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b. Every division and subdivision has two or more parts; divisions are balanced;
divisions help the reader focus quickly on important content; division headings
are lengthy and descriptive; division topics appear in parallel form.
c. One or more division may have fewer than two parts; divisions need not be
balanced; divisions help the reader focus quickly on important content; division
headings are concise; and division topics appear in parallel grammatical form.
d. Every division and subdivision has at least two parts; divisions are balanced;
divisions help the reader focus quickly on important content; division headings
are concise; division topics appear in parallel grammatical form.
5. Which statement best describes an ethical decision reached during a collaborative
writing project? (a)
a. I will take public responsibility for my actions related to the project.
b. All information on the Internet is in the public domain, and I may use it without
acknowledging the source.
c. I will not concern myself with grammatical accuracy because other group
members will correct my errors.
d. If I run out of time to finish my part of the assignment, other group members will
take up the slack.
6. Select the BEST description of Wiggio collaborative software. (c)
a. Contains tools called Communication, Conferencing, and Coordination.
b. Contains functions called Folder, Messages, Conference, and Calendar.
c. Contains tools called Folder, Messages, Meeting, Calendar, Poll, and Links.
d. Contains functions called Connect, Confer, Coordinate, and Communicate.
C. Essay Topics - Explain each of the following statements, using examples to support
your discussion.
1. Reports can be classified according to their general purposes: production,
innovation, or maintenance.
2. Use deductive structure when the reader needs little psychological preparation for
the main point of the message.
3. Because of the strong focus on tasks during a team’s norming stage, the threat of
“groupthink” exists at this stage.
4. Using groupware like Wiggio may speed up a team’s passage through forming and
storming stages of team development.
History relates that Jeanne d’Arc was led to the stake the last
day but one of May 1431, and burnt alive by a slow fire, and her
bones and ashes thrown into the Seine.
When, in the 15th and 16th centuries, the memory of Jeanne d’Arc
revived in the minds of historians, the subject invariably served as a
theme for controversy and discussion. It is well known that Charles
VII., to reward the bravery of this exalted heroine, bestowed letters of
nobility upon her brothers and their descendants. Documents
discovered by the learned Père Vignier have led to the supposition
that Jeanne d’Arc subsequently married, and was not therefore burnt
at Rouen, as is commonly believed, but that some other poor
unknown creature was sacrificed in her stead. This opinion, which
sounds paradoxical, is nevertheless supported by weighty evidence.
Father Vignier of the Oratory, a learned and zealous philobiblon,
ever in pursuit of literary discoveries, of which so many are due to
the institution of the Oratory, found during a visit to Metz, while
turning over the archives of that city, the following notice, in a
manuscript register of the events that had taken place there during
the 15th century: “In the year 1436, Messire Phlin Marcou was sheriff
of Metz, and on the 20th day of May of the aforesaid year, came the
maid Jeanne, who had been in France, to la Grange of Ormes, near
St. Privé, and was taken there to confer with any one of the sieurs of
Metz, and she called herself Claude; and on the same day there
came to see her there her two brothers, one of whom was a knight
and was called Messire Pierre, and the other “petit Jehan” a squire,
and they thought that she had been burnt, but as soon as they saw
her they recognised her, and she them. And on Monday the 21st day
of the said month they took their sister with them to Boquelon, and
the sieur Nicole, being a knight, gave her a stout stallion, of the value
of thirty francs, and a pair of saddle cloths; the sieur Aubert Boulle, a
riding hood; the sieur Nicole Grognet a sword; and the said maiden
mounted the said horse nimbly, and said several things to the sieur
Nicole by which he well understood that it was she who had been in
France; and she was recognised by many tokens to be the maid
Jeanne of France who escorted king Charles to Reims, and several
declared that she had been burnt in Normandy, and she spoke
mostly in parables. She afterwards returned to the town of Marnelle
for the feast of Pentecost, and remained there about three weeks,
and then set off to go to Notre Dame d’Alliance. And when she
wished to leave, several of Metz went to see her at the said Marnels
and gave her several jewels, and they knew well that she was the
maid Jeanne of France; and she then went to Erlon in the Duchy of
Luxembourg, where she was thronged, so much so that the son of
the count of Wuenbourg took her to Cologne near his father the
count de Wuenbourg, and the said count loved her greatly, and when
she wished to come away he had a handsome cuirass made for her
to equip her therein; and then she came to the aforesaid Erlon and
there was solemnised the marriage of Monsieur de Hermoise knight,
and the said maid Jeanne, and afterwards the said sieur Hermoise
with his wife the maid, came to live at Metz in the house the said
sieur had, opposite Saint Seglenne, and remained there until it
pleased them to depart.”
Since the discovery made by Père Vignier, this remarkable
document has been inserted in a work entitled: Chronique de Metz,
composé par le doyen de Saint Thiebaut de la même ville. This
chronicle terminates at the year 1445.
Vignier might not probably have put much faith in this manuscript,
had it not been supported by a proof which he considered of great
weight. As he was very popular among the best families of Lorraine,
he frequently visited them, and being one day at dinner with M. des
Armoises, member of an old and illustrious race, the conversation
fell on the genealogy of this nobleman, who told the learned father
that among the family archives he would find much information
regarding his ancestors. Dinner was therefore no sooner ended than
the keys of the chamber containing these musty papers were given
to Vignier, and he spent the remainder of the day in looking over
numerous old manuscripts and parchments. At length he fell upon a
contract of marriage between one Robert des Armoises, chevalier,
with Jeanne d’Arcy, the so called Maid of Orleans. I leave the reader
to imagine the surprise of father Vignier at this unexpected
confirmation of the manuscript register.
This historical novelty excited a great sensation at the time, as may
easily be supposed. The above extract was inserted in the before
mentioned chronicle, and Dom Calmet placed it among the printed
documents in his History of Lorraine.
The circumstance had been nearly forgotten, when, towards the year
1740, a member of the literary society of Orleans, while making
some researches among the archives in the town-hall, found a bill of
Jacques l’Argentier, in which in the years 1435 and 1436 there is
mention of a sum of eleven panes eight cents for refreshments
supplied to the messenger who had brought letters from the maid of
Orleans; and another sum of twelve livres, given by the magistrates
on the 21st August 1436 to John du Lis, brother to the maid of
Orleans, to help him to pay his journey back to his sister. He had an
audience of the king, who had granted him a donation of one
hundred francs.
Here is a third extract, even more remarkable than the former: “Au
Sieur du Lis, le 18 Octobre 1436, pour un voyage qu’il fit en la dite
ville, en route vers la Pucelle, qui se trouvant alors à Arlon, au
Luxembourg, et pour port de letters de Jeanne la Pucelle, pour le
Roi, à Loicher, où il résidait alors, six livres parisis.”
And again: “A. Renard Brune, le 25 Juillet 1435, au soir, pour faire
loire un messager qui apportait lettres de Jeanne la Pucelle et allait
devers Guillaume Belier, Bailly de Troyes, II. s. 83. Parisis.”
The reader must remember that immediately after the execution of
Jeanne d’Arc, there was a common rumour that she was not dead,
and that another victim had been substituted for her. In the Histoire
de Lorraine by Dom Calmet, which only extends to 1544, we read,
speaking of the siege of Compiègne, that the Maid of Orleans
escaped in the crowd, and that no one knew what became of her.
Some supposed her to have been captured and carried to Rouen
and burnt, others affirm that the army was averse to her death.
The chronicle of Metz is still more explicit. After relating the capture
of Jeanne d’Arc, her removal to Rouen, and her death at the stake,
the author adds: “It was so asserted, but since that time a contrary
opinion has been held.”
Pasquier, in his researches on France, declares, that during four
whole years he had in his keeping the original trial of the maid of
Orleans with all the attendant circumstances, and he introduced the
subject into chapter V. book VI. of his history. His opinion then should
be treated with consideration. He observes that the inexplicable
delay between the condemnation and execution, and still more the
extraordinary precautions that were taken to hide the victim from the
eyes of the public, are very remarkable. When she was led to the
stake, a large mitre was placed on her head, which concealed the
greater part of her face, and a huge frame, covered with insulting
phrases, was carried before her, and completely concealed her
person.
In 1440, the people so firmly believed that Jeanne d’Arc was still
alive, and that another had been sacrificed in her place, that an
adventuress who endeavoured to pass herself off as the Maid of
Orleans was ordered by the government to be exposed before the
public on the marble stone of the palace hall, in order to prove that
she was an impostor. Why were not such measures taken against
the real Maid of Orleans, who is mentioned in so many public
documents, and who took no pains to hide herself?
The king of France not only ennobled Jeanne d’Arc, her father,
brothers, and their descendants male and female, by letters patent
dated 1429, but moreover wished that her brothers should take the
surname of de Lys, and in fact we find this name in the registers
already quoted.
A very remarkable extract given by Pasquier is drawn from the
accounts of the auditor of the Orleans estate, in the year 1444
(observe the date). An island on the river Loire is restored to a
brother of the Maid of Orleans, Pierre de Lys, chevalier: “Quie la
supplication de Messire Pierre, contenant que pour acquitter la
loyauté envers le Roi notre seigneur et Monsieur le Duc d’Orléans, il
se partit de son pays pour venir au service du Roi et de Monsieur le
Duc, en la compagnie de Jeanne la Pucelle sa seur, avec la quelle,
jusques à son absentement et depuis jusques à présent, il a exposé
son corps et ses biens au dit service et au fait des guerres du Roi,
tant à la résistance des anciens ennemis du Royaume qui tinrent le
siège devant la ville d’Orléans, comme en plusieurs voyages faits et
entrepris pour le Roi, &c.”
It is scarcely necessary to observe here how very much stronger the
claims of this brother would have been, if in 1444, instead of saying
“jusques à son absentement,” he had brought forward the martyrdom
of this sister, as having been the means of saving France from the
yoke of England. The expression son absentement may, easily be
explained when we remember that the Duke of Bedford, regent of
France, died in 1435, and that most probably Jeanne d’Arc was
released from prison after this event. It was only one year later that
she married Robert des Armoises.
But we may be told that Pope Calixtus III. appointed in 1455 a
commission to inquire into the justice or injustice of the
condemnation of the maid of Orleans, and that more than a hundred
witnesses were heard during this examination without the question of
the reality of her execution being once raised. Father Vignier has
met this objection by observing that the committee of enquiry was
desired to examine exclusively whether the judges had been justified
in condemning her as a heretic and an apostate, and it was on this
point only that the inquiry touched.
The commission was by no means ignorant of the received opinion
that Jeanne d’Arc still lived, but they were bound to keep to the letter
of the instructions received.
Jules Quicherat has collected almost every item bearing upon the
doubt of the fate of Jeanne d’Arc, in the fifth volume of his work:
Procès de condamnation et de réhabilitation de Jeanne d’Arc (in 8ᵛᵒ.
Paris 1849). 1) He gives the entire extract from the chronicle of Metz.
2) The extract from the audited accounts of the city of Orleans for the
year 1436, according to the register preserved in the Orleans library.
3) An extract from the contract of sale of the fourth part of the
lordship of Haraucourt by Robert des Armoises and Jeanne du Lys,
called la Pucelle, his wife. 4) Other extracts from the accounts kept
by the city of Orleans and the city of Tours for presents of wine made
to the Pucelle, and expense of postage of letters from the Bailly of
Tournay to the king, touching the matter of Dame Jeanne des
Armoises.
Quicherat does not admit that this Jeanne was the true Pucelle, but
those who read all his authorities will still retain strong doubts on the
subject.
In the 4th volume of the same work we find the account of the
execution of Jeanne according to the chronicle of Perceval de
Cagny, whom M. Quicherat considers to be the most complete, the
best informed, and the most honest of all the historians of “la
Pucelle.”
This Perceval was in the service of the Duc d’Alençon who had
constant intercourse with the maid of Orleans and had the best
opportunities of observing and knowing her. It was in 1436 that
Perceval occupied himself in committing the facts to writing, only five
years after the execution at Rouen. Now he asserts that the victim’s
face was covered when walking to the stake, while at the same time
a spot had been chosen for the execution, that permitted the
populace to have a good view. Why this contradiction? A place is
chosen to enable the people to see everything, but the victim[32] is
carefully hidden from their sight. Does it not seem as if this was
arranged with a sinister intention?
The following words are from the chronicle: “Les gens de la justice
du Roi d’Angleterre et la dite ville de Rouen firent appareiller lieu
convenable pour exécuter la justice, qui peult être vu de très grand
peuple. Et le dit 24ⁱᵉᵐᵉ jour de May environ l’eure de midy, la pucelle
fut amenée du Chastel, le visage embronché (recouvert) au dit lieu
ou le feu estoit prest; et après autres choses lues en la ditte place,
elle fut liée à l’estache et arse, par le rapport de ceux, qui disent ce
avoir vu.”
THE MURDER OF THE COUNTESS
OF CHATEAUBRIAND.
a. d. 1525.