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Immigrants Increase the Crime Rates by Sexual Orientation

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Immigrants Increase the Crime Rates by Sexual Orientation

Immigration in the United States is a divisive public policy problem. Security, as well as
protection reasons deeply frame this discussion. According to Ousey & Kubrin (2009), one side
of the immigration debate promotes restraining immigration policy founded partly on the
argument that more immigration causes an increased crime rate. However, the other side rejects
that opinion claiming that the restraining immigration rule backgrounds lie more in the wrong
and racist stereotypes. This paper argues that immigrants increase the crime rates by sexual
orientation.
According to INTERNATIONAL JUSTICE RESOURCE CENTER (IJRC) website,
humans have gender identity as well as a sexual orientation (IJRC, n.d). Sexual orientation,
according to the IJRC website, is an individual’s “emotional, affectional and sexual attraction to
people of a “the same gender or different gender or more than one gender.” Terms such as
bisexual, heterosexuality, bisexuality, gay, homosexuality, and lesbian refer to a person’s sexual
orientation. Local and international human rights agreements defend all individuals irrespective
of their sexual orientation. The Human Rights’ Universal Declaration clarifies this basic modern
human rights principle, declaring (IJRC, n.d). Every person is born equivalent and free in
privileges and dignity. However, homophobic attitudes, lack of hate crimes protection or
investigation and other crimes, and inadequate lawful safety at the national level frequently avert
“lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex (LGBTI)” individuals from completely
“enjoying their human rights” (IJRC, n.d).
Civil society and international human rights organizations have embraced decisive
measures to sensitize consciousness regarding the issues facing the lesbian, gay, bisexual,
transgender, and intersex groups and endorse change. Nevertheless, aggression toward sexual
minority groups has led to regulations forbidding homosexuality, universal discrimination by
private and governmental players, and hostility against lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and
intersex members. Therefore, it is evident that immigrants increase the crime rates by sexual
orientation since the LGBTI community members are less protected by the law. Thus, public
members may take advantage of such immigrants resulting in increased crime rates. The
perseverance of deeds, including the transgender individuals’ forced search, the execution of
people alleged to be homosexual, as well as the lesbian’s "corrective rape," portrays the necessity
for vast improvements in the safeguard and implementation of LGBTI individuals’ rights (IJRC,
n.d).
As IJRC website argue, since this is a growing worldwide human rights regulation area,
imminent verdicts by law courts and the rest of the entities on LGBTI rights might change the
degree, application, or interpretation of global lawful protections. No global human rights
agreement more so defends the rights of LGBTI persons, and this supports my thesis that
immigrants increase the crime rates by sexual orientation. Nevertheless, the lack of a specialized
convention never entails that sexual minorities’ human rights are never defended under global
human rights rule (IJRC, n.d). Human rights entities listen to claims about the defilement of
LGBTI individuals’ rights. Nevertheless, they have never consistently tackled all the LGBTI
individuals’ human rights, and they have not completely enlarged all the similar safeties to
“sexual minorities as they have” done to the rest (IJRC, n.d). This part of the regulation is
growing, and as it advances, human rights organizations have become progressively defensive of
LGBTI individuals’ rights. Besides, worldwide human rights regulation has been translated to
allow States to discriminate against sexual minorities in several conditions.
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Some of the current developments in the LGBTI rights’ acknowledgment are policy
positions and ambitious declarations undertaken by political as well as intergovernmental
establishments. Unlike the monitoring bodies and independent human rights law court’s choices
and authorized clarifications, these results are universally not compulsory for States.
Nevertheless, they echo political will to acknowledge the LGBTI individuals’ rights and might
be useful in comprehending how human rights morals might relate to the rights violations
frequently encountered by sexual minorities (IJRC, n.d). Furthermore, different human rights
institutions in the regional intergovernmental bodies and the United Nations (UN) have carried
out measures to regulate sexual orientation matters closely and to direct States in advancing
“respect for LGBTI individuals’ rights” (IJRC, n.d).
There are wide-ranging theoretical grounds to trust that immigration might influence
social life means, amplifying or lowering crime rates within geographic regions. Numerous
sociological concepts maintain that increased immigration levels into a region might intensify
crime rates (Ousey & Kubrin, 2009). One concept asserts that immigration increases crime by
sexual orientation since it raises the inhabitants to share a crime-prone demographic profile,
including the adolescent and young adult life course years. Another argument entrenched within
the social disorganization model argues that immigration is an influential source of
transformation, interrupting society's crime and social control. By growing the racially diverse
individuals’ flow into a society, immigration leads to amplified “residential population
heterogeneity together with instability rates” (Ousey & Kubrin, 2009). Heterogeneity and
instability hamper the establishment of common values and social ties required for successive
informal crime social management.
Another collection of models maintains that higher crime rates happen since immigration
rises economic competition as well as deprivation within local labor marketplaces (Ousey &
Kubrin, 2009). For instance, to the degree that immigration intensifies the low-skill workforce
pool in America, it might amplify the scramble for limited job opportunities and heighten
joblessness and poverty levels for non-immigrants and immigrants. According to the authors,
these economic tensions might rise intergroup war, create hostility in a typical community, and
amplify drives for criminal activities, thus, heightening other criminality forms comprising
violence. Even though “a great deal of the immigration–drug” marketplace association seems to
be motivated by stereotype, immigrants without stable sources of income could be influenced
into prohibited marketplace chances, including the drug activities for monetary motives.
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Figure 1: This chart shows how immigrants increase crime rate by sexual orientation

In mid-2015, when referring to immigrants, Donald Trump said that "they’re not sending
you. They’re sending individuals who have lots of issues, and they’re bringing those issues with
us. They’re bringing drugs. They’re bringing crime. They’re rapists. And some, I assume, are
good individuals” (Adelman et al., 2017). According to this quote, Donald trump meant that
many immigrants have different issues and when they migrate into a country, they pass those
issues, leading to increased crimes rates. From the early twentieth century to date in the twenty-
first century, immigrants’ assumed tendency for crime has been a mutual subject in the political
debate governing federal and state immigration regulation. According to Adelman et al. (2017),
several researchers argue that immigration indirectly upsurges crime’s aggregate levels by
lowering the native-born American people’s financial chances. For instance, immigrants can
“displace native-born” workforces from job opportunities, forcing the native-born workforces to
take part in unlawful labor marketplaces. Although the immigrants in this situation do not
commit crimes, they transform the non-immigrant employees’ chance structure, which motivates
them to commit the crime.
Other researchers maintain that immigrants advance native labor markets by generating
job opportunism and stimulating downtown districts in ways that advance circumstances for
immigrants and local-born workforces. As a result, immigration lowers crimes’ aggregate levels
because growing labor marketplace chances advance native-born Americans’ capability to
improve earning a salary within authorized labor marketplaces.
On top of these possible economic-centered connections “between immigration and crime
rates," scholars have researched whether immigration generates shifts in urban social
organization, impacting the delinquency rate. Work reviewing pre-2000 immigration and crime,
as Adelman et al. (2017) note, has concentrated on needy Irish Catholics in the United States
cities. Scientists define “criminally notorious Irish street gangs within Philadelphia and New
York, mention augmented crime rates in the Irish immigrant South Boston region. According to
Adelman et al. (2017), the researchers maintain that Irish immigration donated to increased
murder rates between early 1850 and late 1875. Adelman et al. (2017) assert that as towns grew
“in size, heterogeneity and density much of it because of immigration," a decline of informal
together with traditional social control means happened. Besides, an alienated, competitive, and
even abusive way of life increased, whereby wrongdoing and violence were more often.
Adelman et al. (2017) maintain that, perceived augmented rates of juvenile crime as well as
criminal deeds in needy immigrant localities. According to the authors, the amplified crime rates
were facilitated by poverty, social disorganization, shortage of no jobs demonstrated in alleged
broken households, region instability, and lack of shared community values or ethics.
According to Adelman et al. (2017), upsurges in urban regions’ social diversity, such as
more and wide immigrant varieties, trigger a weakening in social capital, social unity, as well as
interpersonal belief, thus, resulting in increased crime rates. Sociological concepts forecast “new
arrivals to be more criminal," as Adelman et al. (2017) assert, regularly founded on the
assumption that immigrants are disadvantaged. Basing their opinions on the new arrivals’
characteristics in the mid-20th era, Adelman et al. (2017) suggest that immigrants arrive in
America poor and are discriminated against in labor marketplaces and encounter blocked
opportunities for economic together with social flexibility. Therefore, these immigrants use
crime to earn income, to put food on the table and foot bills. Blocked financial chances might
stimulate frustration, which could cause violence. Moreover, systematic bias and monetary and
social flexibility building blocks could breed the creation of “criminal refugee subcultures”,
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which grow into gangs, more so amongst the new arrivals’ teenagers (Adelman et al., 2017).
Therefore, it is evident that immigrants increase crime rates by sexual orientation.
Current anti‐immigration legislation, including the Texas Senate Bill 4, endowed local
police force officials the power to request a person's immigration status throughout frequent
interactions comprising traffic stops (Iwama, 2018). This regulation and the rest that resemble it
have been disapproved for triggering new arrivals’ racial profiling and those alleged to be
immigrants. According to the author, critics maintain that these anti‐immigration regulations
endorse violent attacks and racial profiling against new arrivals. Assumptions on whether violent
attacks encouraged by hate against new arrivals are growing and what might be triggering these
occurrences often increase with all new incidents. For example, a sequence of ethnically and
racially driven attacks in big United States towns throughout the twentieth century triggered the
approval of state as well as federal hate crime laws (Iwama, 2018). A considerable number of
studies have shown the significance of the local setting in the immigration and crime evaluation
(Iwama, 2018). As the author maintains, even though research finds an increase in hate crime
rates against immigrant groups, including Latinos, after transformation to several societies'
demographic, economic, and political circumstances, experts perceive that these results differ by
other pointers. For instance, scientists have realized that varying regions’ spatial proximity
motivates the consequence of those societies despite their situations. Iwama, 2018) asserts that
Chicago's new arrival “communities had less than typical crime rates," whereas immigrant
communities’ situation in Los Angeles accounted for the opposite. According to the author,
crimes against new arrivals need a more careful review, which studies the implications of other
vital aspects in addition to the development of the immigration population.
However, hate crime statistics gathering impact the progress and expansion of hate crime
exploration. The area of research on hate crimes against immigrants, according to Iwama (2018),
desires advanced study in light of the considerable worry on attacks contrary to new arrivals in
communities in America. While many research studies prove immigrants are not linked with
crimes, public opinion and anti‐immigration regulations “criminalize immigrant groups” (Iwama,
2018). Besides, the upsurge in immigration has influenced immigrants’ lawmaking and public
sediment. As the author notes, the transformations to the population as well as alleged threat
indicators have motivated growth in crimes against new arrivals. As Iwama (2018) maintains,
Crimes will be more widespread after immigrants’ unexpected influx, although they will go
down after a while as the immigrants integrate into their societies and their presence expands.
Shifts in the current newcomers’ trends and behaviors might profoundly influence hate crimes
against new arrivals. The current fall in the immigrants since early 2014, primarily triggered by
the decline of newcomers arriving from Mexico, has led to a decline in the number of new
immigrants in communities across the United States.
Immigration patterns, according to Stacey, Carbone-López & Rosenfeld (2011) to
America have transformed over the previous century. Even though in early twentieth era
witnessed an influx of newcomers, mainly from European nations, by 2007, eighty percent of the
American overseas-born population originated from Asian and Latin American states (Stacey,
Carbone-López & Rosenfeld, 2011). Current shifts in the new arrivals’ ethnic composition
populations match with amplified political along with public worry over the American
immigration. The current changes have led to political politicization for augmented safety and
finance to accumulate border-regulation mechanisms. According to the author, immigration rules
and regulations primarily concentrate on the illegalization and expulsion of undocumented
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people, and state and regional police forces have commenced imposing state immigration
regulations while superseding them on numerous occasions.
For instance, Stacey, Carbone-López & Rosenfeld (2011) maintain that current federal
regulation, including the approval of “Senate Bill 1070 in Arizona in mid-2010," purposes of
restricting unlawful immigration via intensified certification obligations’ implementation. Such
regulations portray immigrants-as-threat narratives in which they are perpetuated as a threat to
the national security via their alleged connection to terrorist organizations and financial security
by competing for job opportunities with local-born residents. Immigrants are also perceived as a
threat due to cultural security since they introduce numerous languages, traditions, and religious
convictions (Stacey, Carbone-López & Rosenfeld, 2011). Immigration, along with the
subsequent anti-immigrant opinion, might facilitate amplifying newcomers' intolerance and
crimes against immigrants. Current accounts from “civil rights advocacy groups” offer hostility
proof—even fatal violence meted against immigrants. This uncertain response comes partly from
worries that crime rates increase due to newcomers’ arrivals. The media frequently sustains
public perception that new arrivals, especially undocumented immigrants, are mainly
accountable for crime rate upsurges (Stacey, Carbone-López & Rosenfeld, 2011). As the authors
note, immigrants cope with socialization and integration procedures and frequently “settle into
communities with structural features such as ethnic heterogeneity and amplified poverty levels
connected with the crime. Therefore, these incidents prove that immigrants increase the crime
rates by sexual orientation.
Throughout the previous thirty years, Sweden has progressively become a “multiethnic
society," Of the nine million population, about 1.2 million were born in different nations, and
more than 780,000 Swedish-born individuals have one or two parents born overseas (Bunar,
2007). Sweden is famous for its universal social liberalism and welfare concept. With its
generous immigrant policy, Sweden has even found itself battling with small and relatively well-
structured prejudiced groups. Followers of these groups, such as the White Arian Resistance,
National Socialist Front, National Democrats, and Swedish Democrats, have throughout the
previous decades been concerned with numerous crimes against refugees, from verbal abuses to
homicides (Bunar, 2007). As the author asserts, these groups began their hostility drives in the
early 1980s, and in the mid-1990s, the condition worsened rapidly. Sweden’s economy was in a
deep downturn, and hundreds of thousands of immigrants, mainly from “ex-Iraq, and
Yugoslavia, waited for asylum” (Bunar, 2007). Attacks on new arrivals’ restaurants and refugee-
owned shops intensified. This is dangerous, since some immigrants might be furiously revenge
leading to negative consequences. In the postwar duration, “a right-wing political party with
openly” racist philosophy occupied positions within the Swedish assembly (Bunar, 2007).
Regulation counter to ethnic violence and racism was weak and successive killings spread fear
among refugees in the Stockholm region (Bunar, 2007). The police forces were poorly trained in
identifying racism and hate crimes. The law enforcement agencies were frequently blamed for
being xenophobic and steadily abusing newcomers.
According to Sugarman et al. (2018), in a remark to the late 1967 American
Psychological Association convention, Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr argued that the civil rights
crusade desired the social experts’ assistance. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr asserted that it was vital
that social experts assist the White society to comprehend its involvement in the growth and
preservation of apartheid and the rest of the cruel strategies directed against people of color.
According to him, this necessity was more demanding than the exploration of averting violence
and the rest of the maladaptive actions among African-Americans. However, in the following
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years, comprehending and thwarting violence that impacts minority communities appeared as
key social science subjects.
Psychology rarely considers influence discrepancies and resource injustices, the
mechanisms accountable for some of the discrimination harms. Nevertheless, most studies on
violence use race as well as the rest of relegated demographic features as “social address”
indicators rather than emptying the sources for group differences (Sugarman et al., 2018). There
are numerous direct relations between racism and aggression. The most apparent is the prevalent
hate crimes, which have emerged in Europe and America. According to Sugarman et al. (2018),
more than 6,100 single-discriminatory hate crime episodes were accounted for by the Federal
Bureau of Investigation, and more than twenty percent involved religious discrimination.
Moreover, about nineteen percent were concerned with gender identity and sexual orientation,
while fifty-seven percent represented events aimed at racial, ethnic, and the rest lineage groups
(Sugarman et al., 2018). Racially inspired hate crimes involve personal harm, while religious
hate crimes are directed at destructing property. The discrimination issue is not limited to
America, but In Western Europe, these problems are frequently directed toward new arrivals
populations (Sugarman et al., 2018)
Levy & Levy (2017) examined the link between regulations and hate crimes by
reviewing the influence of shifts in a striking social policy subject: general rules associated with
sexual orientation. The authors ask whether policy transformation interferes with the accounted
hate crimes’ occurrence founded on sexual orientation. As the authors argue, there is a lack of
model and study on why hate crimes grounded on sexual orientation happen since most of the
explorations on hate crimes concentrate on the survivor’s encounter. Research that analyzes the
drives behind hate crimes studies the individual perpetrators’ attitudes and features. For example,
anti-gay acts’ criminals are likely to be youthful, male, conservative, African-American, and
religious. Besides, heterosexuals have developed a lawbreakers’ typology, which pinpoints four
different hate crimes aspirations: thrill, mission, protection, and revenge (Levy & Levy, 2017).
Even though “situational frameworks and individual attitudes” are important in
influencing hate crimes and anti-gay activities, standardizing beliefs as well as “social attitudes
are aspects as well (Levy & Levy, 2017). As the authors argue, individuals' attitudes are
frequently centered on societal customs, which profile lesbians together with gay people besides
favoring heterosexuals. Established heterosexism and Homophobia might foster a setting where
hate crimes and anti-gay attitudes are acknowledged. Levy & Levy (2017) identify the societal
gender customs’ implementation as inspiration for anti-gay attitudes, wide-ranging hate speech,
and hate crimes’ approval. Numerous offenders hold that aggression and abuse are necessary
punishment forms for those who fail to follow societal gender rules and a method to emphasize
their normative characteristics (Levy & Levy, 2017).
The opposite might be true. While homophobic and heterosexist societal customs might
stimulate anti-gay and hate crimes tendencies, pro-parity customs might restrain these activities.
Canadians are less likely to participate in anti-gay activities compared with Americans because
of discrepancies in pressures and traditions. Even people acknowledged as more homophobic are
conscious of how other people understand their deeds and attitudes (Levy & Levy, 2017). They
are also encouraged to control their prejudicial expression to monitor how others perceive them.
Additionally, according to Levy & Levy (2017), social and socialization customs might play a
pivotal part in anti-gay as well as hate crime activities.
This essay has supported the thesis that immigrants increase the crime rates by sexual
orientation. The paper has even argued that, sexual orientation is an individual’s “emotional,
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affectional and sexual attraction to people of a “the same gender or different gender or more than
one gender.” Higher crime rates happen since immigration rises economic competition as well as
deprivation within local labor marketplaces. Economic tensions might rise intergroup war, create
hostility in a typical community, and amplify drives for criminal activities, thus, heightening
other criminality forms comprising violence. Immigration indirectly upsurges crime’s aggregate
levels by lowering the native-born American people’s financial chances. Upsurges in urban
regions’ social diversity trigger a weakening in social capital, social unity, as well as
interpersonal belief, thus, resulting in increased crime rates.
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changing face of immigration: Evidence across four decades. Journal of ethnicity in
criminal justice, 15(1), 52-77.
Bunar, N. (2007). Hate crimes against immigrants in Sweden and community
responses. American Behavioral Scientist, 51(2), 166-181.
INTERNATIONAL JUSTICE RESOURCE CENTER (IJRC). (n.d.). SEXUAL ORIENTATION
& GENDER IDENTITY. Retrieved May 16, 2022.
https://ijrcenter.org/thematic-research-guides/sexual-orientation-gender-identity/
Iwama, J. A. (2018). Understanding hate crimes against immigrants: C onsiderations for future
research. Sociology compass, 12(3), e12565.
Levy, B. L., & Levy, D. L. (2017). When love meets hate: The relationship between state
policies on gay and lesbian rights and hate crime incidence. Social science research, 61,
142–159.
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ssresearch.2016.06.008
Ousey, G. C., & Kubrin, C. E. (2009). Exploring the connection between immigration and
violent crime rates in US cities, 1980–2000. Social problems, 56(3), 447-473.
Stacey, M., Carbone-López, K., & Rosenfeld, R. (2011). Demographic change and ethnically
motivated crime: The impact of immigration on anti-Hispanic hate crime in the United
States. Journal of contemporary criminal justice, 27(3), 278-298.
Sugarman, D. B., Nation, M., Yuan, N. P., Kuperminc, G. P., Hassoun Ayoub, L., & Hamby, S.
(2018). Hate and violence: Addressing discrimination based on race, ethnicity, religion,
sexual orientation, and gender identity. Psychology of violence, 8(6), 649.