delorme describing the madman of Bicêtre
was extracted from the Gazette de France of 3rd March 1834.
Is it not singular that Heidelberg still remains in ignorance of the truth
respecting this absurd story, and that the extract from the Gazette de
France is still permitted to mislead the public?
As recently also as the 30th September 1865, at a banquet given at
Limoges, M. le Vicomte de la Guéronnière, a senator and a man of
letters, who presided, made a speech which was reproduced in the
Moniteur and in which he repeats the anecdote of Salomon de Caus
and Bicêtre. The newspaper L’Intermédiaire, in its 45th number, of
the 10th November 1865, designates this persistence in error as
inept and stupid.
The works of de Caus were held in high estimation among learned
men during the whole of the 17th century. He had however been
anticipated in the discovery of the application of the power of steam
for propelling large bodies.
On the 17th of April 1543, the Spaniard Don Blasco de Garay,
launched a steam-vessel at Barcelona in the presence of the
Emperor Charles V. It was an old ship of 200 tons called La
sanctissima Trinidada, which had been fitted up for the experiment,
and which moved at the rate of ten miles an hour. The inventor of
this first steam-vessel was looked upon as a mere enthusiast whose
imagination had run wild, and his only encouragement was a
donation of 200,000 marevedis from his sovereign. The Emperor
Charles no more dreamt of using a discovery which at that time
would have placed the whole of Europe at his feet, than did
Napoleon I., three centuries later, when the ingenious Fulton
suggested to him the application of steam to navigation. It is well
known that Fulton was not even permitted to make an essay of this
new propelling force in presence of the French Emperor.
So then we must date the fact of the introduction of steam navigation
as far back as 1543; anterior to Salomon de Caus in 1615, to the
Marquis of Worcester in 1663, to captain Savary in 1693, to Dr.
Papin in 1696, and to Fulton and others, who all lay claim to the
original idea.
But we may be wrong after all in denying originality to these men, for
we have no proof that either of them had any knowledge of the
discoveries of his predecessors.
It was not until the 18th of March 1816, that the first steam-vessel
appeared in France, making her entrance into the seaport of Havre.
She was the Eliza, which had left Newhaven in England on the
previous day.
GALILEO GALILEI.
a. d. 1630.
There are few celebrated men about whom more has been written
than Galileo.
The mere enumeration of the works of which he is the subject would
fill many pages: nevertheless an important mistake relative to one of
the principal events of his life has been so generally accepted and
believed, that it may be said to have passed almost into a proverb,
and many historians and scientific writers have carelessly adopted
and propagated the error.
Between the years 1570 and 1670 Italy had fallen into a state of
torpor. The Italians, including even the magnates of the land, had
lost all dignity and self-respect, and lay cringing and prostrate at the
feet of papal authority. During this period of mental depression
Galileo came into the world. Although endowed with a capacious and
liberal mind, he was wanting in strength of character, the great failing
of his countrymen and of the age in which he lived. Never was he
known to exclaim “E pur si muove!” Never did he display the heroic
firmness that is falsely attributed to him. Greatly in advance of his
epoch in science, he still belonged to it in all its shortcomings and
defects. He yielded, he hesitated, he drew back before opposition,
and was sometimes induced to deny his own doctrines through
timidity or in the hope of disarming his enemies, and of escaping
from the storm and the whirlwind he had raised around him.
The whole of his correspondence proves the weakness of his
character. In Italy, at the beginning of the seventeenth century, the
most dangerous accusations that could be brought against any man
were deism and infidelity. To doubt was punished with death. Galileo
was so imprudent as to address a long letter to Castelli, in which he
sought to reconcile the words of scripture with the rotation of the
earth as discovered by Copernicus. Copernicus had proved the fact
previous to Galileo, but he had used the wise precaution to give his
opinion only as an hypothesis, and in his work on the motion of the
heavenly bodies, dedicated to Pope Paul III., he avoided wounding
any susceptibilities, taking especial care to separate theology from
science.
Galileo went even further in a second letter, in which he not only
attempted to reconcile his principles of astronomy with scripture, but
he endeavoured to make the words of scripture subservient to the
axioms he laid down. Some powerful friends tried to bring him to a
sense of his indiscretion. Cardinal Bellarmini sent him a written
remonstrance, urging him to confine himself to mathematics and
astronomy, and to avoid the field of theology.
Monsignor Dini, the friend of Galileo, wrote to him thus, 2nd May
1615: “Theologians allow mathematical discussion, but only when
the subject is treated as a simple hypothesis, which is alleged to
have been the case with Copernicus. The same liberty will be
accorded to you if you keep clear of theology.” Cardinal Barberini,
also on terms of friendship with Galileo, sent word to him by
Ciampoli on the 28th February of the same year, “that he was not to
pass the physical and mathematical limits of the question, because
the theologians maintain that it appertains to them alone to elucidate
scripture.” They all advised him openly and explicitly to refrain from
quoting the bible, and his pertinacity might have excited admiration
had it been based on firmness of character, but his timidity and
innumerable self-contradictions when directly accused of heresy
gave the lie to his apparent determination and adhesion to his
principles. When Cardinal Maffeo Barberini was elected pope, under
the name of Urbanus, Galileo, who had long been on terms of
friendship with him, went to Rome to offer his congratulations, and
soon after published his celebrated work: Dialogo intorno ai due
massimi sistemi del mondo.
Unfortunately, instead of limiting himself to astronomy in this work,
he enters again upon questions of theology utterly irrelevant to the
main subject; but, strangely enough, in the preface to the Dialogo he
has the weakness to disguise his real opinions. “I come,” says he, “to
defend the system of Ptolemy. As the friend of the cardinals who
have condemned the doctrines of Copernicus, I highly approve their
decision; a most excellent decision; a most salutary decision. They
who have murmured against it, have been to blame. If I take up my
pen it is out of excess of catholic zeal; this it is that moves me to
reappear before the public after many years of silence.”
The reader cannot but feel compassion in observing so much feeble-
mindedness, unworthy of so great a genius. It may be said in his
excuse that the counsels of his best friends forced him to play the
miserable part with which he has been reproached, that of servile
submission and the abandonment of his convictions. While
expressing the liveliest interest in his works, his principal patron, the
ambassador of Tuscany, thus advises him in letters of the 16th
February and 9th April 1633: “Submit yourself to whatever may be
demanded of you, as the only means of appeasing the rancour of
him who in the excess of his anger has made this persecution a
personal affair. Never mind your convictions, do not defend them, but
conform to all that your enemies may assert on the question of the
earth’s movement.”
Galileo was ordered to Rome to explain himself before the tribunal of
the Inquisition. After remaining a month in the palace of the
ambassador of Tuscany, he was removed to the palace of the
Inquisition, but so far from being imprisoned there, he himself
informs one of his friends that he has the use of three spacious
apartments, and the services of his own servant, and that he can
roam at pleasure through the whole building. On the 12th April 1633
Galileo underwent his first examination. He declares that in his
dialogue upon the systems of the world, he neither maintains nor
defends the opinion of the mobility of the earth and the immobility of
the sun; that he even demonstrates the contrary opinion, shewing
that the arguments of Copernicus are without weight, and are
inconclusive. On his second examination, on the 30th April, he says
plainly: “I do not actually entertain the opinion of the movement of
the earth and the immobility of the sun; I will add to my Dialogo two
or three colloquies, and I promise to take up one by one the
arguments in favour of the assertions which you condemn, and to
refute them unanswerably.”
Certainly the humiliation this great man underwent was profound. He
had carried submission so far as to renounce the strongest
convictions of the man of science. His persecutors were culpable
and cruel, but our business here is only to examine carefully and
truthfully the two following propositions: Was Galileo thrown into the
dungeons of the Inquisition? and Was he subjected to torture?
A valuable opportunity has been lost of clearing up the doubts which
surround the trial of Galileo. In 1809 all the original documents
relating to this suit were transmitted from Rome to Paris with the
papal archives, and it was intended to publish the whole in the form
of a volume consisting of seven or eight hundred pages. Delambre,
the historian of modern astronomy, while sending several extracts
from these deeds to Venturi, one of Galileo’s biographers, attributes
the oblivion into which this intention was suffered to fall, entirely to
political motives. Delambre informs us, moreover, that in 1820 the
original deeds were no longer forthcoming. Monsignor Morrini, who
had been commissioned to claim from the French government
whatever appertained to the Holy See, endeavoured in vain to obtain
the papers relating to the trial of Galileo. At length the manuscript
was restored to Gregory XVI., it was not known how, or by whom,
and it was deposited by Pius IX., in 1848, in the archives of the
Vatican; since which date no full details have been published. It is
now, however, positively affirmed that Galileo was never thrown into
the dungeons of the Inquisition.
After the second examination to which Galileo was subjected,
Cardinal Barberini suffered him to return to his apartments at the
embassy of the grand Duke of Tuscany, where the ambassador
Nicolini, his family and household, continued to treat him with much
affectionate consideration.
He was again summoned before the Inquisition on the 10th May and
on the 21st June, when he repeated that he held as true and
indisputable the opinion of Ptolemy, that is to say the immobility of
the earth and the mobility of the sun. This was the close of the trial.
The next day, Wednesday, 22nd June, 1633, he was brought before
the cardinals and prelates of the congregation to hear his sentence
and to make his recantation.
It was in the church of the convent of St. Minerva that Galileo Galilei,
aged seventy years, pronounced on his knees a form of recantation.
It has been said that Galileo, on rising from his knees, murmured
these words: “E pure si muove!” No doubt this protestation of truth
against falsehood may at this cruel crisis have rushed from his heart
to his lips, but it must be remembered that if these words had
actually been heard, his relapse would have infallibly led him to the
stake.
Monsieur Biot, in a learned and conscientious biographical notice,
has clearly pointed out, that Galileo was not subjected to torture
during any part of his trial anterior to the 22nd June 1633. M. Libri, in
his Histoire des sciences mathématiques en Italie, is of opinion that
as Galileo was subjected to a rigorous examination, according to the
wording of the sentence, it might be logically inferred that torture had
really been inflicted on him.
But Monsignor Marini has fully proved that the rigorous examination
was an enquiry which did not necessarily include torture. M.
Philarète Chasles, in his Essay on Galileo (the best compendium
that we have on the life, labours, and persecutions of the learned
Italian astronomer), shews that the popular story, or rather fable, of
the persecution of Galileo, accepted by the vulgar, is based upon a
false document, a letter forged by the Duc Caetani and his librarian,
and addressed to Reineri, and which Tiraboschi, a dupe to the fraud,
inserted in his Histoire littéraire d’Italie. This letter was taken as an
authority, and M. Libri, in his remarkable work “Histoire des sciences
mathématiques en Italie,” cites it in support of his opinion. But this
apocryphal letter is rejected by Nelli, Reumont, and all accurate
critics. If Galileo was really subjected to torture, how can we account
for the circumstance that during his life-time no rumour of it was
current?—that his pupils, his partisans, his numerous defenders,
knew nothing of it in France, in Holland, or in Germany?
A few days after his recantation, Galileo Galilei returned to Sienna to
his friend the Archbishop Piccolomini, in whose palace the Pope
desired him to remain. The following letter was written soon after his
arrival at Sienna: “At the entreaty of the ambassador Nicolini, the
Pope has granted me permission to reside in the palace and the
garden of the Medici on the Trinità, and instead of a prison the
archiepiscopal palace has been assigned to me as a home, in which
I have already spent fifteen days, congratulating myself on the
ineffable kindness of the Archbishop.”
On the 1st December the Pope issued a decree by which Galileo
received permission to occupy his villa d’Arcetri, which had been in
his possession since 1631. This villa, where Milton visited him, and
where Galileo died, on the 8th January 1642, at nearly seventy-eight
years of age, is situated on a declivity of one of the hills that overlook
Florence. An inscription still perpetuates the memory of its illustrious
proprietor. It was here, under arrest, and pending the good will and
pleasure of the Pope, that Galileo expiated his imaginary crime. On
the 28th July 1640 he wrote to Deodati: “My definitive prison is this
little villa, situated a mile from Florence. I am forbidden to receive the
visits of my friends, or to invite them to come and converse with me.
My life is very tranquil. I often go to the neighbouring convent of San
Matteo, where two of my daughters are nuns. I love them both
dearly, especially the elder, who unites extraordinary intellectual
powers to much goodness of heart.”
The growing infirmities of age now began to tell upon Galileo. His
weary eyes refused to serve him, and he became completely blind.
He was tended in his solitude by his two daughters from the convent.
One of them was taken from him by death, but she was replaced by
other affectionate relatives, who endeavoured to amuse and console
the lonely captive. His letters breathe a poetical melancholy, a quiet
irony, an overwhelming humility and an overpowering sense of
weariness.
Those who wish to form a just idea of this great and persecuted
man, of his true character, his labours, his foibles, and his lack of
moral courage, should read the Beiträge zur italienischen
Geschichte, by Alfred von Reumont, envoy of his Majesty the King of
Prussia at Florence. He has classified the correspondence of Galileo
and that of his friends, and has completed the labours and
researches of Fabroni, Nelli, Venturi, Libri, Marini, Biot, &c. Dr. Max
Parchoppe has also very recently sifted and weighed in a
remarkable manner, all the evidence relating to the life of Galileo.
We will conclude by mentioning a circumstance very little known and
with which the public have only recently become acquainted through
an unpublished letter of Galileo dated in the second year of his
retreat. It exhibits this illustrious scholar in a new light, as an amateur
of good wine and good cheer. “I desire,” he says, “that you should
take the advice of the most experienced judges, and procure for me
with all diligence and with all imaginable care, a provision of forty
bottles, or two cases of liqueurs of various kinds and of the most
exquisite quality. You need not consider the expense: I am so
moderate in all other sensual indulgences that I may allow myself
some scope in favour of Bacchus without fear of giving offence to
Venus or to Ceres. You will, I think, easily find wines of Scillo and of
Carini (Scylla and Charybdis if you prefer to call them so)—Greek
wines from the country of my master, Archimedes the Syracusian;
Claret wines, &c. When you send me the cases, be so good as to
enclose the account, which I will pay scrupulously and quickly, &c.
From my prison of Arcetri, 4th March.” “Con ogni diligenza e col
consiglio et intervento dei piu purgati gusti, voglio restar serviti di
farmi provisione di 40 fiaschi, cioè di due casse di liquori varii
esquisiti che costi si ritrovino, non curando punto di rispiarme
dispesa, perche rispiarmo tanto in tutti gl’altri gusti corporali che
posso lasciarmi andare a qualche cosa a richiesta di Bacco, senza
offesa delle sue compagne Venere e Cerere. Costi non debbon
mancare Scillo e Carini (onde voglio dire Scilla e Caribdi) nè meno la
patria del mio maestro Archimede Siracusano, i Grecchi, e Claretti,
&c. Havranno, come spero, comodo di farmegli capitare col ritorno
delle casse della dispensa, ed io prontamente sodisfaro tutta la
spesa, &c.
Dalla mia carcere d’Arcetri, 4 di Marzo.
Galileo Galiᵉⁱ.”
It is worthy of remark that he designates his pretty villa at Arcetri as
his prison; probably because he was forbidden to extend his walks
beyond the convent of San Matteo.
APPENDIX
TO THE NOTICE ON WILLIAM TELL.
TELL’S TOD.
Grün wird die Alpe werden,
Stürzt die Lawin’ einmal;
Zu Berge ziehn die Heerden,
Fuhr erst der Schnee zu Thal.
Euch stellt, ihr Alpensöhne,
Mit jedem neuen Jahr
Des Eises Bruch vom Föhne
Den Kampf der Freiheit dar.
BELISARIUS
1. Schelwig (Samuel), Dissertatio Historica de Belisario.
Witteb. 1665. 4ᵗᵒ.
2. Ekerman (Peter), Dissertatio de Belisario, duce
Justiniani invictissimo. Upsal. 1761. 4ᵗᵒ.
3. Zeller (Ch. F.), Belisarius, römischer Feldherr, eine
Biographie. Tübing. 1809. 8ᵛᵒ.
4. Mahon (Ph. H.), Life of Belisarius. Lond. 1829. 8ᵛᵒ.
5. Roth (C. L.), Ueber Belisar’s Ungnade; nach den
Quellen. Basel 1846. 8ᵛᵒ.
ALEXANDRIAN LIBRARY.
1. Abdollatiphi Compendium memorabilium Ægypti.
Tubing. 1789.
2. Hist. Dynast. translated by Pococke.
3. Histoire de l’École d’Alexandrie, par M. Matter. Paris
1840. II Vol. 8ᵛᵒ.
This work supplies all the authorities for and against the
fact of the burning of the Alexandrian Library.
POPE JOAN.
1. Vergerio, Istoria di Papa Giovanni VIII. che fu femina.
I Vol. S. l. 1556. 8ᵛᵒ.
2. Scherer, Gründlicher Bericht &c. Wien 1584. 4ᵗᵒ.
3. H. Witekind, Jesuitas Pontificis Maximi emissarios
falso et frustra negare Papam Johannem VIII., fuisse
meretricem. 1588. 4ᵗᵒ.
4. Erreur populaire de la Papesse Jeanne, par Florimond
de Raymond. Bordeaux 1588, in 8ᵛᵒ. Paris 1599, Cambrai
1603.
5. J. Mays, The Pope’s Parliament. London 1591 and
1594.
6. Papa mulier (auctore N. Fabro). Witebergæ 1609. 8ᵛᵒ.
7. G. Whitaker, De Papa romano et Papissa romana.
1612. 8ᵛᵒ.
8. Serrarius, Tractatus de Johanna Papissa. Coloniæ
Agripp. 1614.
9. Anatomy of Pope Joan. London 1626. 12ᵐᵒ.
10. Leo Allacius, Fabulæ de Johanna Papissa confutatio
ex monumentis græcis. Romæ 1630, 4ᵗᵒ, and 1645, 8ᵛᵒ.
11. J. de la Salle, Confutatio Joannæ Papissæ. Lovanii
1633. 8ᵛᵒ.
12. J. de la Montagne, La Papesse Jeanne. Sedan
1633. 8ᵛᵒ.
It is a translation of the work of A. Cooke, inserted in the
4th Vol. of the Harleyan Miscellany.
13. Ehinger, Dissertatio de Papa Muliere. 1641. 4ᵗᵒ.
14. David Blondel, Familier esclaircissement de la
question si une femme a été assise au siège papal.
Amsterdam 1649. 8ᵛᵒ.
15. N. Cognard, Traité contre l’éclaircissement donné par
David Blondel. Saumur 1655. 8ᵛᵒ.
16. R. Capellus, Discursus Historicus de Johanna VIII.
1655. 4ᵗᵒ.
17. S. Maresius, Johanna Papissa restituta. Groningæ
1658. 8ᵛᵒ.
18. Historia Johannis VIII., Romani Pontificis, sexum suum
partu in publica viâ edito prodentia. Helmstad. 1662. 4ᵗᵒ.
19. Chifflet, Judicium de fabulæ Joannæ papissæ.
Antwerp. 1666. 4ᵗᵒ.
20. G. Voelius, Spicilegium ad disceptationem historicam
de Papissâ Johannâ. Ultrajecti 1669. 4ᵗᵒ.
21. J. Lehmann, In felix puerpera Johanna VIII., pontifex
dissertatione historica exhibita. Witteberg 1669. 4ᵗᵒ.
22. S. D. Artopäus, Dissertatio de Johanna Papissa.
Lipsiæ 1673. 4ᵗᵒ.
23. Present for a Papist, or the life and death of Pope
Joan. London 1675. 8ᵛᵒ.
24. Fred. Spanheim, Disquisitio historica de Papâ
fœminâ, &c. Lugd. Batav. 1691. 8ᵛᵒ.
25. Jacques Lenfant, Histoire de la Papesse Jeanne.
Cologne 1694. 8ᵛᵒ.
26. M. Rydelius, Dissertatio de Pontifice Johanne VIII.
London 1723. 8ᵛᵒ.
27. C. A. Heumann, Dissertatio de origine verâ traditionis
falsæ de Johanna Papissa. Gœttingæ 1739. 4ᵗᵒ.
28. Surprising history of Pope Joan. London 1744. 8ᵛᵒ.
29. J. Z. Gleichmann, Wahrheit der Geschichte, &c.
Francfort 1744. 4ᵗᵒ.
30. P. P. Wolf, Ueber die Wahrscheinlichkeit, &c. Ratisb.
1809. 8ᵛᵒ.
31. Die Päpstin Joanna, &c. Mayence 1821. 8ᵛᵒ.
32. S. Ciampi, Discussione sull’ opinione, &c. Firenze
1828. 8ᵛᵒ.
33. W. Smet, Das Mährchen, &c. Cologne 1829. 12ᵐᵒ.
34. Bianchi-Giovini, Esame critico, &c. Turin 1839.
35. N. C. Kist, De Pausin Joanna, &c. Leyde 1844. 8ᵛᵒ.
36. J. H. Wensing, De Verhandeling, &c. The Hague
1845. 8ᵛᵒ.
This is an answer to the work of Kist.
37. Philomneste Junior, La Papesse Jeanne, étude
historique et littéraire. Paris 1862. 12ᵐᵒ.
38. Misson, Voyage d’Italie. La Haye 1702.
39. Shelhorn, Amœnitates litterariæ, t. III, and IX.
40. Bayle, Dictionnaire historique.
Very remarkable article.
WILLIAM TELL.
1. Chronicle of Stumpff, published in 1606.
2. Peterman Etterlin, Chronicle printed at Basle in
1507.
3. Francis Guilliman, De rebus Helveticis sive
Antiquitatum libri V, Friburg 1598. 4ᵗᵒ.
4. Grässer, Schweizerisch Heldenbuch. Basle 1626. 4ᵗᵒ.
He is the first who showed the resemblance between the
legend of Tell and that of Toko.
5. J. Müller, Geschichte der schweizerischen
Eidgenossenschaft.
The best edition is that of Leipzig 1825.
6. G. E. Haller, Bibliothek der schweizerischen
Geschichte, V, Vol. 4ᵗᵒ.
7. J. Ch. Iselin, Historisches und geographisches
allgemeines Lexicon. Basel 1727. Fol.
This author is not to be confounded with J. R. Iselin who
edited the old chronicle of Tschudi, and who also
examined the legend of Tell.
8. Uriel Freudenberger, Die Fabel von Wilhelm Tell. A
manuscript in the Library of Berne, 1752.
To be also consulted a letter of the same to Haller, dated
25th June 1759.
9. L. Häusser, Die Sage vom Tell. Heidelberg 1840. 8ᵛᵒ.
Of all the works on our subject, Häusser’s is by far the
most complete and the most important.
10. J. J. Hisely, Guillaume Tell et la Révolution de 1307,
Delft 1826. 8ᵛᵒ.
11. By the same: Recherches critiques sur l’histoire de
Guillaume Tell. Lausanne 1843.
Very interesting and impartial.
12. Mémoire sur l’authenticité du trait d’héroisme attribué
à Guillaume Tell, par Bourgon. Inserted in a volume of
the Academy of Besançon, published in 1830.
13. J. L. Ideler, Die Sage von dem Schuss des Tell.
Berlin 1836. 8ᵛᵒ.
14. J. E. Kopp, Urkunden zur Geschichte der
eidgenössischen Bünde. Luzern 1835.
15. Professor Aschbach, In the Heidelberger Jahrb. der
Litter. 1836.
16. Fred. Schiern, Wanderung einer nordischen Sage,
&c. Copenhagen 1840.
In the first volume of: Mémoires de la Société d’histoire de
Danemarc.
PETRARCH.
1. A. Marsand, Bibliotheca Petrachesa, &c. Milan 1826.
4ᵗᵒ.
This bibliography contains more than 800 works, which
are collected in the Library of the Louvre.
2. J. F. P. A. De Sade, Mémoires sur la vie de F.
Pétrarque. Amsterd. 1764, III Vol. 4ᵗᵒ.
3. Vie de F. Pétrarque, dont les actions et les écrits font
une des plus singulières époques de l’histoire et de la
littérature moderne. Vaucluse 1786. 8ᵛᵒ.
4. Ugo Foscolo, Essay on the love, the poetry, and the
character of Petrach. London 1822. 8ᵛᵒ.
5. Mazzuchelli, Vita del Petrarca, scritta da lui
medesimo. Brescia 1822. 8ᵛᵒ.
6. S. Weston, Petrarchiana, or additions to the visit of
Vaucluse. London 1822. 8ᵛᵒ.
7. Rastoul de Mongeot, Pétrarque. Paris 1836. 8ᵛᵒ.
8. Campbell, Life of Petrarch. London 1841, II Vol. 12ᵐᵒ.
9. Olivier Vitalis, L’illustre Châtelaine des environs de
Vaucluse, la Laure de Pétrarque. Dissertation et examen
critique des diverses opinions des écrivains qui se sont
occupés de cette belle Laure. Paris 1842. 8ᵛᵒ.
10. Carlo Leoni, Vita di Petrarca. Padov. 1843. 8ᵛᵒ.
11. (Giulio Nonè), Lettera intorno ad una biografia di F.
Petrarca. Padov. 1845. 8ᵛᵒ. Critique de la vie de Pétrarque
par G. M. Bozoli, Ferrar. 1845. 8ᵛᵒ.
12. Rastoul de Mongeot, Pétrarque et son siècle. Brux.
1836, II Vol.
13. Henaux, Pétrarque à Liège. Liège 1853.
14. M. et Mᵐᵉ Guizot, Vie de Pétrarque avec ses lettres et
celles de Laure. Paris 1854. 8ᵛᵒ.
JEANNE D’ARC.
1. Cl. Ch. Fr. de L’Avedy, Notices sur la vie de la Pucelle
d’Orléans. Paris 1790. 4ᵗᵒ.
Ce recueil contient des extraits de 38 manuscrits relatifs à
la condamnation et à la réhabilitation de la Pucelle
d’Orléans.
2. J. B. P. Chanssard, Jeanne d’Arc, recueil historique et
complet. Orléans 1806, II Vol. 8ᵛᵒ.
A la fin de ce recueil se trouve une liste de 400 ouvrages
concernant la vie de Jeanne d’Arc.
3. Lenglet du Fresnoy, Histoire de Jeanne d’Arc. Paris
1753, III Vol. 12ᵐᵒ.
4. Daniel Polluche, Problème historique sur la Pucelle
d’Orléans. Orléans 1749. 8ᵛᵒ.
5. J. P. de Luchet, Dissertation sur Jeanne d’Arc,
vulgairement nommée la Pucelle d’Orléans. Paris 1776,
12ᵐᵒ.
6. P. A. Lebrun de Charmettes, Histoire de Jeanne
d’Arc, &c. Paris 1817, IV Vol. 8ᵛᵒ.
7. J. H. Buchon, Chronique et procès de la Pucelle
d’Orléans. Paris 1828. 8ᵛᵒ.
8. Görres, Die Jungfrau von Orleans. Regensb. 1834.
8ᵛᵒ.
9. Michaud et Poujoulat, Notice sur Jeanne d’Arc. Paris
1837. 8ᵛᵒ.
10. Jules Quicherat, Procès de condamnation et de
réhabilitation de Jeanne d’Arc. Paris 1841-42, II Vol. 8ᵛᵒ.
11. Barthélemy de Beauregard, Histoire de Jeanne
d’Arc, d’après les chroniques contemporaines, les
recherches des modernes, et plusieurs documents
nouveaux. Paris 1847, II Vol. 8ᵛᵒ.
Ouvrage suivi d’une liste de près de 1200 articles
indiquant tout ce qui a été publié sur la Pucelle d’Orléans.
12. Evans, Story of Joan of Arc. London 1847. 8ᵛᵒ.
13. G. Poujoulat, Mémoires concernant la Pucelle
d’Orléans. Paris 1847. 8ᵛᵒ.
14. C. N. N. de Haldat, Examen critique de l’histoire de
Jeanne d’Arc. Paris 1850. 8ᵛᵒ.
15. Jules Quicherat, Aperçus nouveaux sur l’histoire de
Jeanne d’Arc. Paris 1850. 8ᵛᵒ.
16. J. Michelet, Jeanne d’Arc. Paris 1853. 8ᵛᵒ.
COUNTESS OF CHATEAUBRIAND.
1. Lesconvel (Pierre de), Histoire amoureuse de
François I. &c. Amsterd. 1695. 12ᵐᵒ. Paris 1700. Ibid.
1724. 12ᵐᵒ.
2. Gottis (Augustine), François I. et Madame de
Chateaubriand. Paris 1816. II Vol. 12ᵐᵒ. Ibid. 1822.
3. Curiosités de l’histoire de France, par le bibliophile
Jacob. 2ᵐᵉ série. Procès célèbres. Paris 1858. 12ᵐᵒ.
4. Les amours de François I., par M. de Lescure. Paris
1865. 8ᵛᵒ.
CHARLES V.[39]
1. Staphylus, Historia de vita, morte et gestis Caroli V.
Aug. Vind. 1559. 4ᵗᵒ.
2. P. de Sandoval, Historia de la vida y hechos del
emperador Carlos V. 1634. Fol.
3. Gr. Leti, Vita dell’ invitissimo imperatore Carolo V.
Amsterd. 1700. 8ᵛᵒ.
4. J. Nomsz, Leven van Karel V. Amsterd. 1787. 12ᵐᵒ.
5. Gachard, Particularités et documents inédits sur
Charles Quint. Brux. 1842. 8ᵛᵒ.
This author has since this date published two or three
important works on Charles V.
6. W. van Male, Lettres sur la vie intérieure de l’Empereur
Charles Quint. Brux. 1843. 8ᵛᵒ.
7. Th. Paur, Johann Sleidan’s Commentar über die
Regierungszeit Karl’s V. Leipzig 1843. 8ᵛᵒ.
8. Mémoires sur Charles V et sa cour, adressés en 1516
par l’évêque de Badajoz au cardinal Ximenez de
Cisneros. Brux. 1845.
Extraits des bulletins de la Commission Royale d’histoire.
9. E. Gachet, Documents inédits, &c. Brux. 1844. 8ᵛᵒ.
10. Bakhuizen van den Brink, La retraite de Charles V,
analyse d’un manuscrit espagnol contemporain. Brux.
1850. 8ᵛᵒ.
11. William Stirling, The cloister life of the emperor
Charles V. London 1852. 8ᵛᵒ.
Translated into German by M. B. Lindau. Dresd. 1853.
8ᵛᵒ., and by August Kaiser, Leipzig 1853. 8ᵛᵒ. Also into
French by Amédée Pichot.
12. A. Pichot, Chronique de l’abdication, de la retraite et
de la mort de Charles V. Paris 1853. 8ᵛᵒ.
13. Charles V, son abdication, son séjour et sa mort au
Monastère de Yuste, par M. Mignet. Paris 1863. 8ᵛᵒ.
14. Karl Lanz, Correspondenz des Kaisers Karl V., aus
dem königlichen Archiv und der Bibliothèque de
Bourgogne zu Brüssel mitgetheilt. Leipzig 1846, III Vol.
8ᵛᵒ.
15. P. Ekerman, Dissertatio de favore Imperatoris Caroli
V. in literas et literatos. Upsala 1743. 4ᵗᵒ.
16. L. Bacmeister, Epistola inedita de morte Caroli V.
Hamb. 1719. 4ᵗᵒ.
17. Ph. Debruyne, Précis de l’histoire de Charles Quint,
&c. Namur 1851. 8ᵛᵒ.
18. Reiffenberg (Fred. Aug.), Charles V considéré
comme renommée populaire. Brux. 1838. 8ᵛᵒ.
19. De Mersseman (J. Oliv. M.), La cour et la vie
intérieure de Charles Quint. Bruges 1847. 8ᵛᵒ.
20. Juste (Théodore), L’abdication de Charles Quint.
Liège 1851.
21. Histoire de Charles Quint, par M. Mignet. Paris 1854.
8ᵛᵒ.
GALILEO GALILEI.
1. Campanella (Tomaso), Apologia pro Galileo &c.,
Francof. 1622. 4ᵗᵒ.
2. Frisi (Paolo), Elogio del Galileo. Livorno 1775. 8ᵛᵒ.
Translated into French: Essai sur la vie et les découvertes
de G. Galilei, par Albert Jérôme Floncel. Paris 1776.
12ᵐᵒ.
3. Jagemann (Christ. Jos.), Geschichte des Lebens und
der Schriften des G. Galilei. Weim. 1784. 8ᵛᵒ.
4. Nelli (Claudio De), Vita e commercio litterario de G.
Galilei. Losanna 1793. II Vol. 4ᵗᵒ.
5. Venturi (G. B.), Memorie e letter e inedite finora e
dispersi di G. Galilei. Moden. 1818-21. II Vol. 4ᵗᵒ.
6. Libri (Gugliemo), Histoire de la vie et des œuvres de
G. Galilei. Paris 1841.
Translated into German by Fried. Wilh. Carové. 1842.
And also into Italian. Milan. 1841.
7. Brewster (David), Lives of G. Galilei, Tycho Brahe
and Kepler, the martyrs of science. London 1841.
8. Cattaneo (Antonio), Cenni su la vita di G. Galilei.
Milan 1843. 4ᵗᵒ.
9. Galileo Galilei, sa vie, son procès et ses
contemporains, d’après les documents originaux, par
Philarète Chasles. Paris 1862. 8ᵛᵒ.
10. Galilée, sa vie, ses découvertes et ses travaux, par le
Dr. Max. Parchappe. Paris 1866. 8ᵛᵒ.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] See a curious work by M. Boissonnade, Notice des
Manuscrits, Vol. X, p. 157.
[2] See Magasin Pittoresque, June 1844, p. 190.
[3] Mémoires de la Société des Antiquaires, Vol. XII. p. 104-152.
[4] Revue des Deux Mondes, 1. November 1843. p. 480. Journal
des Débats. 1. December 1815.
[5] Navarette, Les quatres Voyages de Colomb, in 8ᵛᵒ. t. I. p. 116;
and Berger de Xivrey, Revue de Paris, Nov. 25 1838, p. 269.
[6] Gentleman’s Magazine, May 1825, p. 350. Henry Halford,
Essays and Orations.
[7] Mémoires de l’Académie des Inscriptions, Vol. XXIV.
[8] Histoire du Monde, Vol. IV. p. 319.
[9] Religion des Anciens, p. 211.
[10] Researches in Asia Minor. 8ᵛᵒ. London. 1842.
[11] It was reprinted with a Latin translation by J. C. Orelli, at
Leipzig in 1816. Strabo also mentions the Colossus as one of the
seven wonders of the world.
[12] This Greek word signifies, according to Cicero, a secret book,
set apart to contain the doings and tricks of contemporaries which
it is not desirable to reveal to the public.
[13] Lucan’s Pharsalia, Book X. p. 230, 231, translated by N.
Rowe.
[14] Dissertation historique sur la Bibliothèque d’Alexandrie, by
Bonamy, in the Histoire de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles
Lettres, Vol. IX. year 1736.
[15] In a report of the meeting of the Academy of Sciences in
Paris, May 1857, M. le Baron Dupin, the spokesman of the
Academy, informed the public “that Omar, Mahomet’s general,