Group 9 - Chapter 12 (12.1-12.4)
Group 9 - Chapter 12 (12.1-12.4)
Group 9 - Chapter 12 (12.1-12.4)
CHAPTER 12
“INTERNATIONAL TRADE THEORY AND DEVELOPMENT STRATEGY”
NAME OF GRUP 9 :
1. Hilda Nurhidayati (14)
2. Maria Angely Simamora (19)
International trade is a phenomenon that has long been at the center of attention in the
study of development economics. Amid the continuing process of economic globalization,
international trade has become increasingly important for developing countries. Chapter 12 in
the book "Economic Development" by Todaro and Smith discusses key issues relating to
international trade and development strategies. This paper will discuss some important aspects
of this material, focusing on issues that arise in chapter 12, including the meaning and impact
of economic globalization, basic questions about trade and development, the importance of
exports for developing countries, demand elasticity and instability of export earnings, as well
as Terms of Trade and the Prebisch-Singer Hypothesis.
International Trade Theory and Development Strategy
International trade is a central topic in development economics, and there are five basic
questions that are often asked in the context of trade and development. In chapter 12 of the book
"Economic Development" by Todaro and Smith, these five questions help to outline the
complex issues associated with trade and its impact on the economic development of
developing countries.
This question highlights the importance of equity in international trade. While trade can
provide benefits, such as access to global markets and increased production efficiency, the
benefits are not always evenly distributed across countries. Countries with different resources
and capabilities may experience different impacts from trade. In some cases, trade can deepen
inequalities between countries.
Question 2: What is the impact of international trade on income distribution within
countries?
This question underscores that the impact of international trade is not only limited to
overall economic growth but also affects how income is distributed within countries. Trade can
increase the income of some people while leaving others poorer. Therefore, it is important to
consider the impact of income distribution in trade policy planning.
This question raises the strategic issue of whether developing countries should favor
exports or domestic production. The appropriate strategy may vary depending on the country's
economic conditions and resources. Some developing countries may benefit from being more
open to international trade, while others may need to focus more on domestic economic
development.
Question 5: How does international trade affect the resilience of developing economies?
This question highlights the issue of economic resilience and vulnerability to changes
in the global economy. Developing countries that are highly dependent on international trade
may become more vulnerable to global economic fluctuations, including international
economic crises. Sustainable development strategies should consider how to manage economic
resilience in the face of global change.
In the context of these questions, Todaro and Smith discuss to provide insights into how
international trade affects the economic development of developing countries. These questions
also help design more effective policies to achieve sustainable and inclusive economic
development.
12.2.2 Importance of Exports to Different Developing Nations
The importance of exports to developing countries cannot be ignored. Exports are one
of the key aspects of the international economy that have a significant impact on the economic
development of developing countries. In this section, we will take an in-depth look at why
exports are so important for developing countries. One of the main reasons why exports are
important is because it allows developing countries to diversify their economies. Depending
too much on a limited sector of the economy can leave countries vulnerable to fluctuations in
commodity prices or changes in global demand. By developing a diversified export sector, these
countries can reduce economic risk. Exports can be an engine of economic growth. By selling
goods and services to international markets, developing countries can increase income and
create jobs. Revenue earned from exports can be reinvested in infrastructure development,
education, and other sectors that support long-term economic growth. Exports also provide
access to a larger global market. Developing countries can sell their products to countries
around the world, creating opportunities that were previously unavailable. This can reduce
dependence on domestic markets and expand sales potential. To compete in the global market,
developing countries often have to improve their production efficiency. This can encourage
innovation, technological upgrades, and improved product quality. As a result, economic
sectors can become more efficient and competitive. Revenue earned from exports can be an
important source of income for developing countries. Foreign exchange earned from exports
can also be used to pay for imports of goods that cannot be efficiently produced domestically.
The importance of exports to developing countries is enormous. Exports are not only a
significant source of revenue, but also a tool to boost economic growth, reduce dependence on
certain sectors, and open up opportunities for access to global markets. Therefore, developing
countries' economic development strategies often include efforts to increase and diversify their
exports.
12.2.3 Demand Elasticities and Export Earnings Instability
Demand elasticity and export revenue volatility are two important aspects to understand
when discussing the role of exports in developing economies. This section will elaborate more
on these two concepts and their implications. Export demand elasticity is a concept that
measures the extent to which the amount of goods or services exported from a country will
change in response to price changes. There are two important types of demand elasticities: High
Export Demand Elasticity: This means that the amount of goods or services exported is highly
responsive to price changes. In this case, a change in price can result in a significant change in
the volume of exports. Countries whose exports have a high elasticity of demand can more
easily adjust to price fluctuations in the international market. Low Elasticity of Export
Demand: Conversely, if export demand has a low elasticity, it means that price changes have
less impact on export volumes. Countries that rely on exports with low elasticity may be more
vulnerable to price fluctuations. Export revenue volatility refers to fluctuations in revenues
generated from exports of goods and services. This instability can be caused by several factors,
such as changes in global commodity prices, changes in global demand, or changes in factors
of production. The implications of export earnings volatility are: Budget Uncertainty:
Countries that rely heavily on volatile export revenues may find it difficult to plan their budgets.
Variable revenues can disrupt development planning and social programs. Economic
Vulnerability: Export revenue instability can make developing countries more vulnerable to
global economic fluctuations. When commodity prices fall or global demand declines, export
revenues can fall sharply, negatively impacting the domestic economy. The Need for
Diversification: To reduce the volatility of export earnings, developing countries are often
encouraged to diversify their economies. This means developing sectors of the economy that
are less dependent on certain exports. Economic Sustainability: Export revenue volatility can
be an obstacle to sustainable economic growth. Developing countries need to devise strategies
to cope with this uncertainty, including the establishment of reserve funds to offset fluctuations
in export earnings. In Todaro and Smith's book, the concepts of demand elasticity and export
revenue instability may be clarified with empirical examples and in-depth analysis. This helps
readers understand how price and demand fluctuations can affect export earnings and the
strategies that developing countries can take to overcome this instability in order to achieve
more stable and sustainable economic growth.
These are two important concepts in development economics that help explain the
challenges faced by developing countries in international trade. Terms of Trade (ToT)
measures the ratio between a country's export prices and import prices. If the ToT increases, it
means that the country is earning more from the price of its exports compared to the price of
imports, potentially benefiting its economy. A favorable ToT can support a country's economic
growth as it increases revenue from exports and reduces import costs. However, unfavorable
ToT can be problematic for developing countries, especially if they rely heavily on primary
commodity exports. Fluctuations in primary commodity prices can negatively affect their ToT.
Meanwhile, The Prebisch-Singer Hypothesis suggests that primary commodity prices tend to
decline relative to manufactured goods prices in the long run. This means that countries that
rely on primary commodity exports may face a decline in export earnings relative to the cost of
importing manufactured goods. This decline in the relative price of primary commodities is
believed to occur due to less elastic global demand for primary commodities relative to
manufactured goods. This causes primary commodities to experience downward pressure on
their prices in the international market. The Prebisch-Singer hypothesis emphasizes the issue
of international trade inequality between industrialized countries and developing countries. It
describes the economic disparities faced by developing countries in international trade.
Why do people trade? Basically, because it is profitable to do so. People usually find it
profitable to trade the things they possess in large quantities relative to their tastes or needs in
return for things they want more urgently. Because it is virtually impossible for individuals or
families to provide themselves with all the consumption requirements of even the simplest life,
they usually find it profitable to engage in the activities for which they are best suited or have
a comparative advantage in terms of their natural abilities or resource endowment. Comparative
advantage Production of a commodity at a lower opportunity cost than any of the alternative
commodities that could be produced. They can then exchange any surplus of these home
produced commodities for products that others may be relatively more suited to produce. The
phenomenon of specialisation based on comparative advantage arises, therefore, to some extent
in even the most subsistence economies. The principle of comparative advantage, as it is called,
asserts that a country should, and under competitive conditions will, specialise in the export of
the products that it can produce at the lowest relative cost. Absolute advantage Production of a
commodity with the same amount of real resources as another producer but at a lower absolute
unit cost.
The classical theory of comparative advantage in free trade is based on the idea that
countries can benefit from trading with each other by specializing in the production of goods in
which they have a comparative advantage.
The neoclassical factor endowment theory builds on the classical theory but introduces
the concept of factor endowments, which include land, labor, and capital. It explains how
differences in these factor endowments can lead to trade between countries.
The neoclassical theory assumes that all countries have access to the same technologies
for producing all goods. The basis for trade is not differences in technology but differences in
factor endowments. The theory suggests that countries will allocate their resources to produce
goods that make the most efficient use of their abundant factors. For example, labor-abundant
countries will specialize in labor-intensive products.
International Wage and Capital Cost Equalization. Over time, the theory predicts that
international trade will tend to equalize real wage rates and capital costs among countries. This
means that wages may rise in labor-abundant countries due to increased labor-intensive
production.
Trade can promote more equality in domestic income distributions within countries, as
the return to abundant resources, such as labor, increases. Stimulation of Economic Growth,
trade is seen as a driver of economic growth. It can stimulate investment, knowledge transfer,
and industrial output by allowing countries to access capital goods and technologies they lack
domestically.
The classical theory of comparative advantage, associated with economists like David
Ricardo and John Stuart Mill, laid the foundation for understanding the benefits of free trade.
It suggested that countries should specialize in producing goods in which they have a
comparative advantage, and through trade, all nations can benefit.
The neoclassical factor endowment theory builds upon this classical model but
incorporates the idea that countries differ in their factor endowments, such as land, labor, and
capital. However, it assumes that all countries have access to the same production technologies.
Trade, in this model, arises not due to differences in technology but because countries allocate
their resources differently based on their factor endowments.
In summary, the neoclassical factor endowment theory provides insights into how
differences in resource endowments drive international trade and how trade can lead to various
economic outcomes, including greater equality and economic growth.
Six basic assumptions of the traditional neoclassical trade model must be scrutinised:
1. All productive resources are fixed in quantity and constant in quality across nations, and
are fully employed.
2. The technology of production is fixed (classical model) or similar and freely available
to all nations (factor endowment model). Moreover, the spread of such technology
works to the benefit of all. Consumer tastes are also fixed and independent of the
influence of producers (international consumer sovereignty prevails).
3. Within nations, factors of production are perfectly mobile between different production
activities, and the economy as a whole is characterised by the existence of perfect
competition. There are no risks or uncertainties.
4. The national government plays no role in international economic relations; trade is
carried out among many atomistic and anonymous producers seeking to minimise costs
and maximise profits. International prices are therefore set by the forces of supply and
demand.
5. Trade is balanced for each country at any point in time, and all economies are readily
able to adjust to changes in the international prices with a minimum of dislocation.
6. The gains from trade that accrue to any country benefit the nationals of that country.
12.4.1 Fixed Resources, Full Employment, and the International Immobility of Capital
and Skilled Labour
Rapid technological change and the development of synthetic substitutes for traditional
products have transformed global trade. Additionally, the availability of Western-developed
technologies has allowed certain middle-income countries, like the Asian NICs, to move from
low-tech to high-tech production, changing their roles in international trade.
Since World War II, technological advancements have led to the creation of synthetic
alternatives for traditional primary products like rubber, wool, and cotton. This shift in
production has decreased the market share of developing countries in these sectors, affecting
their export earnings.
New technologies developed in the West have provided opportunities for some middle-
income countries, such as the Asian NICs, to benefit from Western research and development.
These countries, with their lower labor costs, can imitate products initially developed abroad
but not at the forefront of technological innovation. This strategy enables them to transition
from low-tech to high-tech production, filling manufacturing gaps left by more industrialized
nations. Some aim to catch up with developed countries, as exemplified by Japan, Singapore,
South Korea, and China's progress through this approach.
The traditional theory of international trade assumes that countries can easily adjust
their economic structures in response to changing global prices and market demands. However,
this is often challenging, especially for developing nations, due to various structural and
institutional constraints.
In traditional trade theory, it's assumed that countries can quickly adapt to changes in
international prices and markets by reallocating resources between industries. While this
concept may seem feasible on paper, structuralist arguments suggest that such reallocations are
exceptionally hard to achieve in practice.
Over time, significant investments have been made in these facilities, making it
challenging to shift these resources into other sectors like manufacturing. This inflexibility can
make developing nations vulnerable to fluctuations in international markets. Structural
rigidities, such as inelastic supply of products, limited access to intermediate goods, and poor
infrastructure, can hinder a developing country's ability to respond smoothly to changing
international prices. Unlike rich countries, they often lack the resources and capacity to adjust
quickly.
Additionally, the traditional trade theory overlooks increasing returns to scale and their
impact on international trade. Economies of scale, where production costs decrease as output
increases, can lead to monopolistic control by large corporations in global markets. These
corporations can manipulate prices and supplies, disadvantaging smaller competitors and
developing nations. Furthermore, the theory doesn't account for risk and uncertainty in
international trade. Depending heavily on unpredictable primary-product exports can be
detrimental to low-income countries due to the instability of global commodity markets.
In essence, the traditional trade theory's assumptions about easy resource reallocation,
diminishing returns to scale, and the absence of risk in international trade often don't align with
the complex realities faced by developing nations.
12.4.4 The Absence of National Governments in Trading Relations
In countries, the government can help balance things out when it comes to rich and poor
areas, fast and slow-growing industries, and how the benefits of economic growth are
distributed. They do this through various means like government through legislation, taxes,
transfer payments, subsidies, social services, regional development programmes, and so forth.
However, at the international level, there isn't a powerful government that can do the
same job. So, when countries trade with each other, sometimes one country gets much more out
of the deal than the other. And because there's no international "referee" to make things fair,
this unequal situation can keep going. Powerful countries also tend to protect their own
interests, even if it means helping out certain industries.
On the flip side, when governments in developing countries actively support certain
industries or coordinate investments to boost their exports, it can lead to impressive economic
growth, like we've seen in South Korea. But not all developing countries have been able to pull
this off. Governments can also use things like taxes on imports and exports to control trade and
influence their position in the global economy. But when richer countries make economic
decisions, it often affects poorer nations, while the reverse isn't true.
In the global economic arena, the bigger, more powerful countries usually have more
say. There isn't a super organization or world government to protect the interests of the weaker
nations, especially the least developed ones. So, when thinking about trade and industrial
strategies, we must consider the impact of these powerful governments from developed nations.
In traditional trade theory, there's an assumption that the benefits of trade go to the
people in the trading countries. However, this assumption doesn't always hold true, especially
in developing countries.
In some of these countries, foreign companies might operate in ways that don't benefit
the local population much. They might pay low rents for land, use their own foreign capital and
skilled workers, hire local workers at very low wages, and not contribute much to the overall
economy. This depends on the bargaining power of these foreign corporations and the
governments of the developing countries.
The difference between two important economic measures becomes crucial here: GDP
(the value of everything produced within a country's borders) and GNI (the income actually
earned by the country's nationals). If much of a country's economy, like the export sector, is
owned and run by foreign entities, the GDP might be high, but the GNI, which reflects what the
country's people actually earn, could be much lower.
So, even though it might look like a developing country is benefitting from exports, in
reality, a big chunk of those benefits might be going to foreigners who own or control the
production factors involved. This is particularly true with multinational corporations operating
in these countries.
We can now attempt to provide some preliminary general answers to the five questions
posed early in the chapter. We must stress that our conclusions are general and set in the context
of the diversity of developing countries. First, with regard to the rate, structure, and character
of economic growth, our conclusion is that trade can be an important stimulus to rapid economic
growth
Access to the markets of developed nations (an important factor for developing nations
bent on export promotion) can provide an important stimulus for the greater utilisation of idle
human and capital resources. Expanded foreign-exchange earnings through improved export
performance also provide the wherewithal by which a developing country can augment its
scarce physical and financial resources. In short, where opportunities for profitable exchange
arise, foreign trade can provide an important stimulus to aggregate economic growth.
But, as noted in earlier chapters, growth of national output may have little impact on
developmen. An export-oriented strategy of growth, particularly in commodities with few
linkages and when a large proportion of export earnings accrue to foreigners, may not only bias
the structure of the economy in the wrong directions (by not catering to the real needs of local
people) but also reinforce the internal and external dualistic and inegalitarian character of that
growth. It all depends on the nature of the export sector, the distribution of its benefits, and its
linkages with the rest of the economy and how these evolve over time.
The answer to the third question the conditions under which trade can help a developing
country achieve development aspirations is to be found largely in the ability of developing
nations. Also, the extent to which exports can efficiently utilise scarce capital resources while
making maximum use of abundant but presently underutilised labour supplies will determine
the degree to which export earnings benefit the ordinary citizen in developing countries. Again,
links between export earnings and other sectors of the economy are crucial. Finally, much will
depend on how well a developing nation can influence and control the activities of private
foreign enterprises. The ability to deal effectively with multinational corporations in
guaranteeing a fair share of the benefits to local citizens is extremely important
The answer to the fourth question whether developing countries can determine how
much they trade can only be speculative. For small and poor countries, the option of not trading
at all, by closing their borders to the rest of the world, is obviously not realistic. Not only do
they lack the resources and market size to be self-sufficient, but also their very survival,
especially in the area of food production, often depends on their ability to secure foreign goods
and resources. Moreover, for most developing nations, the international economic system still
offers the only real source of scarce capital and needed technological knowledge. The
conditions under which such resources are obtained will greatly influence the character of the
development process.
The fifth question whether on balance it is better for developing countries to look
outward toward the rest of the world or more inward toward their own capacities for
development turns out not to be an either/or question at all. While exploring profitable
opportunities for trade with the rest of the world, developing countries can effectively seek
ways to expand their share of world trade and extend their economic ties with one another.
CONCLUSION
The development of international trade theory has experienced two main stages:
traditional international trade theory and new international trade theory .New international trade
theory rises with the development of economic theory ,it constantly introduces new economic
concepts into the field of international trade research,explains the causes of the emergence and
development of international trade from the perspective of depth,and greatly promotes the
development of international trade theory research. The theory of international trade is always
following the new situation of international trade, especially with the rapid development of
productivity. However, history has proved that in most cases, international trade changes quietly
before the theory changes. The international trade environment nowadays is particularly
complex,
REFFERENCE
Chen, Z. (2022). Research on International Trade Theory and the Status Quo of World
International Trade. American Journal of Industrial and Business Management, 12(06),
1079–1087. https://doi.org/10.4236/ajibm.2022.126057
Michael P. Todaro, Stephen C. Smith. 2020. Economic Development, 13th Edition Pearson
Education : Hoboken