The media had come to its success not by accident; for Philippine media today is

a product of context and history.

The Philippines is a nation in perennial transition trapped in many

contradictions. It is a nation that made the world history when it ousted- the late

dictator Ferdinand Marcos from 1965- 1986, who had served longest as president. When

Martial Law was proclaimed on September 21, 1972, all the papers including the so-

called “oligarchic press” and broadcast stations were closed.

EDSA people power revolt came and with it a new found hopes for Asia‟s

bastion of democracy. The Philippine Revolution of 1986, from February 22- 25, has

been acclaimed as a first televised revolution in the history. The first free local election

in post- Marcos era was held in 1987.Radio and television, particularly, led in the

selection coverage because of their immediacy.

There were three sources of election results reported by different outlets called

Media Poll Count, conducted by the Kapisanan ng mga Brodkaster sa Pilipinas (KBP)

and aired over most radio stations and four television stations in Metro Manila (

Channels 2,4,9 and 13); the super slow count, the so- called official count conducted by

the Commission on Election (ComElec) and covered by the same stations; and the quick

count conducted by the National Movement for Free Elections (NAMFREL) and aired

only by Radio Veritas.

 While this account has been referring mainly to the electronic media when

talking about the role of communication in the four- day revolution, the print media

also did their share, particularly the alternative press led by Malaya, Mr. and Ms., Veritas

news magazine, Philippine Daily Inquirer and Manila Times.

“We did our share in keeping people abreast of developments”, Malaya publisher

Jose Burgos Jr.

Meanwhile, from the provinces, the crucial role of mass communication in the

February Revolution was further underscored.

Radio station DZLB, the rural educational radio station of University of the

Philippine Los Baños covered the two important events: the snap election of February 7

and the Revolution.

In Cebu, mass media was divided and manipulated. Of the five daily

newspapers in Cebu, only Freeman and Sun- Star enjoy wide readership. Visayan Herald

can be consider an opposition newspaper following the path of Pahayagang Malaya but

has low readership.

The Sun- Star tried to hold on to the slipping Marcos. But on February 25, before

Marcos left the country, Sun- Star came out with the headline: “Cory, Doy take oath this

AM.” Soon after the elections, the Freeman went all out opposition with pro- Cory news

on February 26 with headline read: “Marcos is gone/Nation rejoices.”

 In broadcasting, DYRC- DYBU, DYLA, DYRF, DYMF and DYIM played major

roles. DYRF went on 24- hour coverage of the election and poll count, fielding 5

reporters on motorcycles, 5 mobile units, and hooking up with Radio Veritas for the

national poll result. In its February revolution coverage, DYRF hooked up with Radio

Veritas, had running commentaries on the events in Manila, and at the same time

implored the people of Cebu to remain calm.

Station DYRC and its FM station DYBU were generally neutral, but at times

leaned towards the opposition. The DYMF, owned by Ilonggo, Manuel Florete, was

likewise neutral. Through an arrangement with RCPI, it go reports from many parts of

the country. DYLA, the radio station of the Associated Labor Union (ALU), has wide

listenership but it was branded as pro- administration. Very few really listened to

DYIM, the government station, until Cory supporters took over the government radio

and television stations in Manila.

While the Cebu mass media served the selfish interests of their owners, they

have also served the public interest by providing a forum for showing the truth in the

interest of the nation wish they made as their most important contribution as mass

media.

With this kind of event in our country, „Envelopemental journalism‟, the open

secret did not exempt anyone. The Cebu mass media with their Freeman and Sun- Star

Daily was contaminated with this kind of activity during the controversial nationwide
Media Poll Count. It is said that three of the Sun-Star Daily columnist was reported for

having a secret work to influence local newspapers to print stories favorable to KBL.

In Dumaguete, few days before the February election, radio mobilized people

was so dependent on listening with radio stations. The four local radio station- DYSR-

broadcast arm of the National Council of Churches in the Philippines, DYWC- operated

by the Catholic Diocese of Dumaguete, DYRM and DTEM-FM repeatedly appealed to

its listeners to safeguard the ballots. But only DYSR and DYWC both church- related

were strong supporters of the National Movement for Free Election (NAMFREL). The

two were purely commercial stations.

Many more local mass media had a great role during the EDSA revolution by

letting people know the happening during that that time including the Visayan Daily

Star of Bacolod. The DYPL, DYBR and DYVL radio station of Leyte; GMA (Channel 11)

and RPN (Channel3) television stations; DXOR, DXCC and DXMO radio stations of

Cagayan de Oro.

Local radio stations DXMS- DXND team broadcast, DXRC and DXCM, one

locally publishing weekly, The Mindanao Cross, and a number of national dailies and

magazines updated the people of Cotabato City and the surrounding provinces on

issues and happening during the snap election and the February revolution.

By 1992, then the former President Corazon Aquino supervised a smooth

leadership turnover that witnessed the first free presidential race in two decades. Then
Joseph Estrada came in as the third president in the post- Marcos era of rebuilding.

Fresh into his term as a president in 1998, Estrada did not get the traditional

honeymoon with the press. Newspapers immediately went to town with critical stories

about him.

The House of Representatives decided to investigate the exposé, while other

house member spearheaded a move to impeach the president. Filipinos were closely

following the impeachment trial for Estrada, who was brought to trial on charges of

corruption and mismanagement.

When it was announced on television news broadcast that 11 senators had voted

against unsealing evidence that would have easily convicted Estrada, the public was

outraged. Immediately, Filipinos began to send text messages to one another and to

coordinate protests against the allegedly corrupt leader.

The mobile phones become the key device used in coordinating collective action.

Mobile phones are ubiquitous in the Philippines. Quickly following the senators‟

decisions, Filipinos began responding to text messages calling them to action. Typical

SMS messages include the following examples:

“Wear black to mourn the death or democracy.”

“Expect there to be rebels.”

“Military needs to see 1 million at a rally tomorrow, Jan. 19, to make a decision to go against

Erap! Please pass on.”

 All sources indicate that the messages calling for mass demonstrations were not

the result of an alert system where Filipinos had signed to receive text about

emergencies or calls to action. Rather, Filipinos primarily received messages from peers

within their existing social networks. The origin of the first message calling for a

gathering at the site of the 1986 revolution (People Power I) is unknown. However, it is

not the imagination to think that multiple individuals had the same idea to organize at

the same place as they did 15 years earlier.

Demonstrations and protests took place over five- day period with an estimated

one million Filipinos participating. In reaction to the large protests, cabinet fled their

posts, police and army members sided with the protesters, Estrada resigned, and Gloria

Arroyo was sworn in as the new president.

The events of People Power II exemplify how conditions ripe for political

activity, coupled with the power of emerging technology, can converge to create a

powerful movement with lasting consequences. Smart Communication, Inc., a mobile

operator in the Philippines, reported that in one day, over 70 million text messages were

sent. On contrary, an e- mail that was hoping to collect m1 million signatures to call for

Estrada‟s resignation only received 91, 000 signatures.

Looking at the local culture and circumstances, a crowd could have been

mobilized via voice messages, e- mails, and word of mouth. However, low internet

penetration, combined with the time- consuming nature of calling and speaking to

individuals within your social network, wouldhave prevented the demonstrations from
occurring quickly. Filipinos were able to utilize a tool they were already familiar with –

text messaging –to communicate their ideas and plans rapidly and present a forceful

showing against Estrada immediately after the news about the vote was released.

“The media, even in the freest countries, are therefore squandering their

potential to be an agent of positive change, to preserve diversity of views, to give voice

to minorities, and to serve as a feedback mechanism for policy making in democracy,”

says journalist Kunda Dixit.