Confucianism

29/08/2023, 15:20 Confucianism - Wikipedia
Confucianism
Confucianism, also known as Ruism or Ru classicism,[1]

Confucianism
is a system of thought and behavior originating in ancient
China, and is variously described as a tradition, philosophy, Chinese name
(humanistic or rationalistic) religion, theory of government, or Chinese 儒家
way of life.[2] Confucianism developed from what was later 儒
called the Hundred Schools of Thought from the teachings of
儒教
the Chinese philosopher Confucius (551–479 BCE). Confucius
considered himself a transmitter of cultural values inherited Literal meaning "ru school of
from the Xia (c. 2070–1600 BCE), Shang (c. 1600–1046 BCE) thought"
and Western Zhou dynasties (c. 1046–771 BCE).[3] Transcriptions [show]
Confucianism was suppressed during the Legalist and
Standard Mandarin
autocratic Qin dynasty (221–206 BCE), but survived. During
the Han dynasty (206 BCE – 220 CE), Confucian approaches Hanyu Pinyin Rújiā
edged out the "proto-Taoist" Huang–Lao as the official Gwoyeu Romatzyh Rujia
ideology, while the emperors mixed both with the realist
Wade–Giles Ju2-chia1
techniques of Legalism.[4]
IPA [ɻǔ.tɕjá]
Confucianism regards texts such as the Five Classics as Wu
examples that should be followed to increase the harmony of
Suzhounese Zyú-ka
the family, social order as a whole, and the world. A Confucian
revival began during the Tang dynasty (618–907 CE). In the Yue: Cantonese
late Tang, Confucianism developed in response to Buddhism Yale Romanization Yùh-gāa
and Taoism and was reformulated as Neo-Confucianism. This Jyutping Jyu4-gaa1
reinvigorated form was adopted as the basis of the imperial
exams and the core philosophy of the scholar-official class in IPA [jyː˩ kaː˥]
the Song dynasty (960–1297). The abolition of the Southern Min
examination system in 1905 marked the end of official Tâi-lô Jû-ka, Lû-ka
Confucianism. The intellectuals of the New Culture Movement
of the early twentieth century blamed Confucianism for Middle Chinese
China's weaknesses. They searched for new doctrines to Middle Chinese Nyu-kæ
replace Confucian teachings; some of these new ideologies Old Chinese
include the "Three Principles of the People" with the
Baxter–Sagart (2014) *no kˤra
establishment of the Republic of China, and then Maoism
under the People's Republic of China. In the late twentieth Vietnamese name
century, the Confucian work ethic has been credited with the Vietnamese Nho giáo
rise of the East Asian economy.[4] alphabet
With particular emphasis on the importance of the family and Chữ Hán 儒教
social harmony, rather than on an otherworldly source of Korean name
spiritual values,[5] the core of Confucianism is humanistic.[6]
According to American philosopher Herbert Fingarette's
Hangul 유교
conceptualisation of Confucianism as a philosophical system Hanja 儒敎
which regards "the secular as sacred",[7] Confucianism Transcriptions [show]
transcends the dichotomy between religion and humanism,
considering the ordinary activities of human life—and Revised Romanization Yugyo
especially human relationships—as a manifestation of the Japanese name
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Confucianism 1/33
sacred,[8] because they are the expression of humanity's moral Kanji 儒教

nature (xìng 性 ), which has a transcendent anchorage in Kana じゅきょう
Heaven (Tiān 天).[9] While Tiān has some characteristics that
overlap the category of godhead, it is primarily an impersonal Transcriptions [show]
absolute principle and not considered a true deity by most Romanization Jukyō
scholars[10] and practitioners, like the Dào ( 道 ) or the
Brahman, and gods worshiped by Confucians do not
originate from orthodox Confucianism.[11] Confucianism
focuses on the practical order that is given by a this-
worldly awareness of Tiān.[12]
In religious Confucianism, liturgy (called 儒 rú, or

sometimes simplified Chinese: 正统 ; traditional Chinese:
正統 ; pinyin: zhèngtǒng, meaning 'orthopraxy') led by
Confucian priests or "sages of rites" (礼生; 禮生; lǐshēng)
to worship the gods in public and ancestral Chinese Temple of Confucius of Jiangyin, Wuxi,
temples is preferred on certain occasions, by Confucian Jiangsu. This is a wénmiào (文庙), that is
religious groups and for civil religious rites, over Taoist or to say a temple where Confucius is
popular ritual. [13] The worldly concern of Confucianism worshipped as Wéndì, "God of Culture"
rests upon the belief that human beings are fundamentally (文帝).
good, and teachable, improvable, and perfectible through
personal and communal endeavor, especially self-
cultivation and self-creation. Confucian thought focuses on
the cultivation of virtue in a morally organised world.[14]
Some of the basic Confucian ethical concepts and practices
include rén, yì, and lǐ, and zhì. Rén (仁, 'benevolence' or
'humaneness') is the essence of the human being which
manifests as compassion. It is the virtue-form of
Heaven.[15] Yì ( 义 ; 義 ) is the upholding of righteousness
and the moral disposition to do good. Lǐ ( 礼 ; 禮 ) is a
system of ritual norms and propriety that determines how
Gates of the wénmiào of Datong, Shanxi
a person should properly act in everyday life in harmony
with the law of Heaven. Zhì (智) is the ability to see what is
right and fair, or the converse, in the behaviors exhibited by others. Confucianism holds one in
contempt, either passively or actively, for failure to uphold the cardinal moral values of rén and yì.
Traditionally, cultures and countries in the East Asian cultural sphere are strongly influenced by
Confucianism, including China, Taiwan, Korea, Japan, and Vietnam, as well as various territories
settled predominantly by Han Chinese people, such as Singapore and Myanmar's Kokang. Today,
it has been credited for shaping East Asian societies and overseas Chinese communities, and to
some extent, other parts of Asia.[16][17] Most Confucianist movements have had significant
differences from the original Zhou-era teachings,[18] and are typically much more complex because
of their reliance on "elaborate doctrine"[19] and other factors such as traditions with long histories.
In the past few decades, there have been talks of a "Confucian Revival" in the academic and the
scholarly community,[20][21] and there has been a grassroots proliferation of various types of
Confucian churches.[22] In late 2015, many Confucian personalities formally established a national
Confucian Church ( 孔圣会 ; 孔聖會 ; Kǒngshènghuì) in China to unify the many Confucian
congregations and civil society organisations.
Terminology
Large seal Small seal
Older versions of the grapheme 儒 rú, meaning "scholar", "refined one", "Confucian", "traditionalist". It is
composed of 人 rén ("person") and 需 xū ("to await"), itself composed of 雨 yǔ ("rain", "instruction") and 而 ér
(glossed as "sky"). According to Kang Youwei, Hu Shih, and Yao Xinzhong, they were the official shaman-priests
(wu) experts in rites and astronomy of the Shang, and later Zhou, dynasty.[23]
Strictly speaking, there is no term in Chinese which directly corresponds to "Confucianism". In the
Chinese language, the character rú 儒 meaning "scholar" or "learned" or "refined man" is generally
used both in the past and the present to refer to things related to Confucianism. The character rú
in ancient China had diverse meanings. Some examples include "to tame", "to mould", "to
educate", "to refine".[24]: 190–197 Several different terms, some of which with modern origin, are
used in different situations to express different facets of Confucianism, including:
儒家; Rújiā – "ru school of thought";

儒教; Rújiào – "ru religion" in the sense of "ru doctrine";
儒学; 儒學; Rúxué – "Ruology" or "ru learning";
孔教; Kǒngjiào – "Confucius's doctrine";
孔家店; Kǒngjiādiàn – "Kong family's business", a pejorative phrase used in the New Culture
Movement and the Cultural Revolution.
Three of them use rú. These names do not use the name "Confucius" at all, but instead focus on
the ideal of the Confucian man. The use of the term "Confucianism" has been avoided by some
modern scholars, who favor "Ruism" and "Ruists" instead. Robert Eno argues that the term has
been "burdened ... with the ambiguities and irrelevant traditional associations". Ruism, as he
states, is more faithful to the original Chinese name for the school.[24]: 7
The term "Traditionalist" has been suggested by David Schaberg to emphasize the connection to
the past, its standards, and inherited forms, in which Confucius himself placed so much
importance.[25] This translation of the word rú is followed by e.g. Yuri Pines.[26]
According to Zhou Youguang, 儒 rú originally referred to shamanic methods of holding rites and
existed before Confucius's times, but with Confucius it came to mean devotion to propagating such
teachings to bring civilisation to the people. Confucianism was initiated by the disciples of
Confucius, developed by Mencius (c. 372–289 BCE) and inherited by later generations,
undergoing constant transformations and restructuring since its establishment, but preserving the
principles of humaneness and righteousness at its core.[27]
In the Western world, the character for water is often used as a symbol for Confucianism, which is
not the case in modern China. However, the five phases were used as important symbols
representing leadership in Han dynasty thought, including Confucianist works.[28]
Five Classics (五經, Wǔjīng) and the Confucian vision
Traditionally, Confucius was thought to be the author or editor

of the Five Classics which were the basic texts of Confucianism.
The scholar Yao Xinzhong allows that there are good reasons to
believe that Confucian classics took shape in the hands of
Confucius, but that "nothing can be taken for granted in the
matter of the early versions of the classics". Professor Yao says
that perhaps most scholars today hold the "pragmatic" view
that Confucius and his followers, although they did not intend
to create a system of classics, "contributed to their
formation".[29] Confucius in a fresco from a
Western Han tomb in Dongping,
The scholar Tu Weiming explains these classics as embodying Shandong
"five visions" which underlie the development of Confucianism:
I Ching (易經, Classic of Change, or Book of Changes), generally held to be the earliest of the
classics, shows a metaphysical vision which combines divinatory art with numerological
technique and ethical insight; philosophy of change sees cosmos as interaction between the
two energies yin and yang; universe always shows organismic unity and dynamism.
Classic of Poetry or Book of Songs (詩經) is the earliest anthology of Chinese poems and
songs, with the earliest strata antedating the Zhou conquest. It shows the poetic vision in the
belief that poetry and music convey common human feelings and mutual responsiveness.
Book of Documents or Book of History (書經 or 尚書) is a compilation of speeches of major
figures and records of events in ancient times, embodying the political vision and addressing
the kingly way in terms of the ethical foundation for humane government. The documents show
the sagacity, filial piety, and work ethic of mythical sage-emperors Yao, Shun, and Yu, who
established a political culture which was based on responsibility and trust. Their virtue formed
a covenant of social harmony which did not depend on punishment or coercion.
Book of Rites (禮記) describes the social forms, administration, and ceremonial rites of the
Zhou Dynasty. This social vision defined society not as an adversarial system based on
contractual relations but as a network of kinship groups bound by cultural identity and ritual
practice, socially responsible for one another and the transmission of proper antique forms.
The four functional occupations are cooperative (farmer, scholar, artisan, merchant).
Spring and Autumn Annals (春秋) chronicles the period to which it gives its name, Spring and
Autumn period (771–481 BCE), from the perspective of Confucius's home state of Lu. These
events emphasise the significance of collective memory for communal self-identification, for
reanimating the old is the best way to attain the new.[30]
Doctrines
Theory and theology
Confucianism revolves around the pursuit of the unity of the individual self and Heaven (Tiān 天),
or, otherwise said, around the relationship between humanity and Heaven.[32][33] The principle or
way of Heaven (Tian lǐ 理 or Tian dào 道), is the order of the creation and the source of divine
authority, monistic in its structure.[33] Individuals may realise their humanity and become one
with Heaven through the contemplation of such order.[33] This transformation of the self may be
extended to the family and society to create a harmonious fiduciary community.[33] Joël Thoraval
studied Confucianism as a diffused civil religion in contemporary China, finding that it expresses
itself in the widespread worship of five cosmological entities: Heaven and Earth (dì 地 ), the
sovereign or the government (jūn 君), ancestors (qīn 親) and masters (shī 師).[34]
According to the scholar Stephan Feuchtwang, in Chinese cosmology,

which is not merely Confucian but shared by all Chinese religions, "the
universe creates itself out of a primary chaos of material energy"
(hundun 混沌 and qi 氣 ), organising through the polarity of yin and
yang which characterises any thing and life. Creation is therefore a
continuous ordering; it is not a creation ex nihilo. "Yin and yang are
the invisible and visible, the receptive and the active, the unshaped
and the shaped; they characterise the yearly cycle (winter and
summer), the landscape (shady and bright), the sexes (female and
male), and even sociopolitical history (disorder and order).
Zhou dynasty oracular
Confucianism is concerned with finding "middle ways" between yin
version of the grapheme for
and yang at every new configuration of the world."[35] Tiān, representing a man
with a head informed by the
Confucianism conciliates both the inner and outer polarities of
north celestial pole[31]
spiritual cultivation, that is to say self-cultivation and world
redemption, synthesised in the ideal of "sageliness within and
kingliness without".[33] Rén, translated as "humaneness" or the
essence proper of a human being, is the character of compassionate mind; it is the virtue endowed
by Heaven and at the same time the means by which man may achieve oneness with Heaven
comprehending his own origin in Heaven and therefore divine essence. In the Dàtóng shū (大同书;
大同書) it is defined as "to form one body with all things" and "when the self and others are not
separated ... compassion is aroused".[15]
"Lord Heaven" and "Jade Emperor" were terms for a Confucianist supreme deity who was an
anthropromorphized heaven,[36] and some conceptions of it thought of the two names as
synonymous.
Tiān and the gods
Tiān (天), a key concept in Chinese thought, refers to the God of Heaven, the northern culmen of
the skies and its spinning stars,[40] earthly nature and its laws which come from Heaven, to
"Heaven and Earth" (that is, "all things"), and to the awe-inspiring forces beyond human
control.[44] There are such a number of uses in Chinese thought that it is not possible to give one
translation into English.[45]
Confucius used the term in a mystical way.[46] He wrote in the Analects (7.23) that tiān gave him
life, and that tiān watched and judged (6.28; 9.12). In 9.5 Confucius says that a person may know
the movements of tiān, and this provides with the sense of having a special place in the universe.
In 17.19 Confucius says that tiān spoke to him, though not in words. The scholar Ronnie Littlejohn
warns that tiān was not to be interpreted as a personal God comparable to that of the Abrahamic
faiths, in the sense of an otherworldly or transcendent creator.[47] Rather it is similar to what
Taoists meant by Dao: "the way things are" or "the regularities of the world",[44] which Stephan
Feuchtwang equates with the ancient Greek concept of physis, "nature" as the generation and
regenerations of things and of the moral order.[48] Tiān may also be compared to the Brahman of
Hindu and Vedic traditions.[32] The scholar Promise Hsu, in the wake of Robert B. Louden,
explained 17:19 ("What does Tian ever say? Yet there are four seasons going round and there are
the hundred things coming into being. What does Tian say?") as implying that even though Tian is
not a "speaking person", it constantly "does" through the rhythms of nature, and communicates
"how human beings ought to live and act", at least to those who have learnt to carefully listen to
it.[46]
Zigong, a disciple of Confucius, said that Tiān had set the

master on the path to become a wise man (9.6). In 7.23
Confucius says that he has no doubt left that Tiān gave him life,
and from it he had developed right virtue ( 德 dé). In 8.19, he
says that the lives of the sages are interwoven with Tiān.[45]
Regarding personal gods (shén, energies who emanate from

and reproduce Tiān) enliving nature, in the Analects Confucius
says that it is appropriate (义; 義; yì) for people to worship (敬
jìng) them,[49] though through proper rites ( 礼 ; 禮 ; lǐ),
implying respect of positions and discretion.[49] Confucius
himself was a ritual and sacrificial master.[50]
Like other symbols such as the
Answering to a disciple who asked whether it is better to sauwastika,[37] wàn 卍 ("all things")
sacrifice to the god of the stove or to the god of the family (a in Chinese, the Mesopotamian 𒀭
popular saying), in 3.13 Confucius says that in order to Dingir/An ("Heaven"),[38] and also
appropriately pray gods one should first know and respect the Chinese 巫 wū ("shaman"; in
Heaven. In 3.12, he explains that religious rituals produce Shang script represented by the
meaningful experiences,[51] and one has to offer sacrifices in cross potent ☩),[39] Tiān refers to
person, acting in presence, otherwise "it is the same as not the northern celestial pole (北極
having sacrificed at all". Rites and sacrifices to the gods have an Běijí), the pivot and the vault of the
ethical importance: they generate good life, because taking part sky with its spinning
in them leads to the overcoming of the self.[52] Analects 10.11 constellations.[40] Here is an
tells that Confucius always took a small part of his food and approximate representation of the
placed it on the sacrificial bowls as an offering to his Tiānmén 天門 ("Gate of
ancestors.[50] Heaven")[41] or Tiānshū 天樞 ("Pivot
of Heaven")[42] as the precessional
Some Confucian movements worship Confucius,[53]
although north celestial pole, with α Ursae
not as a supreme being or anything else approaching the power Minoris as the pole star, with the
of tian or the dao, and/or gods from Chinese folk religion. spinning Chariot constellations in
These movements are not a part of mainstream Confucianism, the four phases of time. According
although the boundary between Chinese folk religion and to Reza Assasi's theories, the wan
Confucianism can be blurred. may not only be centred in the
current precessional pole at α
Other movements, such as Mohism which was later absorbed Ursae Minoris, but also very near to
by Taoism, developed a more theistic idea of Heaven.[54] the north ecliptic pole if Draco (天
Feuchtwang explains that the difference between Confucianism 龙; 天龍; Tiānlóng) is conceived as
and Taoism primarily lies in the fact that the former focuses on one of its two beams.[43][note 1]
the realisation of the starry order of Heaven in human society,
while the latter on the contemplation of the Dao which
spontaneously arises in nature.[48] However, Confucianism does venerate many aspects of
nature[17] and also respects various dao,[55] as well as what Confucius saw as the main dao, the "
[Way] of Heaven."[14]
The Way of Heaven involves "lifelong and sincere devotion to traditional cultural forms" and wu
wei, "a state of spontaneous harmony between individual inclinations and the sacred Way".[14]
Kelly James Clark argued that Confucius himself saw Tiān as an anthropomorphic god that Clark
hypothetically refers to as "Heavenly Supreme Emperor", although most other scholars on
Confucianism disagree with this view.[56]
Social morality and ethics
As explained by Stephan Feuchtwang, the order coming from

Heaven preserves the world, and has to be followed by
humanity finding a "middle way" between yin and yang forces
in each new configuration of reality. Social harmony or
morality is identified as patriarchy, which is expressed in the
worship of ancestors and deified progenitors in the male line,
at ancestral shrines.[48]
Confucian ethical codes are described as humanistic.[6] They

may be practiced by all the members of a society. Confucian Worship at the Great Temple of
ethics is characterised by the promotion of virtues, Lord Zhang Hui (张挥公大殿 Zhāng
encompassed by the Five Constants, Wǔcháng ( 五常 ) in Huī gōng dàdiàn), the cathedral
Chinese, elaborated by Confucian scholars out of the inherited ancestral shrine of the Zhang
tradition during the Han dynasty.[57] The Five Constants lineage corporation, at their
are:[57] ancestral home in Qinghe, Hebei
Rén (仁, benevolence, humaneness);

Yì (义; 義, righteousness, justice);
Lǐ (礼; 禮, propriety, rites);
Zhì (智, wisdom, knowledge);
Xìn (信, sincerity, faithfulness).
These are accompanied by the classical Sìzì (四字), that singles

out four virtues, one of which (Yì) is included among the Five
Constants:
Ancestral temple of the Zeng
lineage and Houxian village cultural
Zhōng (忠, loyalty); centre, Cangnan, Zhejiang
Xiào (孝, filial piety);
Jié (节; 節, continence);
Yì (义; 義, righteousness).
There are still many other elements, such as chéng ( 诚 ; 誠 , honesty), shù ( 恕 , kindness and
forgiveness), lián (廉, honesty and cleanness), chǐ (耻; 恥, shame, judge and sense of right and
wrong), yǒng (勇, bravery), wēn (温; 溫, kind and gentle), liáng (良, good, kindhearted), gōng
(恭, respectful, reverent), jiǎn (俭; 儉, frugal), ràng (让; 讓, modestly, self-effacing).
Humaneness
Rén (Chinese: 仁) is the Confucian virtue denoting the good feeling a virtuous human experiences
when being altruistic. It is exemplified by a normal adult's protective feelings for children. It is
considered the essence of the human being, endowed by Heaven, and at the same time the means
by which man may act according to the principle of Heaven (天理, Tiān lǐ) and become one with
it.[15]
Yán Huí, Confucius's most outstanding student, once asked his master to describe the rules of rén
and Confucius replied, "one should see nothing improper, hear nothing improper, say nothing
improper, do nothing improper."[58] Confucius also defined rén in the following way: "wishing to
be established himself, seeks also to establish others; wishing to be enlarged himself, he seeks also
to enlarge others."[59]
Another meaning of rén is "not to do to others as you would not wish done to yourself."[60]
Confucius also said, "rén is not far off; he who seeks it has already found it." Rén is close to man
and never leaves him.
Rite and centring
Li ( 礼 ; 禮 ) is a classical Chinese word which finds its most

extensive use in Confucian and post-Confucian Chinese
philosophy. Li is variously translated as "rite" or "reason",
"ratio" in the pure sense of Vedic ṛta ("right", "order") when
referring to the cosmic law, but when referring to its realisation
in the context of human social behaviour it has also been
translated as "customs", "measures" and "rules", among other
terms. Li also means religious rites which establish relations
between humanity and the gods. Temple of Confucius in Dujiangyan,
Chengdu, Sichuan
According to Stephan Feuchtwang, rites are conceived as "what
makes the invisible visible", making possible for humans to
cultivate the underlying order of nature. Correctly performed
rituals move society in alignment with earthly and heavenly
(astral) forces, establishing the harmony of the three realms—
Heaven, Earth and humanity. This practice is defined as
"centring" (央 yāng or 中 zhōng). Among all things of creation,
humans themselves are "central" because they have the ability
to cultivate and centre natural forces.[61]
Li embodies the entire web of interaction between humanity,

human objects, and nature. Confucius includes in his Korean Confucian rite in Jeju
discussions of li such diverse topics as learning, tea drinking,
titles, mourning, and governance. Xunzi cites "songs and
laughter, weeping and lamentation... rice and millet, fish and meat... the wearing of ceremonial
caps, embroidered robes, and patterned silks, or of fasting clothes and mourning clothes...
spacious rooms and secluded halls, soft mats, couches and benches" as vital parts of the fabric of li.
Confucius envisioned proper government being guided by the principles of li. Some Confucians
proposed that all human beings may pursue perfection by learning and practising li. Overall,
Confucians believe that governments should place more emphasis on li and rely much less on
penal punishment when they govern.
Loyalty
Loyalty ( 忠 , zhōng) is particularly relevant for the social class to which most of Confucius's
students belonged, because the most important way for an ambitious young scholar to become a
prominent official was to enter a ruler's civil service.
Confucius himself did not propose that "might makes right", but rather that a superior should be
obeyed because of his moral rectitude. In addition, loyalty does not mean subservience to
authority. This is because reciprocity is demanded from the superior as well. As Confucius stated
"a prince should employ his minister according to the rules of propriety; ministers should serve
their prince with faithfulness (loyalty)."[62]
Similarly, Mencius also said that "when the prince regards his ministers as his hands and feet, his
ministers regard their prince as their belly and heart; when he regards them as his dogs and
horses, they regard him as another man; when he regards them as the ground or as grass, they
regard him as a robber and an enemy."[63] Moreover, Mencius indicated that if the ruler is
incompetent, he should be replaced. If the ruler is evil, then the people have the right to overthrow
him.[64] A good Confucian is also expected to remonstrate with his superiors when necessary.[65]
At the same time, a proper Confucian ruler should also accept his ministers' advice, as this will
help him govern the realm better.
In later ages, however, emphasis was often placed more on the obligations of the ruled to the ruler,
and less on the ruler's obligations to the ruled. Like filial piety, loyalty was often subverted by the
autocratic regimes in China. Nonetheless, throughout the ages, many Confucians continued to
fight against unrighteous superiors and rulers. Many of these Confucians suffered and sometimes
died because of their conviction and action.[66] During the Ming-Qing era, prominent Confucians
such as Wang Yangming promoted individuality and independent thinking as a counterweight to
subservience to authority.[67] The famous thinker Huang Zongxi also strongly criticised the
autocratic nature of the imperial system and wanted to keep imperial power in check.[68]
Many Confucians also realised that loyalty and filial piety have the potential of coming into conflict
with one another. This may be true especially in times of social chaos, such as during the period of
the Ming-Qing transition.[69]
Filial piety
In Confucian philosophy, filial piety ( 孝 , xiào) is a virtue of

respect for one's parents and ancestors, and of the hierarchies
within society: father–son, elder–junior and male–female.[48]
The Confucian classic Xiaojing ("Book of Piety"), thought to be
written around the Qin-Han period, has historically been the
authoritative source on the Confucian tenet of xiào. The book, a
conversation between Confucius and his disciple Zeng Shen, is
about how to set up a good society using the principle of
xiào.[70]
In more general terms, filial piety means to be good to one's

parents; to take care of one's parents; to engage in good
conduct not just towards parents but also outside the home so
as to bring a good name to one's parents and ancestors; to
perform the duties of one's job well so as to obtain the material
means to support parents as well as carry out sacrifices to the Fourteenth of The Twenty-four Filial
ancestors; not be rebellious; show love, respect and support; Exemplars
the wife in filial piety must obey her husband absolutely and
take care of the whole family wholeheartedly. display courtesy;
ensure male heirs, uphold fraternity among brothers; wisely advise one's parents, including
dissuading them from moral unrighteousness, for blindly following the parents' wishes is not
considered to be xiao; display sorrow for their sickness and death; and carry out sacrifices after
their death.
Filial piety is considered a key virtue in Chinese culture, and it is the main concern of a large
number of stories. One of the most famous collections of such stories is "The Twenty-four Filial
Exemplars". These stories depict how children exercised their filial piety in the past. While China
has always had a diversity of religious beliefs, filial piety has been common to almost all of them;
historian Hugh D.R. Baker calls respect for the family the only element common to almost all
Chinese believers.[71]
Relationships
Social harmony results in part from every individual knowing his or her place in the natural order,
and playing his or her part well. Reciprocity or responsibility (renqing) extends beyond filial piety
and involves the entire network of social relations, even the respect for rulers.[48] This is shown in
the story where Duke Jing of Qi asks Confucius about government, by which he meant proper
administration so as to bring social harmony.
齊景公問政於孔子。孔子對曰：君君，臣臣，父父，子子。
The duke Jing, of Qi, asked Confucius about government. Confucius replied, "There is
government, when the prince is prince, and the minister is minister; when the father is
father, and the son is son."
— Analects 12.11 (Legge translation).
Particular duties arise from one's particular situation in relation to others. The individual stands
simultaneously in several different relationships with different people: as a junior in relation to
parents and elders, and as a senior in relation to younger siblings, students, and others. While
juniors are considered in Confucianism to owe their seniors reverence, seniors also have duties of
benevolence and concern toward juniors. The same is true with the husband and wife relationship
where the husband needs to show benevolence towards his wife and the wife needs to respect the
husband in return. This theme of mutuality still exists in East Asian cultures even to this day.
The Five Bonds are: ruler to ruled, father to son, husband to wife, elder brother to younger
brother, friend to friend. Specific duties were prescribed to each of the participants in these sets of
relationships. Such duties are also extended to the dead, where the living stand as sons to their
deceased family. The only relationship where respect for elders is not stressed was the friend to
friend relationship, where mutual equal respect is emphasised instead. All these duties take the
practical form of prescribed rituals, for instance wedding and death rituals.[48]
Junzi
The junzi ( 君子 , jūnzǐ, "lord's son") is a Chinese philosophical term often translated as
"gentleman" or "superior person"[72] and employed by Confucius in the Analects to describe the
ideal man.
In Confucianism, the sage or wise is the ideal personality; however, it is very hard to become one of
them. Confucius created the model of junzi, gentleman, which may be achieved by any individual.
Later, Zhu Xi defined junzi as second only to the sage. There are many characteristics of the junzi:
he may live in poverty, he does more and speaks less, he is loyal, obedient and knowledgeable. The
junzi disciplines himself. Ren is fundamental to become a junzi.[73]
As the potential leader of a nation, a son of the ruler is raised to have a superior ethical and moral
position while gaining inner peace through his virtue. To Confucius, the junzi sustained the
functions of government and social stratification through his ethical values. Despite its literal
meaning, any righteous man willing to improve himself may become a junzi.
On the contrary, the xiaoren (小人, xiăorén, "small or petty person") does not grasp the value of
virtues and seeks only immediate gains. The petty person is egotistic and does not consider the
consequences of his action in the overall scheme of things. Should the ruler be surrounded by
xiaoren as opposed to junzi, his governance and his people will suffer due to their small-mindness.
Examples of such xiaoren individuals may range from those who continually indulge in sensual
and emotional pleasures all day to the politician who is interested merely in power and fame;
neither sincerely aims for the long-term benefit of others.
The junzi enforces his rule over his subjects by acting virtuously himself. It is thought that his pure
virtue would lead others to follow his example. The ultimate goal is that the government behaves
much like a family, the junzi being a beacon of filial piety.
Rectification of names
Confucius believed that social disorder often stemmed from

failure to perceive, understand, and deal with reality.
Fundamentally, then, social disorder may stem from the failure
to call things by their proper names, and his solution to this
was zhèngmíng (正名; zhèngmíng; 'rectification of terms'). He
gave an explanation of zhengming to one of his disciples.
Zi-lu said, "The vassal of Wei has been waiting for Priest paying homage to
you, in order with you to administer the Confucius's tablet, c. 1900
government. What will you consider the first thing
to be done?"
The Master replied, "What is necessary to rectify
names."
"So! indeed!" said Zi-lu. "You are wide off the mark!
Why must there be such rectification?"
The Master said, "How uncultivated you are, Yu!
The superior man [Junzi] cannot care about the
everything, just as he cannot go to check all himself!
If names be not correct, language is not in
accordance with the truth of things.
If language be not in accordance with the truth
of things, affairs cannot be carried on to success.
When affairs cannot be carried on to success,
proprieties and music do not flourish.
When proprieties and music do not flourish,
punishments will not be properly awarded.
When punishments are not properly awarded,
the people do not know how to move hand or foot.
Therefore a superior man considers it necessary
that the names he uses may be spoken
appropriately, and also that what he speaks may be
carried out appropriately. What the superior man
requires is just that in his words there may be
nothing incorrect."
(Analects XIII, 3, tr. Legge)
Xun Zi chapter (22) "On the Rectification of Names" claims the ancient sage-kings chose names
( 名 ; míng) that directly corresponded with actualities ( 實 ; shí), but later generations confused
terminology, coined new nomenclature, and thus could no longer distinguish right from wrong.
Since social harmony is of utmost importance, without the proper rectification of names, society
would essentially crumble and "undertakings [would] not [be] completed."[74]
History
Metaphysical antecedents
According to He Guanghu, Confucianism may be identified as a

continuation of the Shang-Zhou (~1600–256 BCE) official
religion, or the Chinese aboriginal religion which has lasted
uninterrupted for three thousand years.[76] Both the dynasties
worshipped the supreme godhead, called Shangdi ( 上帝
"Highest Deity") or Dì ( 帝 ) by the Shang and Tian ( 天
"Heaven") by the Zhou. Shangdi was conceived as the first The dragon is one of the oldest
ancestor of the Shang royal house,[77] an alternate name for symbols of Chinese religious
him being the "Supreme Progenitor" ( 上甲 Shàngjiǎ).[78] In culture. It symbolises the supreme
Shang theology, the multiplicity of gods of nature and godhead, Di or Tian, at the north
ancestors were viewed as parts of Di, and the four 方 fāng ecliptic pole, around which it coils
("directions" or "sides") and their 風 fēng ("winds") as his itself as the homonymous
cosmic will.[79] With the Zhou dynasty, which overthrew the constellation. It is a symbol of the
Shang, the name for the supreme godhead became Tian ( 天 "protean" supreme power which has
"Heaven").[77] While the Shang identified Shangdi as their in itself both yin and yang.[75]
ancestor-god to assert their claim to power by divine right, the
Zhou transformed this claim into a legitimacy based on moral
power, the Mandate of Heaven. In Zhou theology, Tian had no
singular earthly progeny, but bestowed divine favour on
virtuous rulers. Zhou kings declared that their victory over the
Shang was because they were virtuous and loved their people,
while the Shang were tyrants and thus were deprived of power
by Tian.[3]
John C. Didier and David Pankenier relate the shapes of both

the ancient Chinese characters for Di and Tian to the patterns Birthplaces of notable Chinese
of stars in the northern skies, either drawn, in Didier's theory philosophers of the Hundred
by connecting the constellations bracketing the north celestial Schools of Thought in Zhou
pole as a square, [80] or in Pankenier's theory by connecting dynasty. Confucians are marked by
some of the stars which form the constellations of the Big triangles in dark red.
Dipper and broader Ursa Major, and Ursa Minor (Little
Dipper).[81] Cultures in other parts of the world have also
conceived these stars or constellations as symbols of the origin of things, the supreme godhead,
divinity and royal power.[82] The supreme godhead was also identified with the dragon, symbol of
unlimited power (qi),[77] of the "protean" primordial power which embodies both yin and yang in
unity, associated to the constellation Draco which winds around the north ecliptic pole,[75] and
slithers between the Little and Big Dipper.
Zhou traditions wane
By the 6th century BCE, the power of Tian and the symbols that represented it on earth
(architecture of cities, temples, altars and ritual cauldrons, and the Zhou ritual system) became
"diffuse" and claimed by different potentates in the Zhou states to legitimise economic, political,
and military ambitions. Divine right no longer was an exclusive privilege of the Zhou royal house,
but might be bought by anyone able to afford the elaborate ceremonies and the old and new rites
required to access the authority of Tian.[83]
Besides the waning Zhou ritual system, what may be defined as "wild" ( 野 yě) traditions, or
traditions "outside of the official system", developed as attempts to access the will of Tian. The
population had lost faith in the official tradition, which was no longer perceived as an effective way
to communicate with Heaven. The traditions of the 九野 ("Nine Fields") and of the Yijing
flourished.[84] Chinese thinkers, faced with this challenge to legitimacy, diverged in a "Hundred
Schools of Thought", each proposing its own theories for the reconstruction of the Zhou moral
order.
Confucius (551–479 BCE) appeared in this period of political decadence and spiritual questioning.
He was educated in Shang–Zhou traditions, which he contributed to transmit and reformulate
giving centrality to self-cultivation and agency of humans,[3] and the educational power of the self-
established individual in assisting others to establish themselves (the principle of 愛人 àirén,
"loving others").[85] As the Zhou reign collapsed, traditional values were abandoned resulting in a
period of perceived moral decline. Confucius saw an opportunity to reinforce values of compassion
and tradition into society. Disillusioned with the culture, opposing scholars, and religious
authorities of the time, he began to preach an ethical interpretation of traditional Zhou religion.[14]
In his view, the power of Tian is immanent, and responds positively to the sincere heart driven by
humaneness and rightness, decency and altruism. Confucius conceived these qualities as the
foundation needed to restore socio-political harmony. Like many contemporaries, Confucius saw
ritual practices as efficacious ways to access Tian, but he thought that the crucial knot was the state
of meditation that participants enter prior to engage in the ritual acts.[86] Confucius is said to have
amended and recodified the classical books inherited from the Xia-Shang-Zhou dynasties, and to
have composed the Spring and Autumn Annals.[27]
Confucianism rises
Philosophers in the Warring States period, both "inside the square" (focused on state-endorsed
ritual) and "outside the square" (non-aligned to state ritual) built upon Confucius's legacy,
compiled in the Analects, and formulated the classical metaphysics that became the lash of
Confucianism. In accordance with the Master, they identified mental tranquility as the state of
Tian, or the One ( 一 Yī), which in each individual is the Heaven-bestowed divine power to rule
one's own life and the world. Going beyond the Master, they theorised the oneness of production
and reabsorption into the cosmic source, and the possibility to understand and therefore reattain it
through meditation. This line of thought would have influenced all Chinese individual and
collective-political mystical theories and practices thereafter.[87]
In the Han dynasty, Confucians "incorporated [older] ideas from the" parts of the School of
Naturalists that believed in yin-yang and wuxing (the "Five Agents"), as well as folk superstition
and the prior schools that led up to the School of Naturalists.[88]
In the 460s, Confucianism competed with Chinese Buddhism and "traditional Confucianism" was
"a broad cosmology that was as much about personal ethics as about spiritual beliefs" and had
roots that went back to Confucianist philosophers from over a thousand years before.[89]
Organisation and liturgy

Since the 2000s, there has been a growing identification of the

Chinese intellectual class with Confucianism.[90] In 2003, the
Confucian intellectual Kang Xiaoguang published a manifesto
in which he made four suggestions: Confucian education
should enter official education at any level, from elementary to
high school; the state should establish Confucianism as the
state religion by law; Confucian religion should enter the daily
life of ordinary people through standardisation and
development of doctrines, rituals, organisations, churches and A Temple of the God of Culture (文
activity sites; the Confucian religion should be spread through 庙 wénmiào) in Liuzhou, Guangxi,
non-governmental organisations.[90] Another modern where Confucius is worshiped as
proponent of the institutionalisation of Confucianism in a state Wéndì (文帝), "God of Culture"
church is Jiang Qing.[91]
In 2005, the Center for the Study of Confucian Religion was

established,[90] and guoxue started to be implemented in
public schools on all levels. Being well received by the
population, even Confucian preachers have appeared on
television since 2006.[90] The most enthusiastic New
Confucians proclaim the uniqueness and superiority of
Confucian Chinese culture, and have generated some popular
sentiment against Western cultural influences in China.[90]
The idea of a "Confucian Church" as the state religion of China Temple of the Filial Blessing (孝佑宫
has roots in the thought of Kang Youwei, an exponent of the Xiàoyòugōng), an ancestral temple
early New Confucian search for a regeneration of the social of a lineage church, in Wenzhou,
relevance of Confucianism, at a time when it was de- Zhejiang
institutionalised with the collapse of the Qing dynasty and the
Chinese empire.[92] Kang modeled his ideal "Confucian
Church" after European national Christian churches, as a hierarchic and centralised institution,
closely bound to the state, with local church branches, devoted to the worship and the spread of
the teachings of Confucius.[92]
In contemporary China, the Confucian revival has developed into various interwoven directions:
the proliferation of Confucian schools or academies (shuyuan 书院 ),[91] the resurgence of
Confucian rites (chuántǒng lǐyí 传统礼仪),[91] and the birth of new forms of Confucian activity
on the popular level, such as the Confucian communities (shèqū rúxué 社区儒学). Some scholars
also consider the reconstruction of lineage churches and their ancestral temples, as well as cults
and temples of natural and national gods within broader Chinese traditional religion, as part of the
renewal of Confucianism.[93]
Other forms of revival are salvationist folk religious movements[94] groups with a specifically
Confucian focus, or Confucian churches, for example the Yidan xuetang (一耽学堂) of Beijing,[95]
the Mengmutang (孟母堂) of Shanghai,[96] Confucian Shenism (儒宗神教 Rúzōng Shénjiào) or the
phoenix churches,[97] the Confucian Fellowship ( 儒教道坛 Rújiào Dàotán) in northern Fujian
which has spread rapidly over the years after its foundation,[97] and ancestral temples of the Kong
kin (the lineage of the descendants of Confucius himself) operating as Confucian-teaching
churches.[96]
Also, the Hong Kong Confucian Academy, one of the direct heirs of Kang Youwei's Confucian
Church, has expanded its activities to the mainland, with the construction of statues of Confucius,
Confucian hospitals, restoration of temples and other activities.[98] In 2009, Zhou Beichen
founded another institution which inherits the idea of Kang Youwei's Confucian Church, the Holy
Hall of Confucius ( 孔圣堂 Kǒngshèngtáng) in Shenzhen, affiliated with the Federation of
Confucian Culture of Qufu City.[99][100] It was the first of a nationwide movement of congregations
and civil organisations that was unified in 2015 in the Church of Confucius ( 孔圣会
Kǒngshènghuì). The first spiritual leader of the church is the scholar Jiang Qing, the founder and
manager of the Yangming Confucian Abode (阳明精舍 Yángmíng jīngshě), a Confucian academy
in Guiyang, Guizhou.
Chinese folk religious temples and kinship ancestral shrines may, on peculiar occasions, choose
Confucian liturgy (called 儒 rú or 正统 zhèngtǒng, "orthopraxy") led by Confucian ritual masters
( 礼生 lǐshēng) to worship the gods, instead of Taoist or popular ritual.[13] "Confucian
businessmen" (儒商人 rúshāngrén, also "refined businessman") is a recently rediscovered concept
defining people of the economic-entrepreneurial elite who recognise their social responsibility and
therefore apply Confucian culture to their business.[101]
Confucianists historically tried to proselytize to others,[102] although this is rarely done in modern
times. They also fought wars to enforce the belief system on others and enforce specific versions of
it,[102][103] possibly some of the first in religious history done by factions who believed only a
single divine being was the primary force driving the world. Modern Confucianism is the
descendant of movements that greatly changed how they practiced the teachings of Confucius and
his disciples from previous orthodox teachings.[18]
Governance
子曰：為政以德，譬如北辰，居其所而眾星共
之。
The Master said, "He who exercises government by
means of his virtue may be compared to the north
polar star, which keeps its place and all the stars
turn towards it."
Yushima Seidō in Bunkyō, Tokyo,
Japan
A key Confucian concept is that in order to govern others one
must first govern oneself according to the universal order.
When actual, the king's personal virtue ( 德 ; dé) spreads beneficent influence throughout the
kingdom. This idea is developed further in the Great Learning, and is tightly linked with the Taoist
concept of wu wei: the less the king does, the more gets done. By being the "calm center" around
which the kingdom turns, the king allows everything to function smoothly and avoids having to
tamper with the individual parts of the whole.
This idea may be traced back to the ancient shamanic beliefs of the king being the axle between the
sky, human beings, and the Earth. The emperors of China were considered agents of Heaven,
endowed with the Mandate of Heaven,[104] one of the most vital concepts in imperial-era political
theory. Some Confucianists believed they held the power to define the hierarchy of divinities, by
bestowing titles upon mountains, rivers and dead people, acknowledging them as powerful and
therefore establishing their cults.[105]
Confucianism, despite supporting the importance of obeying national authority, places this
obedience under absolute moral principles that curbed the willful exercise of power, rather than
being unconditional. Submission to authority was only taken within the context of the moral
obligations that rulers had toward their subjects, in particular benevolence (仁; rén). Confucians—
including the most pro-authoritarian scholars such as Xunzi—have always recognised the right of
revolution against tyranny.[106]
Meritocracy
子曰：有教無類。
The Master said: "In teaching, there should be no distinction of classes."
Although Confucius claimed that he never invented anything but was only transmitting ancient
knowledge (Analects 7.1), he did produce a number of new ideas. Many European and American
admirers such as Voltaire and Herrlee G. Creel point to the revolutionary idea of replacing nobility
of blood with nobility of virtue.[107] Jūnzǐ (君子, lit. "lord's son"), which originally signified the
younger, non-inheriting, offspring of a noble, became, in Confucius's work, an epithet having
much the same meaning and evolution as the English "gentleman".
A virtuous commoner who cultivates his qualities may be a "gentleman", while a shameless son of
the king is only a "petty person". That Confucius admitted students of different classes as disciples
is a clear demonstration that he fought against the feudal structures that defined pre-imperial
Chinese society.[108]
Another new idea, that of meritocracy, led to the introduction of the imperial examination system
in China. This system allowed anyone who passed an examination to become a government officer,
a position which would bring wealth and honour to the whole family. The Chinese imperial
examination system started in the Sui dynasty. Over the following centuries the system grew until
finally almost anyone who wished to become an official had to prove his worth by passing a set of
written government examinations.[109]
Confucian political meritocracy is not merely a historical phenomenon. The practice of

meritocracy still exists across China and East Asia today, and a wide range of contemporary
intellectuals—from Daniel Bell to Tongdong Bai, Joseph Chan, and Jiang Qing—defend political
meritocracy as a viable alternative to liberal democracy.[110]
In Just Hierarchy, Daniel Bell and Wang Pei argue that hierarchies are inevitable.[111] Faced with
ever-increasing complexity at scale, modern societies must build hierarchies to coordinate
collective action and tackle long-term problems such as climate change. In this context, people
need not—and should not—want to flatten hierarchies as much as possible. They ought to ask what
makes political hierarchies just and use these criteria to decide the institutions that deserve
preservation, those that require reform, and those that need radical transformation. They call this
approach "progressive conservatism", a term that reflects the ambiguous place of the Confucian
tradition within the Left-Right dichotomy.[111]: 8–21
Bell and Wang propose two justifications for political hierarchies that do not depend on a "one
person, one vote" system. First is raw efficiency, which may require centralized rule in the hands of
the competent few. Second, and most important, is serving the interests of the people (and the
common good more broadly).[111]: 66–93 In Against Political Equality, Tongdong Bai complements
this account by using a proto-Rawlsian "political difference principle". Just as Rawls claims that
economic inequality is justified so long as it benefits those at the bottom of the socioeconomic
ladder, so Bai argues that political inequality is justified so long as it benefits those materially
worse off.[112]: 102–106
Bell, Wang, and Bai all criticize liberal democracy to argue that government by the people may not
be government for the people in any meaningful sense of the term. They argue that voters tend to
act in irrational, tribal, short-termist ways; they are vulnerable to populism and struggle to
account for the interests of future generations. In other words, at a minimum, democracy needs
Confucian meritocratic checks.[112]: 32–47
In The China Model, Bell argues that Confucian political meritocracy provides—and has provided
—a blueprint for China's development.[113] For Bell, the ideal according to which China should
reform itself (and has reformed itself) follows a simple structure: Aspiring rulers first pass hyper-
selective examinations, then have to rule well at the local level to be promoted to positions as the
provincial level, then have to excel at the provincial level to access positions at the national level,
and so on.[113]: 151–179 This system aligns with what Harvard historian James Hankins calls "virtue
politics", or the idea that institutions should be built to select the most competent and virtuous
rulers—as opposed to institutions concerned first and foremost with limiting the power of
rulers.[114]
While contemporary defenders of Confucian political meritocracy all accept this broad frame, they
disagree with each other on three main questions: institutional design, the means by which
meritocrats are promoted, and the compatibility of Confucian political meritocracy with
liberalism.
Institutional design
Bell and Wang favour a system in which officials at the local level are democratically elected and
higher-level officials are promoted by peers.[111]: 66–93 As Bell puts it, he defends "democracy at the
bottom, experimentation in the middle, and meritocracy at the top."[113]: 151–179 Bell and Wang
argue that this combination conserves the main advantages of democracy—involving the people in
public affairs at the local level, strengthening the legitimacy of the system, forcing some degree of
direct accountability, etc.—while preserving the broader meritocratic character of the regime.
Jiang Qing, by contrast, imagines a tricameral government with one chamber selected by the
people (the House of the Commoners 庶民院), one chamber composed of Confucian meritocrats
selected via examination and gradual promotion (the House of Confucian Tradition 通儒院), and
one body made up of descendants of Confucius himself (The House of National Essence 國體
院).[115] Jiang's aim is to construct a legitimacy that will go beyond what he sees as the atomistic,
individualist, and utilitarian ethos of modern democracies and ground authority in something
sacred and traditional. While Jiang's model is closer to an ideal theory than Bell's proposals, it
represents a more traditionalist alternative.
Tongdong Bai presents an in-between solution by proposing a two-tiered bicameral

system.[112]: 52–110 At the local level, as with Bell, Bai advocates Deweyan participatory democracy.
At the national level, Bai proposes two chambers: one of meritocrats (selected by examination, by
examination and promotion, from leaders in certain professional fields, etc.), and one of
representatives elected by the people. While the lower house does not have any legislative power
per se, it acts as a popular accountability mechanism by championing the people and putting
pressure on the upper house. More generally, Bai argues that his model marries the best of
meritocracy and democracy. Following Dewey's account of democracy as a way of life, he points to
the participatory features of his local model: citizens still get to have a democratic lifestyle,
participate in political affairs, and be educated as "democratic men". Similarly, the lower house
allows citizens to be represented, have a voice in public affairs (albeit a weak one), and ensure
accountability. Meanwhile, the meritocratic house preserves competence, statesmanship, and
Confucian virtues.
Promotion system
Defenders of Confucian political meritocracy all champion a system in which rulers are selected on
the basis of intellect, social skills, and virtue. Bell proposes a model wherein aspiring meritocrats
take hyper-selective exams and prove themselves at the local levels of government before reaching
the higher levels of government, where they hold more centralized power.[113]: 151–179 In his
account, the exams select for intellect and other virtues—for instance, the ability to argue three
different viewpoints on a contentious issue may indicate a certain degree of openness.[113]: 63–110
Tongdong Bai's approach incorporates different ways to select members of the meritocratic house,
from exams to performance in various fields—business, science, administration, and so on. In
every case, Confucian meritocrats draw on China's extensive history of meritocratic administration
to outline the pros and cons of competing methods of selection.[112]: 67–97
For those who, like Bell, defend a model in which performance at the local levels of government
determines future promotion, an important question is how the system judges who "performs
best". In other words, while examinations may ensure that early-career officials are competent and
educated, how is it thereafter ensured that only those who rule well get promoted? The literature
opposes those who prefer evaluation by peers to evaluation by superiors, with some thinkers
including quasi-democratic selection mechanisms along the way. Bell and Wang favour a system in
which officials at the local level are democratically elected and higher-level officials are promoted
by peers.[111]: 84–106 Because they believe that promotion should depend upon peer evaluations
only, Bell and Wang argue against transparency—i.e. the public should not know how officials are
selected, since ordinary people are in no position to judge officials beyond the local level.[111]: 76–78
Others, like Jiang Qing, defend a model in which superiors decide who gets promoted; this method
is in line with more traditionalist strands of Confucian political thought, which place a greater
emphasis on strict hierarchies and epistemic paternalism—that is, the idea that older and more
experienced people know more.[115]: 27–44
Compatibility with liberalism and democracy, and critique of political

meritocracy
Another key question is whether Confucian political thought is compatible with liberalism.
Tongdong Bai, for instance, argues that while Confucian political thought departs from the "one
person, one vote" model, it can conserve many of the essential characteristics of liberalism, such as
freedom of speech and individual rights.[112]: 97–110 In fact, both Daniel Bell and Tongdong Bai
hold that Confucian political meritocracy can tackle challenges that liberalism wants to tackle, but
cannot by itself. At the cultural level, for instance, Confucianism, its institutions, and its rituals
offer bulwarks against atomization and individualism. At the political level, the non-democratic
side of political meritocracy is—for Bell and Bai—more efficient at addressing long-term questions
such as climate change, in part because the meritocrats do not have to worry about the whims of
public opinion.[113]: 14–63
Joseph Chan defends the compatibility of Confucianism with both liberalism and democracy. In
his book Confucian Perfectionism, he argues that Confucians can embrace both democracy and
liberalism on instrumental grounds; that is, while liberal democracy may not be valuable for its
own sake, its institutions remains valuable—particularly when combined with a broadly Confucian
culture—to serve Confucian ends and inculcate Confucian virtues.[116]
Other Confucians have criticized Confucian meritocrats like Bell for their rejection of democracy.
For them, Confucianism does not have to be premised on the assumption that meritorious,
virtuous political leadership is inherently incompatible with popular sovereignty, political equality
and the right to political participation.[117] These thinkers accuse the meritocrats of overestimating
the flaws of democracy, mistaking temporary flaws for permanent and inherent features, and
underestimating the challenges that the construction of a true political meritocracy poses in
practice—including those faced by contemporary China and Singapore.[118] Franz Mang claims
that, when decoupled from democracy, meritocracy tends to deteriorate into an oppressive regime
under putatively "meritorious" but actually "authoritarian" rulers; Mang accuses Bell's China
model of being self-defeating, as—Mang claims—the CCP's authoritarian modes of engagement
with the dissenting voices illustrate.[119] He Baogang and Mark Warren add that "meritocracy"
should be understood as a concept describing a regime's character rather than its type, which is
determined by distribution of political power—on their view, democratic institutions can be built
which are meritocratic insofar as they favour competence.[120]
Roy Tseng, drawing on the New Confucians of the twentieth century, argues that Confucianism
and liberal democracy can enter into a dialectical process, in which liberal rights and voting rights
are rethought into resolutely modern, but nonetheless Confucian ways of life.[121] This synthesis,
blending Confucians rituals and institutions with a broader liberal democratic frame, is distinct
from both Western-style liberalism—which, for Tseng, suffers from excessive individualism and a
lack of moral vision—and from traditional Confucianism—which, for Tseng, has historically
suffered from rigid hierarchies and sclerotic elites. Against defenders of political meritocracy,
Tseng claims that the fusion of Confucian and democratic institutions can conserve the best of
both worlds, producing a more communal democracy which draws on a rich ethical tradition,
addresses abuses of power, and combines popular accountability with a clear attention to the
cultivation of virtue in elites.
Influence
In 17th-century Europe
The works of Confucius were translated into European

languages through the agency of Jesuit missionaries stationed
in China.[note 2] Matteo Ricci was among the very earliest to
report on the thoughts of Confucius, and father Prospero
Intorcetta wrote about the life and works of Confucius in Latin
in 1687.[122]
Translations of Confucian texts influenced European thinkers

of the period,[123] particularly among the Deists and other
philosophical groups of the Enlightenment who were interested Life and Works of Confucius, by
by the integration of the system of morality of Confucius into Prospero Intorcetta, 1687
Western civilization.[122][124]
Confucianism influenced the German philosopher Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz, who was attracted to
the philosophy because of its perceived similarity to his own. It is postulated that certain elements
of Leibniz's philosophy, such as "simple substance" and "Pre-established harmony", were
borrowed from his interactions with Confucianism.[123]
The French philosopher Voltaire, Leibniz's intellectual rival, was also influenced by Confucius,
seeing the concept of Confucian rationalism as an alternative to Christian dogma.[125] He praised
Confucian ethics and politics, portraying the sociopolitical hierarchy of China as a model for
Europe.[125]
Confucius has no interest in falsehood; he did not pretend to be prophet; he claimed no

inspiration; he taught no new religion; he used no delusions; flattered not the emperor
under whom he lived...
— Voltaire[125]
On Islamic thought
From the late 17th century onwards a whole body of literature known as the Han Kitab developed
amongst the Hui Muslims of China who infused Islamic thought with Confucianism. Especially the
works of Liu Zhi such as Tiānfāng Diǎnlǐ (天方典禮) sought to harmonise Islam with not only
Confucianism but also with Taoism and is considered to be one of the crowning achievements of
the Chinese Islamic culture.[126]
In modern times
Important military and political figures in modern Chinese history continued to be influenced by
Confucianism, like the Muslim warlord Ma Fuxiang.[127] The New Life Movement in the early 20th
century was also influenced by Confucianism.
Referred to variously as the Confucian hypothesis and as a debated component of the more all-
encompassing Asian Development Model, there exists among political scientists and economists a
theory that Confucianism plays a large latent role in the ostensibly non-Confucian cultures of
modern-day East Asia, in the form of the rigorous work ethic it endowed those cultures with.
These scholars have held that, if not for Confucianism's influence on these cultures, many of the
people of the East Asia region would not have been able to modernise and industrialise as quickly
as Singapore, Malaysia, Hong Kong, Taiwan, Japan, South Korea and even China have done.
For example, the impact of the Vietnam War on Vietnam was devastating, but over the last few
decades Vietnam has been re-developing in a very fast pace. Most scholars attribute the origins of
this idea to futurologist Herman Kahn's World Economic Development: 1979 and Beyond.[128]
Other studies, for example Cristobal Kay's Why East Asia Overtook Latin America: Agrarian
Reform, Industrialization, and Development, have attributed the Asian growth to other factors,
for example the character of agrarian reforms, "state-craft" (state capacity), and interaction
between agriculture and industry.[129]
Historical and current Confucianists were/are often environmentalists[17] out of their respect for
Tiān and the other aspects of nature and the "Principle" that comes from their unity and, more
generally, harmony as a whole, which is "the basis for a sincere mind."[130]
On Chinese martial arts
After Confucianism had become the official 'state religion' in China, its influence penetrated all
walks of life and all streams of thought in Chinese society for the generations to come. This did not
exclude martial arts culture. Though in his own day, Confucius had rejected the practice of Martial
Arts (with the exception of Archery), he did serve under rulers who used military power
extensively to achieve their goals. In later centuries, Confucianism heavily influenced many
educated martial artists of great influence, such as Sun Lutang, especially from the 19th century
onwards, when bare-handed martial arts in China became more widespread and had begun to
more readily absorb philosophical influences from Confucianism, Buddhism and Daoism. Some
argue therefore that despite Confucius's disdain with martial culture, his teachings became of
much relevance to it.
Criticism
Confucius and Confucianism were opposed or criticised from the start, including Laozi's
philosophy and Mozi's critique, and Legalists such as Han Fei ridiculed the idea that virtue would
lead people to be orderly. In modern times, waves of opposition and vilification showed that
Confucianism, instead of taking credit for the glories of Chinese civilisation, now had to take blame
for its failures. The Taiping Rebellion described Confucianism sages as well as gods in Taoism and
Buddhism as devils.
Contradiction with modernist values
In the New Culture Movement, Lu Xun criticised Confucianism for shaping Chinese people into
the condition they had reached by the late Qing dynasty: his criticisms are expressed
metaphorically in the work "Diary of a Madman", in which traditional Chinese Confucian society is
portrayed as feudalistic, hypocritical, socially cannibalistic, despotic, fostering a "slave mentality"
favouring despotism, lack of critical thinking and blind obedience and worship of authority,
fuelling a form of "Confucian authoritarianism" which persists into the present day.[131] Leftists
during the Cultural Revolution described Confucius as the representative of the class of slave
owners.
In South Korea, there has long been criticism. Some South Koreans believe Confucianism has not
contributed to the modernisation of South Korea. For example, South Korean writer Kim Kyong-il
wrote an essay entitled "Confucius Must Die For the Nation to Live" (공자가 죽어야 나라가 산다,
gongjaga jug-eoya naraga sanda). Kim said that filial piety is one-sided and blind, and if it
continues, social problems will continue as government keeps forcing Confucian filial obligations
onto families.[132][133]
Women in Confucian thought
Confucianism "largely defined the mainstream discourse on gender in China from the Han dynasty
onward."[134] The gender roles prescribed in the Three Obediences and Four Virtues became a
cornerstone of the family, and thus, societal stability. The Three Obediences and Four Virtues is
one of the moral standards for feudal etiquette to bind women.[135] Starting from the Han period,
Confucians began to teach that a virtuous woman was supposed to follow the males in her family:
the father before her marriage, the husband after she marries, and her sons in widowhood. In the
later dynasties, more emphasis was placed on the virtue of chastity. The Song dynasty Confucian
Cheng Yi stated that: "To starve to death is a small matter, but to lose one's chastity is a great
matter."[136] Chaste widows were revered and memorialised during the Ming and Qing periods.
This "cult of chastity" accordingly condemned many widows to poverty and loneliness by placing a
social stigma on remarriage.[134]
For years, many modern scholars have regarded Confucianism as a sexist, patriarchal ideology that
was historically damaging to Chinese women.[135][137]: 15–16 It has also been argued by some
Chinese and Western writers that the rise of neo-Confucianism during the Song dynasty had led to
a decline of status of women.[136]: 10–12 Some critics have also accused the prominent Song neo-
Confucian scholar Zhu Xi for believing in the inferiority of women and that men and women need
to be kept strictly separate,[138] while Sima Guang also believed that women should remain
indoors and not deal with the matters of men in the outside world.[136]: 24–25 [139] Finally, scholars
have discussed the attitudes toward women in Confucian texts such as Analects. In a much-
discussed passage, women are grouped together with xiaoren ( 小人 , literally "small people",
meaning people of low status or low moral) and described as being difficult to cultivate or deal
with.[140] Many traditional commentators and modern scholars have debated over the precise
meaning of the passage, and whether Confucius referred to all women or just certain groups of
women.[141][142]
Further analysis suggests, however, that women's place in Confucian society may be more
complex.[134] During the Han dynasty period, the influential Confucian text Lessons for Women
(Nüjie), was written by Ban Zhao (45–114 CE) to instruct her daughters how to be proper
Confucian wives and mothers, that is, to be silent, hard-working, and compliant. She stresses the
complementarity and equal importance of the male and female roles according to yin-yang theory,
but she clearly accepts the dominance of the male. However, she does present education and
literary power as important for women. In later dynasties, a number of women took advantage of
the Confucian acknowledgment of education to become independent in thought.[134]
Joseph A. Adler points out that "Neo-Confucian writings do not necessarily reflect either the
prevailing social practices or the scholars' own attitudes and practices in regard to actual
women."[134] Matthew Sommers has also indicated that the Qing dynasty government began to
realise the utopian nature of enforcing the "cult of chastity" and began to allow practices such as
widow remarrying to stand.[143] Moreover, some Confucian texts like Dong Zhongshu's Chunqiu
Fanlu 春秋繁露 have passages that suggest a more equal relationship between a husband and his
wife.[144] More recently, some scholars have also begun to discuss the viability of constructing a
"Confucian feminism".[137]: 4, 149–160
Catholic controversy over Chinese rites

Ever since Europeans first encountered Confucianism, the issue of how Confucianism should be
classified has been subject to debate. In the 16th and the 17th centuries, the earliest European
arrivals in China, the Christian Jesuits, considered Confucianism to be an ethical system, not a
religion, and one that was compatible with Christianity.[145] The Jesuits, including Matteo Ricci,
saw Chinese rituals as "civil rituals" that could co-exist alongside the spiritual rituals of
Catholicism.[145]
By the early 18th century, this initial portrayal was rejected by the Dominicans and Franciscans,
creating a dispute among Catholics in East Asia that was known as the "Rites Controversy".[146]
The Dominicans and Franciscans argued that Chinese ancestral worship was a form of idolatry
that was contradictory to the tenets of Christianity. This view was reinforced by Pope Benedict
XIV, who ordered a ban on Chinese rituals,[146] though this ban was re-assessed and repealed in
1939 by Pope Pius XII, provided that such traditions harmonize with the true and authentic spirit
of the liturgy.[147]
Some critics view Confucianism as definitely pantheistic and nontheistic, in that it is not based on
the belief in the supernatural or in a personal god existing separate from the temporal
plane.[8][148] Confucius views about Tiān 天 and about the divine providence ruling the world, can
be found above (in this page) and in Analects 6:26, 7:22, and 9:12, for example. On spirituality,
Confucius said to Chi Lu, one of his students: "You are not yet able to serve men, how can you
serve spirits?"[149] Attributes such as ancestor worship, ritual, and sacrifice were advocated by
Confucius as necessary for social harmony; these attributes may be traced to the traditional
Chinese folk religion.
Scholars recognise that classification ultimately depends on how one defines religion. Using
stricter definitions of religion, Confucianism has been described as a moral science or
philosophy.[150][151] But using a broader definition, such as Frederick Streng's characterisation of
religion as "a means of ultimate transformation",[152] Confucianism could be described as a
"sociopolitical doctrine having religious qualities."[148] With the latter definition, Confucianism is
religious, even if non-theistic, in the sense that it "performs some of the basic psycho-social
functions of full-fledged religions."[148]
See also
Chinese culture Korean shamanism
Chinese folk religion Neo-Confucianism
Confucian art Radical orthodoxy
Confucian church Religious Confucianism
Confucian view of marriage Religious humanism
Confucianism in Indonesia Sinology
Confucianism in the United States Taoism
Confucius Institute Temple of Confucius
Edo Neo-Confucianism Vietnamese folk religion
Family as a model for the state Vietnamese philosophy
Korean Confucianism List of Confucian states and dynasties
Notes
1. Whether centred in the changeful precessional north celestial pole or in the fixed north ecliptic
pole, the spinning constellations draw the wàn 卍 symbol around the centre.
2. The first was Michele Ruggieri who had returned from China to Italy in 1588, and carried on
translating in Latin Chinese classics, while residing in Salerno.
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12 March 2022.
2. Yao 2000, pp. 38–47
3. Fung (2008), p. 163.
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5. Fingarette (1972), pp. 1–2.
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"... humanist philosophies such as Confucianism, which do not share a belief in divine law and
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7. Fingarette (1972).
8. Adler (2014), p. 12.
9. Littlejohn (2010), pp. 34–36.
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characteristics that overlap the category of deity, it is primarily an impersonal absolute, like
dao and Brahman. "Deity" (theos, deus), on the other hand connotes something personal
(he or she, not it)."
Quote, p. 12: "Confucianism deconstructs the sacred-profane dichotomy; it asserts that
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anchorage in Heaven (tiān 天). Herbert Fingarette captured this essential feature of
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dualistic relationship between sacred and profane and to use this as a criterion of religion is
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13. Clart (2003), pp. 3–5.
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61. Feuchtwang (2016), p. 150.
62. The Analects : Ba Yi (http://ctext.org/analects/ba-yi). {{cite book}}: |work= ignored (help)
63. Mengzi : Li Lou II (http://ctext.org/mengzi/li-lou-ii). {{cite book}}: |work= ignored (help)
64. Liang Hui Wang xia 梁惠王下 (http://ctext.org/mengzi/liang-hui-wang-ii/zh?en=on) – via
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66. Example: Hai Rui 海瑞 in the Ming dynasty, Yuan Chang 袁昶 in the Qing and so forth.
67. Wang Yangming, Instructions for Practical Living and Other Neo-Confucian Writings by Wang
Yang-Ming, Wing-tsit Chan tran. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1963), 159.
68. William Theodore De Bary, Waiting for the Dawn: A Plan for the Prince (New York: Columbia
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69. See the discussion in 何冠彪 He Guanbiao, 生與死 : 明季士大夫的抉擇 (Taipei: Lianjing
Chuban Shiye Gongsi, 1997).
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72. Sometimes "exemplary person." Roger T. Ames and Henry Rosemont, Jr., The Analects of
Confucius: A Philosophical Translation. Paul Goldin translates it "noble man" in an attempt to
capture both its early political and later moral meaning. Cf. "Confucian Key Terms: Junzi (http://
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74. Taylor, Rodney L.; Choy, Howard Y.F. (2004). The Illustrated Encyclopedia of Confucianism.
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75. Pankenier (2013), p. 55.
76. Chen (2012), p. 105, note 45.
77. Libbrecht (2007), p. 43.
78. Didier (2009), pp. 227–228, Vol. II.
79. Didier (2009), pp. 143–144, Vol. II.
80. Didier (2009), p. 103, Vol. II.
81. Pankenier (2013), pp. 138–148, "Chapter 4: Bringing Heaven Down to Earth".
82. Didier (2009), passim Vol. I.
83. Didier (2009), pp. xxxvi–xxxvii, Vol. I.
84. Didier (2009), pp. xxxvii–xxxviii, Vol. I.
85. Zhou (2012), p. 2.
86. Didier (2009), p. xxxviii, Vol. I.
87. Didier (2009), pp. xxxviii–xxxix, Vol. I.
88. Willard Gurdon Oxtoby, ed. (2002). World Religions: Eastern Traditions (2nd ed.). Don Mills,
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91. Chen (2012), p. 175.
92. Chen (2012), p. 174.
93. Fan & Chen (2015a), p. 7.
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Translations of texts attributed to Confucius

Analects (Lun Yu)

Confucian Analects (http://www.sacred-texts.com/cfu/conf1.htm) (1893) Translated by James
Legge.
The Analects of Confucius (1915; rpr. NY: Paragon, 1968). Translated by William Edward
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Press, 1992). Translated by D.C. Lau.
The Analects of Confucius (Lun Yu) (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997). Translated by
Chichung Huang.
The Analects of Confucius (New York: W.W. Norton, 1997). Translated by Simon Leys.
Analects: With Selections from Traditional Commentaries (Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing,
2003). Translated by Edward Slingerland.
External links
"Confucius" (http://www.iep.utm.edu/confuciu). Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy.
"Neo-Confucian Philosophy" (http://www.iep.utm.edu/neo-conf). Internet Encyclopedia of
Philosophy.
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us/#ConPol/)
Interfaith Online: Confucianism (https://web.archive.org/web/20150619113741/http://www.interf
aith.org/confucianism/)
Confucian Documents (http://www.sacred-texts.com/cfu/index.htm) at the Internet Sacred
Texts Archive.
Oriental Philosophy, "Topic:Confucianism" (http://philosophy.lander.edu/oriental/confucism.htm
l)
Institutional
China Confucian Philosophy (http://www.rujiazg.com/)

China Confucian Religion (https://web.archive.org/web/20150814223204/http://www.rjzg.net/)
China Kongzi Network (http://www.chinakongzi.org/)
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29/08/2023, 15:20 Confucianism - Wikipedia

Confucianism, also known as Ruism or Ru classicism,[1]

sacred,[8] because they are the expression of humanity's moral Kanji 儒教

In religious Confucianism, liturgy (called 儒 rú, or

Large seal Small seal

儒家; Rújiā – "ru school of thought";

Five Classics (五經, Wǔjīng) and the Confucian vision

Traditionally, Confucius was thought to be the author or editor

Theory and theology

According to the scholar Stephan Feuchtwang, in Chinese cosmology,

Tiān and the gods

Zigong, a disciple of Confucius, said that Tiān had set the

Regarding personal gods (shén, energies who emanate from

Social morality and ethics

As explained by Stephan Feuchtwang, the order coming from

Confucian ethical codes are described as humanistic.[6] They

Rén (仁, benevolence, humaneness);

These are accompanied by the classical Sìzì (四字), that singles

Rite and centring

Li ( 礼 ; 禮 ) is a classical Chinese word which finds its most

Li embodies the entire web of interaction between humanity,

In Confucian philosophy, filial piety ( 孝 , xiào) is a virtue of

In more general terms, filial piety means to be good to one's

— Analects 12.11 (Legge translation).

Confucius believed that social disorder often stemmed from

According to He Guanghu, Confucianism may be identified as a

John C. Didier and David Pankenier relate the shapes of both

Zhou traditions wane

Organisation and liturgy

Since the 2000s, there has been a growing identification of the

In 2005, the Center for the Study of Confucian Religion was

— Analects 15.39 (Legge translation).

Confucian political meritocracy is not merely a historical phenomenon. The practice of

Tongdong Bai presents an in-between solution by proposing a two-tiered bicameral

Compatibility with liberalism and democracy, and critique of political

The works of Confucius were translated into European

Translations of Confucian texts influenced European thinkers

Confucius has no interest in falsehood; he did not pretend to be prophet; he claimed no

On Chinese martial arts

Contradiction with modernist values

Women in Confucian thought

Catholic controversy over Chinese rites

11. "Confucianism" (https://education.nationalgeographic.org/resource/confucianism). National

28. Littlejohn, Ronnie. "Wuxing (Wu-hsing)" (https://iep.utm.edu/wuxing/). Internet Encyclopedia of

73. Yang Tianshi (杨天石) (2005). "君子 – 儒学的理想人格" (https://web.archive.org/web/20150418

104. "Tianming" (https://www.britannica.com/topic/tianming). Encyclopedia Britannica. 2008.

Berkeley. Archived (https://web.archive.org/web/20220123231845/https://www2.kenyon.edu/D

Fung Yiu-ming (2008). "Problematizing Contemporary Confucianism in East Asia". In Richey,

Translations of texts attributed to Confucius

Analects (Lun Yu)

China Confucian Philosophy (http://www.rujiazg.com/)

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