Test Bank For Intentional Interviewing and Counseling Facilitating Client Development in A Multicultural Society 8th Edition Ivey Zalaquett 1285065352 9781285065359
Test Bank For Intentional Interviewing and Counseling Facilitating Client Development in A Multicultural Society 8th Edition Ivey Zalaquett 1285065352 9781285065359
Test Bank For Intentional Interviewing and Counseling Facilitating Client Development in A Multicultural Society 8th Edition Ivey Zalaquett 1285065352 9781285065359
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MULTIPLE CHOICE
1. Interviewers can predict that both they and their client will appreciate, gain respect, and learn from
increasing knowledge in ethics and multicultural competence when the interviewer .
a. is an educated, qualified, and experienced professional
b. bases her behavior on an ethical approach with an awareness of diversity
c. is competent to address any and all multicultural issues
d. stays within the boundaries of multicultural guidelines and practice competencies
ANS: B PTS: 1 REF: Page 30
TOP: Module: The Ethical Foundations of Counseling and Psychotherapy
2. When you observe and practice ethically and follow professional standards, you can
anticipate:
a. more liability in your practice.
b. the client will recognize your power position within the relationship.
c. increased client trust and understanding of the interview process.
d. negative issues of social justice because justice is blind.
ANS: C PTS: 1 REF: Page 30
TOP: Module: The Ethical Foundations of Counseling and Psychotherapy
7. Interviewers need to have “education and training, supervised experience, state and national
professional credentials, and appropriate professional experience.” This ethical standard relates
primarily to:
a. competence.
b. informed consent.
c. confidentiality.
d. diversity.
ANS: A PTS: 1 REF: Page 33
TOP: Module: Ethics in the Helping Process
9. Counselors practice only within the boundaries of their competence based on:
a. education and training.
b. supervised and appropriate professional experience.
c. state and national professional credentials.
d. all of the above.
ANS: D PTS: 1 REF: Page 33
TOP: Module: Ethics in the Helping Process
10. The need for appropriate supervision is most basic to which ethical area?
a. Competence
b. Informed consent
c. Confidentiality
d. Power
ANS: A PTS: 1 REF: Page 33
TOP: Module: Ethics in the Helping Process
13. Which of the following is NOT a key element of HIPAA’s Privacy Rule described in the book?
a. Protected health information
b. Who is covered by the Privacy Rule
c. De-identified health information
d. All of the above
ANS: B PTS: 1 REF: Page 34
TOP: Module: Ethics in the Helping Process
16. As it relates to client rights and informed consent, which one of the following statements is FALSE?
a. Throughout the counseling process as appropriate, counselors inform clients of goals,
techniques, limitations, and risks and benefits.
b. Clients have the right to participate in counseling planning and the right to refuse services.
c. Clients are informed of the therapy plan outlined by an experienced therapist and follow it
with little deviation.
d. Counselors make sure clients understand fee collection arrangements, record keeping, and
limits to confidentiality.
ANS: C PTS: 1 REF: Page 35
TOP: Module: Ethics in the Helping Process
17. When does the counselor inform the client of purposes, goals, techniques, procedures, limitations,
potential risks and benefits of the counseling process?
a. At the beginning of the counseling relationship
b. After the client agrees to a counseling relationship
c. Every other session without fail
S. Walpole,
History of England from 1815,
chapter 25 (volume 5).
ALSO IN:
J. W. Kaye,
Administration of the East India Company,
parts 3-4.
Sir C. Trevelyan,
The Thugs
(Edin. Review, January, 1837).
M. Taylor,
Confessions of a Thug, introduction.
D. C. Boulger,
Lord William Bentinck,
chapters 4-6.
INDIA: A. D. 1836-1845.
The first Afghan war and its catastrophe.
Conquest and annexation of Scinde.
Threatened trouble with the Sikhs.
T. R. E. Holmes,
History of the Indian Mutiny,
chapter 1.
ALSO IN:
Sir L. Griffin,
Ranjit Singh.
L. J. Trotter,
The Earl of Auckland,
chapters 4-13.
INDIA: A. D. 1843.
Conquest of Scinde.
See SCINDE.
INDIA: A. D. 1845-1849.
The Sikh Wars.
Conquest and annexation of the Punjab.
H. Martineau,
British Rule in India,
chapter 20.
J. T. Wheeler,
Indian History,
chapter 11.
W. W. Hunter,
The Marquess of Dalhousie,
chapter 3.
ALSO IN:
Sir H. B. Edwardes and H. Merivale,
Life of Sir Henry Lawrence.
R. B. Smith,
Life of Lord Lawrence,
volume 1, chapters 7-11.
E. Arnold,
The Marquis of Dalhousie's Administration of British India,
volume 1, chapters 1-7.
H. B. Edwardes,
A Year on the Punjab Frontier, 1848-49.
Sir R. Temple,
Men and Events of My Time in India,
chapters 3-4.
INDIA: A. D. 1848-1856.
Lord Dalhousie's minor annexations.
The lapse of dependent Native States.
The case of Nana Sahib.
Sir W. W. Hunter,
The Marquess of Dalhousie,
chapters 6-7.
Duke of Argyll,
India under Dalhousie and Canning.
INDIA: A. D. 1849-1893.
The life in exile of Dhuleep Singh, heir to the Sikh throne.
"Few careers have ever been more instructive to those who can
see than that of the Maharajah Dhuleep Singh, who died in
Paris on Sunday [October 22, 1893] of apoplexy. He finished
life a despised exile, but no man of modern days ever had such
chances, or had seen them snatched, partly by fate, partly by
fault, so completely from his lips. But for an accident, if
there is such a thing as accident, he would have been the
Hindoo Emperor of India.
{1739}
His father, Runjeet Singh, that strange combination of Louis
XI. and Charles the Bold, had formed and knew how to control
an army which would have struck down all the native powers of
India much more easily than did any of the Tartar conquerors.
Without its master at its head, that army defeated the
British, and but for a magnificent bribe paid to its General
(vide Cunningham's 'History of the Sikhs') would have driven
the English from India, and placed the child, Dhuleep Singh,
upon the throne of the Peninsula, to be supported there by
Sikh and Rajpoot, Mahratta, and Beharee. Apart from the
English, there was nothing to resist them; and they were
guided by a woman, the Ranee Chunda Kour; who of all modern
women was most like Mary of Scots as her enemies have painted
her, and of whom, after her fall, Lord Dalhousie said that her
capture would be worth the sacrifice of a brigade. How Dhuleep
Singh would have reigned had Runjeet Singh's destiny completed
itself is another matter—probably like a Hindoo Humayoon—for
even if not the son of Runjeet Singh, who, be it remembered,
acknowledged him, he inherited ability from his mother; he was
a bold man, and he was, as his career showed, capable of wild
and daring adventure. He fell, however, from his throne under
the shock of the second Sikh War, and began a new and, to all
appearance, most promising career. Lord Dalhousie had a pity
for the boy, and the English Court—we never quite understood
why—an unusually kindly feeling. A fortune of £40,000 a year
was settled on him, he was sent to England, and he was granted
rank hardly less than that of a Prince of the Blood. He turned
Christian—apparently from conviction, though subsequent
events throw doubt on that—a tutor, who was quite competent,
devoted himself to his education, and from the time he became
of age he was regarded as in all respects a great English
noble. He knew, too, how to sustain that character,—made no
social blunders, became a great sportsman, and succeeded in
maintaining for years the sustained stateliness of life which
in England is held to confer social dignity. Confidence was
first shaken by his marriage, which, though it did not turn
out unsuccessfully, and though the lady was in after-life
greatly liked and respected, was a whim, his bride being a
half Coptic, half English girl whom he saw in an Egyptian
school-room, and who, by all English as well as Indian ideas
of rank, was an unfitting bride. Then he began over-spending,
without the slightest necessity, for his great income was
unburdened by a vast estate; and at last reduced his finances
to such a condition that the India Office, which had made him
advance after advance, closed its treasury and left him, as he
thought, face to face with ruin. Then the fierce Asiatic blood
in him came out. He declared himself wronged, perhaps believed
himself oppressed, dropped the whole varnish of civilisation
from him, and resolved to make an effort for the vengeance
over which he had probably brooded for years. He publicly
repudiated Christianity, and went through a ceremony intended
to readmit him within the pale of the Sikh variety of the
Hindoo faith. Whether it did readmit him, greater doctors than
we must decide. That an ordinary Hindoo who has eaten beef
cannot be readmitted to his own caste, even if the eating is
involuntary, is certain, as witness the tradition of the
Tagore family; but the rights of the Royal are, even in
Hindooism, extraordinarily wide, and we fancy that, had
Dhuleep Singh succeeded in his enterprise, Sikh doctors of
theology would have declared his re-admission legal. He did
not, however, succeed. He set out for the Punjab intending, it
can hardly be doubted, if the Sikhs acknowledged him, to make
a stroke for the throne, if not of India, at least of Runjeet
Singh; but he was arrested at Aden, and after months of fierce
dispute, let go, on condition that he should not return to
India. He sought protection in Russia, which he did not
obtain, and at last gave up the struggle, made his peace with
the India Office, took his pension again, and lived, chiefly
in Paris, the life of a disappointed but wealthy idler. There
was some spirit in his adventure, though it was unwisely
carried out. The English generally thought it a bit of
foolhardiness, or a dodge to extract a loan from the India
Office; but those who were responsible held a different
opinion, and would have gone nearly any length to prevent his
reaching the Punjab. They were probably wise. The heir of
Runjeet might have been ridiculed by the Sikhs as a Christian,
but he might also have been accepted as a reconverted man; and
one successful skirmish in a district might have called to
arms all the 'children of the sugar and the sword,' and set
all India on fire. The Sikhs are our very good friends, and
stood by us against any revival of the Empire of Delhi, their
sworn hereditary foe; but they have not forgotten Runjeet
Singh, and a chance of the Empire for themselves might have
turned many of their heads."
The Spectator,
October 28, 1893.
INDIA: A. D. 1852.
The second Burmese War.
Annexation of Pegu.
"While Lord Dalhousie was laying out the Punjab like a Scotch
estate, on the most approved principles of planting,
road-making, culture, and general management, the chance of
another conquest at the opposite extremity of his vice-kingdom
summoned him to Calcutta. The master of a trading barque from
Chittagong, who was charged unjustly with cruelty to a pilot,
had been fined £100 by the authorities of Rangoon, and the
captain of a brig had in like manner been amerced for alleged
ill-treatment of his crew. To support a claim for restitution,
two English ships of war had been sent to the mouth of the
Irrawadi. … Misunderstandings arose on some inexplicable
point of etiquette;" the British commodore seized a royal
yacht which lay in the river; the angry Burmese opened fire on
his ships from their forts; and, "with an unprecedented
economy of time and trouble in the discovery or making of
plausible pretexts, a second war with Burmah was thus begun. A
long catalogue of affronts, wrongs, and injuries, now for the
first time poured in. … The subjects of the 'Golden Foot'
… must make an official apology for their misbehaviour, pay
ten lacs compensation, and receive a permanent Resident at
Rangoon. If these demands were not met within five weeks,
further reparation would be exacted otherwise, and as there
was no fear that they would, preparations were made for an
expedition. … The Governor-General threw himself with
enthusiasm into an undertaking which promised him another
chance of gratifying, as his biographer says, his 'passion for
imperial symmetry.'
{1740}
He resolved 'to take in kingdoms wherever they made a gap in
the red line running round his dominions or broke its internal
continuity.' There was a gap in the ring-fence between Arracan
and Moulmein, which Pegu would fill. The logical inference was
clear, the duty of appropriation obvious. Let us have Pegu.
Ten millions of silver happening just then to lie in the
coffers of Fort William, how could they be better invested
than in a jungle on the sea coast, inhabited by quadrupeds and
bipeds after their various kinds, alike unworthy of being
consulted as to their future destiny? … In April, Martaban
and Rangoon were taken with trifling loss. Operations being
suspended during the rainy season, the city of Prome was not
attacked till October, and after a few hours' struggle it
fell, with the loss of a single sepoy on the side of the
victors. There was in fact no serious danger to encounter,
save from the climate; but that unfailing ally fought with
terrible effect upon the side of Ava. … On the 20th
December, 1852, a proclamation was issued, which, after
reciting undisguisedly the ineffably inadequate pretext for
the war, informed the inhabitants that the Governor in Council
had resolved that the maritime province of Pegu should
henceforth form a portion of the British territories in the
East, and warning the King of Ava, 'should he fail to renew
his former relations of friendship with the British
Government, and seek to dispute its quiet possession of the
province, the Governor-General would again put forth the power
he held, which would lead to the total subversion of the
Burman State, and to the ruin and exile of the King and his
race.' But no depth of humiliation could bring the Sovereign
or his Ministers to acknowledge the hopelessness of defeat or
the permanency of dismemberment. … Twenty years have passed,
and no treaty recognising the alienation of Pegu has yet [in
1872] been signed."
W. M. Torrens,
Empire in Asia: How we came by it,
chapter 24.
ALSO IN:
E. Arnold,
The Marquis of Dalhousie's Administration of British India,
chapters 15-16 (volume 2).
INDIA: A. D. 1856.
The annexation of Oudh.
See OUDH.
INDIA: A. D. 1857.
Causes of the Sepoy Mutiny.
W. W. Hunter,
Brief History of the Indian People,
chapter 15.
Lord Lawrence,
Speech at Glasgow, 1860 (quoted by Sir O. T. Burne,
in "Clyde and Strathnairn," chapter 1).
ALSO IN:
J. W. Kaye,
History of the Sepoy War in India,
book 2 (volume 1).
G. B. Malleson,
The Indian Mutiny of 1857,
chapters 1-5.
H. S. Cunningham,
Earl Canning,
chapter 5.
ALSO IN:
J. W. Kaye,
History of the Sepoy War in India,
book 4, chapters 1-3 (volume 2).
ALSO IN:
J. W. Kaye,
History of the Sepoy War,
book 9, chapters 1-3 (volume 3).
G. O. Trevelyan,
Cawnpore.
T. R. E. Holmes,
History of the Indian Mutiny,
chapters 8-10.
Lady Inglis,
The Siege of Lucknow.