5 Krdanta - Prakarana

To do:
green means still has to be translated

make comment about gana-patha in nandy-äder e.g JG shows the most
important, rest should be looked up in GP
Atha kådanta-prakaraëam
Invocation
DaAtauM s$avaRmaupaAd"Aya s$ava< è&paM k(r"Aeita ya: /

k{(ts$a Wvaeita ivaismatya taÜ"maAR k{(t‘azAsyatae //
dhätuà sarvam upädäya

sarvaà rüpaà karoti yaù
kåt sa eveti vismitya
tad-dharmä kåt praçasyate
dhätum—the elements (or, the dhätus); sarvam—all; upädäya—taking; sarvam—all; rüpam—the forms
(or, the nämas); karoti—creates (or, makes) yaù—who (or, which pratyaya); kåt—the creator (or a kåt
pratyaya); saù—He (or, that); eva—only; iti—thus; vismitya—being amazed; tat-dharmä—who has that
nature (or, which has the same nature as Viñëu); kåt—the creator (or, a kåt pratyaya); praçasyate—is
glorified.
He who takes all the elements and creates all the forms is the creator. Because people1 are amazed by
this, they glorify the creator for having such a nature.
That pratyaya which takes all kinds of dhätus and makes all kinds of nämas is called a kåt pratyaya.
Because people are amazed by this, they glorify the kåt pratyaya for having the same nature as Viñëu.
Bäla—Taddhita pratyayas are applied after nämas, but nämas are formed by the application of kåt
pratyayas. Therefore Jéva Gosvämé first begins the Kåt-prakaraëa. By first establishing how a kåt pratyaya
is similar in nature to Viñëu, he indirectly establishes that the kåt pratyaya is the topic of the prakaraëa.
In the grammatical sense yaù means yaù pratyayaù (“which pratyaya”), sarvaà dhätum refers to all the
dhätus, both primary and secondary, which are the source of words, sarvaà rüpam refers to all the forms
which are nämas, kåt means kåt-pratyayaù (“a kåt pratyaya”), vismitya means vismayaà labdhvä
(“experiencing amazement”), and tad-dharmä means tasya viñëor dharma iva dharmaù yasya saù (“whose
nature is like the nature of Viñëu”).
Amåta—Out of the four kinds of pratyayas, namely the sv-ädis, äkhyätas, kåts, and taddhitas, the first two
have been explained in detail in two separate prakaraëas. Then the kärakas, which have a special
relationship with the kriyä, were explained in detail, and in connection with them the sütra kartå-
karmaëoù ñañöhé kåd-yoge (956) was given. Now, Jéva Gosvämé begins the Kåt-prakaraëa, whose occasion
1
Actually the kartä of the kriyäs vismitya and praçasyate is not stated here. It has to be inferred. Nothing is ukta by vismitya
since both [k]tvä and its replacement ya[p] are applied in bhäve prayoga (see Amåta 961 and 1262), but kåt is the ukta-karma
of praçasyate, which is a karmaëi prayoga form of pra + çans[u] hiàsäyäà stutau ca (1P, “to hurt, praise”). Since the rule is that
[k]tvä and its replacement ya[p] are only applied when both kriyäs have the same kartä (see sütra 1262), it is to be understood
that the person who is glorifying is the same person who is experiencing amazement. Usually, when the kartä is not stated,
one can understand that the kartä is jana (“a person”). Thus we can infer that the anukta-kartä here is janaiù.
was obtained by the mention of that sütra, by first establishing, through a double meaning, how a kåt
pratyaya is similar in nature to Viñëu. By doing this he simultaneously describes the function of a kåt Matsya Avatara dasa 30/8/06 18:53
Comment [1]: or which became relevant due to
pratyaya. In the devotional sense yaù means yo mahä-viñëuù (“which Mahä Viñëu”), and sarvaà dhätum the mention of that sütra
upädäya sarvaà rüpaà karoti means påthvy-ap-tejo-marud-vyoma-rüpaà sükñma-rüpeëätmani sthitaà
mahä-bhüta-païcakaà upädäya vyakté-kåtya tena hi sarvaà rüpaà präkåta-caräcarätmakaà karoti såjati
(“manifests the five great elements, namely earth, water, fire, air, and ether, which were situated in
Himself in a subtle form, and with them creates all material moving and non-moving forms”). The words
sva-mäyä-çakti-dvärä (“by means of His external potency”) have to be supplied here. Kåt means kartä
(“the creator”), vismitya means vismayaà labdhvä (“experiencing amazement”), and tad-dharmä means
tad eva sarva-dhätu-grahaëa-pürvaka-sarva-rüpa-karaëam eva dharmaù yasya saù (“whose nature is that,
namely taking all the elements and then creating all the forms”). In the grammatical sense the idea is that,
since a kåt pratyaya has the same nature as Viñëu who is characterized by His pastime of creation,
studying the kåt pratyayas is beneficial for the Vaiñëavas because it necessarily entails remembrance of
Viñëu.
According to Amara-koña, the word dhätu has the following meanings:
çleñmädi rasa-raktädi
mahä-bhütäni tad-guëäù
indriyäëy açma-vikåtiù
çabda-yoniç ca dhätavaù
“All of these are dhätus: phlegm and so on (the three humours of the body: phlegm, bile, and wind,
otherwise known as kapha, pitta, and väta), chyle and blood and so on (the seven secretions: chyle,
blood, flesh, fat, bone, marrow, and semen), the great elements (earth, water, fire, air, and ether) and Matsya Avatara dasa 3/12/06 11:12
Comment [2]:
their qualities (fragrance, taste, form, touch, and, sound), the senses, metals and minerals, and verbal Ask doctor for definition
roots, which are the source of words.” Jagu says plasma
Saàçodhiné—It was explained in våtti 150 that there are four kinds of pratyayas: sv-ädis, äkhyätas, kåts,
and taddhitas. The sv-ädis and tib-ädis are called viñëubhaktis (see våtti 148) and they produce viñëupadas
when applied after nämas and dhätus respectively (see sütra 154). The kåts are applied after dhätus, and
they produce nämas which are called kådantas (“participles”). The taddhitas are applied after nämas, and
they produce derivative nämas which generally have a modified meaning. But since the rule is näpadaà
çästre prayuïjéta (“That which is not a pada (viñëupada) cannot be used in an authoritative work”), sv-
ädis must then be applied after the nämas formed by kåts and taddhitas to produce viñëupadas which can
be used in a sentence.
Often the word kåt, though most literally referring to a kåt pratyaya, is used to refer to the word ending in
the kåt pratyaya, namely the kådanta. This is because Päëini himself uses the word kåt like this in gati-
kärakopapadät kåt (Añöädhyäyé 6.2.139) and in other places. Kådanta literally means kåd ante yasya saù
(“that at whose end there is a kåt pratyaya”). Sometimes the word kådanta is also used to refer just to a kåt
pratyaya and not to a word ending in a kåt pratyaya. Thus both kåt and kådanta can refer either to a kåt
pratyaya or to a word ending in a kåt pratyaya. One has to judge what best fits from the context. The
word kådanta is often translated as “a participle” in English. Participles are so named because they
participate in the nature of both verb and adjective. Similarly kådantas function both as kriyäs and nämas
simultaneously. Because they are kriyäs they express an action, belong to a certain tense such a
vartamäna and so on, and have their own set of kärakas connected with them, and because they are
nämas they take sv-ädis and generally act as viçeñaëas.
Matsya Avatara dasa 17/5/07 11:28
Comment [3]: don’t bother trying to write
Regarding the usage of kåt pratyayas, in våtti 955 it was said that kåt-prayogäs tatra syur yatra anything about the tad-anta-vidhi here.. Already
kriyäntaräkäìkñäù kriyäù, äkhyäta-prayogäs tu niräkäìkñäù (“The usage of kåt pratyayas takes place when checked . it doesn’t fit
the kriyä requires another kriyä to complete the sense. The usage of äkhyäta pratyayas, however, doesn’t
require another kriyä”). But then some exceptions were listed in våtti 961: Viñëuniñöhä viñëukåtyädayaç
cäkhyäta-van mukhyäù, kådanteñv äkäìkñä-pürakatvät (“Kådantas made from the kåt pratyayas viñëuniñöhä,
viñëukåtya, and so on function as the main kriyä, just like an äkhyäta-kriyä, because among all the
kådantas only they are able to complete the sense”).
Due to the adhikära dhätoù (366), the rules mentioned in the Äkhyäta-prakaraëa also apply when a kåt
pratyaya is applied after a dhätu. Similarly, when the kådanta later becomes a näma by adhätu-
viñëubhaktikam arthavan näma (148), it takes a sv-ädi viñëubhakti, and thus the rules mentioned in the
Näma-prakaraëa also apply.
1185 / DaAtaAe: k{(ß""ò"laM k(taRir" /
1185. dhätoù kåd bahulaà kartari
dhätoù—after the dhätu; kåt—the kåt pratyaya; bahulam—variously applied (see explanation of bahula in
våtti 195); kartari—in kartari prayoga.
The kåt pratyaya is applied variously after the dhätu, and the kåt pratyaya is applied in kartari prayoga.
Comment [4]: we say “the” because it will be
dhätor uttare kåt-pratyayo bahulaà syät, sa ca kartaréty adhikriyate. väsudevo ’yam. used that the kåt pratyaya [ç]at[å] is applied after
the dhätu such and such
Våtti—The adhikära made here1 is dhätor uttare kåt-pratyayo bahulaà syät, sa ca kartari (“The kåt
pratyaya is applied variously after the dhätu, and the kåt pratyaya is applied in kartari prayoga”). This is a
väsudeva adhikära (see våtti 366).
Amåta—This adhikära extends up to the end of the prakaraëa. But if the kåt pratyaya is specifically
ordained in bhäve prayoga or karmaëi prayoga then that is an apaväda of the word kartari here.
1186 / vataRmaAnaAd"AE zAta{zAAnaAvacyautaABaAE P(laAntar"‘ayaAegAe par"pad"Atmapad"yaAe: /
1186. vartamänädau çatå-çänäv acyutäbhau phaläntara-prayoge parapadätmapadayoù
vartamäna-ädau—in the present tense and so on; çatå-çänau—the kåt pratyayas [ç]at[å] and [ç]äna;
acyuta-äbhau—acyutäbhas (“like acyuta pratyayas”); phala-antara-prayoge—when there is usage of
another phala (kriyä)2; parapada-ätmapadayoù—in place of a parapada pratyaya and ätmapada pratyaya
respectively.
When another kriyä which completes the sense of the sentence is used, [ç]at[å] and [ç]äna are applied
after a dhätu in kartari prayoga in the present tense and so on and are called acyutäbhas. In that
regard, [ç]at[å] is a parapada pratyaya and [ç]äna is an ätmapada pratyaya.3
“sat” ity anye. å-çäv itau. çab-ädiù. tataç ca “bhavat” iti sthite näma-saàjïäyäà pratyayeñu viñëubhakti-
mätra-varjanät kåt-taddhitayor api nämatvaà siddham. tataç ca “prakåti-pratyayau pratyayärthaà saha
brütaù” iti nyäyena dhätv-aàçasyäpi tad-antarbhütatvät tena militvä nämatvaà siddham. tato vaiñëavo
bhavan viräjate, vaiñëavau bhavantau viräjete, vaiñëavä bhavanto viräjante. evaà mäläà kurvan viräjate,
kurväëaù. çré-kåñëaà bhajatä jitam, çré-kåñëaà bhajataù çivam.
Våtti—Other call them sat (see Añöädhyäyé 3.2.127). The å and ç are indicatory letters. [Ç]a[p] and so on
are applied, and then, when we have bhavat, it is understood that kåt pratyayas and taddhita pratyayas are
also nämas because among the pratyayas only the viñëubhaktis were excluded from being called nämas
Comment [5]: more literally established or even
(see sütra 148). Thus, it is understood that, because the dhätu portion is included in the kåt pratyaya in accepted
1
Bäla 1060 explains that the word adhikriyate here means adhikäraù kriyate (“the adhikära is made”).
2
Amåta 1205 says that the word phaläntara (“another phala”) really refers to another kriyä which achieves that phala.
3
See våtti 960.
accordance with the maxim prakåti-pratyayau pratyayärthaà saha brütaù (see våtti 928), the combination
of the kåt pratyaya and the dhätu portion (namely the kådanta) is also a näma. Thus we get vaiñëavo
bhavan viräjate (“The Vaiñëava who is being is shining”), vaiñëavau bhavantau viräjete (“The two
Vaiñëavas who are being are shining”), and vaiñëavä bhavanto viräjante (“The Vaiñëavas who are being
are shining”). Similarly, we get vaiñëavo mäläà kurvan viräjate (“The Vaiñëava who is making a garland is
shining”), vaiñëavo mäläà kurväëo viräjate (“The Vaiñëava who is making a garland is shining”), çré-
kåñëaà bhajatä jitam (“Conquered by a person who worships Lord Kåñëa”), çré-kåñëaà bhajataù çivam
(“A person who worships Lord Kåñëa has happiness”).
Ø bhü → (1186) bhü + [ç]at[å] → (393) bhü + [ç]a[p] + [ç]at[å] → (394) bho + [ç]a[p] + [ç]at[å]
→ (65) bhava + [ç]at[å] → (396) bhavat[å] → (bhavat[å] is a näma by sütra 148 and thus sv-ädis are
applied after it by sütra 151):
Ø bhavat[å] + s[u] → (240, 225) bhava + n[um] + t + s[u] → (202) bhavant → (242)
bhavan <1.1, kartari>.
Ø bhavat[å] + au → (240, 225) bhava + n[um] + t + au → bhavantau <1.2, kartari>.
Ø bhavat[å] + [j]as → (240, 225) bhava + n[um] + t + as → (155) bhavantaù <1.3, kartari>.
Ø kå → (1186) kå + [ç]at[å] → (758) kå + u + [ç]at[å] → (394) kar + u + [ç]at[å] → (395, 399,

764) kuru + [ç]at[å] → (60) kurvat[å] → (148) kurvat[å] + s[u] → (240, 225) kurva + n[um] + t + s[u] →
(202) kurvant → (242) kurvan <1.1, kartari>.
Ø kå → (1186) kå + [ç]äna → (758) kå + u + [ç]äna → (394) kar + u + [ç]äna → (395, 399, 764)
kuru + [ç]äna → (60) kurväna → (173) kurväëa → (148) kurväëa + s[u] → (155) kurväëaù <1.1, kartari>.
Ø bhaj → (1186) bhaj + [ç]at[å] → (393) bhaj + [ç]a[p] + [ç]at[å] → (396) bhajat[å] → (bhajat[å]
is a näma by sütra 148 and thus sv-ädis are applied after it by sütra 151):
Ø bhajat[å] + [ö]ä → bhajatä <3.1, kartari>.
Ø bhajat[å] + [ì]as → bhajatas → (155) bhajataù <6.1, kartari>.
Saàçodhiné—Because kådantas are viçeñaëas, bhavan means “who is being”, kurvan means “who is
making,” and so on. However, they can also be translated as “while being,” “while making,” and so on
because the kriyä expressed by [ç]at[å] and [ç]äna is simultaneous to the other kriyä which completes the
sense. Thus vaiñëavo mäläà kurvan vadati could be translated as “The Vaiñëava who is making the
garland speaks” or “While making a garland, the Vaiñëava speaks.” If we just said kurvan (“who is
making / while making”) the sense would not be complete and the hearer would be left in suspense. Thus
the rule is that another kriyä such as vadati (“he speaks”) must be used to complete the sense. The dhätu
vi + räj[å] déptau, which literally means “to shine,” is usually used in reference to the Lord and other
worshipable persons. It is a respectful way of saying that they are present or situated in a place. Thus one
could translate viräjate as “he is gloriously present” or “he is beautifully situated.”
One should be careful to distinguish bhavat[å] from the kåñëanäma bhavat[u] which indicates the
madhyama-puruña. Their meanings are quite different. There is also a difference in forms—the first case
singular of bhavat[å] is bhavan, but the first case singular of bhavat[u] is bhavän because trivikrama is
done by atv-as-antoddhavasya trivikramo buddha-varjita-sau, dhätuà vinä (256). Regarding kurvan and
kurväëaù, [òu]kå[ï] karaëe (8U, “to do, make”) is an ubhayapadé dhätu, and thus it can take either
[ç]at[å] or [ç]äna in kartari prayoga.
The word sat[å] which assumes the masculine forms san <1.1> and so on, the feminine forms saté <1.1>
and so on, and the neuter forms sat <1.1> and so on, is defined in the Amara-koña as follows: satye sädhau
vidyamäne praçaste ’bhyarhite ca sat (“Sat[å] means satya (“true, the truth”), sädhu (“good, a good person,
a saint”), vidyamäna (“that which is, that which exists”), praçasta (“best”), and abhyarhita
(“venerable”)”) and vidvän vipaçcid doña-jïaù san su-dhéù kovido budhaù (“Sat[å], in the masculine, also
refers to a learned man, and thus it is a synonym of the words vidvän, vipaçcit, doña-jïa, su-dhé, kovida,
and budha”).
Amåta—The word parapadätmapadayoù ends in a ñañöhé viñëubhakti. Thus the meaning is parapadasya
sthäne çatå, ätmapadasya sthäne çänaù syät (“[ç]at[å] is applied in place of a parapada pratyaya, and [ç]äna
is applied in place of an ätmapada pratyaya”). The word phaläntara-prayoge means väkya-
säkäìkñäpürakatayä kriyäntarasya prayoge sati (“when there is usage of another kriyä which completes
the sense of the sentence”) because only that which is to be achieved by the kriyä is called a phala (see
Amåta 927). Even though it was already mentioned before that all the kåt pratyayas, except for a few like
the viñëuniñöhäs and so on, generally require another kriyä to complete the sense, kåt pratyayas other than
[ç]at[å] and [ç]äna can be applied even when the other kriyä is only understood. But it is ordained here
that [ç]at[å] and [ç]äna can only be applied when there is direct usage of another kriyä, and not when the
other kriyä is only understood. Because it is accepted that kådantas are simultaneously kriyäs and nämas,
as kriyäs [ç]at[å] and [ç]äna are used in place of ätmapada and so on and partake of the present tense and
so on, and as nämas they partake of the kärakas. Both as kriyäs and nämas, they are used as viçeñaëas.
Therefore, as asamäpikä-kriyäs (“kriyäs which don’t complete the sense”) they always require a samäpikä-
kriyä (“kriyä which completes the sense”) as their viçeñya, and as nämas they always require a käraka as
their viçeñya.
The indicatory letter å in [ç]at[å] is so that n[um] will be applied by sütra 240, and the indicatory letter ç
is to that [ç]at[å] will be a kåñëa-dhätuka because it is çiva. Someone may argue, “Since [ç]a[p] and so on
could be applied merely on the strength of the name acyutäbha (“like an acyuta pratyaya”) what is the
point of using the indicatory letter ç?” The answer is that if [ç]at[å] were not çiva we wouldn’t be able to
do paù pibaù and so on (see sütra 550). And one cannot counterargue that because it is a kåñëa-dhätuka
since it is an acyutäbha, we apply [ç]a[p] and then we anyway have a çiva pratyaya, because even though
we can get a çiva pratyaya like that, we still wouldn’t be able to make forms like san <1.1>, ghnan <1.1>,
and so on since [ç]a[p] undergoes mahähara by ad-ädeù çapo mahäharaù (638). Therefore it is understood
that the indicatory letter ç is also used so that apåthu-kåñëadhätuko nirguëaù (395) will take effect. In the
example vaiñëavo bhavan viräjate, bhavan is a samänädhikaraëa-viçeñaëa of vaiñëavaù <1.1> and it is also
an asamäpikä-kriyä. Therefore the samäpikä-kriyä viräjate which expresses another phala is used to
complete the sense of the sentence. In the example vaiñëavo mäläà kurvan viräjate, the karma mäläm is
anukta because [ç]at[å] is ordained in kartari prayoga. The meaning of the example çré-kåñëaà bhajataù
çivam is çré-kåñëaà bhajataù janasya västava-kalyäëaà bhavati (“Real happiness belongs to a person who
worships Lord Kåñëa”).
1187 / s$ambaAeDanae ca /
1187. sambodhane ca
sambodhane—in the sense of sambodhana (“addressing, calling”); ca—also.
[Ç]at[å] and [ç]äna are also applied when there is sambodhana.
he kurvan. pä päne—piban. bhauvädikasyaiva pibädeço ghrädénäà sähacaryät. pä rakñaëe—pän, päntau.

“phaläntara” ity-ädi kim? vaiñëavaù karoti. akarmakät tad-aprayoge ’pi kvacit—san, vidyamäno, ghaöamäno
’sau.
Våtti—For example, he kurvan (“O you who are doing”). From the dhätu pä päne (1P, “to drink”) we get
piban <1.1>. Since, in sütra 550, pä is listed alongside ghrä and so on, only the bhv-ädi pä is replaced by
piba. Thus from the dhätu pä rakñaëe (2P, “to protect”) we get pän <1.1> and päntau <1.2>. Why do we
say “when there is usage of another kriyä”? Consider vaiñëavaù karoti (“The Vaiñëava does”). Sometimes
[ç]at[å] and [ç]äna are applied after an akarmaka dhätu even when there is no usage of another kriyä. For
example, asau san (“he is”), asau vidyamänaù (“he exists”), and asau ghaöamänaù (“he endeavors”).
Ø kå → (1187) kå + [ç]at[å] → (758) kå + u + [ç]at[å] → (394) kar + u + [ç]at[å] → (395, 399,
764) kuru + [ç]at[å] → (60) kurvat[å] → (148) kurvat[å] + s[u] → (240, 225) kurva + n[um] + t + s[u] →
(202) kurvant → (242) kurvan <8.1, kartari>.
Ø pä → (1186) pä + [ç]at[å] → (393) pä + [ç]a[p] + [ç]at[å] → (550) piba + [ç]a[p] + [ç]at[å] →

(396) pib + [ç]a[p] + [ç]at[å] → (551, 396) pibat[å] → (148) pibat[å] + s[u] → (240, 225) piba + n[um] + t
+ s[u] → (202) pibant → (242) piban <1.1, kartari>.
Ø pä → (1186) pä + [ç]at[å] → (393) pä + [ç]a[p] + [ç]at[å] → (638) pä + [ç]at[å] → (46) pät[å]

→ (pät[å] is a näma by sütra 148 and thus sv-ädis are applied after it by sütra 151):
Ø pät[å] + s[u] → (240, 225) pä + n[um] + t + s[u] → (202) pänt → (242) pän <1.1, kartari>.
Ø pät[å] + au → (240, 225) pä + n[um] + t + au → päntau <1.2, kartari>.
Ø as → (1186) as + [ç]at[å] → (393) as + [ç]a[p] + [ç]at[å] → (638) as + [ç]at[å] → (395, 664)

sat[å] → (148) sat[å] + s[u] → (240, 225) sa + n[um] + t + s[u] → (202) sant → (242) san <1.1, kartari>.
Ø vid → (1186) vid + [ç]äna → (393) vid + [ç]a[p] + [ç]äna → (719) vid + [ç]ya + [ç]äna →
(1188) vid + [ç]ya + m[uk] + [ç]äna → vidyamäna → (148) vidyamäna + s[u] → (155) vidyamänaù <1.1,
kartari>.
Ø ghaö → (1186) ghaö + [ç]äna → (393) ghaö + [ç]a[p] + [ç]äna → (1188) ghaö + [ç]a[p] + m[uk] +
[ç]äna → ghaöamäna → (148) ghaöamäna + s[u] → (155) ghaöamänaù <1.1, kartari>.
Saàçodhiné—In the printed editions of Hari-nämämåta this sütra appears in the våtti. But it is actually
meant to be a separate sütra because it is Jéva Gosvämé’s verbatim equivalent for the Päëinian sütra
sambodhane ca (Añöädhyäyé 3.2.126). Just as the prathamä viñëubhaktis were separately ordained in the
sense of sambodhana (see sütra 925), so also [ç]at[å] and [ç]äna are separately ordained in the sense of
sambodhana here. The effect of this is that [ç]at[å] and [ç]äna are applied when there is sambodhana, even
though there is no usage of another kriyä. Thus Jéva Gosvämé gives the example he kurvan in which there
is no other kriyä. Similarly, Siddhänta-kaumudé gives the examples he pacan and he pacamäna (“O you
who are cooking”).
Amåta—With the counterexample vaiñëavaù karoti, Jéva Gosvämé shows how [ç]at[å] and [ç]äna are not
applied without another phala. Here only one phala is to be achieved by only one kriyä, and thus sütra
1186 doesn’t apply. The conclusion is that sütra 1186 only applies when there are two kriyäs which are
simultaneous and have the same kartä. Somone may wonder, “Well, why do we also see vaiñëavaù karoti
gacchati ca?” The answer is that this is allowed because there is nothing which prohibits it. Therefore the
words dhätoù kåd-bahulam were spoken in the adhikära-sütra. When the speaker chooses not to apply
sütra 1186 then the form remains as a dhätu [and an äkhyäta pratyaya is applied instead]. Thus there is
no fault. Because the kåt pratyayas are applied variously, [ç]at[å] and [ç]äna are sometimes applied after
an akarmaka dhätu even when there is no usage of another kriyä. Thus, in the examples asau san and so
on, san means asti, vidyamänaù means vidyate, and ghaöamänaù means ghaöate.
1188 / @taAe maugAAnae /
1188. ato mug äne
ataù—after a-räma; muk—the ägama m[uk]; äne—when [ç]äna follows.1
1
Literally this says “when äna follows,” but this rule only applies to [ç]äna and not to [k]äna (see sütra) because äna only
comes after a-räma when [ç]a[p] is inserted and [ç]a[p] is not inserted when [k]äna follows because [k]äna is not a kåñëa-
dhätuka.
M[uk] is inserted after a-räma when [ç]äna follows.
pacamänaà vaiñëavaà paçya.
Våtti—For example, pacamänaà vaiñëavaà paçya (“Behold the Vaiñëava who is cooking”).
Ø pac → (1186) pac + [ç]äna → (393) pac + [ç]a[p] + [ç]äna → (1188) pac + [ç]a[p] + m[uk] +
[ç]äna → pacamäna → (148) pacamäna + am → (156) pacamänam <2.1, kartari>.
Amåta—M[uk] is connected to the prakåti since it has the indicatory letter k (see våtti 167), otherwise a ä
va-moù (396) would apply since [ç]äna is an acyutäbha.
Comment [6]: see if this is how I say it earlier
and do form in våtti
1189 / maAyau·(AcC$ta{zAAnaAvaA‚(AezAe /
1189. mä-yuktäc chatå-çänäv äkroçe
mä-yuktät—after a dhätu which is connected with mä[ì] (an avyaya used in the sense of niñedha
(“prohibition”)); çatå-çänau—the kåt pratyayas [ç]at[å] and [ç]äna; äkroçe—when äkroça (“scolding”) is
understood.
[Ç]at[å] and [ç]äna are applied after a dhätu connected with mä[ì], provided äkroça is understood.
mä pacann avaiñëavo viñëor naivedyam, mä pacatv ity arthaù.
Våtti—For example, mä pacann avaiñëavo viñëor naivedyam (“[You fool!] A non-Vaiñëava cannot cook the
food offering for Viñëu”) where mä pacan means mä pacatu (“he cannot cook”).
Ø pac → (1189) pac + [ç]at[å] → (393) pac + [ç]a[p] + [ç]at[å] → (396) pacat[å] → (148)
pacat[å] + s[u] → (240, 225) paca + n[um] + t + s[u] → (202) pacant → (242) pacan <1.1, kartari>.
Amåta—When äkroça is understood, [ç]at[å] and [ç]äna are applied after a dhätu connected with mä[ì]
even when there is no usage of another phala (kriyä). The mä in mä-yuktät refers to the word mä which
has an indicatory letter, because Kätyäyana’s Värttika says mäìy äkroçe. This rule is so that [ç]at[å] and
[ç]äna will be applied after a sakarmaka dhätu even when there is no usage of another kriyä1 and so that
the vartamäna [and thus the acyuta or acyutäbha pratyaya] which would have been unobtained due to the
rule mäì-yoge sarväpavädé bhüteçaù (1090) will be obtained. The words viñëor naivedyam mean viñëave
nivedanéyam annädi (“The rice and so on that is to be offered to Viñëu”). Some say this rule is optional.
1190 / i‚(yaAyaAiê¶e" he"taAE ca zAta{zAAnaAE /
1190. kriyäyäç cihne hetau ca çatå-çänau
kriyäyäù—of a kriyä (“activity”); cihne—which is used in the sense of cihna (“characteristic”); hetau—
which is used in the sense of hetu (“cause, reason, purpose”); ca—and; çatå-çänau—the kåt pratyayas
[ç]at[å] and [ç]äna.
[Ç]at[å] and [ç]äna are applied after a dhätu which is used to express the hetu of another kriyä or the
characteristic way in which another kriyä is done.
Comment [7]: see if there is some way when I
do the editing to flip these two around to fit the
order of the sütra
1
In våtti 1187, Jéva Gosvämé already established that [ç]at[å] and [ç]äna are sometimes applied after an akarmaka dhätu even
when there is no usage of another kriyä. Now this rule establishes the same for a sakarmaka dhätu.
tiñöhan harià stauti. harià bhajan modate.
Våtti—Examples are tiñöhan harià stauti (“He praises Hari while standing”) and harià bhajan modate (“He
is happy because of worshiping Hari”).
Ø ñöhä → (458) sthä → (1190) sthä + [ç]at[å] → (393) sthä + [ç]a[p] + [ç]at[å] → (550) tiñöha +
[ç]a[p] + [ç]at[å] → (396) tiñöh + [ç]a[p] + [ç]at[å] → (396) tiñöhat[å] → (148) tiñöhat[å] + s[u] → (240,
225) tiñöha + n[um] + t + s[u] → (202) tiñöhant → (242) tiñöhan <1.1, kartari>.
Ø bhaj → (1190) bhaj + [ç]at[å] → (393) bhaj + [ç]a[p] + [ç]at[å] → (396) bhajat[å] → (148)
bhajat[å] + s[u] → (240, 225) bhaja + n[um] + t + s[u] → (202) bhajant → (242) bhajan <1.1, kartari>.
Amåta—This sütra means anya-kriyäyäù cihne hetau cärthe vartamänäd dhätoù çatå-çänau bhavataù
(“[Ç]at[å] and [ç]äna are applied after a dhätu which is used in the sense of a characteristic of another
kriyä or hetu of another kriyä”). In the example tiñöhan harià stauti, the kartä’s activity of standing is the
cihna or, in other words, the avasthä-viçeña (“particular condition”) of his activity of praising. Similarly,
we get çayäno bhuìkte çiçuù (“the child takes his meal lying down”) and so on. In the example harià
bhajan modate, the worship is the cause of the activity of being happy. In other words, the meaning is
bhajana-hetuko modaù (“The happiness is caused by the worship”). Similarly, we get adhéyänaù käçém
adhivasati (“He lives in Käçé for the sake of study”) and so on. Why do we say “of another kriyä” Because
[ç]at[å] and [ç]äna aren’t applied when the sense is a characteristic or hetu of a dravya or guëa. For
example, [ç]at[å] and [ç]äna cannot be applied in yaù sarvän namasyati sa vaiñëavaù (“He who offers
obeisances to everyone is a Vaiñëava”) where the sense is a characteristic of a dravya or in yad utplavate
tal laghu (“That which floats is light”) where the sense is a characteristic of a guëa. Similarly, it should be
understood that [ç]at[å] and [ç]äna are also prohibited when the sense is hetu of a dravya or guëa.
Saàçodhiné—As mentioned previously in Saàçodhiné 1041, the words hetu and prayojana are often
synonymous in the Sanskrit language, and thus the word hetu is used to cover the different ideas of cause,
reason, motive, and purpose without any apparent contradiction. In this regard, when it is said that
[ç]at[å] and [ç]äna are applied in the sense of hetu of another kriyä, it usually means that they are applied
in the sense of purpose of another kriyä. For example, in öékäs we often see the phrase … darçayan äha …
iti (“In order to show … he speaks the verse beginning …”). Here the purpose of the speaking is to show
something. Similarly, we find térthé-kurvan (“to make into a place of pilgrimage”) in Bhägavatam 1.4.8
and duhantém (“for milking”) in Bhägavatam 1.6.9 where [ç]at[å] is used in the sense of purpose of
another kriyä.
Bhägavatam 1.4.8:
sa go-dohana-mätraà hi
gåheñu gåha-medhinäm
avekñate mahä-bhägas
térthé-kurvaàs tad äçramam
“He [Çukadeva Gosvämé] was accustomed to stay at the door of a householder only long enough for a
cow to be milked. And he did this just to sanctify the residence.”
Bhägavatam 1.6.9:
ekadä nirgatäà gehäd

duhantéà niçi gäà pathi
sarpo 'daçat padä spåñöaù
kåpaëäà käla-coditaù
“Once upon a time, my poor mother, when going out one night to milk a cow, was bitten on the leg by a
serpent, influenced by supreme time.”
1191 / @Atmapad"sTaAnaIyatvaAß"Aò"lyaA»a zAAnak(AnaAE BaAvak(maRNAAeê /
1191. ätmapada-sthänéyatväd bähulyäc ca çäna-känau bhäva-karmaëoç ca
ätmapada-sthänéyatvät—because of being applied in place of an ätmapada pratyaya (see sütras 1186 and
1208); bähulyät—because of being applied variously (see sütra 1185); ca—and; çäna-känau—the kåt
pratyayas [ç]äna and [k]äna (see sütra 1208); bhäva-karmaëoù—in bhäve prayoga and karmaëi prayoga;
ca—also.
[Ç]äna and [k]äna are also applied after a dhätu in bhäve prayoga and karmaëi prayoga since they are
applied in place of an ätmapada pratyaya and since they are applied variously.
Amåta—[Ç]äna and [k]äna are also applied after a dhätu in bhäve prayoga and karmaëi prayoga. The
reason for this is that is that they are applied in place of an ätmapada pratyaya, and bhäve prayoga and
karmaëi prayoga are ordained only in relation to an ätmapada pratyaya, in accordance with bhäve karmaëi
sarvasmäd dhätoù syäd ätmanepadam (1108). Still, being unsatisfied with this reason because of
considering that the restriction prathama-puruñaika-vacanam eva bhäve (392) fails here since a kåt
pratyaya ordained in bhäve prayoga can be used in any vacana, Jéva Gosvämé gives another reason with
the words bähulyäc ca. The implied meaning of these words is “due to the use of the word bahula in the
adhikära-sütra given right at the beginning of this prakaraëa, in the case that kartari prayoga is not used,
bhäve prayoga or karmaëi prayoga are used instead.”
1192 / BaAvak{(ä," “aöiNA /
1192. bhäva-kåd brahmaëi
bhäva-kåt—a kåt pratyaya ordained in bhäve prayoga; brahmaëi—in the neuter gender.
A kåt pratyaya ordained in bhäve prayoga is used in the neuter gender.
Amåta—On the strength of the more specific maxim kåd-abhihito bhävo dravya-vat prakäçate (“A bhäva
which is expressed by a kåt pratyaya acts like a dravya”), which will be mentioned in våtti 1420, the
restriction prathama-puruñaika-vacanam eva bhäve (392) doesn’t apply to a kåt-pratyaya but only applies
to an äkhyäta pratyaya.
1193 / opaen‰"Atk{(ªasya s$avaeRìr"Atpar"sya NAtvaM , BaABaUpaunaAk(imagAimapyaAiyavaepavajaRma, /
1193. upendrät kån-nasya sarveçvarät parasya ëatvaà, bhä-bhü-punä-kami-gami-pyäyi-vepa-varjam
upendrät—after an upendra; kåt-nasya—of the na-räma of a kåt pratyaya; sarveçvarät—a sarveçvara;

parasya—which comes after; ëatvam—the change to ë; bhä-bhü-punä-kami-gami-pyäyi-vepa-varjam—
except for the dhätus bhä déptau (1P, “to shine, appear, seem”), bhü sattäyäm (1P, “to be, become, exist”),
pü[ï] pavane (9U, “to purify”), kam[u] käntau (1A, “to desire”), gam[ÿ] gatau (1P, “to go, move”),
[o]pyäy[é] våddhau (1A, “to swell, increase”), and [öu]vep[å] calane (1A, “to tremble, shake”).
After an upendra, the n of a kåt pratyaya which comes after a sarveçvara changes to ë. But this rule
doesn’t apply when the n of the kåt pratyaya comes after bhä, bhü, pü[ï], kam[u], gam[ÿ], [o]pyäy[é], or
[öu]vep[å].
Amåta—For this rule to apply the upendra must contain within it one of the nimittas described in sütra
173.1 But this rule doesn’t take place if varëas other than those mentioned in sütra 173 are intervening.
This rule ordains the change to ë where it usually wouldn’t take place since the n of the kåt pratyaya isn’t
situated in the same viñëupada as the r, ñ, or å-dvaya (see sütra 173).
1194 / NAevaAR KyaAtaeê /
1194. ëer vä khyäteç ca
ëeù—after a ëy-anta-dhätu; vä—optionally; khyäteù—after the dhätu khyä prakathane (2P, “to declare,
tell”); ca—also.
This rule is optional when the n of the kåt pratyaya comes after khyä or a ëy-anta-dhätu.
1195 / nar"AmaAeÜ"vaAd"Iìr"Ade"re"va /
1195. na-rämoddhaväd éçvaräder eva
na-räma-uddhavät—after a dhätu whose uddhava is na-räma; éçvara-ädeù—if it begins with an éçvara;

eva—only.
When the n of the kåt pratyaya comes after a dhätu whose uddhava is na-räma, this rule only applies if
the dhätu begins with an éçvara.
Saàçodhiné—This is a niyama-sütra as the word eva indicates. Where the n of a kåt pratyaya which comes
after a dhätu whose uddhava is na-räma would have normally always undergone the change to ë by sütra
1193, this sütra creates a limitation by saying “only if the dhätu whose uddhava is na-räma begins with an
éçvara.” One should undertand that na-räma here refers to the na-räma that comes when n[um] is applied
by i-rämed dhätor num (456), because there are no dhätus which begin in an éçvara that naturally have na-
räma as their uddhava. The equivalent Päëinian sütra ij-ädeù sa-numaù (8.4.32) is confirmation of this
fact. Furthermore, even though n[um] undergoes the changes to viñëucakra and hariveëu by
aviñëupadäntasya nasya masya ca viñëucakraà vaiñëave (230) and viñëucakrasya hariveëur viñëuvarge
(114), it is still counted as uddhava-na-räma. Thus Jéva Gosvämé uses the dhätu ikh[i] while giving an
example of this sütra in våtti 1197. One should also understand that if the dhätu has na-räma as its
uddhava, the dhätu must naturally end in a viñëujana.
1196 / ivaSNAujanaAde"r"Iìr"AeÜ"vaAã"A /
1196. viñëujanäder éçvaroddhaväd vä
viñëujana-ädeù—after a dhätu which begins in a viñëujana; éçvara-uddhavät—and has an éçvara as its

uddhava; vä—optionally.
This rule is optional when the n of the kåt pratyaya comes after a dhätu which begins in a viñëujana
and has an éçvara as its uddhava.
vaiñëavena pragéyamäëaà vartate. vaiñëavena pragéyamäëo hariù préëäti. bhädi-niñedhaù kim?

prabhäyamänam.
1
Amåta’s comment here is confirmed by pürvokta-nimittatve saty eva ñatva-ëatve (407).
Våtti—Examples are vaiñëavena pragéyamäëaà vartate (“Glorification by the Vaiñëava takes place”) and
vaiñëavena pragéyamäëo hariù préëäti (“Being glorified by the Vaiñëava1, Hari becomes pleased”).
Ø pra + gai → (539) pra + gä → (1191) pra + gä + [ç]äna → (398) pra + gä + ya[k] + [ç]äna →
(1188) pra + gä + ya[k] + m[uk] + [ç]äna → (544) pra + géyamäna → (1193) pragéyamäëa → (148, 1192)
pragéyamäëa + s[u] → (220) pragéyamäëa + am → (156) pragéyamäëam (“the act of glorifying”) <1.1,
bhäve>.
Ø pra + gai → (539) pra + gä → (1191) pra + gä + [ç]äna → (398) pra + gä + ya[k] + [ç]äna →
(1188) pra + gä + ya[k] + m[uk] + [ç]äna → (544) pra + géyamäna → (1193) pragéyamäëa → (148)
pragéyamäëa + s[u] → (155) pragéyamäëaù (“who is glorified”) <1.1, karmaëi>.
Why do we say “But this rule doesn’t apply when the n of the kåt pratyaya comes after bhä and so on”?
Consider prabhäyamänam <1.1>.
Ø pra + bhä → (1191) pra + bhä + [ç]äna → (398) pra + bhä + ya[k] + [ç]äna → (1188) pra + bhä
+ ya[k] + m[uk] + [ç]äna → prabhäyamäna → (148, 1192) prabhäyamäna + s[u] → (220) prabhäyamäna +
am → (156) prabhäyamänam (“the act of shining”) <1.1, bhäve>.
Amåta—Sütras 1194 to 1196 are amendments of sütra 1193. In that regard, Jéva Gosvämé first gives
examples of sütra 1193 because it is the general rule. In the first example, [ç]äna is applied in bhäve
prayoga and in the second example, [ç]äna is applied in karmaëi prayoga and thus hariù is the ukta-
karma.
1197 / Nyantae ca na /
1197. ëy-ante ca na
ëi-ante—when they end in [ë]i; ca—also; na—not.
This rule also doesn’t apply when the n of the kåt pratyaya comes after bhä, bhü, pü[ï], kam[u], gam[ÿ],
[o]pyäy[é], or [öu]vep[å] which end in [ë]i.
prabhäpyamänam. “punä” iti çnä-nirdeçaù, tataù püïaù prapüyamänam. püìas tu ëatvam eva—
prapavamäëam. ëes tu pragäpyamäëaù pragäpyamäno vä. evaà khyä. na-rämeti preìkhyamäëam ity atraiva
ëatvaà, na tu prakampyamänam ity atra. ëau kåte tu na-rämoddhava-dhätutvaà na syät, tatra tu vikalpa
eva—preìkhyamäëaù, preìkhyamäno vä. “unbha püraëe” ity asya prombhaëam ity aträpi nityam iti
käçikädi-matam. iver antaù-sthäntasya tu preëvanam ity atra na ëatvam, pürvokta-nimittatväbhävät. viñëv iti
pragühamäëaù pragühamäno vä.
Våtti—Thus we get prabhäpyamänam <1.1>.
Ø pra + bhä → (787) pra + bhä + [ë]i → (785) pra + bhä + p[uk] + [ë]i → pra + bhäpi → (1191)
pra + bhäpi + [ç]äna → (398) pra + bhäpi + ya[k] + [ç]äna → (1188) pra + bhäpi + ya[k] + m[uk] + [ç]äna
→ (586) prabhäpyamäna → (148, 1192) prabhäpyamäna + s[u] → (220) prabhäpyamäna + am → (156)
prabhäpyamänam (“the act of causing to shine”) <1.1, bhäve>.
Punä in sütra 1193 is made with the vikaraëa [ç]nä. Thus, from pü[ï] pavane (9U, “to purify”), we get
prapüyamänam <1.1>. But the change to ë certainly take place in the case of pü[ì] pavane (1A, “to
purify”), and we get prapavamäëam <1.1>.
1
The sense here is hetu of another kriyä. For example, here the Vaiñëava’s glorification is the cause of Hari’s pleasure.
Ø pra + pü → (1191) pra + pü + [ç]äna → (398) pra + pü + ya[k] + [ç]äna → (1188) pra + pü +
ya[k] + m[uk] + [ç]äna → (440, 399) prapüyamäna → (148, 1192) prapüyamäna + s[u] → (220)
prapüyamäna + am → (156) prapüyamänam (“the act of purifying”) <1.1, bhäve>.
Ø pra + pü → (1186) pra + pü + [ç]äna → (393) pra + pü + [ç]a[p] + [ç]äna → (1188) pra + pü +
[ç]a[p] + m[uk] + [ç]äna → (394) pra + po + [ç]a[p] + m[uk] + [ç]äna → (65) pra + pavamäna → (1193)
prapavamäëa →(148) prapavamäëa + s[u] → (220) prapavamäëa + am → (156) prapavamäëam (“that
which purifies”) <1.1, kartari>.
An example of ëer vä (1194) is pragäpyamäëaù <1.1> or pragäpyamänaù <1.1>.
Ø pra + gai → (539) pra + gä → (787) pra + gä + [ë]i → (785) pra + gä + p[uk] + [ë]i → pra +
gäpi → (1191) pra + gäpi + [ç]äna → (398) pra + gäpi + ya[k] + [ç]äna → (1188) pra + gäpi + ya[k] +
m[uk] + [ç]äna → (586) pragäpyamäna → (two options by 1194):
1) (the change to ë is done) pragäpyamäëa → (148) pragäpyamäëa + s[u] → (155)
pragäpyamäëaù (“one who is being made to sing”) <1.1, karmaëi>.
2) (the change to ë isn’t done, 148) pragäpyamäna + s[u] → (155) pragäpyamänaù (“one who is
being made to sing”) <1.1, karmaëi>.
Khyä follows the same pattern (see sütra 1194). An example of na-rämoddhaväd éçvaräder eva (1195) is
that the change to ë takes place in preìkhyamäëam <1.1>, but it doesn’t doesn’t take place in
prakampyamänam <1.1>.
Ø pra + ikh[i] → (456, 225) pra + i + n[um] + kh → (230) pra + iàkh → (114) pra + iìkh →
(1191) pra + iìkh + [ç]äna → (398) pra + iìkh + ya[k] + [ç]äna → (1188) pra + iìkh + ya[k] + m[uk] +
[ç]äna → (1195) pra + iìkhyamäëa → (48) preìkhyamäëa → (148, 1192) preìkhyamäëa + s[u] → (220)
preìkhyamäëa + am → (156) preìkhyamäëam (“the act of swinging”) <1.1, bhäve>.
But when [ë]i is applied, the dhätu no longer has na-räma as its uddhava. Thus ëer vä (1194) is applied
instead, and we get preìkhyamäëaù <1.1> or preìkhyamänaù <1.1>.
Ø pra + ikh[i] → (456, 225) pra + i + n[um] + kh → (230) pra + iàkh → (114) pra + iìkh → (786)
pra + iìkh + [ë]i → pra + iìkhi → (1191) pra + iìkhi + [ç]äna → (398) pra + iìkhi + ya[k] + [ç]äna →
(1188) pra + iìkhi + ya[k] + m[uk] + [ç]äna → (586) pra + iìkhyamäna → (two options by 1194):
1) (the change to ë is done) pra + iìkhyamäëa → (48) preìkhyamäëa → (148) preìkhyamäëa +
s[u] → (155) preìkhyamäëaù (“one who is being made to swing”) <1.1, karmaëi>.
2) (the change to ë isn’t done, 48) preìkhyamäna → (148) preìkhyamäna + s[u] → (155)
preìkhyamänaù (“one who is being made to swing”) <1.1, karmaëi>.
It is the opinion of Käçikä and other authorities that the change to ë also always takes place in the case of
prombhaëam <1.1> which is formed from the dhätu unbh[a] püraëe (6P, “to fill up”). But the change to ë
doesn’t take place in the case of preëvanam <1.1> which is formed from the dhätu iv[i] vyäptau (1P, “to
pervade”) whose final va-räma is an antaù-stha1 because those things described previously cannot act as
the nimittas [due to the intervention of ë] (see sütras 406 and 173). An example of viñëujanäder
éçvaroddhaväd vä (1196) is pragühamäëaù <1.1> or pragühamänaù <1.1>.
Ø pra + guh → (1186) pra + guh + [ç]äna → (393) pra + guh + [ç]a[p] + [ç]äna → (1188) pra +
guh + [ç]a[p] + m[uk] + [ç]äna → (443) pra + goh + [ç]a[p] + m[uk] + [ç]äna → (619) pra + guhamäna →
(two options by 1196):
1) (the change to ë is done) pragühamäëa → (148) pragühamäëa + s[u] → (155) pragühamäëaù
(“one who is hiding”) <1.1, kartari>.
1
See våtti 466.
2) (the change to ë isn’t done, 148) pragühamäna + s[u] → (155) pragühamänaù (“one who is
hiding”) <1.1, kartari>.
Amåta—Where the change to ë might have taken place by ëer vä (1194), this sütra prohibits it. Since
punä in sütra 1193 is made with the vikaraëa [ç]nä, the change to ë is only prohibited after the kry-ädi-
dhätu pü[ï] pavane, and not after the bhv-ädi-dhätu pü[ì] pavane (1A, “to purify”). Prapavamäëam <1.1>
is a case of [ç]äna applied in kartari prayoga. Preìkhyamäëam <1.1> is formed by applying [ç]äna in bhäve
prayoga after the dhätu ikh[i] gatau (1P, “to go, move”). This dhätu begins with an éçvara and it has na-
räma as its uddhava since it takes n[um] due to having the indicatory letter i. Therefore the change to ë
takes place after this dhätu. But prakampyamänam is formed from the dhätu kap[i] calane (1A, “to
tremble, shake”). Although this dhätu has na-räma as its uddhava since it takes n[um], it doesn’t begin in
an éçvara. Therefore the change to ë doesn’t take place after this dhätu. However sütra 1195 doesn’t work
when [ë]i is applied, because when [ë]i is situated at the end, kha-räma becomes the uddhava. Thus ëer
vä (1193) is applied instead.
Prombhaëam <1.1> is formed by applying the kåt pratyaya ana after the dhätu unbh[a] püraëe (6P, “to fill
up”) in bhäve prayoga. Käçikä and other authorities consider that the change to ë also always takes place
in the case of prombhaëam in accordance with the understanding that the mention of n[um] in ij-ädeù sa-
numaù (Añöädhyäyé 8.4.32) simultaneously includes the anusvära in general. The final va-räma of the
dhätu iv[i] vyäptau (1P, “to pervade”) is an antaù-stha. Therefore, because it is not a vaiñëava, the n of
n[um] doesn’t become a viñëucakra by aviñëupadäntasya nasya masya ca viñëucakraà vaiñëave (230),
rather it changes to ë by sütra 173. Once that happens, the n of the kåt pratyaya can no longer change to
ë, using the r of pra as the präì-nimitta, because ë is intervening.
1198 / @As$a: zAAnasya wRna: /
1198. äsaù çänasya énaù
äsaù—after the dhätu äs[a] upaveçane vidyamänatäyäà ca (2A, “to sit; to be, exist”); çänasya—of [ç]äna;
énaù—the replacement éna.
After äs[a], [ç]äna is replaced by éna.
äsénaù.
Våtti—Ø äs → (1186) äs + [ç]äna → (1198) äséna → (148) äséna + s[u] → (155) äsénaù (“one who is
sitting”) <1.1, kartari>.
1199 / par"paid"naê zAAnastaAcC$Ilyavaya:zAi·(Sau /
1199. parapadinaç ca çänas täcchélya-vayaù-çaktiñu
parapadinaù—after a parapadé dhätu; ca—also; çänaù—[ç]äna; täcchélya-vayaù-çaktiñu—when täcchélya

(“habit”), vayas (“age”), or çakti (“ability”) are understood.
[Ç]äna can also be applied after a parapadé dhätu if habit, age, or ability are understood.
bhaktaà bhajamänaù. kavacaà bibhräëaù. rävaëaà nighnänaù.
Våtti—Examples of each are bhaktaà bhajamänaù (“one who is [habituated to] worshiping His devotee”),
kavacaà bibhräëaù (“one who is [of the right age for] wearing armor”), and rävaëaà nighnänaù (“one
who is [capable of] killing Rävaëa”).
Ø bhaj → (1199) bhaj + [ç]äna → (393) bhaj + [ç]a[p] + [ç]äna → (1188) bhaj + [ç]a[p] + m[uk] +
[ç]äna → bhajamäna → (148) bhajamäna + s[u] → (155) bhajamänaù <1.1, kartari>.
Ø bhå → (1199) bhå + [ç]äna → (393) bhå + [ç]a[p] + [ç]äna → (637) bhå + [ç]äna → (702, 433)
bhå + bhå + [ç]äna → (439) bå + bhå + [ç]äna → (717) bi + bhå + [ç]äna → (395, 399, 61) bibhräna →
(173) bibhräëa → (148) bibhräëa + s[u] → (155) bibhräëaù <1.1, kartari>.
Ø ni + han → (1199) ni + han + [ç]äna → (393) ni + han + [ç]a[p] + [ç]äna → (638) ni + han +
[ç]äna → (394, 570) ni + hn + [ç]äna → (267) nighnäna → (148) nighnäna + s[u] → (155) nighnänaù
<1.1, kartari>.
Amåta—Vayas is the stage of the body such as youth and so on. This rule ordains [ç]äna where it would
have otherwise been unobtained since it is applied in place of an ätmapada pratyaya. Regarding bhaktaà
bhajamänaù, it is Kåñëa’s habit to worship His devotees. This is in accordance with His promise ye yathä
mäà prapadyante täàs tathaiva bhajämy aham (Bhagavad-gétä 4.11). In the example kavacaà bibhräëaù,
the age of youth which is suitable for wearing armor is understood.
1200 / vaeÔae: zAtauvaRs$auvaAR /
1200. vetteù çatur vasur vä
vetteù—after the dhätu vid[a] jïäne (2P, “to know”); çatuù—of [ç]at[å]; vasuù—the replacement vas[u];
vä—optionally.
After vid[a], [ç]at[å] is optionally replaced by vas[u].
vidan, vidvän kåñëam. akarmakatve ’pi—vidvän paëòitaù.
Våtti—Thus we get vidan kåñëam (“one who knows Kåñëa”) or vidvän kåñëam (“one who knows Kåñëa”).
This rule applies even when vid[a] doesn’t take a karma. Thus we get vidvän which means paëòitaù (“a
learned man”).
Ø vid → (1186) vid + [ç]at[å] → (two options by 1200):

1) ([ç]at[å] is replaced by vas[u]) vidvas[u] → (148) vidvas[u] + s[u] → (240, 225) vidva + n[um] +
s + s[u] → vidvans + s[u] → (228) vidväns + s[u] → (202) vidväns → (242) vidvän <1.1, kartari>.
2) ([ç]at[å] is not replaced by vas[u], 393) vid + [ç]a[p] + [ç]at[å] → (638, 395, 399) vidat[å] →
(148) vidat[å] + s[u] → (240, 225) vida + n[um] + t + s[u] → (202) vidant → (242) vidan <1.1, kartari>.
Amåta—Jéva Gosvämé now shows the result of including the word ädi in the word vartamänädau in sütra
1186.
1201 / zAta{zAAnaAE BaivaSyaita ca , tatpaUva< syaê /
1201. çatå-çänau bhaviñyati ca, tat-pürvaà syaç ca
çatå-çänau—the kåt pratyayas [ç]at[å] and [ç]äna; bhaviñyati—in the future tense; ca—also; tat-pürvam—
before them; syaù—the pratyaya sya; ca—and.
[Ç]at[å] and [ç]äna are also applied after a dhätu in the future tense, and at that time sya is inserted
before them.
kariñyan, kariñyamäëaù.
Våtti—Ø kå → (1201) kå + sya + [ç]at[å] → (556) kå + i[ö] + sya + [ç]at[å] → (394) kar + i[ö] + sya +
[ç]at[å] → (396) karisyat[å] → (170) kariñyat[å] → (148) kariñyat[å] + s[u] → (240, 225) kariñya +
n[um] + t + s[u] → (202) kariñyant → (242) kariñyan (“one who will do”) <1.1, kartari>.
Ø kå → (1201) kå + sya + [ç]äna → (1188) kå + sya + m[uk] + [ç]äna → (556) kå + i[ö] + sya +
m[uk] + [ç]äna → (394) karisyamäna → (170) kariñyamäna → (173) kariñyamäëa → (148) kariñyamäëa
+ s[u] → (155) kariñyamäëaù (“one who will do”) <1.1, kartari>.
1202 / @hR": zAta{ paUjyae /
1202. arhaù çatå püjye
arhaù—after the dhätu arh[a] püjäyäm1 (1P, “to worship, honor”); çatå—[ç]at[å]; püjye—in the meaning
of püjya (“worshipable”).
[Ç]at[å] is applied after arh[a] in the meaning of püjya.
arhan
Våtti—Ø arh → (1202) arh + [ç]at[å] → (393) arh + [ç]a[p] + [ç]at[å] → (396) arhat[å] → (148)
arhat[å] + s[u] → (240, 225) arha + n[um] + t + s[u] → (202) arhant → (242) arhan (“one who is
worshipable”) <1.1, karmaëi>.
Bäla—Arhan <1.1> means püjyaù (“one who is worshipable”). Why do we say in the meaning of püjya?
Consider avaiñëavo duùkham arhati (“The non-Vaiñëava deserves suffering”).
1203 / wx.~DaAir"ByaAM zA‡ak{(cC)$k(taRir" /
1203. iì-dhäribhyäà çatr akåcchra-kartari
iì-dhäribhyäm—after the dhätus i[ì] adhyayane (2A, “to study”) and dhäri (dhå[ì] + [ë]i); çatå—[ç]at[å];
akåcchra-kartari—when a kartä who does the action without difficulty is being expressed.
[Ç]at[å] is applied after i[ì] and dhäri in denoting a kartä who does the action without difficulty.
adhéyan çré-bhägavatam. dhärayan vedän. kåcchratve tu—kañöenädhéyänaù.
Våtti—Examples are adhéyan çré-bhägavatam (“one who studies Bhägavatam without difficulty”) and
dhärayan vedän (“one who masters the Vedas without difficulty”). But when a kartä who does the action
with difficulty is being expressed, we get kañöenädhéyänaù (“one who studies with difficulty”).
Ø adhi + i → (1203) adhi + i + [ç]at[å] → (393) adhi + i + [ç]a[p] + [ç]at[å] → (638) adhi + i +
[ç]at[å] → (394, 499) adhi + iy + [ç]at[å] → (46) adhéyat[å] → (148) adhéyat[å] + s[u] → (240, 225)
adhéya + n[um] + t + s[u] → (202) adhéyant → (242) adhéyan (“one who studies without difficulty”) <1.1,
kartari>.
1
Sometimes this dhätu is listed as arh[a] püjäyäà yogyatve ca (1P, “to worship, honor; to be fit, to be able”).
Ø dhå → (787) dhå + [ë]i → (422) dhäri → (1203) dhäri + [ç]at[å] → (393) dhäri + [ç]a[p] +
[ç]at[å] → (394) dhäre + [ç]a[p] + [ç]at[å] → (63) dhäraya + [ç]at[å] → (396) dhärayat[å] → (148)
dhärayat[å] + s[u] → (240, 225) dhäraya + n[um] + t + s[u] → (202) dhärayant → (242) dhärayan (“one
who masters without difficulty”) <1.1, kartari>.
Amåta—The understanding of the word akåcchra-kartå is akåcchraù sukha-sädhyo dhätv-artho yasya

kartuù so ’kåcchra-kartä (“An akåcchra-kartä is a kartä who does the action (dhätv-artha) without
difficulty (akåcchra) or, in other words, easily (sukha)”). Dhäri here is the ëy-anta-dhätu made from
dhå[ì] avasthäne (6A, “to be, exist, remain”). This rule ordains only [ç]at[å] where i[ì] would have taken
only [ç]äna since it is in an ätmapadé dhätu and where dhäri would have taken either [ç]at[å] or [ç]äna by
ëer ubhayapadam (782).
1204 / iã"Sa: zAta{ zA‡aAE /
1204. dviñaù çatå çatrau
dviñaù—after the dhätu dviñ[a] aprétau (2U, “to hate”); çatå—[ç]at[å]; çatrau—in the meaning of çatru
(“an enemy”).
[Ç]at[å] is applied after dviñ[a] in the meaning of çatru.
dviñan. arhad-ädayaç ca phaläntaraà näpekñante rüòhatvät.

mukhyo läkñaëiko gauëaù çabdaù syäd aupacärikaù
rüòho vä yoga-rüòho vä yaugikaù çabda eva ca
Våtti—Ø dviñ → (1204) dviñ + [ç]at[å] → (393) dviñ + [ç]a[p] + [ç]at[å] → (638) dviñat[å] → (148)
dviñat[å] + s[u] → (240, 225) dviña + n[um] + t + s[u] → (202) dviñant → (242) dviñan (“an enemy”) <1.1,
kartari>.
The words arhat[å] and so on also don’t require another phala (kriyä) because they are rüòha words.
mukhyo läkñaëiko gauëaù

çabdaù syäd aupacärikaù
rüòho vä yoga-rüòho vä
yaugikaù çabda eva ca
“A word is either mukhya, läkñaëika, gauëa, or aupacärika, and at the same time a word is either rüòha,
yoga-rüòha, or yaugika.”
Bäla—Dviñan <1.1> means çatruù (“an enemy”).
Amåta—The karma kaàsam or kaàsasya has to be added to dviñan (see sütra 960). Why do we say “when
an enemy is to be expressed”? Consider praëayena priyäà dveñöi (“Out of love he acts in a hostile way
towards His beloved”). The word phaläntara (“another phala”) really refers to another kriyä which
achieves that phala (see Amåta 1186). The word ädi in arhad-ädayaù includes the words adhéyat[å],
dhärayat[å], and dviñat[å] mentioned in the next two sütras after arhat[å], and the word ca drags in the
previously mentioned akarmakas such as sat[å] and vidyamäna (see våtti 1187). The reason why such
words don’t require another kriyä is that they are rüòha words. The implied meaning is that rüòha words
don’t even have regard for the meaning attained by the combination of the prakåti and pratyaya from
which such words are formed, what to speak of having regard for another kriyä.
With the verse beginning mukhyaù, Jéva Gosvämé describes the different kinds of words to students
whose curiosity was aroused by the word rüòhatvät here. There are three different senses (çaktis) that a
word may have. These are abhidhä (“literal sense”), lakñaëä (“figurative sense”), and vyaïjanä
(“suggestive sense”). It was described previously (in Amåta 977) that words which are understood
through these three våttis are called mukhya, läkñaëika, and vyaïjaka respectively. In that regard, a word
Comment [8]: more literally: conveyed, but
which is understood through the abhidhä çakti1, that is to say a word which is assigned in terms of the doesn’t sound good in english. It is clear from the
Lord’s desire that “from this word this meaning should be understood” and which is understood verse below and its gloss in Amåta 976 that
pratéyate and bodhyate are synonyms
immediately at the moment of pronunciation is called mukhya. Now lakñaëä will be described. Sähitya-
darpaëa offers the following explanation:
mukhyärtha-bädhe tad-yukto
yayänyärthaù pratéyate
rüòheù prayojanäd väsau
lakñaëä çaktir arpitä
“The lakñaëä çakti is that by which another meaning connected with the main meaning is conveyed either
by rüòhi (“convention”) or by prayojana (“intention”) when the main meaning doesn’t make sense.”
Comment [9]: this is based on Amåta 976
A meaning or word which is conveyed or understood through lakñaëä våtti is called läkñaëika. For
example, in gaìgäyäà ghoñaù (“The village of cowherds is situated on the Gaìgä”), the word Gaìgä
refers to the bank of the Gaìgä (see våtti 977). Now vyaïjanä will be described. The vyaïjanä çakti is that
by which a meaning other than the mukhya (“main”) or läkñaëika (“figurative”) meaning is understood
once the adhidhä çakti and lakñaëä çakti have ceased after conveying their respective meanings. But the
vyaïjanä çakti conveys a meaning other than the mukhya or läkñaëika meaning only after due
consideration of the connection, surroundings, and suitability as well as the time and place and so on
understood by the speaker. A meaning or word which is conveyed or understood through vyaïjanä våtti
is called vyaïjaka (“contextual”). For example, in sa-kaustubho bhäti vidhuù (“Vidhu shines along with
the Kaustubha jewel”), the word vidhu refers to Kåñëa and not to the moon because of the connection
with the word kaustubha. To give another example—When, during a meal, someone says saindhavam
änaya (“Bring saindhava”), it is understood that salt, which is suitable for the time of eating, is required,
and not a horse from the sindhu region. What has been explained so far is the opinion of those who
propound the knowledge of alaìkäras. But the followers of the Nyäya system say that vyaïjanä is
included within abhidhä and lakñaëä and thus it is not a separate våtti. Because they don’t accept any våtti
other than abhidhä and lakñaëä, they conclude that all words are included in the category of mukhya or
läkñaëika.
Some accept that gauëé våtti (“the word’s qualitative meaning”) is a separate category due to connection
through the quality of similarity. A word which is understood through gauëé våtti is called gauëa. It is
considered that gauëa is included within the category of läkñaëika. Examples are puruñaù siàhaù (“a man
who is like a lion”), agnir mänavakaù (“a boy who is like a fire”), and so on (see Amåta 977). Similarly, a
word which involves upacära (“the imposing of a particular function (vyäpära) on something that
normally wouldn’t have that function”) is called aupacärika. Aupacärika is also just a special kind of
läkñaëika. Examples are maïcäù kroçanti (“The beds cry out, i.e the babies on the beds cry out”), bhikñä
mathuräà väsayati (“Begging makes one live in Mathurä”), and so on.2
Rüòha and so on are subdivisions of mukhya. In this regard, Siddhänta-muktävalé gives the following
definitions and examples: A word in which only the meaning of the parts is understood when there is
combination of the prakåti and pratyaya is called a yaugika word. Examples are päcaka, kåñëa, and so on.
A word in which a special meaning is understood based on the çakti (“designative power”) of the whole
independent of the çakti of the parts is called a rüòha word. Examples are go, maëòapa, and so on. On the
other hand, a word which, despite the existence of the çakti of the parts, depends on the çakti of the
whole, is called a yoga-rüòha word. An example is paìkaja. Here, despite the existence of the quality of
being the kartä of the activity of being born (ja) in the mud (paìka), all other things such as çaiväla (“a
green moss-like plant”) and çambuka (“a bivalve shell”) and so on in which the quality of being such a
1
The word çakti (“the designative power of a word”) is a synonym of the word våtti here.
2
See våttis 924 and 950 for further details.
kartä inheres are excluded and the word paìkaja conventionally refers only to the thing called padma (“a
lotus flower”).
Knowledge of the meaning of words can be had from grammar and so on. In this regard, earlier
grammarians have said:
çakti-graho vyäkaraëopamäna-
koñäpta-väkyäd vyavahärataç ca
väkyasya çeñäd vivåter vadanti
sännidhyataù siddha-padasya våddhäù
“The learned say that comprehension of the çakti of a word comes from grammar, comparison,
dictionaries, the statements of learned people, common usage, the missing words in an elliptical sentence,
and commentaries.”
Saàçodhiné—Although kåñëa is mentioned here as a yaugika word, it is also a rüòha word in accordance
with the following statement of Näma-kaumudé, a book written by Lakñmédhara Paëòita: kåñëa-çabdasya
tamäla-çyämala-tviñi yaçodäyäù stanan-dhaye para-brahmaëi rüòhiù (“The word kåñëa is conventionally
the name of the Supreme Brahman, whose complexion is dark blue like a tamäla tree and who sucks the
breast of Mother Yaçodä”).1 The rüòhi, or conventional meaning, is always the primary meaning. In cases
where the rüòhi differs from the yoga (“derived meaning”), the rüòhi takes precedence. This is in
accordance with the maxim yogäd rüòhir baléyasé (“The conventional meaning is stronger than the
derived meaning”). Still Amåta is not wrong in labelling kåñëa a yaugika word since Mahäbhärata
(Udyoga-parva 71.4) offers the following derivation:
kåñir bhü-väcakaù çabdo

ëaç ca nirvåti-väcakaù
tayor aikyaà paraà brahma
kåñëa ity abhidhéyate
“‘The word “kåñ” is the attractive feature of the Lord’s existence, and “ëa” means spiritual pleasure. When
the verb “kåñ” is added to the suffix “ëa,” it becomes “Kåñëa,” which indicates the Absolute Truth.’”
1205 / na naAr"AyaNAAcC$taunauRmk{(SNAsTaAnae , “aöNAstau vaA /
1205. na näräyaëäc chatur num kåñëasthäne, brahmaëas tu vä
na—not; näräyaëät—after a näräyaëa (see sütras 437 and 675); çatuù—of [ç]at[å]; num—the ägama
n[um]; kåñëasthäne—when a kåñëasthäna follows (see sütra 227); brahmaëaù—of the neuter gender; tu—
but; vä—optionally.
If [ç]at[å] comes after a näräyaëa, it doesn’t take n[um] when a kåñëasthäna follows. But this is only
optionally so in the neuter gender.
dadat, dadatau. jakñat, jakñatau. dadanti, dadati.
Våtti—Ø dä → (1186) dä + [ç]at[å] → (393) dä + [ç]a[p] + [ç]at[å] → (638) dä + [ç]at[å] → (702, 433)
dä + dä + [ç]at[å] → (491) da + dä + [ç]at[å] → (681) dadat[å] → (dadat[å] is a näma by sütra 148 and
thus sv-ädis are applied after it by sütra 151):
Ø dadat[å] + s[u] → (1205, 202) dadat (“one who gives”) <1.1, kartari>.
1
See Tattva-sandarbha (47.2) for further details.
Ø dadat[å] + au → (1205) dadatau (“those two who give”) <1.2, kartari>.
Ø jakñ → (1186) jakñ + [ç]at[å] → (393) jakñ + [ç]a[p] + [ç]at[å] → (638) jakñat[å] (jakñat[å] is a
näma by sütra 148 and thus sv-ädis are applied after it by sütra 151):
Ø jakñat[å] + s[u] → (1205, 202) jakñat (“one who eats / laughs”) <1.1, kartari>.
Ø jakñat[å] + au → (1205) jakñatau (“those two who eat / laugh”) <1.2, kartari>.
Ø dä → (1186) dä + [ç]at[å] → (393) dä + [ç]a[p] + [ç]at[å] → (638) dä + [ç]at[å] → (702, 433)

dä + dä + [ç]at[å] → (491) da + dä + [ç]at[å] → (681) dadat[å] → (148) dadat[å] + [j]as → (223) dadat[å]
+ [ç]i → (two options by 1205):
1) (n[um] is inserted) dada + n[um] + t + [ç]i → (230, 114) dadanti (“those which give”) <1.3,
kartari>.
2) (n[um] isn’t inserted) dadati (“those which give”) <1.3, kartari>.
Amåta—This rule prohibits the n[um] that would have been obtained by acaç caturbhujänubandhänäà ca
nuà kåñëasthäne (240).
1206 / zApzyaAByaAM zAtaunauRmaI‘atyayae , zAeSaAã"yaAÔau vaA /
1206. çap-çyäbhyäà çatur num é-pratyaye, çeñä-dvayät tu vä
çap-çyäbhyäm—after the vikaraëas [ç]a[p] and [ç]ya; çatuù—of [ç]at[å]; num—the ägama n[um]; é-
pratyaye—when the pratyaya é follows; çeña-a-dvayät—after the a-dvaya of anything else; tu—but; vä—
optionally.
[Ç]at[å] takes n[um] when it comes after [ç]a[p] or [ç]ya and the pratyaya é follows. But when it comes
after the a-dvaya of anything else, it optionally takes n[um].
caturbhujänubandhäl lakñmyäm ép vakñyate. brahmaëa au é coktaù—kréòanté dévyanté gopa-çreëé gopa-kule

vä. na dåçyate ca—
gate ’rdha-rätre pari manda-mandaà
garjaty asau prävåñi néla-meghaù
apaçyaté vatsam ivendu-bimbaà
vibhävaré gaur iva huì-karoti
iti päëini-muneù kävyam. a-räma-harasya nimittam a-rämaù pürva-vac ca. tudaté tudanté, bhäté bhänté,
kariñyaté kariñyanté sä, te vä. anyatra tu—adaté, kurvaté.
Våtti—It will be described later how the taddhita pratyaya é[p] is applied in the feminine gender after
words that have a caturbhuja as their indicatory letter (see sütra). And it was already described that after a
brahma, au is replaced by é (see sütra 209). Examples are kréòanté gopa-çreëé (“The group of cowherd boys
Comment [10]: reference this:
who are playing”) and dévyanté gopa-çreëé (“The group of cowherd boys who are playing”) and kréòanté
gopa-kule (“The two groups of cowherd boys who are playing”) and dévyanté gopa-kule (“The two groups å-rämäc caturbhujänubandhän na-rämäd aïcater
vähaç ca man-mätå-païcädi- varjam
of cowherd boys who are playing”).
Ø kréò → (1186) kréò + [ç]at[å] → (393) kréò + [ç]a[p] + [ç]at[å] → (396) kréò + [ç]at[å] → ()
kréò + [ç]at[å] + é[p] → (450, 1206, 225) kréòanté → (148) kréòanté + s[u] → (202) kréòanté <1.1, kartari>. Comment [11]: reference this:
å-rämäc caturbhujänubandhän na-rämäd aïcater

Ø div → (1186) div + [ç]at[å] → (393) div + [ç]a[p] + [ç]at[å] → (719) div + [ç]ya + [ç]at[å] → vähaç ca man-mätå-païcädi- varjam
(262) dévya + [ç]at[å] → (396) dévy + [ç]at[å] → () dévy + [ç]at[å] + é[p] → (450, 1206, 225) dévyanté →
(148) dévyanté + s[u] → (202) dévyanté <1.1, kartari>.

Ø kréò → (1186) kréò + [ç]at[å] → (393) kréò + [ç]a[p] + [ç]at[å] → (396) kréò + [ç]at[å] → (148) vähaç ca man-mätå-païcädi- varjam
kréò + [ç]at[å] + au → (209) kréò + [ç]at[å] + é → (450, 1206, 225) kréòanté <1.2, kartari>.
Ø div → (1186) div + [ç]at[å] → (393) div + [ç]a[p] + [ç]at[å] → (719) div + [ç]ya + [ç]at[å] →
(262) dévya + [ç]at[å] → (396) dévy + [ç]at[å] → (148) dévy + [ç]at[å] + au → (209) dévy + [ç]at[å] + é →
(450, 1206, 225) dévyanté <1.2, kartari>.
However, it is seen that sometimes n[um] isn’t applied. For example, in Päëini-muni’s poetry we see:
gate ’rdha-rätre pari manda-mandaà

garjaty asau prävåñi néla-meghaù
apaçyaté vatsam ivendu-bimbaà
vibhävaré gaur iva huì-karoti
“In the rainy season, when half the night has passed, that dark-blue rain cloud thunders in a low tone,
and the night, not seeing the orb of the moon, moos like a cow not seeing it’s calf.”
[Now examples of çeñä-dvayät tu vä are given]: A-räma-harasya nimittam a-rämaù pürva-vac ca (450) is
applied and we get tudaté sä or tudanté sä (“she who is striking”), bhäté sä or bhänté sä (“she who is
shining”), and kariñyaté sä or kariñyanté sä (“she who will do”). Likewise tudaté te or tudanté te (“those two
which are striking”), bhäté te or bhänté te (“those two which are shining”), and kariñyaté te or kariñyanté te
(“those two who will do”). On the other hand, we get adaté (“one who is eating”) and kurvaté (“one who
is doing”).
Ø tud → (1186) tud + [ç]at[å] → (393) tud + [ç]a[p] + [ç]at[å] → (740) tud + [ç]a + [ç]at[å] →
(396) tud + [ç]at[å] → () tud + [ç]at[å] + é[p] → (450, two options by 1206):
1) (n[um] is inserted, 230, 114) tudanté → (148) tudanté + s[u] → (202) tudanté <1.1, kartari>.
2) (n[um] isn’t inserted) tudaté → (148) tudaté + s[u] → (202) tudaté <1.1, kartari>.
vähaç ca man-mätå-païcädi- varjam
Ø bhä → (1186) bhä + [ç]at[å] → (393, 638, ) bhä + [ç]at[å] + é[p] → (two options by 1206):
1) (n[um] is inserted) bhä + anté → (46) bhänté → (148) bhänté + s[u] → (202) bhänté <1.1,
kartari>.
2) (n[um] isn’t inserted, 46) bhäté → (148) bhäté + s[u] → (202) bhäté <1.1, kartari>. vähaç ca man-mätå-païcädi- varjam
Ø kå → (1201) kå + sya + [ç]at[å] → (556) kå + i[ö] + sya + [ç]at[å] → (394) kar + i[ö] + sya +
[ç]at[å] → (396) kar + i[ö] + sy + [ç]at[å] → (170) kar + i[ö] + ñy + [ç]at[å] → () kar + i[ö] + ñy + [ç]at[å] +
é[p] → (450, two options by 1206):
1) (n[um] is inserted) kariñyanté → (148) kariñyanté + s[u] → (202) kariñyanté <1.1, kartari>.
2) (n[um] isn’t inserted) kariñyaté → (148) kariñyaté + s[u] → (202) kariñyaté <1.1, kartari>. vähaç ca man-mätå-païcädi- varjam
Ø tud → (1186) tud + [ç]at[å] → (393) tud + [ç]a[p] + [ç]at[å] → (740) tud + [ç]a + [ç]at[å] →
(396) tud + [ç]at[å] → (148) tud + [ç]at[å] + au → (209) tud + [ç]at[å] + é → (450, two options by 1206):
1) (n[um] is inserted) tudanté <1.2, kartari>.
2) (n[um] isn’t inserted) tudaté <1.2, kartari>.
Ø bhä → (1186) bhä + [ç]at[å] → (393, 638, 148) bhä + [ç]at[å] + au → (209) bhä + [ç]at[å] + é
(450, two options by 1206):
1) (n[um] is inserted) bhä + anté → (46) bhänté <1.2, kartari>.
2) (n[um] isn’t inserted, 46) bhäté <1.2, kartari>.
Ø kå → (1201) kå + sya + [ç]at[å] → (556) kå + i[ö] + sya + [ç]at[å] → (394) kar + i[ö] + sya +
[ç]at[å] → (396) kar + i[ö] + sy + [ç]at[å] → (170) kar + i[ö] + ñy + [ç]at[å] → (148) kar + i[ö] + ñy +
[ç]at[å] + au (209) kar + i[ö] + ñy + [ç]at[å] + é → (450, two options by 1206):
1) (n[um] is inserted) kariñyanté <1.2, kartari>.
2) (n[um] isn’t inserted) kariñyaté <1.2, kartari>.
Amåta—With the first two sentences of the våtti, Jéva Gosvämé explains the para-nimitta é-pratyaye in this
sütra. He explains that it refers both to the taddhita pratyaya é[p] and to é, the neuter replacement of au.
Thus this rule ordains n[um] where it was unobtained by the previous sütra since é[p] and é aren’t
kåñëasthänas. The word çeñä-dvayät means çap-çyäbhyäm itaro yo ’dvayas tasmät (“after a-dvaya other than
[ç]a[p] or [ç]ya”). Someone may wonder, “Was the word a-dvaya used here to refer to the a-räma of the
vikaraëa [ç]a and to the ä-räma of the vikaraëa [ç]nä, or was it used here to refer to something else?”
Well, the a-räma of the vikaraëa [ç]a fits here, but the ä-räma of the vikaraëa [ç]nä doesn’t fit here
because, when it is deleted by the antaraìga rule çnä-näräyaëayor ä-räma-haro nirguëa-kåñëa-dhätuke
(681), there is no possibility of using it is as the präì-nimitta. Someone may then argue, “Well, why do
we have a-dvayät, if it should really just be a-rämät?” The answer is that there is no rule that the a-dvaya
has to be part of a vikaraëa, rather [ç]at[å] takes n[um] even when it comes after ä-räma that is part of a
dhätu. Therefore the example bhänté is given in the våtti.
The word gopa-çreëé is a viçeñya used to indicate the feminine gender, and the word gopa-kule is a viçeñya
used to indicate neuter first case or second case dual. The words na dåçyate ca means that because rules
dealing with ägamas aren’t constant (see våtti 704) and because operations involving kåt pratyayas are
bahula, the rule of n[um] sometimes deviates. An example of this is apaçyaté in Päëini-muni’s verse. Here
n[um] should have always been applied since dåç[ir] is a bhv-ädi-dhätu.
Tudaté and so on are examples of çeñä-dvayät tu vä. The mood behind the option here is this: When a-
räma is deleted by a-räma-hara e-ayor aviñëupadänte (396) and the a-räma which is the para-nimitta of
the deletion is considered like the previous a-räma, then n[um] is applied. But when it is not considered
like the previous a-räma, then [ç]at[å] doesn’t come after a-dvaya, and thus n[um] isn’t applied. In adaté
and so on, [ç]at[å] doesn’t come after a-dvaya, and thus n[um] isn’t applied.
1207 / jaIyaRtaer"ta{ BaUtae ca /
1207. jéryater atå bhüte ca
jéryateù—after the dhätu jè[ñ] vayo-hanau (4P, “to grow old”); atå—the kåt pratyaya at[å]; bhüte—in the
past tense; ca—also.
At[å] is also applied after jè[ñ] in the past tense.
jaran, jarantau.
Våtti—Ø jè → (1207) jè + at[å] → (394) jarat[å] → (jarat[å] is a näma by sütra 148 and thus sv-ädis are
applied after it by sütra 151):
Ø jarat[å] + s[u] → (240, 225) jara + n[um] + t + s[u] → (202) jarant → (242) jaran (“an old
person”) <1.1, kartari>.
Ø jarat[å] + au → (240, 225) jara + n[um] + t + au → jarantau (“two old people”) <1.2, kartari>.
Amåta—Due to the word ca, at[å] is also applied in the present tense and future tense. Jaran <1.1> means
våddhaù (“an old person”). The word ca here actually has the sense of two-fold conjuction. Thus the
conclusion is that both at[å] and [ç]at[å] can be applied after jè[ñ]. When [ç]at[å] is applied we get jéryan
<1.1, kartari>.
1208 / par"AeºaAtaItae ¸(s$auik(k(AnaA @DaAeºajaABas$aMÁaA: par"pad"Atmapad"yaAe: /
1208. parokñätéte kvasu-ki-känä adhokñajäbha-saàjïäù parapadätmapadayoù

parokña-atéte—in the past tense not witnessed by the speaker; kvasu-ki-känäù—the kåt pratyayas
[k]vas[u], [k]i, and [k]äna; adhokñajäbha-saàjïäù—called adhokñajäbhas (“like adhokñaja pratyayas”);
parapada-ätmapadayoù—in place of a parapada pratyaya and ätmapada pratyaya respectively.
[K]vas[u], [k]i, and [k]äna are applied after a dhätu in kartari prayoga in the past tense not witnessed
by the speaker and are called adhokñajäbhas. In that regard, [k]vas[u] and [k]i are parapada pratyayas
and [k]äna is an ätmapada pratyaya.1
präyaç chändasä ete. u-käv itau. adhokñajäbhatväd dvir-vacanädi.
Våtti—These pratyayas are found mainly in the Vedas. The u and k are indicatory letters. Because these
pratyayas are like adhokñaja pratyayas, reduplication and so on is done.
Amåta—Because these pratyayas have the indicatory letter k, they are kapila, and thus saìkarñaëa as well
as the deletion of the uddhava-na-räma and so on is done. The u in [k]vas[u] is for the sake of n[um]. The
adhokñajäbhas are found mainly in the Vedas, but sometimes in common Sanskrit too. Therefore, to cover
the usage of the adhokñajäbhas in common Sanskrit, the adhokñajäbhas were also mentioned in the sütra
acyutäbha-viñëuniñöhädhokñajäbha-khal-arthävyayo-rämänta-tèëäà yoge na ñañöhé (960). Kådantas made
from the adhokñajäbhas function as the main kriyä, just like an äkhyäta-kriyä, since they are able to
complete the sense by themselves.
1209 / nare" k{(tae'pyaek(s$avaeRìr"Ad"Ar"AmaAntaAÙ"s$aeêEvaeÒ"s$aAE , naAnyaeBya: /
1209. nare kåte ’py eka-sarveçvaräd ä-rämäntäd ghaseç caiveò vasau, nänyebhyaù
nare kåte api—even when the nara has been made; eka-sarveçvarät—after a dhätu which has only one
sarveçvara; ä-räma-antät—after a dhätu which ends in ä-räma; ghaseù—after the dhätu ghas[ÿ] adane (1P,
“to eat”); ca—and; eva—only; iö—the ägama i[ö]; vasau—when [k]vas[u] follows; na—not; anyebhyaù—
after any other dhätu.
When [k]vas[u] follows, i[ö] is only applied after dhätus which still have only one sarveçvara even after
the nara has been made, after dhätus which end in ä-räma, and after the dhätu ghas[ÿ]. I[ö] is not
applied after any other dhätu.
eña bhejivän kåñëaà, bhäjayäïcakåvän. ädivän tan-naivedyam, ädayäïcakåvän. vasor vasya utve niñedha-
präpter iöo ’päyo nimittatväbhävät, bhejuñaù, äduñaù. dadivän, daridrämäsivän. matäntare—dadaridrvän. tan-
mate atreöaç ca niñedhaù. jakñivän. å gatau, dvir-vacanädi—
Våtti—Examples of the first kind are eña bhejivän kåñëam (“This person worshiped Kåñëa”) but eña
bhäjayäïcakåvän kåñëam (“This person caused [someone] to worship Kåñëa”) and eña ädivän tan-
naivedyam (“This person ate Kåñëa’s remnants”) but eña ädayäïcakåvän tan-naivedyam (“This person
caused [someone] to eat Kåñëa’s remnants”).
Ø bhaj → (1208) bhaj + [k]vas[u] → (432, 433) bha + bhaj + [k]vas[u] → (476) bhej + [k]vas[u]
→ (1209) bhejivas[u] → (148) bhejivas[u] + s[u] → (240, 225) bhejivans + s[u] → (228) bhejiväns + s[u]
→ (202) bhejiväns → (242) bhejivän <1.1, kartari>.
Ø bhaj → (787) bhaj + [ë]i → (470) bhäji → (365, 1208) bhäji + [k]vas[u] → (513) bhäji + äm +
[k]vas[u] → (482) bhäji + äm + kå + [k]vas[u] → (593, 394) bhäje + äm + kå + [k]vas[u] → (63) bhäjayäm
+ kå + [k]vas[u] → (432, 433) bhäjayäm + kå + kå + [k]vas[u] → (457) bhäjayäm + cå + kå + [k]vas[u] →
(484, 399) bhäjayäm + cakåvas[u] → (230, 114) bhäjayäïcakåvas[u] → (148) bhäjayäïcakåvas[u] + s[u]
1
See våtti 960.
→ (240, 225) bhäjayäïcakåvans + s[u] → (228) bhäjayäïcakåväns + s[u] → (202) bhäjayäïcakåväns →
(242) bhäjayäïcakåvän <1.1, kartari>.
Ø ad → (1208) ad + [k]vas[u] → (432, 433) a + ad + [k]vas[u] → (473) ä + ad + [k]vas[u] → (46)

äd + [k]vas[u] → (1209) ädivas[u] → (148) ädivas[u] + s[u] → (240, 225) ädivans + s[u] → (228) ädiväns
+ s[u] → (202) ädiväns → (242) ädivän <1.1, kartari>.
Ø ad → (787) ad + [ë]i → (470) ädi → (365, 1208) ädi + [k]vas[u] → (513) ädi + äm + [k]vas[u]
→ (482) ädi + äm + kå + [k]vas[u] → (593, 394) äde + äm + kå + [k]vas[u] → (63) ädayäm + kå +
[k]vas[u] → (432, 433) ädayäm + kå + kå + [k]vas[u] → (457) ädayäm + cå + kå + [k]vas[u] → (484, 399)
ädayäm + cakåvas[u] → (230, 114) ädayäïcakåvas[u] → (148) ädayäïcakåvas[u] + s[u] → (240, 225)
ädayäïcakåvans + s[u] → (228) ädayäïcakåväns + s[u] → (202) ädayäïcakåväns → (242) ädayäïcakåvän
<1.1, kartari>.
But, when the va of [k]vas[u] changes to u by sütra 287, i[ö] disappears since u-räma cannot be a nimitta
due to the prohibition neö ya-sarveçvarayoù (440). Thus we get bhejuñaù <2.3> and äduñaù <2.3>.
Ø bhaj → (1208) bhaj + [k]vas[u] → (432, 433) bha + bhaj + [k]vas[u] → (476) bhej + [k]vas[u]
→ (1209) bhejivas[u] → (148) bhejivas[u] + [ç]as → (287) bheji + us + [ç]as → (nimittäpäye
naimittakasyäpy apäyaù) bhejus + [ç]as → (170) bhejuñas → (155) bhejuñaù <2.3, kartari>.
Ø ad → (1208) ad + [k]vas[u] → (432, 433) a + ad + [k]vas[u] → (473) ä + ad + [k]vas[u] → (46)

äd + [k]vas[u] → (1209) ädivas[u] → (148) ädivas[u] + [ç]as → (287) ädi + us + [ç]as → (nimittäpäye
naimittakasyäpy apäyaù) ädus + [ç]as → (170) äduñas → (155) äduñaù <2.3, kartari>.
An example of the second kind is dadivän <1.1> but daridrämäsivän <1.1>.
Ø dä → (1208) dä + [k]vas[u] → (1209) dä + i[ö] + [k]vas[u] → (432, 433) dä + dä + i[ö] +

[k]vas[u] → (491) da + dä + i[ö] + [k]vas[u] → (681) dadivas[u] → (148) dadivas[u] + s[u] → (240, 225)
dadivans + s[u] → (228) dadiväns + s[u] → (202) dadiväns → (242) dadivän <1.1, kartari>.
Ø daridrä → (1208) daridrä + [k]vas[u] → (513) daridrä + äm + [k]vas[u] → (482) daridrä + äm +

as + [k]vas[u] → (682) daridräm + as + [k]vas[u] → (432, 433) daridräm + a + as + [k]vas[u] → (473)
daridräm + ä + as + [k]vas[u] → (46) daridräm + äd + [k]vas[u] → (1209) daridrämädivas[u] → (230,
114) daridrämädivas[u] → (148) daridrämädivas[u] + s[u] → (240, 225) daridrämädivans + s[u] → (228)
daridrämädiväns + s[u] → (202) daridrämädiväns → (242) daridrämädivän <1.1, kartari>.
Others consider the form should be dadaridrvän <1.1>. In their opinion, i[ö] is also forbidden here. The
example of ghas[ÿ] is jakñivän <1.1>.
Ø ghas → (1208) ghas + [k]vas[u] → (1209) ghas + i[ö] + [k]vas[u] → (432, 433) gha + ghas + i[ö]
+ [k]vas[u] → (439) ga + ghas + i[ö] + [k]vas[u] → (457) ja + ghas + i[ö] + [k]vas[u] → (570) ja + ghs +
i[ö] + [k]vas[u] → (98) jaksivas[u] → (632) jakñivas[u] → (148) jakñivas[u] + s[u] → (240, 225) jakñivans
+ s[u] → (228) jakñiväns + s[u] → (202) jakñiväns → (242) jakñivän <1.1, kartari>.
When we have the dhätu å gatau (1P or 3P, “to go, move”), reduplication and so on is done, and then the
following rule applies.
Amåta—This is a special restriction made for [k]vas[u] which overrules the previous restriction that only
the dhätus [òu]kå[ï], så, [òu]bhå[ï], and so on don’t take i[ö] when an adhokñaja pratyaya follows and that
all other dhätus take i[ö], even if they are aniö (see sütra 468). In the examples, the anukta-karma kåñëam
takes a dvitéyä viñëubhakti in accordance with the prohibition acyutäbha-viñëuniñöhädhokñajäbha-khal-
arthävyayo-rämänta-tèëäà yoge na ñañöhé (960). Regarding dadivän <1.1>, one should not suspect that the
naimittika i[ö] disappears when it’s nimitta in the form of ä-räma is deleted by ä-räma-haraù kaàsäri-
sarveçvara-räma-dhätuke iöi usi ca (542), because the rule of sannipäta applies here (see våtti 548). For
example, since the deletion of ä-räma takes place based on the existence of i[ö], the deletion of ä-räma
cannot cause the disappearance of i[ö]. In daridrämäsivän, i[ö] is applied because the auxiliary dhätu as[a]
still has only one sarveçvara even after the nara has been made, not because daridrä ends in ä-räma, since
that condition no longer applies once äm has been applied. The other opinion mentioned in the våtti is
Käçikä’s opinion. In Käçikä’s opinion, both äm and i[ö] are forbidden. The intention behind this is that
i[ö] won’t be applied when ä-räma is deleted by the värttika daridräter ärdha-dhätuke lopo väcyaù (“It
should be stated that the ä of daridrä is deleted when an ärdha-dhätuka (räma-dhätuka) follows”).
1210 / @taeRgAAeRivand": ¸(s$aAE /
1210. arter govindaù kvasau
arteù—of the dhätu å gatau (1P or 3P, “to go, move”); govindaù—govinda; kvasau—when [k]vas[u]
follows.
The dhätu å takes govinda when [k]vas[u] follows.
ärivän. nänyebhya iö—babhüvän. vasor vasya ur bhagavati, bhuvo bhüv—babhüvuñaù. çè dè ity etayor
vämano veti—çaçåvän, çaçarvän. jägå—jajägarvän. jajägåvän ity eke. bhanjo—babhajvän. atra cha-vayoù
çoöhau vikalpayanti, viccha—vivicchvän, viviçvän. saìkarñaëa eva—papåcchvän. kaläpa-mataà tu cintyam.
diva—ya-vayor haro vale, didivän. bhagavati—didivuñaù ity-ädi. matäntare—dudyüñaù.
Våtti—Thus we get ärivän <1.1>.
Ø å → (1208) å + [k]vas[u] → (432, 433) å + å + [k]vas[u] → (484) a + å + [k]vas[u] → (473) ä +

å + [k]vas[u] → (1210) ä + ar + [k]vas[u] → (46) är + [k]vas[u] → (1209) ärivas[u] → (148) ärivas[u] +
s[u] → (240, 225) ärivans + s[u] → (228) äriväns + s[u] → (202) äriväns → (242) ärivän <1.1, kartari>.
I[ö] is not applied after any other dhätu. Thus we get babhüvän <1.1>.
Ø bhü → (1208) bhü + [k]vas[u] → (432, 433) bhü + bhü + [k]vas[u] → (438) bha + bhü +
[k]vas[u] → (439) babhüvas[u] → (148) babhüvas[u] + s[u] → (240, 225) babhüvans + s[u] → (228)
babhüväns + s[u] → (202) babhüväns → (242) babhüvän <1.1, kartari>.
Vasor vasya ur bhagavati (287) is applied, then bhuvo bhüv bhüteçädhokñaja-sarveçvare (419) is applied,
and we get babhüvuñaù <2.3>.
Ø bhü → (1208) bhü + [k]vas[u] → (432, 433) bhü + bhü + [k]vas[u] → (438) bha + bhü +
[k]vas[u] → (439) babhüvas[u] → (148) babhüvas[u] + [ç]as → (287) babhü + us + [ç]as → (419)
babhüvusas → (170) babhüvuñas → (155) babhüvuñaù <2.3, kartari>.
Çè dè ity etayor vämano vädhokñaje (775) is applied, and we get çaçåvän <1.1> or çaçarvän <1.1>.
Ø çè → (1208) çè + [k]vas[u] → (432, 433) çè + çè + [k]vas[u] → (491) çå + çè + [k]vas[u] →

(484) ça + çè + [k]vas[u] → (two options by 775):
1) (the è of çè becomes vämana) çaçåvas[u] → (148) çaçåvas[u] + s[u] → (240, 225) çaçåvans + s[u]
→ (228) çaçåväns + s[u] → (202) çaçåväns → (242) çaçåvän <1.1, kartari>.
2) (the è of çè doesn’t become vämana, 555) çaçarvas[u] → (148) çaçarvas[u] + s[u] → (240, 225)
çaçarvans + s[u] → (228) çaçarväns + s[u] → (202) çaçarväns → (242) çaçarvän <1.1, kartari>.
From the dhätu jägå nidrä-kñaye (2P, “to be awake”) we get jajägarvän <1.1>. Some say the form is
jajägåvän <1.1>.
Ø jägå → (1208) jägå + [k]vas[u] → (432, 433) jä + jägå + [k]vas[u] → (491) ja + jägå + [k]vas[u]
→ (677) jajägarvas[u] → (148) jajägarvas[u] + s[u] → (240, 225) jajägarvans + s[u] → (228) jajägarväns
+ s[u] → (202) jajägarväns → (242) jajägarvän <1.1, kartari>.
From the dhätu bhanj[o] ämardane (7P, “to break, interrupt, disappoint”) we get babhajvän <1.1>.
Ø bhanj → (1208) bhanj + [k]vas[u] → (432, 433) bha + bhanj + [k]vas[u] → (439) ba + bhanj +
[k]vas[u] → (454) babhajvas[u] → (148) babhajvas[u] + s[u] → (240, 225) babhajvans + s[u] → (228)
babhajväns + s[u] → (202) babhajväns → (242) babhajvän <1.1, kartari>.
Some say the change of ch to ç and v to ü[öh] is optional here. Thus from the dhätu vicch[a] (6P, “to go,
move”) we get vivicchvän <1.1> or viviçvän <1.1>.
Ø vicch → (1208) vicch + [k]vas[u] → (432, 433) vi + vicch + [k]vas[u] → (two options):
1) (ch changes to ç 1) viviçvas[u] → (148) viviçvas[u] + s[u] → (240, 225) viviçvans + s[u] → (228)
viviçväns + s[u] → (202) viviçväns → (242) viviçvän <1.1, kartari>.
2) (ch doesn’t change to ç) vivicchvas[u] → (148) vivicchvas[u] + s[u] → (240, 225) vivicchvans +
s[u] → (228) vivicchväns + s[u] → (202) vivicchväns → (242) vivicchvän <1.1, kartari>.
Only saìkarñaëa is done. Thus we get papåcchvän <1.1>. The opinion of the Kaläpa grammarians in this
regard is questionable.
Ø pracch → (1208) pracch + [k]vas[u] → (627) påcch + [k]vas[u] → (432, 433) på + påcch +
[k]vas[u] → (485) papåcchvas[u] → (148) papåcchvas[u] + s[u] → (240, 225) papåcchvans + s[u] → (228)
papåcchväns + s[u] → (202) papåcchväns → (242) papåcchvän <1.1, kartari>.
From the dhätu div[u] kréòä-vijigéñä-vyavahära-dyuti-stuti-känti-gatiñu (4P, “to play; to desire; to conquer;
to bet; to shine; to praise; to desire; to go”) we get didivän <1.1> by applying ya-vayor haro vale (850).
Ø div → (1208) div + [k]vas[u] → (432, 433) di + div + [k]vas[u] → (850) didivas[u] → (148)
didivas[u] + s[u] → (240, 225) didivans + s[u] → (228) didiväns + s[u] → (202) didiväns → (242) didivän
<1.1, kartari>.
When a bhagavat follows, we get didivuñaù <2.3> and so on. Some say the form is dudyüñaù <2.3>.
Ø div → (1208) div + [k]vas[u] → (432, 433) di + div + [k]vas[u] → (850) didivas[u] → (148)
didivas[u] + [ç]as → (287) didi + us + [ç]as → (nimittäpäye naimittikasyäpy apäyaù) didivus + [ç]as →
(170) didivuñas → (155) didivuñaù <1.1, kartari>.
Amåta—This rule ordains govinda where it wouldn’t normally apply since [k]vas[u] is a kapila pratyaya.
Vopadeva and others say that the change of ch to ç and v to ü[öh] is optional here. Similarly, Prakriyä-
kaumudé says va-kärädau kiti ccha-voù çüöhau veti kecit (“Some say that the change of ch to ç and v to ü[öh]
is optional when a kit pratyaya (kapila pratyaya) beginning with v follows”). In their opinion, the ch of
the dhätu vicch[a] optionally changes to ç, but in our opinion that never happens because of none of the
para-nimittas mentioned in chasya ço vasya üöh hariveëau kvau kaàsäri-vaiñëave ca (780) are present here.
Still, out of reverence for the opinion of the previous grammarians, Jéva Gosvämé has accepted this
option. The implied meaning of the statement “only saìkarñaëa is done” is that saìkarñaëa alone is
prominent on the strength of the sütra beginning grahi-jyä (sütra 626). What is the point of changing ch
1
When the nimitta ch changes to ç by sütra 780, the naimittika c which was produced by dviù sarveçvara-mäträc chaù (116) and
yädava-mätre harikamalam (98) disappears in accordance with the maxim nimittäpäye naimittikasyäpy apäyaù (våtti 245).
to ç? The Kaläpa grammarians make the following prohibitive sütra in which the word na is carried
forward: pracch-ädénäà parokñäyäm (“The dhätus pracch[a] and so on don’t take saìkarñaëa when a
parokñä (adhokñaja pratyaya) follows”). In this regard, they give the examples papracchatuù, vavraçcatuù,
and so on. Therefore, because no special exception is made for when [k]vas[u] follows, in their opinion
the dhätu pracch[a] also doesn’t take saìkarñaëa when [k]vas[u] follows. Thus their opinion is
questionable because it is not recognized by others. Regarding didivän <1.1> and didivuñaù <2.3>,
Vopadeva and others make the forms dudyüvän <1.1> and dudyüñaù <2.3> in the case that v changes to
ü[öh]. In that regard, first the change to ü[öh] is done and then reduplication is done. Regarding didivuñaù,
when the va of [k]vas[u] changes to u, the nimitta in the form of a vala disappears, and thus the deleted v
comes back.
1211 / gAmah"naivand"ä{"zAivaizABya wÒ"A vas$aAE /
1211. gama-hana-vinda-dåça-viçibhya iò vä vasau
gama-hana-vinda-dåça-viçibhyaù—after the dhätus gam[ÿ] gatau (1P, “to go, move”), han[a] hiàsä-gatyoù
(2P, “to strike, kill; to go, move”), vid[ÿ] läbhe (6U, “to find, obtain”), dåç[ir] prekñaëe (1P, “to see”), and
viç[a] praveçane (6P, “to enter”); iö—the ägama i[ö]; vä—optionally; vasau—when [k]vas[u] follows.
When [k]vas[u] follows, i[ö] is optionally applied after gam[ÿ], han[a], vid[ÿ], dåç[ir], and viç[a].
jagmivän, jagmuñaù. dhätor mo naù—jaganvän, jagmuñaù. jaghnivän, jaghanvän, jaghnuñaù ity-ädi. “vinda”
iti numä nirdeçaù—vividvän, vividivän.
Våtti—Ø gam → (1208) gam + [k]vas[u] → (two options by 1211):

1) (i[ö] is inserted) gam + i[ö] + [k]vas[u] → (432, 433) ga + gam + i[ö] + [k]vas[u] → (457) ja +
gam + i[ö] + [k]vas[u] → (570) jagmivas[u] → (148) jagmivas[u] + s[u] → (240, 225) jagmivans + s[u] →
(228) jagmiväns + s[u] → (202) jagmiväns → (242) jagmivän <1.1, kartari>.
2) (i[ö] isn’t inserted) gam + [k]vas[u] → (432, 433) ga + gam + [k]vas[u] → (457) ja + gam +
[k]vas[u] → (274) jaganvas[u] → (148) jaganvas[u] + s[u] → (240, 225) jaganvans + s[u] → (228)
jaganväns + s[u] → (202) jaganväns → (242) jaganvän <1.1, kartari>.
Ø gam → (1208) gam + [k]vas[u] → (two options by 1211):

1) (i[ö] is inserted) gam + i[ö] + [k]vas[u] → (432, 433) ga + gam + i[ö] + [k]vas[u] → (457) ja +
gam + i[ö] + [k]vas[u] → (570) jagmivas[u] → (148) jagmivas[u] + [ç]as → (287) jagmi + us + [ç]as →
(nimittäpäye naimittikasyäpy apäyaù) jagmusas → (170) jagmuñas → (155) jagmuñaù <2.3, kartari>.
2) (i[ö] isn’t inserted) gam + [k]vas[u] → (432, 433) ga + gam + [k]vas[u] → (457) ja + gam +
[k]vas[u] → (274) jaganvas[u] → (148) jaganvas[u] + [ç]as → (287) jagan + us + [ç]as → (nimittäpäye
naimittikasyäpy apäyaù) jagam + us + [ç]as → (569) jagmusas → (170) jagmuñas → (155) jagmuñaù <2.3,
kartari>.
Ø han → (1208) han + [k]vas[u] → (two options by 1211):

1) (i[ö] is inserted) han + i[ö] + [k]vas[u] → (432, 433) ha + han + i[ö] + [k]vas[u] → (621) ja + han
+ i[ö] + [k]vas[u] → (651) ja + ghan + i[ö] + [k]vas[u] → (570) jaghnivas[u] → (148) jaghnivas[u] + s[u]
→ (240, 225) jaghnivans + s[u] → (228) jaghniväns + s[u] → (202) jaghniväns → (242) jaghnivän <1.1,
kartari>.
2) (i[ö] isn’t inserted) han + [k]vas[u] → (432, 433) ha + han + [k]vas[u] → (621) ja + han +
[k]vas[u] → (651) jaghanvas[u] → (148) jaghanvas[u] + s[u] → (240, 225) jaghanvans + s[u] → (228)
jaghanväns + s[u] → (202) jaghanväns → (242) jaghanvän <1.1, kartari>.
Ø han → (1208) han + [k]vas[u] → (two options by 1211):

1) (i[ö] is inserted) han + i[ö] + [k]vas[u] → (432, 433) ha + han + i[ö] + [k]vas[u] → (621) ja + han
+ i[ö] + [k]vas[u] → (651) ja + ghan + i[ö] + [k]vas[u] → (570) jaghnivas[u] → (148) jaghnivas[u] + [ç]as
→ (287) jaghni + us + [ç]as → (nimittäpäye naimittikasyäpy apäyaù) jaghnusas → (170) jaghnuñas →
(155) jaghnuñaù <2.3, kartari>.
2) (i[ö] isn’t inserted) han + [k]vas[u] → (432, 433) ha + han + [k]vas[u] → (621) ja + han +
[k]vas[u] → (651) jaghanvas[u] → (148) jaghanvas[u] + [ç]as → (287) jaghan + us + [ç]as → (570)
jaghnusas → (170) jaghnuñas → (155) jaghnuñaù <2.3, kartari>.
In vinda, the ägama n[um] is used to indicate the dhätu vid[ÿ] (see sütra 742).
Ø vid → (1208) vid + [k]vas[u] → (two options by 1211):

1) (i[ö] is inserted) vid + i[ö] + [k]vas[u] → (432, 433) vividivas[u] → (148) vividivas[u] + s[u] →
(240, 225) vividivans + s[u] → (228) vividiväns + s[u] → (202) vividiväns → (242) vividivän <1.1,
kartari>.
2) (i[ö] isn’t inserted) vid + [k]vas[u] → (432, 433) vividvas[u] → (148) vividvas[u] + s[u] → (240,
225) vividvans + s[u] → (228) vividväns + s[u] → (202) vividväns → (242) vividvän <1.1, kartari>.
Amåta—This rule creates an option where i[ö] would have otherwise been unobtained due to the
restriction made in sütra 1209. Due to the use of n[um] in vinda, only vid[ÿ] läbhe (6U, “to find, obtain”)
is accepted. Thus from vid[a] jïäne (2P, “to know”) we only get vividvän <1.1>. The forms of viç[a] are
viviçivän <1.1> or viviçvän <1.1>, and the forms of dåç[ir] are dadåçivän <1.1> or dadåçvän <1.1>.
1212 / wRiyavas$‘aBa{taya: /
1212. éyivas-prabhåtayaù
éyivas-prabhåtayaù—éyivas[u] and so on.
Éyivas[u] and so on are nipätas.
iöä trivikramädinä caite kvasv-antä nipätyante. ië—éyivän. sopendratve ’pi—saméyivän. éyuñaù. däså-saha-
mihäà däsvän, sähvän, méòhvän nipätyate. radha—redhivän.
atha känaù. cakräëo räsaà kåñëaù. karmaëi—kåñëena cakräëo räsaù. bhäve—kåñëena cakräëam.
jajägaräëam. jajägräëam ity api keñäïcit.
Våtti—The following words ending in [k]vas[u] are nipätas made either with i[ö] or with trivikrama and
so on. From the dhätu i[ë] gatau (2P, “to go”) we get éyivän <1.1>. This is the case even when i[ë] takes
an upendra. Thus we get saméyivän <1.1>. When a bhagavat follows, we get éyuñaù <2.3>. From the dhätus
däs[å] däne (1U, “to give”), ñah[a] marñaëe (1A, “to tolerate, conquer”), and mih[a] secane (1P, “to pass
urine or semen”) we get däsvän <1.1>, sähvän <1.1>, and méòhvän <1.1> respectively. From the dhätu
radh[a] saàräddhau hiàsäyäà ca (4P, “to accomplish, be completed; to hurt, kill”) we get redhivän <1.1>.
Now examples of [k]äna are given. In kartari prayoga we get cakräëo räsaà kåñëaù (“Kåñëa performed a
räsa dance”), in karmaëi prayoga we get kåñëena cakräëo räsaù (“A räsa dance was performed by Kåñëa”),
and in bhäve prayoga we get kåñëeëa cakräëam (“[The act of] performing was [done] by Kåñëa”).
Ø kå → (1208) kå + [k]äna → (432, 433) kå + kå + [k]äna → (457) cå + kå + [k]äna → (484) ca +

kå + [k]äna → (399, 61) cakräna → (173) cakräëa → (148) cakräëa + s[u] → (155) cakräëaù <1.1,
kartari>.

kå + [k]äna → (399, 61) cakräna → (173) cakräëa → (148) cakräëa + s[u] → (155) cakräëaù <1.1,
karmaëi>.
kå + [k]äna → (399, 61) cakräna → (173) cakräëa → (148, 1192) cakräëa + s[u] → (222) cakräëa + am
→ (156) cakräëam <1.1, bhäve>.
From the dhätu jägå nidrä-kñaye (2P, “to be awake”) we get jajägaräëam <1.1>. Some also make the form
jajägräëam <1.1>.
Ø jägå → (1191) jägå + [k]äna → (432, 433) jä + jägå + [k]äna → (491) ja + jägå + [k]äna →
(677) jajägaräna → (173) jajägaräëa → (148, 1192) jajägaräëa + s[u] → (222) jajägaräëa + am → (156)
jajägaräëam <1.1, bhäve>.
Bäla—The result of the nipäta éyivas[u] is that i[ö] is applied. Then, after reduplication is done, the
change to iy is done by dhätoç catuùsanasyey-uvau sarveçvare (499) and daçavatära ekätmake militvä
Comment [16]: I thoroughly checked out
trivikramaù (46) is applied. With the sentence beginning däså-saha-mihäm, Jéva Gosvämé elaborates on Amåta’s explanation, but it is false. Bäla is in line
the word prabhåti in the sütra. The result of the nipäta däsvas[u] is that there is no reduplication. The with SK. If this were not the case none of the
nipätas would irregularly take i[ö]
result of the nipäta sähvas[u] is that there is no reduplication, that there is trivikrama, and that [k]vas[u]
is applied after an ätmapadé dhätu. The result of the nipäta méòhvas[u] is that there is no reduplication and
that there is trivikrama. And the result of the nipäta redhivas[u] is that n[um] isn’t applied where it
normally would have been applied by radhi-jabhor nuà sarveçvare (583).
1213 / @naUcaAna: k(taRir" /
1213. anücänaù kartari
anücänaù—anücäna; kartari—in kartari prayoga.
Anücäna is the nipäta of anu + vac[a] + [k]äna in kartari prayoga.
anuvaco nipätaù
Våtti—Anücäna is the nipäta of anu + vac[a] paribhäñaëe (2P, “to speak, say, tell”).
Amåta—The result of the nipäta is that [k]äna is applied even after vac[a], which is a parapadé dhätu. In
anücäna, there is saìkarñaëa, reduplication, and trivikrama.
1214 / ·(vatauBaURtae /
1214. ktavatur bhüte
ktavatuù—the kåt pratyaya [k]tavat[u]; bhüte—in the past tense.
[K]tavat[u] is applied after a dhätu in the past tense in kartari prayoga.
u-käv itau. kréòitavän kåñëaù. kåtavän kréòäm. kréòitavantau räma-kåñëau.
Våtti—The u and k are indicatory letters. Examples are kréòitavän kåñëaù (“Kåñëa played”), kåtavän
kréòäm (“Kåñëa did the act of playing”), and kréòitavantau räma-kåñëau (“Räma and Kåñëa played”).
Ø kréò → (1214) kréò + [k]tavat[u] → (424) kréò + i[ö] + [k]tavat[u] → kréòitavat[u] →

(kréòitavat[u] is a näma by sütra 148 and thus sv-ädis are applied after it by sütra 151):
Ø kréòitavat[u] + s[u] → (256) kréòitavät + s[u] → (240, 225) kréòitavänt + s[u] → (202)
kréòitavänt → (242) kréòitavän <1.1, kartari>.
Ø kréòitavat[u] + au → (240, 225) kréòitavantau <1.2, kartari>.
Ø kå → (1214) kå + [k]tavat[u] → (kå is aniö by verse 1, 399) kåtavat[u] → (148) kåtavat[u] +

s[u] → (256) kåtavät + s[u] → (240, 225) kåtavänt + s[u] → (202) kåtavänt → (242) kåtavän <1.1,
kartari>.
Amåta—The u in [k]tavat[u] is for the sake of n[um], and the k is to make it a kapila pratyaya. With
kåtavän, Jéva Gosvämé shows how kådantas made from the viñëuniñöhäs function as the main kriyä, just
like an äkhyäta-kriyä. Kréòäm here is an anukta-karma since [k]tavat[u] is ordained in kartari prayoga.
The anukta-karma doesn’t take a ñañöhé viñëubhakti due to the prohibition acyutäbha-
viñëuniñöhädhokñajäbha-khal-arthävyayo-rämänta-tèëäà yoge na ñañöhé (960). With kréòitavantau, which is
a dvi-vacana form, Jéva Gosvämé indicates that kådantas made from [k]tavat[u] are viçeñaëas. Likewise
with kådantas made from [k]ta.
Saàçodhiné—In this regard, one should remember what was stated in våtti 961: viñëuniñöhä
viñëukåtyädayaç cäkhyäta-van mukhyäù, kådanteñv äkäìkñä-pürakatvät (“Kådantas made from the kåt
pratyayas viñëuniñöhä, viñëukåtya, and so on function as the main kriyä, just like an äkhyäta-kriyä,
because among all the kådantas only they are able to complete the sense”). Thus, in the examples given in
the våtti, the kådantas paöhitavän and kåtavän, which are equivalents to the äkhyäta-kriyäs apaöhat and
akarot, don’t require another kriyä because they are able to complete the sense of the sentence by
themselves. Likewise, in the examples given in the next våtti, the kådanta stutaù, which is an equivalent to
astüyata, doesn’t require another kriyä because it is able to complete the sense of the sentence by itself.
Sometimes, in commentaries, a viñëuniñöhä is used to gloss äkhyäta kriyäs which are not easily
recognizable, and at that time asi or asmi is added to indicate the puruña. For example, in Çrédhara
Svämé’s Bhägavatam commentary entitled Bhävärtha-dépikä, açåëavam is glossed as çrutavän asmi in
1.5.26, udasräkñéù is glossed as utsåñöavän asi in 1.6.3, abhavam is glossed as jäto ’smi in 1.5.23, and
uttasthe is glossed as vyutthito ’smi in 1.6.19. One may mistake asi and asmi here to be forms of the dhätu
as[a] bhuvi (2P, “to be, become, exist”) and thus think that another kriyä is being used to complete the
sense, but actually this is not the case. Asi and asmi here are the avyayas asi tvam-arthe and asmi aham-
arthe (see Avyaya-çabda-saìgraha and våtti 931). They mean “you” and “I” respectively. They do not
mean “you are” and “I am” as the äkhyäta-kriyäs asi and asmi do, for that would be introducing another
kriyä which is not needed to complete the sense. Asi and asmi are used just to indicate the puruña as
çrutavän, utsåñöavän, and so on are unable to indicate it independently.
Comment [17]: I started writing the comment
below, but then I realized that it could be yuñmad
1215 / ·(Ae BaUtae BaAvak(maRNAAe: /
or asmad that are understood rather than bhavasi
or bhavämi because that was also explained in våtti
930:
1215. kto bhüte bhäva-karmaëoù -->

Similarly, the avyayas asi and asmi are used in
various other places such as bhakto 'si me sakhä
ktaù—the kåt pratyaya [k]ta; bhüte—in the past tense; bhäva-karmaëoù—in bhäve prayoga and karmaëi ceti: “Because you are my devotee and my friend”
(Bhagavad-gétä 4.3) and sarpäëäm asmi väsukiù:
prayoga. “Among serpents I am Väsuki” (Bhägavatam
11.16.18). In these examples, asi and asmi are
uddeçyas, bhaktaù and väsukiù are vidheyas, and the
[K]ta is applied after a dhätu in the past tense in bhäve prayoga and karmaëi prayoga. verbs bhavasi and bhavämi are understood. If this
were not the case, we would not have an uddeçya.
snätaà kåñëena. stuto viñëur vaiñëavaiù. Matsya Avatara dasa 11/1/07 13:47
Comment [18]: started writing this comment:
However, one should note with great care that
Våtti—Examples are snätaà kåñëena (“[The act of] bathing was [done] by Kåñëa”) and stuto viñëur kådantas made from the viñëuniñöhäs, viñëukåtyas,
vaiñëavaiù (“Viñëu was praised by the Vaiñëavas”). and so on only function as the main kriyä when
the käraka they express is in the first case
Ø ñëä → (458) snä → (1215) snä + [k]ta → (snä is aniö by verse 1) snäta → (148, 1192) snäta +
s[u] → (222) snäta + am → (156) snätam <1.1, bhäve>.
Ø ñöu → (458) stu → (1215) stu + [k]ta → (stu is aniö by verse 1, 399) stuta → (148) stuta + s[u]
→ (155) stutaù <1.1, karmaëi>.
Amåta—The k in [k]ta is to make it a kapila pratyaya. [K]ta is applied after akarmaka dhätus in bhäve
prayoga, but it is applied after sa-karmaka dhätus in karmaëi prayoga. Sometimes it is also applied after
sa-karmaka dhätus in bhäve prayoga when there is no desire to express a karma. The statement bhäva-
karmaëoù only describes what is true for the most part since it will be described in sütra 1257 how [k]ta
is also applied in kartari prayoga.
1216 / @taItaAd"AE ·(·(vataU ivaSNAuinaï"As$aMÁaAE /
1216. atétädau kta-ktavatü viñëuniñöhä-saàjïau
atéta-ädau—in the past tense and so on; kta-ktavatü—the kåt pratyayas [k]ta and [k]tavat[u]; viñëuniñöhä-
saàjïau—called viñëuniñöhäs (“firm faith in Viñëu”).
[K]ta and [k]tavat[u] are applied in the past tense and so on and are called viñëuniñöhäs.
“niñöhä” ity anye.
Våtti—Others call them niñöhäs.
Amåta—Due to the use of the word ädi, it is concluded that [k]ta is also a viñëuniñöhä when it is applied
in the present tense by sütra 1260.
1217 / iºayaiñiva‚(maAe ivaSNAuinaï"AyaAM k(taRir" , @A‚(AezAdE"nyayaAestau vaA , tasmaAÔar"Amasya na: /
1217. kñiyas trivikramo viñëuniñöhäyäà kartari, äkroça-dainyayos tu vä, tasmät ta-rämasya naù
kñiyaù—of the dhätu kñi kñaye (1P, “to perish, be diminished”); trivikramaù—the change to trivikrama;
viñëuniñöhäyäm—when a viñëuniñöhä follows; kartari—in kartari prayoga; äkroça-dainyayoù—when the
sense is äkroça (“cursing”) or dainya (“lowliness, misery”); tu—but; vä—optionally; tasmät—after that
(after doing trivikrama); ta-rämasya—of the ta-räma; naù—replacement na-räma.
The i of kñi becomes trivikrama when a viñëuniñöhä follows in kartari prayoga, and then the t of the
viñëuniñöhä becomes n. But this is optional if the sense is äkroça or dainya.
kñi-dhätur dvi-vidhaù—antarbhüta-ëy-arthaù, kevalaç ca. kñéëavän kämaà vaiñëavaù. ktaù kartari ca

väcyaù. kñéëäyur bhava, kñitäyur vä. kñéëo ’yaà vaiñëavaù, kñito vä. bhäva-karmaëos tu—kñitaà kämena
vaiñëavasya, kñitaù kämo vaiñëavena.
Våtti—The dhätu kñi is of two kinds: antarbhüta-ëy-artha (“which has the meaning of [ë]i contained
within it or, in other words, which has an innate causative sense”) and kevala (“plain”). An example of
the first kind is kñéëavän kämaà vaiñëavaù (“The Vaiñëava destroyed lust”).
Ø kñi → (1214) kñi + [k]tavat[u] → (kñi is aniö by verse 1, 399, 1217) kñé + [k]tavat[u] →
kñénavat[u] → (173) kñéëavat[u] → (148) kñéëavat[u] + s[u] → (256) kñéëavät + s[u] → (240, 225)
kñéëavänt + s[u] → (202) kñéëavänt → (242) kñéëavän <1.1, kartari>.
It will be described later how [k]ta is also applied in kartari prayoga (see sütra 1257). An example of the
second kind when the sense is äkroça is kñéëäyur bhava or kñitäyur bhava (“Be short-lived!”) and an
example of the second kind when the sense is dainya is kñéëo ’yaà vaiñëavaù or kñito ’yaà vaiñëavaù
(“This Vaiñëava is miserable”).
Ø kñi → (1257) kñi + [k]ta → (kñi is aniö by verse 1, 399, two options by 1217):
1) (trivikrama and so on are done) kñé + [k]ta → kñéna → (173) kñéëa → (148) kñéëa + s[u] →
(155) kñéëaù <1.1, kartari>.
2) (trivikrama and so on aren’t done) kñita → (148) kñita + s[u] → (155) kñitaù <1.1, kartari>.
But in bhäve prayoga and karmaëi prayoga we get kñitaà kämena vaiñëavasya (“[The act of] perishing was
[done] by the lust of the Vaiñëava”) and kñitaù kämo vaiñëavena (“Lust was destroyed by the Vaiñëava”).
Amåta—The word tasmät here means trivikramät. The dhätu kñi kñaye (1P, “to perish, be diminished”) is
well-known as an akarmaka dhätu. Therefore, Jéva Gosvämé describes the special nature of kñi by saying
“the dhätu kñi is of two kinds.” Regarding kñéëavän <1.1>, [k]tavat[u] is applied in kartari prayoga when
kñi is sa-karmaka due to having the meaning of [ë]i contained within it. The word väcyaù in ktaù kartari
ca väcyaù means vakñyate (“it will be described”). The words gaty-arthäkarmaka-çliñety-ädinä (“with the
sütra beginning gaty-arthäkarmaka-çliña”) have to be supplied here. The vigraha (“separation of the
constituent words”) of the compound kñéëäyuù is kñéëa äyur yasya (“one whose life span has
diminished”). Kñéëaù <1.1> is formed by applying [k]ta in kartari prayoga by the sütra beginning gaty-
arthäkarmaka-çliña (sütra 1257) since kñi is an akarmaka dhätu.
1218 / i™aHaAe jaAgA{vaja< catauBauRjaAntaA»a naeq%. k(ipalae /
1218. çriïo jägå-varjaà caturbhujäntäc ca neö kapile
çriïaù—after the dhätu çri[ï] seväyäm (1U, “to serve, worship, dwell, depend on”); jägå-varjam—except
jägå nidrä-kñaye (2P, “to be awake”); caturbhuja-antät—after a dhätu which ends in a caturbhuja; ca—and;
na—not; iö—the ägama i[ö]; kapile—when a kapila pratyaya follows.
When a kapila pratyaya follows, i[ö] is not applied after çri[ï] or any dhätu which ends in a caturbhuja,
except jägå.
çritaù, bhütaù, ürëutaù, kñutaù. jägartes tu—jägaritaù.
Våtti—Ø çri → (1215) çri + [k]ta → (1218, 399) çrita → (148) çrita + s[u] → (155) çritaù <1.1,
karmaëi>.
Ø bhü → (1257) bhü + [k]ta → (1218, 399) bhüta → (148) bhüta + s[u] → (155) bhütaù <1.1,
kartari>.
Ø ürëu → (1215) ürëu + [k]ta → (1218, 399) ürëuta → (148) ürëuta + s[u] → (155) ürëutaù
<1.1, karmaëi>.
Ø kñu → (1257) kñu + [k]ta → (1218, 399) kñuta → (148) kñuta + s[u] → (155) kñutaù <1.1,
kartari>.
But from jägå we get jägaritaù <1.1>.
Ø jägå → (1257) jägå + [k]ta → (424) jägå + i[ö] + [k]ta → (677) jägarita → (148) jägarita + s[u]
→ (155) jägaritaù <1.1, kartari>.
Amåta—This is a more specific rule about i[ö]. It prohibits the i[ö] that would have been applied after
these dhätus since they aren’t aniö by the verses mentioned in the Äkhyäta-prakaraëa. Regarding ürëutaù
<1.1>, ürëu[ï] would have taken i[ö] since it doesn’t have only one ac (sarveçvara), but this rule prohibits
it.
1219 / r"d"AByaAM ivaSNAuinaï"Atasya paUvaRd"sya ca naAe d"AM ivanaA , naud"ivanaiÔa‡aA„aAœ"Iond"IByaAe vaA /
1219. ra-däbhyäà viñëuniñöhä-tasya pürva-dasya ca no däà vinä, nuda-vinatti-trä-ghrä-hré-undébhyo vä
ra-däbhyäm—after ra-räma and da-räma; viñëuniñöhä-tasya—of the ta-räma of a viñëuniñöhä; pürva-

dasya—of the previous da-räma; ca—and; naù—the replacement na-räma; däm—the dhätu [òu]dä[ï] däne
(3U, “to give”); vinä—except; nuda-vinatti-trä-ghrä-hré-undébhyaù—after the dhätus ëud[a] preraëe (6U,
“to push, impel”), vid[a] vicäraëe (7A, “to consider as”), trai[ì] pälane (1A, “to protect, save”), ghrä
gandhopädäne (1P, “to smell”), hré lajjäyäm (3P, “to be shy, ashamed”), and und[é] kledane (7P, “to be
wet”); vä—optionally.
After r or d, the t of a viñëuniñöhä becomes n and the previous d also becomes n. But this doesn’t
happen after the d of [òu]dä[ï].1 After the dhätus ëud[a], vid[a], trai[ì], ghrä, hré, and und[é], the t of a
viñëuniñöhä optionally becomes n and the previous d also becomes n.
çè—çérëaù. bhinnaù. nunnaù, nuttaù. vinnaù, vittaù. träëaù, trätaù. ghräëaù, ghrätaù. hréëaù, hrétaù.
Våtti—Thus from çè hiàsäyäm (9P, “to hurt, kill”) we get çérëaù <1.1>.
Ø çè → (1215) çè + [k]ta → (1218, 399, 572) çir + [k]ta → (1219) çirna → (262) çérna → (173)
çérëa → (262) çérëa → (148) çérëa + s[u] → (155) çérëaù <1.1, karmaëi>.
Ø bhid → (1215) bhid + [k]ta → (bhid is aniö by verse 4, 399, 1219) bhid + na → bhinna → (148)
bhinna + s[u] → (155) bhinnaù <1.1, karmaëi>.
Ø ëud → (479) nud → (1215) nud + [k]ta → (nud is aniö by verse 4, 399, two options by 1219):
1) (the change to n is done) nud + na → nunna → (148) nunna + s[u] → (155) nunnaù <1.1,
karmaëi>.
2) (the change to n isn’t done, 98) nutta → (148) nutta + s[u] → (155) nuttaù <1.1, karmaëi>.
Ø vid → (1215) vid + [k]ta → (vid is aniö by verse 4, 399, two options by 1219):
1) (the change to n is done) vid + na → vinna → (148) vinna + s[u] → (155) vinnaù <1.1,
karmaëi>.
2) (the change to n isn’t done, 98) vitta → (148) vitta + s[u] → (155) vittaù <1.1, karmaëi>.
Ø trai → (539) trä → (1215) trä + [k]ta → (trä is aniö by verse 1, two options by 1219):
1) (the change to n is done) träna → (173) träëa → (148) träëa + s[u] → (155) träëaù <1.1,
karmaëi>.
2) (the change to n isn’t done) träta → (148) träta + s[u] → (155) trätaù <1.1, karmaëi>.
Ø ghrä → (1215) ghrä + [k]ta → (ghrä is aniö by verse 1, two options by 1219):
1) (the change to n is done) ghräna → (173) ghräëa → (148) ghräëa + s[u] → (155) ghräëaù <1.1,
karmaëi>.
2) (the change to n isn’t done) ghräta → (148) ghräta + s[u] → (155) ghrätaù <1.1, karmaëi>.
Ø hré → (1215) hré + [k]ta → (hré is aniö by verse 1, 399, two options by 1219):
1) (the change to n is done) hréna → (173) hréëa → (148) hréëa + s[u] → (155) hréëaù <1.1,
karmaëi>.
1
This rule would have applied to [òu]dä[ï] since it gets replaced by dad in accordance with dämodarasya do dad (1253).
2) (the change to n isn’t done) hréta → (148) hréta + s[u] → (155) hrétaù <1.1, karmaëi>.
Amåta—Out of the six dhätus beginning with ëud[a], the replacement of n for the t of the viñëuniñöhä and
the previous d would have always taken place in the case of ëud[a], vid[a], and und[é] by the phrase ra-
däbhyäm, but this rule makes it optional. Similarly, the replacement of n for the t of the viñëuniñöhä would
have always taken place in the case of trai[ì] and ghrä by the phrase harimitra-yuk-sat-saìgädy-ä-rämänta
(1221) and would have never taken place in the case of hré, but this rule makes it optional in both cases.
Due to the mention of vinatti, the form of the dhätu vid[a] with the vikaraëa [ç]na[m], the changes are
only optional for vid[a] vicäraëe (7A, “to consider as”) whereas the changes always take place in the case
of vid[a] sattäyäm (4A, “to be, exist”) and vid[ÿ] läbhe (6U, “to find, obtain”) and thus we get vinnam
<1.1> or sometimes, by nipäta, vittam <1.1>. But from vid[a] jïäne (2P, “to know”) we get viditaù <1.1>.
The t of the viñëuniñöhä doesn’t change to n here since it doesn’t come after d because i[ö] is intervening.
1220 / @AwRr"AmaAnaubanDaAiã"k(ilpataeq%: ìyataer"Aìs$aevaRmaeê naeiÒ"SNAuinaï"AyaAma, /
1220. ä-é-rämänubandhäd vikalpiteöaù çvayater äçvaser vameç ca neò viñëuniñöhäyäm
ä-é-räma-anubandhät—after a dhätu which has ä-räma or é-räma as its indicatory letter; vikalpita-iöaù—
after a dhätu which optionally takes i[ö] (see sütras 463, 535, 723, 819, and 1270); çvayateù—after the
dhätu [öuo]çvi gati-våddhyoù (1P, “to go, move; to grow”); äçvaseù—after ä[ì] + the dhätu çvas[a] (2P, “to
breathe”); vameù—after the dhätu [öu]vam[a] udgiraëe (1P, “to vomit”); ca—and; na—not; iö—the ägama
i[ö]; viñëuniñöhäyäm—when a viñëuniñöhä follows.
When a viñëuniñöhä follows, i[ö] isn’t applied after [öuo]çvi, ä[ì] + çvas[a], or [öu]vam[a], nor after
dhätus that optionally take i[ö] or have ä or é as their indicatory letter.
unnaù, uttaù. na-varja-ta-varga-sthasya ity ukter atra tu mürdhanyatvam—kñuëëaù.
Våtti—Ø und[é] → (1215) und[é] + [k]ta → (1220, 454) ud + [k]ta → (two options by 1219):
1) (the change to n is done) ud + na → unna → (148) unna + s[u] → (155) unnaù <1.1, karmaëi>.
2) (the change to n isn’t done, 98) utta → (148) utta + s[u] → (155) uttaù <1.1, karmaëi>.
But, due to the statement na-varja-ta-varga-sthasya (273), the change to the mürdhanya varëa ë takes
place in kñuëëaù <1.1>.
Ø kñud → (1215) kñud + [k]ta → (kñud is aniö by verse 4, 399, 1219) kñud + na → kñunna → (173)
kñuëna → (280) kñuëëa → (148) kñuëëa + s[u] → (155) kñuëëaù <1.1, karmaëi>.
Amåta—Kñuëëaù <1.1> is made from the dhätu kñud[ir] sampeñaëe (7U, “to pound, crush”). The t of the
viñëuniñöhä and the previous d both always change to n by ra-däbhyäm (1219). Then, due to the phrase
na-varja in na-varja-ta-varga-sthasya (273), the first n, which comes after ñ, changes to ë by sütra 173,
even though it is in sat-saìga with the other n. Once the first n has thus become ë, the other n which
comes after it also changes to ë by ñät parasya öa-varga-yuktasya ca ta-vargasya öa-vargaù (280). Examples
of the phrase vikalpiteöaù are prasütaù <1.1> from pra + ñü[ì] präëi-garbha-vimocane (2A or 4A, “to give
birth, produce”), vidhütaù <1.1> from vi + dhü[ï] kampane (5U, 9U, or 10U, “to shake, agitate”), güòhaù
<1.1> from guh[ü] saàvaraëe (1U, “to cover, hide”), and so on.
1221 / h"ir"ima‡ayaufs$ats$aËÿAâAr"AmaAntalvaAid"Bya @Aer"Amaetaê ivaSNAuinaï"Atasya na: , äu"naAeitagvaAeiñiva‚(maê /
1221. harimitra-yuk-sat-saìgädy-ä-rämänta-lv-ädibhya o-rämetaç ca viñëuniñöhä-tasya naù, dunoti-gvos

trivikramaç ca
harimitra-yuk-sat-saìga-ädi-ä-räma-anta—after dhätus that begin in a sat-saìga which has a harimitra in it
and end in ä-räma; lv-ädibhyaù—and after the lv-ädis (a sub-group of 19 kry-ädi-dhätus beginning with
lü[ï] chedane (9U, “to cut, destroy”)); o-räma-itaù—after a dhätu which has o-räma as its indicatory
letter; ca—and; viñëuniñöhä-tasya—of the ta-räma of a viñëuniñöhä; naù—the replacement na-räma; dunoti-
gvoù—of the dhätus [öu]du upatäpe (5P, “to burn”) and gu puréñotsarge (6P, “to evacuate, pass stool”);
trivikramaù—the change to trivikrama; ca—also.
After dhätus that begin in a sat-saìga which has a harimitra in it and end in ä-räma, after the lv-ädis,
and after dhätus that have the indicatory letter o, the t of a viñëuniñöhä becomes n. Similarly, after
[öu]du and gu, the t of a viñëuniñöhä becomes n, and their u becomes trivikrama.
dräëaù, glänaù, lünaù.
Våtti—Ø drä → (1215) drä + [k]ta → (drä is aniö by verse 1, 1221) dräna → (173) dräëa → (148) dräëa
+ s[u] → (155) dräëaù <1.1, karmaëi>.
Ø glai → (539) glä → (1215) glä + [k]ta → (glä is aniö by verse 1, 1221) gläna → (148) gläna +
s[u] → (155) glänaù <1.1, karmaëi>.
Ø lü → (1215) lü + [k]ta → (1218, 399, 1221) lüna → (148) lüna + s[u] → (155) lünaù <1.1,
karmaëi>.
Amåta—Due to the word ca in trivikramaç ca, the t of a viñëuniñöhä also changes to n after [öu]du and gu.
Among the lv-ädis, the change of t to n would have taken place after the dhätus ending in è such as stè[ï],
kè[ï], vè[ï], çè, and so on simply by ra-däbhyäm (1219). Thus the lv-ädis were mentioned here so that the
change of t to n will take place after the other dhätus among them.
1222 / paUHaAe ivanaAzA Wva /
1222. püïo vinäça eva
püïaù—after the dhätu pü[ï] pavane (9U, “to purify”); vinäçe—when the meaning is vinäça
(“destruction”); eva—only.
The t of a viñëuniñöhä becomes n after pü[ï] only if the meaning is vinäça.
pünaù, nañöa ity arthaù. anyatra tu pütaù. jyä—grahi-jyeti saìkarñaëaù, çyä-çvi-vyä-jyeti trivikramaù—
jénaù. öudu upatäpe—dünaù. “du gatau” iti prasäde bhramaù, amara-koña-kavi-kalpa-drumädi-virodhät.
günaù. Üviñëuniñöhädeçasya ñatväd anyatra sthäni-vad-bhäva iñöaùÛ, tena ca-vargasya ka-varge—bhujo,
bhugnaù. ovraçc, saìkarñaëaù, viñëuniñöhä-tasya naù, s-koù sat-saìgädyor haraù, cha-ço räj ity-ädinä
präptaà ñatvam atra tu na syät. tataç ca-vargasya ka-vargaù, ëatvam—våkëaù. ohäk—prahéëaù. div-ädau
ñüì-ädayo vréì-antä o-rämetaù—sünaù, dünaù.
Våtti—Thus we get pünaù <1.1> which means nañöaù (“destroyed”). But, when the meaning is something
other than vinäça, we get pütaù <1.1> (“purified”).
Ø pü → (1215) pü + [k]ta → (1218, 399, 1222) püna → (148) püna + s[u] → (155) pünaù <1.1,
karmaëi>.
From the dhätu jyä vayo-hänau (9P, “to grow old”) we get jénaù <1.1> by applying saìkarñaëa by grahi-
jyä (626) and trivikrama by çyä-çvi-vyä-jyä-hväà saìkarñaëasya trivikramaù (851).
Ø jyä → (1257) jyä + [k]ta → (jyä is aniö by verse 1, 626) ji + [k]ta → (851) jé + [k]ta → (1221)
jéna → (148) jéna + s[u] → (155) jénaù <1.1, kartari>.
From the dhätu [öu]du upatäpe (5P, “to burn”) we get dünaù <1.1>. Prasäda is wrong in saying du gatau
because this contradicts Amara-koña, Kavi-kalpa-druma and so on.
Ø du → (1215) du + [k]ta → (du is aniö by verse 1, 399, 1221) du + na → düna → (148) düna +
s[u] → (155) dünaù <1.1, karmaëi>.
Ø gu → (1257) gu + [k]ta → (gu is aniö by verse 1, 399, 1221) gu + na → güna → (148) güna +
s[u] → (155) günaù <1.1, kartari>.
Viñëuniñöhädeçasya ñatväd anyatra sthäni-vad-bhäva iñöaù (“The replacement of the t of a viñëuniñöhä is

always considered like the original, except when it comes to doing the change to ñ by sütra 249”).
Therefore ca-vargasya ka-vargo viñëupadänte, vaiñëave tv asa-varge (243) is applied, and we get bhugnaù
<1.1> from the dhätu bhuj[o] kauöilye (6P, “to bend, curve, be crooked”)
Ø bhuj[o] → (1257) bhuj[o] + [k]ta → (bhuj is aniö by verse 3, 399, 1221) bhuj + na → (n is
treated like the original t of the viñëuniñöhä, 243) bhugna → (148) bhugna + s[u] → (155) bhugnaù <1.1,
kartari>.
When we have [o]vraçc[ü] chedane (6P, “to cut”), saìkarñaëa is done, the t of the viñëuniñöhä changes to
n, and s-koù sat-saìgädyor haro viñëupadänte vaiñëave ca (250) is applied. However the change to ñ that
would have been done by cha-ço räj (249) is not applied here. Then ca-vargasya ka-vargo viñëupadänte,
vaiñëave tv asa-varge (243) is applied and the change to ë is done. Thus we get våkëaù <1.1>.
Ø [o]vraçc[ü] → (1215) [o]vraçc[ü] + [k]ta → (1220, 626) [o]våçc + [k]ta → (1221) våçc + na →
(n is treated like the original t of the viñëuniñöhä, 2501) våc + na → (244) våkna → (173) våkëa → (148)
våkëa + s[u] → (155) våkëaù <1.1, karmaëi>.
From the dhätu [o]hä[k] tyäge (3P, “to abandon”), we get prahéëaù <1.1>.
Ø pra + [o]hä → (1215) pra + [o]hä + [k]ta → (hä is aniö by verse 1, 1221) pra + hä + na → (544)
prahéna → (1193) prahéëa → (148) prahéëa + s[u] → (155) prahéëaù <1.1, karmaëi>.
Among the div-ädis, the dhätu from ñü[ì] präëi-garbha-vimocane (4A, “to give birth, produce”) to vré[ì]
varaëe (4A, “to choose, ask for”) are understood as having an indicatory o-räma. Thus we get sünaù <1.1>
and dünaù <1.1>.
Amåta—Regarding jénaù <1.1>, the because jyä vayo-hänau is one of the lv-ädis, the t of the viñëuniñöhä
changes to n by the previous sütra. Prasäda is a commentary on Prakriyä-kaumudé written by
Viööhaläcärya. With the phrase beginning Amara-koña, Jéva Gosvämé proves that Prasäda is wrong in
saying du gatau. For example, by listing düna as a synonym of santäpita (“burnt”) in santäpitas tu santapto
dhüpito dhupäyitau ca dünaç ca (3.1.207), Amara-koña only accepts the meaning of upatäpa and not the
meaning of gati as in du gatau. In this regard, Kavi-kalpa-druma clearly says öuduno ’nutäpe. The indicatory
letter öu there is for the sake of applying the taddhita pratyaya é[p], the indicatory letter o is so that the t of
the viñëuniñöhä will change to n, and the indicatory letter n signifies that it is a sv-ädi dhätu. Regarding
bhugnaù <1.1>, since the n which replaces the t of the viñëuniñöhä is considered like the original, in
accordance with the maxim beginning viñëuniñöhädeçasya, it is still considered that a vaiñëava is following
and thus the change to ka-varga by sütra 243 is not blocked. The dhätu [o]vraçc[ü] in its crude form as
[o]vrasc[ü] has a dental varëa in its midsection (see våtti 247). Therefore, after saìkarñaëa is done and
the t of the viñëuniñöhä changes to n, s-koù sat-saìgädyor haro viñëupadänte vaiñëave ca (250) is applied
1
In this regard, one should remember sa-räma-jaù ça-rämaç ce (våtti 551) and Saàçodhiné 249.
since, by the maxim beginning viñëuniñöhädeçasya, it is still considered that a vaiñëava is following. But
due to the phrase ñatväd anyatra in that maxim, the change to ñ by cha-ço räj (249) doesn’t take place
since there is no vaiñëava following since the n that replaces the t of the viñëuniñöhä is not considered like
the original in this case. Because the div-ädi-dhätus ñü[ï] and so on are considered to have an indicatory
o-räma, the t of the viñëuniñöhä changes to n after them too.
1223. òéìo neö ca

òé[ì] as well as changing the t of kta to n, doesn’t take iö(all 3 examples here are from the 9 divädis which
are considered o-rämet). òé[ì] usually takes iö as specified in the first sütra of the aniö-gaëa, but that is
checked here.. the other two dhätus are naturally aniö
òénaù, lénaù, dénaù.
1224. sphäyaù sphér vä viñëuniñöhäyäm

The dhätu sphäy[é] optionally becomes sphé before a viñëuniñöhä. In the first two examples there is no iö
due to the phrase ä-é-rämänubandhäd in sütra 32. The first exampls shows the replacement sphé, and in
the second the y of sphäy is deleted by ya-vayor haro bale. Then the dhätu ucch[é] is introduced. And the
viñëuniñöhä form of vi+ucch is shown in the example ‘The night which has passed away’. Here there is no
iö again due to the anubandha é, then there is chasya ço räj,, then ñät parasya
sphétaù, sphätaù. ucché viväse. vyuñöä rajané, atikräntety arthaù.
1225. çyaiù saìkarñaëo drava-käöhinye himatve ca, prates tv anyatra ca, abhy-aväbhyäm eva vä
viñëuniñöhäyäà, viñëuniñöhä-tasya no, na tu himatve.
The dhätu çyai takes saìkarñaëa before a viñëuniñöhä when there is either solidness of a fluid or coldness.
This happens after the upendra prati when there are the above 2 meanings and even when there are other
meanings. After the upendras abhi and ava this happens optionally(only when the above 2 meanings are
there). The t of the viñëuniñöhä becomes n(by the sütra harimitra-yuk), but not when the meaning is
coldness. The first example ‘frozen/coagulated butter’ shows drava-käöhinya, E.g sankarsana is done,then
the sütra çyä-çvi is applied and there is trivikrama, and the t of the viñëuniñöhä turns to n. The second
example ‘cold water’ shows how there is no change to n when there is coldness. Then a counterexample
is given to show when the above meanings are not used e.g ‘The cow which curled up/contracted due to
the cold’. Here there is no sankarsana etc.. because of the absence of the 2 meanings, but there is still the
change to n by harimitra-yuk.. çyaiàçyä by caturvyuhäntänäm.. With the pratiçéna examples bala toñané
gives the following meanings ‘The cow, who is snuggled up due to the cold’(anyatra) or ‘The
frozen/coagulated liquid’(drava-käöhinya).. then ämåta öéka gives an extra example. pratiçénaà puñpaà,
mlänatvaà gatamityarthaù ‘The wilted flower’(anyatra). Then the examples of the optionality after abhi
and ava are shown.. moreover the significance of the word eva is shown in the example samavaçyäna e.g
eva acts for restriction only pure abhi or ava,, here because it is samava that is contradicted and there is
no sankarsana etc..
çénaà ghåtam. himatve tu—çétaà jalam. dravety-ädibhyäm anyatra—saàçyäno gauù, çétät saìkucita ity
arthaù. pratyädibhyas tu—pratiçéno gaur dravo vä. abhiçyänaù, abhiçénaù. evam ava. eva-kärät—
samavaçyänaù.
1226. divo viñëuniñöhä-tasya no, na tu vijigéñäyäm, aïco ’napädäne.

The t of the viñëuniñöhä becomes n after the dhätu div[u], but not when it means vijigéñä(desire to
conquer(one of the many meanings of divu in the dhätu-päöha)). The same thing happens after the dhätu
aïc[u] provided there is no connection with an apädäna(see käraka section). Now in the våtti it is shown
how div[u] is vikapiteö on account of being iv-anta(sütra iv-anta-ådha-brasja-dambhu in san-anta
section). E.g just due to being veö before san it is called vikalpeò. Thus the sütra ä-é-rämänubandhäd..
applies and there is no iö.. Then the sütra chasya ço vasya üöh etc.. is applied(kaàsäri vaiñëava is the
cause not harivenu as n is sthänivad as described in sütra 34 våtti). But when there is vijigéña there is no
change of t to n and the form is dyüta. Then aïc is shown with the example samakna.. here aïcu is first
vikapiteö by sütra 82, thus by ä-é-rämänubandhäd there is no iö, then there is deletion of the n of aïcu by
an-i-rämetäm(with the two example in the våtti the meaning of aïc is gatau, and not its other meaning
püjäyäm which would trigger off the sütra aïceù püjäyäm na-lopäbhävaù), then there is ca-vargasya ka-
varga as n is sthänivad. Then a counterexamples is given for when there is apädäna.. e.g here the t does
change to n,, and the äpädana is the seat(here the point of separation(avadhi)) e.g ‘Kåñëa, who got up
from the seat’. In both these aïcu examples kta is used in the kartari due to the gaty-artha mentioned in
sütra 69. The comm also points out that the change of t to n also doesn’t happen when aïcu has an
apädäna and is in karma-väcya e.g udaktaà jalaà küpäd vaiñëavena ‘The water, which was lifted up from
the well by the vaiñëava’. But when the meaning of aïcu is püjäyäm then the form aïcita is attained
instead by sütra 50 e.g aïcitaù kåñëaù kuru-päëòavaiù ‘Kåñëa, who was worshipped by the kurus and
päëòavas’ With aïcita here there is no change of t to n because of the intervening of iö.. by the same
logic(absence of präì-nimitta) that there is no change to n for vidita in sütra 31 by the comm line atra iöo
vyavadhänatayä niñöhä tasya na natvaà, darämapürvatväbhävät
iv-antät sani vikalpiteö—dyünaù. vijigéñäyäm—dyütam. aïcaù samaknaù. apädäne tu—udaktaù kåñëa
äsanät.
ïiphalä ä-rämänubandhaù
1227. cara-phalayor asya us te

The ‘a’ of the dhätus car[a](1P) and [ïi]phal[ä] becomes ‘u’ when they come before ‘t’. The form
praphulta in the våtti is thus formed: there is no iö due to ä-é-rämänubandhäd, then this sütra applies..
Why do we say before ‘t’.. the bälakalki form is shown as here iö is applied, and thus phal is not before ‘t’..
the similar dhätu phal[a](1P – niñpattau) cannot apply this sütra as there is no sütra to block it from
applying iö and thus again phal is not before ‘t’..Jéva gosvämé says that the phrase ‘kiti’ in prakriyä
kaumudé is improper as it doesn’t allow for the form phultra by the uëädi suffix tra(this form is accepted
by all), but rather produces phaltra
praphultaù. “te” iti kim? phalitä. phala niñpattau—phalitaù. “kiti” iti tasyäà bhramaù.
1228. phullotpulla-samphulla-kñéba-kåçolläghäù
Phulla, utphulla, samphulla, kñéba, kåça and ullägha are irregular forms in the following way. The 3
phullas above all come from the dhat [ïi]phal[ä]. The irregularity is that the ‘t’ of the viñëuniñöhä
changes to ‘l’. The change of ‘a’ to ‘u’ is acchieved by the last sütra. Kñéba is from the dhätu kñéb[å](1A to
be intoxicated) and here it is in kartå-väcya by sütra 69 due to being akarmaka. The irregularities here are
that the ‘ta’ of the viñëuniñöha changes to ‘a’ and there is no iö applied. Kåça is form in the same way from
the dhätu kåç[a](4P to become thin/emaciated) and is similarly in kartå-väcya due to being akarmaka..
similarly ullägh(lägh[åì]1A to be competent.. with ut it means to be healthy) acts in the same way as the
last 2. These forms are all with kta, but jéva gosvämi says that the ktavatu forms can also exibit these
irregularities on account of this rule being spoken in the viñëuniñöhä section.. but only according to
compatibility not in all cases thus the upcoming sütra bhéma-bhéñmau doesn’t have any ktavatu
equivalents. JG shows how these irregularities don’t happen after other upendras than those stated in this
sütra e.g praphulta(as normal in last sütra). Then the question is raised how is praphulla being used in
the quote ‘Who see hari’s face in which there are 2 eyes like full-blown lotuses’ JG says this is a paçcät-
samäsa e.g praphullam= prakåñöam phullam.. this will be clear in the samäsa section.. The comm offers an
alternative explanation that this is the dhätu phull[a] (1P to expand/bloom) with the upendra pra and the
kådanta a[t] by the future sütra ‘pacäder at’
ïiphalädénäm ete nipätäù. prakaraëäd viñëuniñöhopalakñaëam idaà, tena yathä-sambhavaà ktavatäv api—
phullaù, phullavän. kñébå—kñébaù, kñébavän. kåçe—kåçaù, kåçavän. läghåì sämarthe—ulläghaù, ulläghavän.
nänyopendrät—praphultaù ity-ädi. kathaà “praphulla-puëòarékäkñaà yäù paçyanti harer mukham” iti?
paçcät samäsena.
1229 / inavaAeR inavaARNAAe , na tau vaAtae /
1229. nirvo nirväëo, na tu väte
nirvaù—of nir + the dhätu vä gati-gandhanayoù (2P, “to blow; to strike, kill, point out the faults of
others”); nirväëaù—the nipäta nirväëa; na—not; tu—but; väte—when väta (“wind”) is being expressed.
Nirväëa is the nipäta of nir + vä + [k]ta. But not when wind is being expressed.
vä gati-gandhanayoù. nirväëo vahnir munir vä. väte tu—nirväto vätaù.
Våtti—The dhätu referred to here is vä gati-gandhanayoù (2P, “to blow; to strike, kill, point out the faults
of others”). Examples are nirväëo vahniù (“The fire is extinguished”) and nirväëo muniù (“The sage is
liberated”). But when wind is being expressed, we get nirväto vätaù (“The wind is blocked”).
Amåta—Because the change to n isn’t obtained by any rule, a nipäta is made. But this nipäta is for when
the dhätu is used in its sense of gati and not in its sense of gandhana. In nirväëo vahniù and nirväëo muniù
the idea is cessation of movement (gati). In nirväëo muniù, however, the implied meaning of nirväëaù is
muktaù (“liberated”). In nirväto vätaù the idea is väyor gatir niruddhä (“The movement of the wind is
blocked”).
1230 / inaivaRNNAAe inaivaRâtae: /
1230. nirviëëo nirvidyateù
nirviëëaù—the nipäta nirviëëa; nirvidyateù—of nir + the dhätu vid[a] sattäyäm (4A, “to be, exist”).
The nipäta of nir + vid[a] + [k]ta is nirviëëa.
kåta-mürdhanyo nipätyate.
Våtti—The nipäta is done in such a way that there is a change of dantya to mürdhanya (see våtti 1).
Amåta—The replacement of n for the t of the viñëuniñöhä and for the previous d was already achieved by
sütra 1219, but because the change to the mürdhanya varëa ë wouldn’t have been applied since the n of
the kåt pratyaya doesn’t come after a sarveçvara, a nipäta was made to effect that change.
1231. sinaù karma-kartari bandhe gräse

The dhätu si[ï](5U to bind) takes the irregular form sina in karma-katå-väcya when there is
binding/joining and when there is a lump of food the size of mouthful(e.g SK says when the sense is
becoming a morsel fit for swallowing). E.g ‘The morsel becomes rounded(joined/bound up(in a way
approppriate for swallowing) of it’s own accord’ e.g like rice being mixed with dahl,rolled up into a
swallowable ball etc.. Counterexamples from comm: Why do we say there should be gräsa? Observe sitaù
päçena mågaù ‘The animal is bound by the rope’. There is also no karma-kartari here.. Why do we say
karma-kartari?? Sita gräso rämeëa ‘A mouthful sized morsel of food was formed by räma’ How about
bite-sized??
siï bandhane. sino gräsaù svayam eva.
1232 / zAuSaAe ivaSNAuinaï"Atasya k(: , pacaAe va: , ºaAyaAe ma: /
1232. çuño viñëuniñöhä-tasya kaù, paco vaù, kñäyo maù.
çuñaù—after the dhätu çuñ[a] çoñaëe (4P, “to become dry, withered”); viñëuniñöhä-tasya—of the ta-räma of
a viñëuniñöhä; kaù—the replacement ka-räma; pacaù—after the dhätu [òu]pac[añ] päke (1U, “to cook,
ripen”); vaù—the replacement va-räma; kñäyaù—after the dhätu kñai kñaye (1P, “to diminish, decay”);
maù—the replacement ma-räma.
After çuñ[a], the t of a viñëuniñöhä becomes k. After pac[a], the t of a viñëuniñöhä become v. And after
kñai, the t of a viñëuniñöhä become m.
çuñkaù, pakvaù. kñai kñaye—kñämaù.
Våtti—Ø çuñ → (1215) çuñ + [k]ta → (çuñ is aniö by verse 7, 399, 1232) çuñka → (148) çuñka + s[u] →
(155) çuñkaù <1.1, karmaëi>.
Ø pac → (1215) pac + [k]ta → (pac is aniö by verse 2, 1232) pac + va → (n is treated like the
original t of the viñëuniñöhä, 243) pakva → (148) pakva + s[u] → (155) pakvaù <1.1, karmaëi>.
Ø kñai → (539) kñä → (1215) kñä + [k]ta → (kñä is aniö by verse 1, 1232) kñäma → (148) kñäma
+ s[u] → (155) kñämaù <1.1, karmaëi>.
1233. prastémädayaù pra-pürvasya styäyo nipätyante

The form prastéma etc.. below are irregular forms of the dhätu styai(1P to sound or to be collected into a
heap) with the upendra pra… The irregularities in prastéma/prastémavän is that the yai of styai becomes
é(saëkarsana and trivikrama) and the t of viñëuniñöha becomes m, in prastéta/prastétavän the irregularity
is just that the yai of styai becomes é
prastémaù, prastémavän. prastétaù, prastétavän.
1234 / na DyaAKyaApa|maid"maUiCR$ByaAe na: /
1234. na dhyä-khyä-pè-madi-mürchibhyo naù
na—not; dhyä-khyä-pè-madi-mürchibhyaù—after the dhätus dhyai cintäyäm (1P, “to think, meditate”),
khyä prakathane (2P, “to declare, tell”), pè pälana-püraëayoù (3P, “to nourish; to fill, fulfill”), mad[é]
harñe (4P, “to be joyful, intoxicated, maddened”), and mürch[ä] moha-samucchräyayoù (1P, “to faint,
grow”); naù—the change to n.
The t of a viñëuniñöhä doesn’t change to n after dhyai, khyä, pè, mad[é], and mürch[ä].
dhyätaù, khyätaù, pürtaù, mattaù. räc cha-vayor haraù kvau kaàsäri-vaiñëave ca—mürtaù. è gatau kry-
ädiù—“oñöhyoddhavasya” iti dhätu-viçeñaëatvät samérëaù.
Våtti—Ø dhyai → (539) dhyä → (1215) dhyä + [k]ta → (dhyä is aniö by verse 1, 1234) dhyäta → (148)
dhyäta + s[u] → (155) dhyätaù <1.1, karmaëi>.
Ø khyä → (1215) khyä + [k]ta → (khyä is aniö by verse 1, 1234) khyäta → (148) khyäta + s[u] →
(155) khyätaù <1.1, karmaëi>.
Ø pè → (1215) pè + [k]ta → (1218, 399, 706) pur + ta → (1234, 262) pürta → (148) pürta + s[u]
→ (155) pürtaù <1.1, karmaëi>.
Ø mad[é] → (1257) mad[é] + [k]ta → (1220, 1234, 98) matta → (148) matta + s[u] → (155)
mattaù <1.1, kartari>.
Räc cha-vayor haraù kvau kaàsäri-vaiñëave ca (848) is applied and thus we get mürtaù <1.1>.
Ø mürch[ä] → (1257) mürch[ä] + [k]ta → (1220, 1234, 848) mürta → (148) mürta + s[u] →
(155) mürtaù <1.1, kartari>.
Since the word oñöhyoddhavasya in sütra 706 is a viçeñaëa of the word dhätoù, we get samérëaù <1.1> from
the kry-ädi-dhätu è gatau (9P, “to go, move”).
Ø sam + è → (1215) sam + è + [k]ta → (1218, 399, 572) sam + ir + [k]ta → (1219) sam + irna →
(262) samérna → (173) samérëa → (148) samérëa + s[u] → (155) samérëaù <1.1, karmaëi>.
Amåta—Where the t of the viñëuniñöhä would have become n by harimitra-yuk-sat-saìgädy-ä-rämänta

(1221) in the case of dhyai and khyä and by ra-däbhyäm (1219) in the case of pè, mad[é], and mürch[ä],
this rule prohibits it. Someone may argue, “Since the dhätu è is preceded by the m of the upendra sam,
why doesn’t oñöhyoddhavasya èta ur kaàsärau (706) apply?” In answer to this, Jéva Gosvämé says “because
the word oñöhyoddhavasya in sütra 706 is a viçeñaëa of the word dhätoù.” Here the m belongs to the
upendra and not to the dhätu, and thus the è only changes to ir by the general rule è-rämasyer kaàsärau
(572).
1235 / ivaÔaM BaAegyae ‘ataItae ca /
1235. vittaà bhogye pratéte ca
vittam—the nipäta vitta; bhogye—in the meaning of bhogya (“wealth”); pratéte—in the meaning of pratéta
(“famous”); ca—and.
Vitta is the nipäta of vid[ÿ] + [k]ta in the meaning of bhogya or pratéta.
vittaà dhanam, vittaù kåñëaù.
Våtti—Vitta is a neuter word which has the same meaning as dhana (“wealth”). An example of when vitta
means pratéta is vittaù kåñëaù (“Kåñëa is famous”).
Amåta—The result of the nipäta is that i[ö] isn’t applied and that the replacement of n for the t of the
viñëuniñöhä and for the previous d doesn’t take place even though it would have been applied by ra-
däbhyäm (1219). Why do we say in the meaning of bhogya or pratéta? Consider vinnam iñöam (“The
desired object was obtained”) where vinnam means labdham (“obtained”).
Bäla—Regarding vitta having the same meaning as dhana, Amara-koña says vittaà dravyam (“Vitta has the
same meaning as dravya (“wealth”)”). Regarding vitta being used in the meaning of pratéta, Amara-koña
says pratéte prathita-khyäta-vitta-vijïäta-viçrutäù (“The words prathita, khyäta, vitta, vijïäta, and viçruta
are all used in the meaning of pratéta (“famous”)”).
1236 / BaImaBaISmaAE BayaAnake( s$aADaU /
1236. bhéma-bhéñmau bhayänake sädhü
bhéma-bhéñmau—bhéma and bhéñma; bhayänake—in the meaning of bhayänaka (“fearsome”) sädhü—are

the proper forms.
Bhéma and bhéñma are the nipätas of [ïi]bhé + [k]ta in the meaning of bhayänaka.
Amåta—The word bhayänake here means bhéti-prade arthe (“in the meaning of causing fear”). The result
of the nipätas is that m and ñm respectively replace the t of the viñëuniñöhä. An example from actual usage
is dänavo bhéma-darçanaù (“The demons was fearsome in appearance”). Why do we say in the meaning of
bhayänaka? Consider kåñëäd bhétaù kaàsaù (“Kaàsa is afraid of Kåñëa”).
1237. niraù kuña iò viñëuniñöhäyäm

The dhätu kuñ[a](9P) after the upendra nir takes iò before a viñëuniñöhä. This is an apaväda of the sütra
ä-é-rämänubandhäd due to being vikapiteö. Here the ‘r’ of nir becomes viñëusarga before the k of kuñ, and
then the viñëusarga becomes ‘ñ’ by the sütra(326) nir-dur-bahiù-pädur-äviç-caturäm in the samäsa
prakaraëam
“niraù kuño veö” (3.418) iti vikalpiteò ayam—niñkuñitaù.
1238 / vas$aitaºauiDaByaAimaq%. ftvaAivaSNAuinaï"yaAe: , lauBaAe vyaAku(laIk(r"NAe , @Âae: paUjaAyaAM , iflazApaUx.~ByaAM vaA /
1238. vasati-kñudhibhyäm iö ktvä-viñëuniñöhayoù, lubho vyäkulé-karaëe, aïceù püjäyäà, kliça-

püìbhyäà vä
vasati-kñudhibhyäm—after the dhätus vas[a] niväse (1P, “to dwell, live, stay”) and kñudh[a] bubhukñäyäm
(4P, “to be hungry”); iö—the ägama i[ö]; ktvä-viñëuniñöhayoù—when the kåt pratyaya [k]tvä or a
viñëuniñöhä follows; lubhaù vyäkulé-karaëe—after the dhätu lubh[a] when the meaning is vyäkulé-karaëa
(“making bewildered”) or, in other words, only after lubh[a] vimohane1 (6P, “to bewilder”) and not after
lubh[a] gärddhye (4P, “to covet, be greedy for”); aïceù püjäyäm—after the dhätu aïc[u] when the
meaning is püjä (“worship”) or, in other words, after aïc[u] gati-püjanayoù (1P, “to go, move; to
worship”) only in its meaning of püjana and not in its meaning of gati; kliça-püìbhyäm—after the dhätus
kliç[a] upatäpe (4A, “to suffer”), kliç[ü] vibädhane (9P, “to torment, distress”), and pü[ì] pavaëe (1P, “to
purify”); vä—optionally.
When [k]tvä or a viñëuniñöhä follow, i[ö] is applied after vas[a], kñudh[a], lubh[a] in the meaning of
vyäkulé-karaëa, and aïc[u] in the meaning of püjä, but i[ö] is optionally applied after kliç[a], kliç[ü],
and pü[ì].
uñitaù, kñudhitaù. kåñëena vilubhitänäà gopénäà keçä vilubhitäù. gärddhye tu—lubdhaù. aïcitaù. gatau—
aktaù. kliçitaù, kliñöaù.
Våtti—Ø vas → (1257) vas + [k]ta → (1238) vas + i[ö] + [k]ta → (622) us + i[ö] + [k]ta → (632) uñita →
(148) uñita + s[u] → (155) uñitaù <1.1, kartari>.
Ø kñudh → (1257) kñudh + [k]ta → (1238) kñudh + i[ö] + [k]ta → (399) kñudhita → (148)
kñudhita + s[u] → (155) kñudhitaù <1.1, kartari>.
An example of lubho vyäkulé-karaëe is kåñëena vilubhitänäà gopénäà keçä vilubhitäù (“The hair of the
bewildered gopés was untied by Kåñëa”). But when the meaning is gärddhya (“being greedy”), we get
lubdhaù <1.1>.
Ø lubh → (1257) lubh + [k]ta → (1220, 399, 466) lubh + dha → (96) lubdha → (148) lubdha +
s[u] → (155) lubdhaù <1.1, kartari>.
Similarly, we get aïcitaù <1.1>. But when the meaning is gati (“movement”), we get aktaù <1.1>.
Ø kliç → (1215) kliç + [k]ta → (two options by 1238):

1) (i[ö] is inserted) kliç + i[ö] + [k]ta → (399) kliçita → (148) kliçita + s[u] → (155) kliçitaù <1.1,
karmaëi>.
2) (i[ö] is not inserted, 399, 249) kliñ + ta → (280) kliñöa → (148) kliñöa + s[u] → (155) kliñöaù
<1.1, karmaëi>.
Amåta—This rule ordain i[ö] where vas[a] and kñudh[a] would have never taken i[ö] since they are
sahajäniö, where lubh[a] would never have taken i[ö] when a viñëuniñöhä follows since it is vikalpiteö (see
1
In this regard, the equivalent Päëinian sütra is lubho vimohane (Añöädhyäyé 7.2.54).
sütra 1220) by iñu-saha-lubha-ruña-riña iò vä te (535), and where aïc[u] would never have taken i[ö] when
a viñëuniñöhä follows since it is vikalpiteö by u-rämeto veö ktvi (1270). Furthermore, this rule makes i[ö]
optional for kliç[ü], kliç[a], and pü[ì] where kliç[ü] would never have taken i[ö] when a viñëuniñöhä
follows since it is vikalpiteö because of having the indicatory letter ü, where kliç[a] would have always
taken i[ö], and where pü[ì] would never have taken i[ö] when [k]tvä or a viñëuniñöhä follows since it ends
in a caturbhuja (see sütra 1218).
By applying this rule we get uñitaù <1.1> from vas[a] niväse (1P, “to dwell, live, stay”). But for vas[a]
äcchädane (2A, “to cover, dress”), i[ö] was already achieved. Thus we get vasitaù <1.1>. The form
vilubhitänäm <6.3> is made from the tud-ädi-dhätu lubh[a] vimohane (6P, “to bewilder”). Vimohana here
means äkulé-karaëam (“making bewildered”). The word vilubhitäù in keçä vilubhitäù means viçåìkhalé-
kåtäù (“was made to be untied”). In aktaù <1.1>, the uddhava-na-räma of aïc[u] is deleted by the sütra
beginning ani-rämetäm (sütra 454). Due to the desire to express the relationship of apädäna, the t of the
viñëuniñöhä doesn’t become n here (see sütra 1226).
1239. püìaù seò-viñëuniñöhä na kapilaù

The viñëuniñöhä with an iö is not kapila for the dhätu pü[ì]. E.g in this case govinda is taken. This is
shown in the first example.. The second examples shows when there is no iö,, iös being optional is from
the last sütra
pavitaù, pütaù.
1240. çéì-svidi-midi-kñidi-dhåñaù seò-viñëuniñöhä na kapilaù
The viñëuniñöhä with an iö is not kapila for the following dhätus: çé[ì](2A) svapne, [ïi]svid[ä](1A) gätra
prakñaraëe, [ïi]mid[ä](4P) snehane, [ïi]kñvid[ä](4P) snehana mocanayoù, [ïi]dhåñ[ä](5P) prägalbhye.
All the dhätus here except çé[ì] optionally take iö by the next sütra. Thus because there is no kapila there
is govinda etc.. In the example below kta is applied in kartå-väcya by sütra 69 as çé[ì] is akarmaka
çayitaù.
1241(SK 3080A). ärambhe ca viñëuniñöhä, tatra ktas tu kartari ca, ä-rämänubandhäd iò vä
viñëuniñöhäyäm ärambha-bhävayoù, japi-vamoç ca
Viñëuniñöhä pratyayas are also used to express the beginning of an action. When used in that way kta is
also used in the kartå-väcya(here ca= bhäva-karmanoç ca)
iö is only optionally applied after dhätus that have ä as it and after the dhätus jap[a] and vam[a] when
they all either express the beginning of an action or are being used in the bhäva-väcya. Jéva Gosvämi
mentions in the våtti that according to päëiné svid in the last sütra can be either [ïi]svid[ä](dyutädi) or
ñvid[ä](4P). Thus the example ‘Kåñëa perspired(perhaps because of the ärambha – began to sweat)’ Here
by this sütra kta is in kartå-väcya,, the ärambha is shown here by the upendra pra. The second example
‘There was perspiring by the gopés’ shows when there is bhäva-väcya. On the other hand when iö is not
applied the forms are prasvinna(ärambha_ and svinna(bhava etc..).. Similarly pramedita etc..
…prakñveditaù prakñviëëaù kñviëëam. pradharñitaù pradhåñöaù dhåñöham. japi vamoù, prajapitaù
prajaptaù japtam, pravamitaù praväntaù väntam etc..
ïiñvidä dyutädau, ñvidä puñädau. “ïiñvidä dyutädau puñädau ca” ity eke. prasveditavän, prasveditaù kåñëaù.
sveditaà gopébhiù. ïimidä snehane—pramedita ity-ädi. pakñe—prasvinnaù, svinnam ity-ädi.
Comment [19]: see SK vol II p356
1242 / ºamaATaARnma{SaAe ivaSNAuinaï"A na k(ipala: /
1242. kñamärthän måño viñëuniñöhä na kapilaù
kñama-arthät—which has the meaning of kñamä (“tolerance”); måñaù—after the dhätu måñ[a] kñamäyäm
(4U, “to tolerate”); viñëuniñöhä—a viñëuniñöhä; na—not; kapilaù—kapila.
A viñëuniñöhä is not kapila after måñ[a] which has the meaning of kñamä.
marñitaù. akñamärthät—apamåñitaà väkyam äha. apamåñöam açuddham iti yävat, dhätünäm anekärthatvät.
Våtti—Thus we get marñitaù (“tolerated”) <1.1>.
Ø måñ → (1215) måñ + [k]ta → (424) måñ + i[ö] + [k]ta → (1242, 443) marñita → (148) marñita +
s[u] → (155) marñitaù (“tolerated”) <1.1, karmaëi>.
But when måñ[a] doesn’t have the meaning of kñamä we get apamåñitaà väkyam äha (“He speaks
unintelligible words”) where apamåñitam means apamåñöam or, in other words, açuddham (“unknown”).
This is because dhätus have more than one meaning (see Amåta 406 and våtti 722).
Amåta—Regarding marñitaù <1.1>, since the viñëuniñöhä is not kapila, govinda takes place as usual. But in
apamåñitam <2.1>, the viñëuniñöhä is kapila and thus govinda doesn’t take place. Someone may argue, “The
meaning of kñamä is natural for the dhätu måñ[a] kñamäyäm (4U, “to tolerate”), so what is the point of
this rule?” In answer to that, Jéva Gosvämé says dhätünäm anekärthatvät (“because dhätus have more than
one meaning”). Thus it is seen that måñ[a] also has the meaning of açuddha (“unintelligible”). Therefore
this sütra was made to reject that meaning. Apamåñtam here is a form of måj[üñ] çuddhau (2P, “to clean,
purify”). I[ö] is not applied here because måj[üñ] has the indicatory letter ü (see vikalpiteöaù in sütra
1220).
1243. u-rämoddhaväd bhauvädikäd bhävärambhayoù seò-viñëuniñöhä vä kapilaù

The viñëuniñöhä pratyayas that are with iö are only optionally kapila after bhv-ädi(1st class) dhätus that
have ‘u’ as uddhava, that is when the viñëuniñöha express the beginning of an action or are used in bhäva-
väcya. The first few examples show the kta form of the dhätu dyut e.g first bhäva is shown with no kapila
e.g ‘Illumined by Kåñëa’.. the second show ärambha with no kapila ‘Räma, who began to shine’ then the
same forms are given with kapila. Why do we say ‘seö’?? observe mrukta from the dhätu mruc[u](due to
having ‘u’ as it then iö becomes optional by sütra 82, then there is no iö due to being vikalpeò)… Similarly
so with the dhätus mluc[u] etc.
dyotitaà kåñëena, pradyotitaù rämaù. pakñe—dyutitaà, pradyutitaù. “seò” iti kim? mrucu mruktaù. evaà
mlucu-prabhåtayaù.
1244 / NAehR"r"Ae ivaSNAuinaï"AyaAma, /
1244. ëer haro viñëuniñöhäyäm
ëeù—of the pratyaya [ë]i (see sütras 585, 781, 787 and 900); haraù—deletion; viñëuniñöhäyäm—when a
viñëuniñöhä follows.
[Ë]i is deleted when a viñëuniñöhä follows.
bhävitaù. çvayater äçvaser vameç ceti neö, saìkarñaëa-trivikramau—çünaù. äçvastaù. atra viçvastaù ity api
kecit. “viçväsa-yukte viçvastas triñu, stré vidhavä-striyäm” iti rudra-koñät. vama—väntaù, guhü—güòhaù.
vanu “ud-ito veö ktvi” iti vakñyate, tato neö, hariveëv-anta-sahajäniöäm ity-ädi, vataù. tataù. nåté-kåty-äder é-
rämettvaà vikalpiteö ity asyänityatve jïäpakam, tena dhävu gati-çuddhyoù—dhävitaù, dhävitavän. çuddhau
tu—dhautaù, dhautavän. patÿ—patitaù, patitavän. manu—manitaù, manitavän. aneka-sarveçvaratväd iö—
saàjïapitaù, daridritaù, ity-ädi.
Våtti—Thus we get bhävitaù (“caused to be”) <1.1>.
Ø bhü → (787) bhü + [ë]i → (422) bhau + [ë]i → (66) bhäv + [ë]i → (1215) bhäv + [ë]i + [k]ta →
(424) bhäv + [ë]i + i[ö] + [k]ta → (1244) bhävita → (148) bhävita + s[u] → (155) bhävitaù <1.1, karmaëi>.
I[ö] isn’t applied accordance with çvayater äçvaser vameç ca neò viñëuniñöhäyäm (1220), but saìkarñaëa
and trivikrama are done and we get çünaù <1.1>.
Ø [o]çvi → (1215) [o]çvi + [k]ta → (1220, 622) [o]çu + [k]ta → (861) [o]çü + [k]ta → (1221)
çüna → (148) çüna + s[u] → (155) çünaù <1.1, karmaëi>.
Ø ä[ì] + çvas → (1257) ä[ì] + çvas + [k]ta → (1220) äçvasta → (148) äçvasta + s[u] → (155)
äçvastaù <1.1, kartari>.
In this regard, some also make viçvastaù <1.1>. This is in accordance with the following statement of
Rudra-koña: viçväsa-yukte viçvastas triñu, stré vidhavä-striyäm (“The word viçvasta is used in all three
genders in the sense of viçväsa-yukta (“faithful”), but the feminine word viçvastä is also used to refer to a
widow”). From [öu]vam[a] udgiraëe (1P, “to vomit”) we get väntaù <1.1>.
Ø vam → (1215) vam + [k]ta → (1220, 846) vämta → (230) väàta → (114) vänta → (148) vänta
+ s[u] → (155) väntaù <1.1, karmaëi>.
From guh[ü] saàvaraëe (1U, “to cover, hide”) we get güòhaù <1.1>.
Ø guh[ü] → (1215) guh[ü] + [k]ta → (1220, 290) guòh + ta → (466) guòh + dha → (280) guòh +
òha → (537) gu + òha → güòha → (148) güòha + s[u] → (155) güòhaù <1.1, karmaëi>.
Regarding van[u] yäcane (8A, “to beg”), it will be described later that, when [k]tvä follows, i[ö] is
optionally applied after dhätus which have the indicatory letter u (see sütra 1270). Thus i[ö] isn’t applied
here, but the sütra beginning hariveëv-anta-sahajäniöäm (sütra 524) is applied and we get vataù <1.1>.
Ø van[u] → (1215) van[u] + [k]ta → (1220, 524) vata → (148) vata + s[u] → (155) vataù <1.1,
karmaëi>.
Ø tan[u] → (1215) tan[u] + [k]ta → (1220, 524) tata → (148) tata + s[u] → (155) tataù <1.1,
karmaëi>.
The fact that the dhätus nåt[é], kåt[é], and so on have the indicatory letter é suggests that the phrase
vikalpiteöaù in sütra 1220 is not always applicable. Thus from dhäv[u] gati-çuddhyoù (1U, “to go, move,
run; to purify, cleanse”) we get dhävitaù <1.1> and dhävitavän <1.1>. But when this dhätu has the
meaning of çuddhi (“purification”), we get dhautaù <1.1> and dhautavän <1.1>.
Ø dhäv[u] → (1215) dhäv[u] + [k]ta → (424) dhävita → (148) dhävita + s[u] → (155) dhävitaù
<1.1, karmaëi>.
Ø dhäv[u] → (1215) dhäv[u] + [k]ta → (1220, 779) dhä + ü[öh] + ta → (292) dhä + au + ta →
(57) dhauta → (148) dhauta + s[u] → (155) dhautaù <1.1, karmaëi>.
Similarly from pat[ÿ] gatau (1P, “to fall, fly”) we get patitaù <1.1> and patitavän <1.1>, and from man[u]
bodhane (8A, “to understand”) we get manitaù <1.1> and manitavän <1.1>. Due to there being more than
one sarveçvara in the dhätu, i[ö] is applied in the case of saàjïapitaù <1.1>, daridritaù <1.1> and so on.
Ø sam + jïap → (781) sam + jïap + [ë]i → (470) sam + jïäp + [ë]i → (789) sam + jïap + [ë]i →
(1215) sam + jïap + [ë]i + [k]ta → (424) sam + jïap + [ë]i + i[ö] + [k]ta → (1244) sam + jïapita → (113)
saàjïapita → (148) saàjïapita + s[u] → (155) saàjïapitaù <1.1, karmaëi>.
Ø daridrä → (1257) daridrä + [k]ta → (424) daridrä + i[ö] + [k]ta → (682) daridrita → (148)
daridrita + s[u] → (155) daridritaù <1.1, kartari>.
Amåta—In this regard, the ägama i[ö] is applied because dhätus have more than one sarveçvara when they
end in [ë]i. Therefore the aniö rules (verses of the aniò-gaëa) mentioned in the Äkhyäta-prakaraëa do not
apply here. Someone may argue, “If, when a viñëuniñöhä follows, i[ö] cannot be applied after a dhätu
which optionally takes i[ö] (see sütra 1220), then how are dhävitaù <1.1>, dhävitavän <1.1>, patitaù <1.1>,
patitavän <1.1>, and so on made, since these dhätus also optionally take i[ö] according to different rules?
In answer to this, Jéva Gosvämé speaks the sentence beginning nåté-kåty-äder. It was described in the rule
nåté-kåty-äder iò vä se sià vinä (720), that the dhätus nåt[é], kåt[é], and so on optionally take i[ö].
Therefore, when a viñëuniñöhä follows, i[ö] is forbidden for them by sütra 1220. Thus it might seem that
there is no point to making these dhätus with the indicatory letter é since the prohibition of i[ö] by ä-é-
rämänubandhät (1220) isn’t needed here since these dhätu already fit into the category of vikapiteöaù
(1220). But one should not think like this, because the fact that these dhätus were made with the
indicatory letter é despite all this suggests that the prohibition of i[ö] by vikapiteöaù (1220) is not always
applicable. Thus, in the case that the prohibition of i[ö] by vikapiteöaù (1220) isn’t applied, i[ö] is
prohibited by ä-é-rämänubandhät (1220). Therefore there is a purpose behind making these dhätus with
the indicatory letter é. In the context, the resultant meaning of all this is that i[ö] is wanted in the case of
the dhätu dhäv[u], pat[ÿ], and so on since the prohibition of i[ö] by vikapiteöaù (1220) isn’t always
applicable. Pat[ÿ] fits into the category of vikalpiteöaù (1220) because it optionally takes i[ö] when sa[n]
follows, in accordance with iv-anta-ådha-bhrasja-dambhu-çri-ürëu-yauti-bharati-jïapi-sani-tani-pati-
daridräbhya iò vä sani (819). However, when dhäv[u] has the meaning of çuddhi (“purification”), i[ö] is
not desired because we find in actual usage that the form is dhautaù <1.1>. In this regard, the great secret
is that prayoga eva pramäëa-çiromaëiù, ataç ca tad-anusäri vyäkaraëam (“Actual usage is the crest jewel of
authorities, and therefore the rules of grammar are formed according to what is found in actual usage”).
Next, with the sentence beginning aneka-sarveçvaratväd, Jéva Gosvämé describes how, when i[ö] is
prohibited or made optional, that only applies in the case of dhätus that have one sarveçvara, whereas
dhätus that have more than one sarveçvara do take i[ö]. Thus, even though the dhätus jïap[a] and daridrä
optionally take i[ö] when sa[n] follows, in accordance with iv-anta-ådha-bhrasja-dambhu-çri-ürëu-yauti-
bharati-jïapi-sani-tani-pati-daridräbhya iò vä sani (819), the prohibition of i[ö] by vikapiteöaù (1220)
doesn’t apply because these dhätus more than one sarveçvara. In this regard, jïap[a] has more than one
sarveçvara when it ends in [ë]i.
1245(3058,59,60,61,62,63,64,65,66,67). kñubdhädayo manthädau sädhavaù.

Kñubdha etc.. are the irregular forms of the dhätus kñubh etc when the meanings are a churning stick
etc.. 1. The dhätu kñubh[a] becomes kñubdha when it means either a churning stick, or a porridge(fried
barley mixed with any liquid substance). But dékñita says that it is also used in other cases e.g kñubdhä
janatä ‘The community was agitated’ or kñubdha udadhiù ‘The agitated ocean’. 2. The dhätu lag(1P)
becomes lagna when it means ‘attached’.. The irregularity here is that the ‘t’ of the viñëuniñöhä becomes
‘n’. When there are other meanings then the form is lagita e.g lagito guruëä çiñya milita ityarthaù ‘the
student was joined by the teacher’. 3. The dhätu mlecch[a] becomes mliñöa when it means
indistinct/unintelligable speech.. the irregularities being that there is no iö and that the uddhäva e is
changed to i. 4. The dhätu rebh[å] becomes ridbha(e.g viribdha in dict) when it means a
note/tone(svara).. here the irregularity is that there is no iö and the uddhäva e changes to i. In other
meanings the form is rebhita(virebhita in dict) e.g rebhitaà räsabhena ‘braying was done by the donkey’.
5. The dhätu phaë[a] becomes phäëöa when the meaning is either a warm temperatured fluid which has
been somewhat separated(like how yoghurt looks separated in a lassi etc..) by the addition of water or it
means a decoction or infusion (the result of boiling down a mixture consisting of one part of a
drug(resin/sap from a tree) and four or , according to some , eight or sixteen parts of water until only one
quarter is left.. Here the irregularity is the absence of iö, hariveëv-antoddhävasya trivikrama is applied as
usual and ñät-parasya. 6. The dhätus [ïi]dhåñ[ä] and ças[u] become dhåñöa and viçasta respectively
when they mean ill-mannered/misbehaved.. But in other meanings the form of dhåñ will be
dharñita(ärambhe kartari) e.g kta is not kapila by çéì-svidi-midi. In other meanings ças will be viçasita.
The irregularity for both dhätus is the different meaning. 7. The dhätu dåh[i](1P, here amåta says dånh
himsäyäm, which is not in JG’s DP and which is not agreed even by SK, bala mentions the dhätu dånbhü
which is even more crazy. JG himself in the våtti has said dåher(ñañthi of dåh[i]). SK 3060 attributes
dåòha to dåh[i] or dåh[a](JG excluded this dhätu because of it’s not being used practically) becomes
dåòha when the meaning is thick/fat(sthüla) or strong(balin). The irregularity here is the non-application
of iò.. Since we understand the dhätu to be dåh[i] the deletion of ‘n’ is also irregular(as it defies an-i-
rämetäm).The change of h to òh are normal. In other meanings the form would be dåàhita (dåhita is also
possible if we make the form dåh[a](Not in JG’s DP) instead of dåh[i]). 8. The dhätu kañ[a](1P to hurt
kill) becomes kañöa when the meaning is either difficult/dangerous(kåcchra) or inaccessable(gahana).
The irregularity is the absence of iö. For other meanings the form will be kañita. 9. The dhätu ard[a](6P
to go or to beg) after the upendras sam, vi and ni take the forms samarëa, vyarëa and nyarëa.. Here the
irregularity is the absence of iö and the instead of two n’s by ra-däbhyäm there is only one.. but if there is
no upendra then the form is ardita… abhi+ard take the form abhyarëa provided it means ‘near’ otherwise
the form is abhyardita. 10. The dhätu çrä(both 1st and 2nd class, to cook) become çåta when the meaning
is boiled milk,ghee, or water.. The irregularity here is that the rä of çrä becomes å, and thus because the
nimitta of harimitra-yuk becomes non-existent that sütra is not applied. In other meanings the form is
çräëa. 11. The dhätu pari+våh[i] becomes parivåòha when it means king/ruler..(see also SK vol II p587)
The irregularities being that there is an absence of iö and ‘n’ is deleted even though it is made by i-rämet.
The form when there are other meanings is paribåmhita(båh and våh and practically interchangeable).
12. The ëy-anta form of the dhätu våt[u] becomes våtta(looks the sames as the non ëy-anta ppp of
våt[u]) when the meaning is studying. The irregularity here is the absence of govinda and iö. In other
meanings the forms is vartita. 13. (from bala) The dhätu ghuñ(either 1st class ‘çabde’ or 10th class
‘viçabde’) becomes ghuñöa when there is no meaning of viçabdana(=pratijïänam –
assertion/agreement/promise)e.g this rules out 10th class ghuñ. The example is ghuñöä rajjuù – the rope is
frayed(=ghåñta), the irreguarity being the absence of iö. But when the meaning is viçabdana then the form
is ghuñita the irregularity being that ëi in this case is anitya and thus here there is no ëi and thus no
govinda. The example is ‘The statetement was asserted’ e.g the statement in which the intention was
manifested by words was asserted.
Now the amåtä öéka gives other words not in the våtti(but in SK) which are indicated by the word ädi in
this sütra 14. The dhätu svan[a] becomes svänta when it means the heart/mind. The irregularity here is
the absence of iö which allows then for the sütra hariveëv-antoddhävasya trivikramaù to take place. In
other meanings the form is svanita e.g ‘The mådanga sounded’. 15. The dhätu dhvan(both 1st and 10th
classes.. as 10th it is ghaöädi) becomes dhvänta when the meaning is darkness.. The irregularity is the
absence of iö which allows then for the sütra hariveëv-antoddhävasya trivikramaù to take place. In other
meanings the form is dhvanita. 16. the dhätu väh[å](or bäh[å]..the interchangableness of b and v is
relevant here in all the forms of väh) becomes väòha when the meaning is excessive(atiçaya) in other
meanings the form is vähita which means exerted/endeavored.
kñubha—kñubdho manthe. lage—lagnaù sakte. mleccha—mliñöam aspañöe. rebhå—çabde, ribdha—svare.
phaëa gata—phäëöam udaka-samparkäd vibhakta-rase, éñad-uñëe kañäye ca. ïidhåñä-çasor dhåñöa-
viçvastäv avinéta eva. dåher dåòhaù sthüla-balinoù. kañe kañöaà kåcchra-gahanayoù. saà-vi-ni-
pürvasyärdeù samarëa-vyarëa-nyarëäù. abhyarëas tu nikaöe. çrä ity asya çåtaà kñérädi-päke. paribåàheù
paribaòho ’dhipe. ëy-antasya våter våttam adhyayane. våttaà çré-bhägavatam, adhétam ity arthaù. ghuñöam
aviçabdane. ghuñöä rajjur ghåñöety arthaù. viçabdane tu—ghuñitaà väkyam, çabdena prakaöitäbhipräyam
ity arthaù.
Comment [20]: treat most of these as separate
sütras since Amåta introduces each one with the
1246 / d"AntazAAntapaUNARcC$ªaÁaæad"stas$paí"A NAAE vaA inapaAtyantae /

phrase iti.. The proof they are separate sütras is
Amåta 692 (kià ca “våttam adhyayane” iti kåt-sütre)
1246. dänta-çänta-pürëa-cchanna-jïapta-dasta-spañöä ëau vä nipätyante
dänta-çänta-pürëa-cchanna-jïapta-dasta-spañöäù—dänta, çänta, pürëa, channa, jïapta, dasta, and spañöa;

ëau—when [ë]i follows; vä—optionally; nipätyante—are made as nipätas.
When [ë]i follows, the following nipätas are optionally made: dänta from dam[u] + [ë]i + [k]ta, çänta
from çam[u] + [ë]i + [k]ta, pürëa from pè + [ë]i + [k]ta, channa from chad[a] + [ë]i + [k]ta, jïapta from
jïap[a] + [ë]i + [k]ta, dasta from das[u] + [ë]i + [k]ta, and spañöa from spaç[u] + [ë]i + [k]ta.
pakñe—damitaù ity-ädi. tathä dasu—däsitaù. spaça—späçitaù.

Våtti—In the other case (when this option is not taken), we get damitaù <1.1> and so on as well as
däsitaù <1.1> from das[u] upakñaye (4P, “to perish”) and späçitaù <1.1> from spaç[a] bädhana-
sparçanayoù (1U, “to obstruct; to touch, perceive”).
Saàçodhiné—In all cases the main result of the nipäta is the absence of i[ö]. Due to the words “and so on”
in “damitaù <1.1> and so on,” we also get çamitaù <1.1> from çam[u] upaçame (4P, “to be calm,
peaceful”), püritaù <1.1> from pür[é] äpyäyäne (10P, “to fill, fulfill”), chäditaù <1.1> from chad[a]
saàvaraëe (10P, “to cover”), and jïapitaù <1.1> from jïap[a] (jïäna-jïäpana-)märaëädau (10P, “to know;
to inform; to kill; to satisfy; to sharpen”). There is no trivikrama in the forms damitaù <1.1>, çamitaù
<1.1>, and jïapitaù <1.1>, because the dhätus dam[u] upaçame (4P, “to tame, subdue”), çam[u] upaçame
(4P, “to be calm, peaceful”), and jïap[a] (jïäna-jïäpana-)märaëädau (10P, “to know; to inform; to kill; to
satisfy; to sharpen”) are ghaö-ädis. The nipätas pürëa, channa, jïapta, and their alternatives pürita, chädita,
and jïapita do not have a causative sense here since cur-ädi-ëi is applied in these cases. All the other
nipätas and their alternatives, however, do have a causative sense. One should also keep in mind that the
simple, non-causative ktänta forms of dam[u], çam[u], das[u], and spaç[u] are also dänta, çänta, dasta, and
spañöa. In this way the simple forms and the causative nipätas look the same.
1247(SK 3069, done comparative table already). ruñy-ama-tvara-saìghuñäsvanebhyo veò viñëuniñöhäyäm

After the dhätus ruñ[a], am[a](1st class to go, only), vam[a], [ïi]tvar[ä], sam+ghuñ[ir](10th class) and
ä+svan[a] iö is optionally applied before the viñëuniñöhäs. These are what is adjusted by this sütra: In the
case of ruñ it should usually be aniö on account of being vikalpiteö by iñu-saha-lubha-ruña-riña. The dhätu
am usually always takes iö, tvar should be aniö by ä-rämänubandhäd. For saàghuñ when the meaning is
viçabdane there is usually always iö(see sütra 57). Similarly ä+svan usually always takes iö. Both forms of
each dhätu are shown in the våtti below.. the explanations are simple.
ruñöaù, ruñitaù. ama gatau—hariveëv-antety-ädi dérghaù, äntaù amitaù. chasya ça ity-ädau jvara-tvara-sriv-
ava-maväà tu sa-sarveçvarasya—türëaù, tvaritaù. saìghuñöaù, saìghuñitaù. äsväntaù, äsvanitaù.
1248(SK 3070+vart, 71). håñöa-håñitau vismaye pratighäte lomno harñe ca, apacitäpacäyitau püjäyäà
nipätyante
The dhätu håñ[a](4P to be happy) takes the irregular forms håñöa and håñita when the there are the
meanings of astonishment, repelling/checking, and bristling of the hair(e.g horripilation). The dhätu
apa+cäy[å] takes the irregular forms apacita and apacäyita when the meaning is honouring.. In both cases
the first of each pair is irregular, and the second is the normal form.. e.g håñöa is irregular due to the
absence of iö, and apacita is irregular due to the absence of iö and also due to it’s cä becoming ci(the
deletion of y is achieved by ya-vayor haro bale). In the example below jéva gosvämi uses håñtasya as a
viçeñana to illustrate either vismita or pratighäta, while håñtaà is used to indicate the meaning of
horripilation. The meaning is ‘The hair of kåñëa, who was astonished(or alternatively, repelled) in the
water sports, stood on end’. The other example means ‘Kåñëa is honoured by the gopis’.
jala-kelau håñöasya kåñëasya håñöaà lomaù. vismitasya, prahitasya vety arthaù. håñitasya ity-ädi vä. cäyå,
gopébhir apacitaù kåñëaù, apacäyito vä.
1249. adhyärüòhasyädhiko vä sädhuù

The ktänta form of adhi+ä+ruh(namely adhyärüòha) optionally takes the irregular form ‘adhika’. This is
according to the opinion of vardhamäna miçra in his kätantra-vistara.
1250(SK 3072+vartika). pyäyaù pér viñëuniñöhäyäm

The dhätu [o]pyäy[é] becomes pé before a viñëuniñöhä when it refers to a sväìga, in other meanings the
substitute is optional. But this change doesn’t happen after an upendra.. The form pyäna is due to ya-
vayor haro bale. The examples are ‘The fat face’, but only opt with ‘Profuse perspiration’ e.g sveda is not
sväìga as it is drava(see sütra sväìga-karmakäc ca yamädita in karaka-prakaraëam)
pénaà mukham. sväìgäd anyatra vä—pyänaù pénaù svedaù. sopendrasya na—prapyänaù.
1251((SK 3072vartika). äì-pürvasyändhüdhasoù syäd eva
This substitute happens after the upendra ä[ì] provided that either andhu(a well) or üdhas(an udder) is
to be expressed e.g äpénaù= a well, äpénam=an udder
äpéno ’nduù, äpénam udhaù.
1252(SK 3073). hläder vämanaù kti-viñëuniñöhayoù
The dhätu hläd[é](1P to be happy or to make a non-human noise) becomes vämana before the kådanta
[k]ti and before a viñëuniñöhä. Here there is no iö due to the é-rämet and the changes to ‘n’ are by ra-
däbhyäm
hlannam.
1253 / âitasyaitamaAsTaAima: , zAAC$AevaAR , d"DaAtaeihR": , d"AmaAed"r"sya d"Ae d"ä," , opaen‰"s$avaeRìr"AÔvaAr"Amah"r": ,

catau:s$anaAepaen‰"sya ca i‡aiva‚(ma: k(ipalatar"Amae /
1253. dyati-syati-mä-sthäm iù, çä-chor vä, dadhäter hiù, dämodarasya do dad, upendra-sarveçvarät tv ä-
räma-haraù, catuùsanopendrasya ca trivikramaù kapila-ta-räme
dyati-syati-mä-sthäm—of the dhätus do avakhaëòane (4P, “to break into pieces, destroy”), ño anta-karmaëi
(4P, “to destroy, finish”), mä mäne (2P, “to measure”), mä[ì] mäne (3A or 4A, “to measure”), me[ì]
pratidäne (1A, “to exchange, barter”), and ñöhä gati-nivåttau (1P, to stand, remain”); iù—the change to i-
räma; çä-choù—of the dhätus ço tanü-karaëe (4P, “to make thin, sharpen”) and cho chedane (4P, “to cut”);
vä—optionally; dadhäteù—of the dhätu [òu]dhä[ï] dhäraëa-poñaëayoù (3U, “to hold, make; to support,
bestow”); hiù—the replacement hi; dämodarasya—and which is a dämodara (see sütra 417); daù—of a
dhätu which has the form of dä; dad—the replacement dad; upendra-sarveçvarät—after the sarveçvara of
an upendra; tu—but; ä-räma-haraù—deletion of ä-räma; catuùsana-upendrasya—of an upendra which ends
in a catuùsana; ca—also; trivikramaù—the change to trivikrama; kapila-ta-räme—when a kapila pratyaya
beginning with ta-räma follows.
When a kapila pratyaya beginning with t follows, the final varëa of do, ño, mä, mä[ì], me[ì], and ñöhä
changes to i, the final varëa of ço and cho optionally changes to i, [òu]dhä[ï] changes to hi, and the dä
of a dämodara changes to dad. But if the dä of the dämodara comes after the sarveçvara of an upendra,
its ä-räma is deleted instead, and if the upendra ends in a catuùsana, that catuùsana becomes
trivikrama.
ditaù, sitaù, mitaù, sthitaù, çitaù çätaù, chitaù chätaù.
Våtti—Ø do → (539) dä → (1215) dä + [k]ta → (dä is aniö by verse 1, 1253) dita → (148) dita + s[u] →
(155) ditaù <1.1, karmaëi>.
Ø ño → (458) so → (539) sä → (1215) sä + [k]ta → (sä is aniö by verse 1, 1253) sita → (148) sita
+ s[u] → (155) sitaù <1.1, karmaëi>.
Ø mä → (1215) mä + [k]ta → (mä is aniö by verse 1, 1253) mita → (148) mita + s[u] → (155)
mitaù <1.1, karmaëi>.
Ø ñöhä → (458) sthä → (1257) sthä + [k]ta → (sthä is aniö by verse 1, 1253) sthita → (148) sthita
+ s[u] → (155) sthitaù <1.1, kartari>.
Ø ço → (539) çä → (1215) çä + [k]ta → (çä is aniö by verse 1, two options by 1253):

1) (the change to i is done) çita → (148) çita + s[u] → (155) çitaù <1.1, karmaëi>.
2) (the change to i is not done) çäta → (148) çäta + s[u] → (155) çätaù <1.1, karmaëi>.
Ø cho → (539) chä → (1215) chä + [k]ta → (chä is aniö by verse 1, two options by 1253):
1) (the change to i is done) chita → (148) chita + s[u] → (155) chitaù <1.1, karmaëi>.
2) (the change to i is not done) chäta → (148) chäta + s[u] → (155) chätaù <1.1, karmaëi>.
Amåta—The word catuùsanopendrasya here means catuùsanäntopendrasya (“of an upendra which ends in
a catuùsana”). Due to the word ca in trivikramaç ca, the deletion of ä-räma is also done. Regarding ditaù
<1.1>, which is a form of do avakhaëòane, the phrase dyati-syati-mä-sthäm iù here is an apaväda of
dämodara-mä-sthä-gä-pibati-jahäti-syaténäm é-rämo viñëujana-räma-dhätuka-kaàsärau (544) and
dämodarasya do dad (1253). The mention of mä in this sütra includes mä mäne, mä[ì] mäne, and me[ì]
praëidäne.
1254 / zyatae: s$aMizAtaM ãtae vaAcyama, /
1254. çyateù saàçitaà vrate väcyam

Comment [21]: add as Brhat extra goodies
çyateù—of the dhätu ço tanü-karaëe (4P, “to make thin, sharpen”); saàçitam—saàçita; vrate—when a
vrata (“vow”) is being referred to; väcyam—it should be stated.
But when a vow is being referred to, the proper form of sam + ço is saàçita.1
hitaù, dattaù, prattaù, néttaù, süttaù. “su-vi-ny-avänubhya ä-räma-haraù kte vä” iti kecit—süttaà, sudattam.
aper ädéti—pinaddham, apinaddham. dheö—dämodara-mä-sthetétvaà, dhétaà, gétaà, pétam. jana-khana-
sanäm ity-ädi—jätaà, khätaà, sätam.
Våtti—Ø dhä → (1215) dhä + [k]ta → (dhä is aniö by verse 1, 1253) hita → (148) hita + s[u] → (155)
hitaù <1.1, karmaëi>.
Ø dä → (1215) dä + [k]ta → (dä is aniö by verse 1, 1253) dad + ta → (98) datta → (148) datta +
s[u] → (155) dattaù <1.1, karmaëi>.
Ø pra + dä → (1215) pra + dä + [k]ta → (dä is aniö by verse 1, 1253) pra + d + ta → (98) pratta →
(148) pratta + s[u] → (155) prattaù <1.1, karmaëi>.
Ø ni + dä → (1215) ni + dä + [k]ta → (dä is aniö by verse 1, 1253) ni + d + ta → né + d + ta → (98)

nétta → (148) nétta + s[u] → (155) néttaù <1.1, karmaëi>.
Ø su + dä → (1215) su + dä + [k]ta → (dä is aniö by verse 1, 1253) su + d + ta → sü + d + ta →

(98) sütta → (148) sütta + s[u] → (155) süttaù <1.1, karmaëi>.
Some say that, when [k]ta follows, the deletion of ä-räma is optional after su, vi, ni, ava, and anu. Thus
they get süttam <1.1> or sudattam <1.1>. By aper ädi-haro dhäï-naddhayor vä (531) we get pinaddham
<1.1> or apinaddham <1.1>.
Ø api + ëah → (478) api + nah → (1215) api + nah + [k]ta → (nah is aniö by verse 8, 290) api +
nadh + ta → (466) api + nadh + dha → (96) api + naddha → (two options by 531):
1) (the a of api is deleted) pinaddha → (148, 1192) pinaddha + s[u] → (222) pinaddha + am →
(156) pinaddham <1.1, bhäve>.
2) (the a of api isn’t deleted, 148, 1192) apinaddha + s[u] → (222) apinaddha + am → (156)
apinaddham <1.1, bhäve>.
When we have the dhätu dhe[ö] päne (1P, “to suck, drink”), the change to é takes place by dämodara-mä-
sthä-gä (544) and we get dhétam <1.1>.
1
An example of this is saàçita-vratäù (“following strict (saàçita) vows”) in Bhagavad-gétä 4.28. In this regard, Çrédhara Svämé
explains the word saàçita-vratäù by saying samyak çitaà tékñëé-kåtaà vrataà yeñäà te (“Saàçitam means samyak çitam or, in
other words, tékñëé-kåtam (“made sharp”). Thus saàçita-vratäù means “those whose vows are sharpened (strict)””).
Ø dhe → (539) dhä → (1215) dhä + [k]ta → (dhä is aniö by verse 1, 544) dhéta → (148, 1192)
dhéta + s[u] → (222) dhéta + am → (156) dhétam <1.1, bhäve>.
Ø gai → (539) gä → (1215) gä + [k]ta → (gä is aniö by verse 1, 543) géta → (148, 1192) géta +
s[u] → (222) géta + am → (156) gétam <1.1, bhäve>.
Ø pä → (1215) pä + [k]ta → (pä is aniö by verse 1, 543) péta → (148, 1192) péta + s[u] → (222)
péta + am → (156) pétam <1.1, bhäve>.
By applying jana-khana-sanäm (see sütras 617 and 618), we get jätam <1.1>, khätam <1.1>, and sätam
<1.1>.
Ø jan[é] → (1215) jan[é] + [k]ta → (1220, 618) ja + ä + ta → (46) jäta → (148, 1192) jäta + s[u]
→ (222) jäta + am → (156) jätam <1.1, bhäve>.
Ø khan[u] → (1215) khan[u] + [k]ta → (1220, 618) kha + ä + ta → (46) khäta → (148, 1192)
khäta + s[u] → (222) khäta + am → (156) khätam <1.1, bhäve>.
Ø ñaë[u] → (458) san[u] → san[u] → (1215) san[u] + [k]ta → (1220, 618) sa + ä + ta → (46)
säta → (148, 1192) säta + s[u] → (222) säta + am → (156) sätam <1.1, bhäve>.
Amåta—The word nityam should be supplied in this sütra to stop the word vä in çä-chor vä (1253). The
forms hitaù and dattaù are apavädas of the change to é by dämodara-mä-sthä-gä (544). By aper ädi-haro
dhäï-naddhayor vä (712), we also get apihitam <1.1> or pihitam <1.1> from the dhätu [òu]dhä[ï] dhäraëa-
poñaëayoù.
1255 / @d"Ae jaigDa: k(ipalatar"Amae yaipa ca /
1255. ado jagdhiù kapila-ta-räme yapi ca
adaù—of the dhätu ad[a] bhakñaëe (2P, “to eat”); jagdhiù—the replacement jagdh[i]; kapila-ta-räme—
when a kapila pratyaya beginning with ta-räma follows; yapi—when ya[p] follows (see sütra 1273); ca—
and.
Ad[a] is replaced by jagdh[i] when ya[p] or a kapila pratyaya beginning with t follows.
i-räma it. jagdham.
Våtti—The i-räma is an indicatory letter.
Ø ad → (1215) ad + [k]ta → (ad is aniö by verse 4, 1255) jagdh + ta → (466) jagdh + dha → (125)
jagdha → (148) jagdha + s[u] → (222) jagdha + am → (156) jagdham <1.1, karmaëi>.
1256 / @ªamaAed"nae s$aADau /
1256. annam odane sädhu
annam—anna; odane—in the meaning of odana (“boiled rice”); sädhu—is the proper form.
The neuter word anna is the nipäta of ad[a] + [k]ta in the meaning of odana.
Amåta—Annam <1.1> is the proper form of ad[a] + [k]ta when odana is to be expressed, not the
replacement jagdh[i]. The word sädhu is used here to remove the idea that the word anna refers to food in
general in accordance with the derivation adyate yat tad annam (“Anna is that which is eaten (adyate)”).
The phrase pacämy annaà catur-vidham (“I digest the four kinds of foodstuff”) in Bhagavad-gétä 15.14 is
ärña-prayoga (“the poetic license of the sages to break the rules”).
1257 / gAtyaTaARk(maRk(iëSazAIx.~sTaAs$avas$ajanaç&h"jaIyaRitaBya: ·(: k(taRir" ca /
1257. gaty-arthäkarmaka-çliña-çéì-sthäsa-vasa-jana-ruha-jéryatibhyaù ktaù kartari ca
gati-artha—after dhätus which have the meaning of gati (“motion”); akarmaka—after akarmaka dhätus;
çliña-çéì-sthä-äsa-vasa-jana-ruha-jéryatibhyaù—and after the dhätus çliñ[a] äliìgane (4P, “to adhere,
embrace”), çé[ì] svapne (2A, “to sleep, lie down”), ñöhä gati-nivåttau (1P, “to stand, remain”), äs[a]
upaveçane vidyamänatäyäà ca (2A, “to sit; to be, exist”), vas[a] niväse (1P, “to dwell, live, stay”), jan[é]
prädur-bhäve (4A, “to be born, produced, to occur, happen”), ruh[a] janmani prädur-bhäve ca (1P, “to
grow, rise; to appear”), and jè[ñ] vayo-hänau (4P, “to grow old”); ktaù—[k]ta; kartari—in kartari prayoga;
ca—also.
[K]ta is also applied in kartari prayoga after dhätus which have the meaning of gati, after akarmaka
dhätus, and after the dhätus çliñ[a], çé[ì], ñöhä, äs[a], vas[a], jan[é], ruh[a], and jè[ñ].
mathuräà gataù, mathuräà präptaù, yamunäyäà snäto ’sau. gopém äçliñöaù kåñëaù. govardhanam
adhiçayitaù, våndävanam adhiñöhitaù, gä upäsitaù, tad-abhojanam upoñitaù, rämam anujätaù, kadambam
ärüòhaù, käliya-viñam anujérëaù.
Våtti—Examples are mathuräà gataù kåñëaù (“Kåñëa went to Mathurä”), mathuräà präptaù kåñëaù
(“Kåñëa reached Mathurä”), yamunäyäà snätaù kåñëaù (“Kåñëa bathed in the Yamunä”), gopém äçliñöaù
kåñëaù (“Kåñëa embraced the gopé”), govardhanam adhiçayitaù kåñëaù (“Kåñëa lied down on
Govardhana”), våndävanam adhiñöhitaù kåñëaù (“Kåñëa resided in Våndävana”), gä upäsitaù kåñëaù
(“Kåñëa worshiped the cows”), tad-abhojanam upoñitaù kåñëaù (“Kåñëa fasted for as long as the cows
didn’t eat”), rämam anujätaù kåñëaù (“Kåñëa was born after Balaräma”), kadambam ärüòhaù kåñëaù
(“Kåñëa climbed the Kadamba tree”), and käliya-viñam anujérëaù kåñëaù (“Kåñëa destroyed Käliya’s
poison”)1.
Ø gam → (1257) gam + [k]ta → (gam is aniö by verse 6, 524) gata → (148) gata + s[u] → (155)
gataù <1.1, kartari>.
Ø pra + äp → (1257) pra + äp + [k]ta → (äp is aniö by verse 6, 46) präpta → (148) präpta + s[u]
→ (155) präptaù <1.1, kartari>.
Ø ñëä → (458) snä → (1257) snä + [k]ta → (snä is aniö by verse 1) snäta → (148) snäta + s[u] →
(155) snätaù <1.1, kartari>.
Ø ä + çliñ → (1257) ä + çliñ + [k]ta → (çliñ is aniö by verse 7, 399, 280) äçliñöa → (148) äçliñöa +
s[u] → (155) äçliñöaù <1.1, kartari>.
Ø adhi + çé → (1257) adhi + çé + [k]ta → (424) adhi + çé + i[ö] + [k]ta → (1240, 394) adhi + çe + i +
ta → (63) adhiçayita → (148) adhiçayita + s[u] → (155) adhiçayitaù <1.1, kartari>.
Ø adhi + ñöhä → (458) adhi + sthä → (1257) adhi + sthä + [k]ta → (sthä is aniö by verse 1, 1253)
adhi + sthita → (909, 280) adhiñöhita → (148) adhiñöhita + s[u] → (155) adhiñöhitaù <1.1, kartari>.
Comment [22]: change this to upendräd api ñop
1 in course
In this regard, Siddhänta-kaumudé gives the example viçvam anujérëaù (“He destroyed the universe”).
Ø upa + äs → (1257) upa + äs + [k]ta → (424) upa + äs + i[ö] + [k]ta → (46) upäsita → (148)
upäsita + s[u] → (155) upäsitaù <1.1, kartari>.
Ø upa + vas → (1257) upa + vas + [k]ta → (1238) upa + vas + i[ö] + [k]ta → (622) upa + us + i + ta
→ (632) upa + uñita → (50) upoñita → (148) upoñita + s[u] → (155) upoñitaù <1.1, kartari>.
Ø anu + jan → (1257) anu + jan + [k]ta → (1220, 618) anu + ja + ä + ta → (46) anujäta → (148)
anujäta + s[u] → (155) anujätaù <1.1, kartari>.
Ø ä[ì] + ruh → (1257) ä[ì] + ruh + [k]ta → (ruh is aniö by verse 8, 399, 290) ä[ì] + ruòh + ta →
(466) ä[ì] + ruòh + dha → (280) ä[ì] + ruòh + òha → (537) ärüòha → (148) ärüòha + s[u] → (155)
ärüòhaù <1.1, kartari>.
Ø anu + jè → (1257) anu + jè + [k]ta → (1218, 399, 572) anu + jir + [k]ta → (1219) anu + jirna →
(173) anu + jirëa → (262) anujérëa → (148) anujérëa + s[u] → (155) anujérëaù <1.1, kartari>.
Amåta—Due to the word ca, [k]ta is also applied after these dhätus in bhäve prayoga and karmaëi prayoga
as before. Even though the dhätus çliñ[a] and so on were already covered since they are akarmaka dhätus,
they are mentioned separately here so that [k]ta can also be applied in kartari prayoga when these dhätus
become sa-karmaka by the addition of an upendra. In all the examples in the våtti, the kartä kåñëa is ukta
and the karma is anukta. In the examples govardhanam adhiçayitaù kåñëaù and våndävanam adhiñöhitaù
kåñëaù, the adhikaraëas govardhana and våndävana become karmas by adhi-çéì-sthäsäm ädhäraù karma
(978). Regarding upäsitaù <1.1>, upa + äs[a] upaveçane is used in the sense of sevä (“service, worship”).
Thus the example means kåñëo gä aseviñöa (“Kåñëa worshiped the cows”). In the example tad-abhojanam
upoñitaù kåñëaù, the word tat refers to the cows and the whole example means gaväm abhojanaà yävat
kälam upaväsaà kåtavän kåñëaù (“Kåñëa fasted for as long as the cows didn’t eat”).1 Regarding anujätaù
<1.1>, the dhätu jan[é] prädur-bhäve becomes sa-karmaka when combined with the upendra anu. One
should not mistakenly think that the dvitéyä viñëubhakti in rämam <2.1> is by kåñëa-pravacanéyair yoge
dvitéyä (1013), because the meaning of lakñaëa and so on don’t fit here. Rather anu means paçcät (“after”)
here in accordance with the following statement of Amara-koña: paçcät-sädåçyayor anuù (“Anu is used in
the sense of paçcät (“after”) or sädåçya (“likeness”). Thus anujätaù means paçcäj jätaù (“born after”).
1258 / ¸(icad"nya‡aAipa /
1258. kvacid anyaträpi
kvacit—sometimes; anyatra—in other cases; api—also.
Sometimes [k]ta is applied in kartari prayoga after other dhätus too.
yathä—bhuktäù, pétäù, vibhaktäù vaiñëaväù. vyavasitäù, pratipannäù, äçritäù ity-ädayaù. pakñe mathurä
gatä ity-ädi.
Våtti—Examples are vaiñëavä bhuktäù (“The Vaiñëavas ate”), vaiñëaväù pétäù (“The Vaiñëavas drank”),
vaiñëavä vibhaktäù (“The Vaiñëavas distributed”), vaiñëavä vyavasitäù (“The Vaiñëavas decided”),
vaiñëaväù pratipannäù (“The Vaiñëavas understood”), vaiñëavä äçritäù (“The Vaiñëavas took shelter of”),
and so on. In the other case, we get mathurä gatä (“Mathurä was gone to”) and so on.
Comment [23]: Amåta says atra jïänärthaù
Ø bhuj → (1258) bhuj + [k]ta → (bhuj is aniö by verse 3, 399, 243) bhug + [k]ta → (98) bhukta →
(148) bhukta + s[u] → (155) bhuktaù <1.1, kartari>.
1
In this example the bhäva tad-abhojana becomes a karma by kälädhva-bhäva-deçänäm (våtti 950).
Ø pä → (1258) pä + [k]ta → (pä is aniö by verse 1, 544) péta → (148) péta + s[u] → (155) pétaù
<1.1, kartari>.
Ø vi + bhaj → (1258) vi + bhaj + [k]ta → (bhaj is aniö by verse 3, 243) vi + bhag + [k]ta → (98)
vibhakta → (148) vibhakta + s[u] → (155) vibhaktaù <1.1, kartari>.
Ø vi + ava + ño → (458) vi + ava + so → (539) vi + ava + sä → (1258) vi + ava + sä + [k]ta → (sä is

aniö by verse 1, 1253) vi + ava + sita → (59) vyavasita → (148) vyavasita + s[u] → (155) vyavasitaù <1.1,
kartari>.
Ø prati + pad → (1258) prati + pad + [k]ta → (pad is aniö by verse 4, 1219) prati + pad + na →
pratipanna → (148) pratipanna + s[u] → (155) pratipannaù <1.1, kartari>.
Ø ä + çri → (1258) ä + çri + [k]ta → (1218, 399) äçrita → (148) äçrita + s[u] → (155) äçritaù
<1.1, kartari>.
Amåta—Sometimes [k]ta is also applied in kartari prayoga after dhätus other than those mentioned in the
previous sütra. This is because the kåt pratyayas are applied variously (see sütra 1185). With the sentence
beginning pakñe, Jéva Gosvämé shows how [k]ta is applied in karmaëi prayoga or bhäve prayoga as usual
in the case that it is not applied in kartari prayoga. Due to the words “and so on” in “mathurä gatä and so
on,” we also get mathurä präptä kåñëena (“Mathurä was reached by Kåñëa”), yamunäyäà snätam kåñëena
(“[The act of] bathing in the Yamunä was [done] by Kåñëa”), gopé äçliñöä kåñëena (“The Gopé was
embraced by Kåñëa”), govardhano ’dhiçayitaù kåñëena (“Govardhana was lied down on by Kåñëa”),
våndävanam adhiñöhitam kåñëena (“Våndävana was resided in by Kåñëa”), gäva upäsitäù kåñëena (“The
cows were worshiped by Kåñëa”), tad-abhojanam upoñitam kåñëena (“The duration of time during which
the cows didn’t eat was fasted for by Kåñëa”), kadamba ärüòhaù kåñëena (“The Kadamba tree was climbed
by Kåñëa”), käliya-viñam anujérëaà kåñëena (“Käliya’s poison was destroyed by Kåñëa”).
1259. akarmaka-gati-bhojanärthebhyaù kto ’dhikaraëe ca

After akarmaka dhätus, after dhätus whose meaning is gati, and after dhätus whose meaning is eating kta
is also used when a location is to be expressed(here the word ca means kartå-bhävayoç ca for the
akarmaka, kartå-karma-bhäveñu ca for the gaty-arthas, and karma-bhävayoç ca for the bhojanärthas(both
the comm and SK make a point of saying kta is not used in kartå-väcya for bhojanärtha dhätus.. but jéva-
gosvämi has given the example bhukta in the last våtti). In the examples ‘Krishna sat in våndävana’ ,
‘Krishna went in vrindävan’, and ‘Krishna ate in vådävana’ the sütra adhikaraëa-väci-ktasya-yoge kartari
karmaëi ca ñañöhi is applied. . In the case of gatam, våndävana is the adhikaraëa(location) of the object of
gata.. but there is no desire to speak the object separately in this sentence. If there was it would also be in
ñañöhi. Here the adhikaraëa is ukta(despite the confusing last line of the comm.. e.g the prev sütra is
adhikarana-väci ktasya yoge.. the q is that if it is bhäva väcya then how adhikaraëa took prathama
viñëubhakti.. and then also vartamäne bhäve ca ktasya-yoge kartari ñañöhi vä.. here there is no
counterexamples.. so bhäva-väcya is not possible). SK(3087) has an interesting sloka example of this
sütra. “vrndavana was sat down in by kåñëa,,,
kåñëasyäsitaà, gataà, bhuktaà våndävanam.
Våtti—
Amåta—
akarmaketi. akarmakät gaty-arthät bhojanärthäc ca dhätor uttare adhikaraëe ca väcye kta-pratyayaù syät;
ca-käräd yathä-präptaà bhäva-karma-kartåñv api siddhaù. taträkarmakebhyaù kartå-bhävayoç ca gaty-
arthebhyaù kartå-karma-bhäveñu ca, bhojanärthebhyaù karma-bhävayoç ceti jïeyam.
kåñëasyäsitam iti, äsyate upaviçyate yatra tad äsitaà våndävanam. aträdhikaraëam evoktam, adhikaraëa-
väci-ktasya-yoge kartari karmaëi ca ñañöhéti kartari kåñëe ñañöhé. gatam iti, gamyate yatra tad våndävanam
ity anuñaìgaù. bhuktam iti bhujyate yatra tad våndävanam. kartari ñañöhé sarvatra. iha karma-vivakñä cet
taträpi phalänäm iti ñañöhé bhaved iti darçitam eva käraka-prakaraëe. gatam ity atra tu karmaëa
evädhikaraëät påthak karma-vivakñä na hi sambhaved ity avadheyam. kià ca äkhyätasya kartå-karma-
bhävätirikta-väcyatväbhäväd bhäva-dväreëaivädhikaraëasya väcyatvam iti präk ca prapaïcitam.
1260 / iHar"AmaetaAe bauÜ"IcC$ApaUjaATaeRByaê ·(Ae vataRmaAnae ca /
1260. ïi-rämeto buddhécchä-püjärthebhyaç ca kto vartamäne ca
ïi-rämetaù—after dhätus which have the indicatory letter ïi; buddhi-icchä-püjärthebhyaù—after dhätus
which have the meaning of buddhi (“knowing”), icchä (“desiring”), or püjä (“worshiping”); ca—and;
ktaù—[k]ta; vartamäne—in the present tense; ca—also.
[K]ta is also applied in the present tense after dhätus which have the indicatory letter ïi and after
dhätus which have the meaning of buddhi, icchä, or püjä.
ïikñvidä—kñviëëaù. ïiindhé—iddhaù. vaiñëavänäà buddhaù, mataù, jïätaù, iñöaù, väïchitaù, püjitaù,

arcitaù. cäd anuktäd api—
çélito rakñitaù kñänta äkruñöo juñöa ity api
Comment [24]: see Amåta 962
ruñöaç ca ruñitaç cobhäv abhivyähåta ity api
prakräntaù çayito guptas tåpta ity-ädayaù småtäù
Våtti—For example, from [ïi]kñvid[ä] snehane mocane ca (4P, “to be affectionate, greasy; to release”) we
get kñviëëaù <1.1>, and from [ïi]indh[é] déptau (7A, “to kindle, to blaze”) we get iddhaù <1.1>. Examples
of the other categories are vaiñëavänäà buddhaù, vaiñëavänäà mataù, and vaiñëavänäà jïätaù (“[This] is
known by the Vaiñëavas”), vaiñëavänäm iñöaù and vaiñëavänäà väïchitaù (“[This] is desired by the
Vaiñëavas”), and vaiñëavänäà püjitaù and vaiñëavänäm arcitaù (“[This] is worshiped by the Vaiñëavas”).1
Ø [ïi]kñvid[ä] → (1260) kñvid[ä] + [k]ta → (1220, 399, 1219) kñvid + na → kñvin + na → (173)
kñvië + na → (280) kñviëëa → (148) kñviëëa + s[u] → (155) kñviëëaù <1.1, karmaëi>.
Ø [ïi]indh[é] → (1260) indh[é] + [k]ta → (1220, 399, 454) idh + ta → (466) idh + dha → (96)
iddha → (148) iddha + s[u] → (155) iddhaù <1.1, karmaëi>.
Ø budh → (1260) budh + [k]ta → (budh is aniö by verse 5, 399, 466) budh + dha → (96) buddha →
(148) buddha + s[u] → (155) buddhaù <1.1, karmaëi>.
Ø man → (1260) man + [k]ta → (man is aniö by verse 5, 524) mata → (148) mata + s[u] → (155)
mataù <1.1, karmaëi>.
Ø jïä → (1260) jïä + [k]ta → (jïä is aniö by verse 1) jïäta → (148) jïäta + s[u] → (155) jïätaù
<1.1, karmaëi>.
Ø iñ[u] → (1260) iñ[u] + [k]ta → (1220, 399, 280) iñöa → (148) iñöa + s[u] → (155) iñöaù <1.1,
karmaëi>.
Ø väch[i] → (456, 225) vänch → (230, 114) väïch → (1260) väïch + [k]ta → (424) väïchita →
(148) väïchita + s[u] → (155) väïchitaù <1.1, karmaëi>.
Ø püj → (1260) püj + [k]ta → (424) püjita → (148) püjita + s[u] → (155) püjitaù <1.1, karmaëi>.
Ø arc → (1260) arc + [k]ta → (424) arcita → (148) arcita + s[u] → (155) arcitaù <1.1, karmaëi>.
1
Bäla says that vaiñëavänäà buddhaù, mataù, jïätaù means vaiñëavair budhyate, manyate, jïäyate ’yam.
Due to the word ca, [k]ta is also applied in the present tense after dhätus other than those mentioned in
this sütra. For example,
çélito rakñitaù kñänta

äkruñöo juñöa ity api
ruñöaç ca ruñitaç cobhäv
abhivyähåta ity api
prakräntaù çayito guptas
tåpta ity-ädayaù småtäù
“Çélitaù <1.1>, rakñitaù <1.1>, kñäntaù <1.1>, äkruñöaù <1.1>, juñöaù <1.1>, ruñöaù <1.1>, ruñitaù <1.1>,
abhivyähåtaù <1.1>, prakräntaù <1.1>, çayitaù <1.1>, guptaù <1.1>, tåptaù <1.1>, and so on are mentioned
by previous authorities.”
Amåta—Due to the [second] ca, [k]ta is also applied after these dhätus in the past tense. For example, the
poet Bhäravi has janair avidita-vibhavo bhaväné-patiù (“The husband of Bhaväné (Durgä) whose power
was unknown to the people”), the poet Suçruta has sa puëya-karmä bhuvi püjito nåpaiù (“He, whose
activities were pious, was worshiped on earth by kings”), the poet Mägha has samähitair apy anirüpitaù
(“Not ascertained even by those fixed in meditation”), and so on. Someone may argue that, in these
examples, [k]ta has been applied in the present tense, but this is not the case because, since none of these
poets applied a ñañöhé viñëubhakti after the kartä even though such was optionally ordained by sütra 964,
the tåtéyä viñëubhakti indicates that [k]ta has been applied in the past tense.
Further examples of this sütra are viditaù <1.1>, avagataù <1.1>, pratétaù <1.1>, upalabdhaù <1.1>, épsitaù
<1.1>, käìkñitaù <1.1>, lañitaù <1.1>, spåhitaù <1.1>, äçaàsitaù <1.1>, käntaù <1.1>, kämayitaù <1.1>,
mänitaù <1.1>, samäjitaù <1.1>, mahitaù <1.1>, ärädhitaù <1.1>, and so on. With the phrase cäd anuktäd
api, Jéva Gosvämé makes it clear that the [first] ca is used here in the sense of anukta-samuccaya
(“conjuction with something that is not stated”). Thus [k]ta is also applied in the present tense after
dhätus other than those mentioned in this sütra. But this is done based on the usage of the learned, not
whimsically. Thus Jéva Gosvämé specifies the group of other dhätus with the one and a half verses
beginning çélito.
Saàçodhiné—Siddhänta-kaumudé, commenting on Añöädhyäyé 3.2.188, also lists tuñöaù <1.1>, saàyataù

<1.1>, udyataù <1.1>, amåtaù <1.1>, suptaù <1.1>, äçitaù <1.1>, liptaù <1.1>, and so on. In this way many
other dhätus are also included by the words ity-ädayaù in the one and a half verses beginning çélito.
Moreover, sometimes sütras 1257 and 1260 are used simultaneously and [k]ta is thus applied after the
dhätu in kartari prayoga in the present tense. For example, in bhavad-vidhä bhägavatäs tértha-bhütäù
svayaà vibho: “My Lord, devotees like your good self are verily holy places personified.” (Bhägavatam
1.13.10), [k]ta is applied after the dhätu bhü in kartari prayoga and thus the word bhüta (translatable here
as “are”) is declined like the kartä bhägavatäù. The idea is certainly a present tense idea because it
wouldn’t fit the context to say “My Lord, devotees like your good self were verily holy places
personified.”
1261 / @laMKalvaAe: ‘aitaSaeDaATaRyaAeyaAeRgAe ftvaA vaA BaAvae /
1261. alaà-khalvoù pratiñedhärthayor yoge ktvä vä bhäve
alaà-khalvoù—with the avyayas alam and khalu; pratiñedha-arthayoù—which have the meaning of
pratiñedha (“prohibiton”); yoge—when there is connection; ktvä—the kåt pratyaya [k]tvä; vä—optionally;
bhäve—in bhäve prayoga.
[K]tvä is optionally applied in bhäve prayoga when there is connection with alam and khalu which
have the meaning of pratiñedha.
ktvä mäntaç ca kåd avyayam. atra yathäha puruñottamaù (bhäñä-våtti 3.4.18)—“tum-artha ity anuvartate
yävad avyaya-kåtäà vidhänam, tum-arthaç ca bhävaù” ity uktam. alaà kåtvä, khalu kåtvä, na kartavyam ity
arthaù. bhäve ’pi pratyaye sa-karmakasya dhätoù karmäpekñä cet karma-sambandho bhavaty eva—khalüktvä
khalu väcikam iti. tad evam apy udähriyate. dämodarasya do dad, avaiñëaväya viñëu-nirmälyam alaà dattvä,
dattvälaà, khalu dattvä, dattvä khalu, tasya dänaà na kartavyam ity arthaù. avaiñëava-gåhe alaà bhuktvä
vaiñëavena, khalu bhuktvä vä. tatra vaiñëavasya bhojanena na bhavitavyam ity arthaù. pakñe—tasya
dänenälaà, dänena khalv ity-ädi.
Våtti—A word ending in the kåt pratyaya [k]tvä or a kåt pratyaya which ends in m is called an avyaya (see
sütra 363). In this regard, [the word bhäve has been included in this sütra] in accordance with what
Puruñottama [the author of Bhäñä-våtti] says while commenting on Añöädhyäyé 3.4.18: tum-artha ity
anuvartate yävad avyaya-kåtäà vidhänam, tum-arthaç ca bhävaù (“The word tum-arthe [in Añöädhyäyé
3.4.9] is carried forward in all the rules about kåt pratyayas which form avyayas, and the word tum-artha
means bhäva. [Thus tum-arthe means bhäve]”). Examples are alaà kåtvä (“don’t do”) and khalu kåtvä
(“don’t do”), both of which mean na kartavyam (“don’t do”).
Ø kå → (1261) kå + [k]tvä → (kå is aniö by verse 1, 399) kåtvä → (148) kåtvä + s[u] → (363, 362)
kåtvä
If there is expectancy of the karma of a sa-karmaka dhätu then the relationship of karma is still allowed
even though the pratyaya is applied in bhäve prayoga.1 An example of this is khalüktvä khalu väcikam:
“Don’t speak the message” (Çiçupäla-vadha 2.70). Therefore we will make examples in the same way.
Dämodarasya do dad (1253) is applied and we get avaiñëaväya viñëu-nirmälyam alaà dattvä, avaiñëaväya
viñëu-nirmälyam alaà dattvälam, avaiñëaväya viñëu-nirmälyam khalu dattvä, or avaiñëaväya viñëu-
nirmälyam dattvä khalu (“Don’t give the garland remnants of Viñëu to a non-Vaiñëava”)2, all of which
mean avaiñëaväya viñëu-nirmälyasya dänaà na kartavyam (“The giving of the garland remnants of Viñëu
to a non-Vaiñëava must not be done”). Similarly, we get avaiñëava-gåhe alaà bhuktvä vaiñëavena or
avaiñëava-gåhe khalu bhuktvä vaiñëavena (“A Vaiñëava must not eat in the house of a non-Vaiñëava”)3,
both of which mean avaiñëava-gåhe vaiñëavasya bhojanena na bhavitavyam (“There must be no eating by a
Vaiñëava in the house of a non-Vaiñëava”)4.
Ø dä → (1261) dä + [k]tvä → (dä is aniö by verse 1, 1253) dad + tvä → (98) dattvä → (148) dattvä
+ s[u] → (363, 362) dattvä
Ø bhuj → (1261) bhuj + [k]tvä → (bhuj is aniö by verse 3, 399, 243) bhug + tvä → (98) bhuktvä →
(148) bhuktvä + s[u] → (363, 362) bhuktvä
In the case that [k]tvä is not applied, we get avaiñëaväya viñëu-nirmälyasya dänenälam or avaiñëaväya
viñëu-nirmälyasya dänena khalu (“Don’t give the garland remnants of Viñëu to a non-Vaiñëava”)5, and so
on.
Amåta—To dispel the doubts of one who might think, “His including the word bhäve in his sütra is his
own mental concoction, because the word bhäve is not mentioned in Päëini’s sütra alaà-khalvoù
pratiñedhayoù präcäà ktvä (Añöädhyäyé 3.4.18),” Jéva Gosvämé quotes what Puruñottama has written in
1
See våttis 937 and 961 for further discussion on this subject.
2
In these examples, viñëu-mälya, the anukta-karma of dattvä, takes a dvitéyä viñëubhakti instead of a ñañöhé viñëubhakti because
[k]tvä is a kåt pratyaya which is an avyaya (see sütra 960).
3
In these examples, vaiñëava is the anukta-kartä of bhuktvä since [k]tvä is ordained in bhäve prayoga.
4
Here bhojana is the anukta-kartä of bhavitavyam since tavya has been applied here in bhäve prayoga. Bhojana has a tåtéyä
viñëubhakti here in accordance with viñëukåtyänäà kartari ñañöhé vä (966). However, the anukta-kartä of bhojana, namely
vaiñëava, has a ñañöhé viñëubhakti in accordance with kartå-karmaëoù ñañöhé kåd-yoge (956).
5
In these examples, the word däna takes a tåtéyä viñëubhakti in accordance with väraëärthe tv alaà-yoge tåtéyaiva (våtti 1026),
since väraëa and pratiñedha are taken as synonyms here. In this regard, Amåta 1026 explains that other words like kim and
khalu which have the meaning of väraëa are also included by the mention of alam in väraëärthe tv alaà-yoge tåtéyaiva (våtti
1026).
this regard. The words avyaya-kåtäà vidhänaà yävat mean avyaya-kåtäà çeña-paryantam. Thus the
meaning is “The word tum-arthe is carried forward up to the end of the section dealing with kåt pratyayas
which form avyayas.” Moreover, because it is said right there that tum-artha means bhäva, it is
understood that all the kåt pratyayas which form avyayas are ordained in bhäve prayoga.
With the sentence beginning bhäve ’pi, Jéva Gosvämé describes that, because the kåt pratyaya [k]tvä is
ordained in bhäve prayoga, there is no need of a karma, but if the speaker wants to express a karma,
certainly a karma can be used. The first khalu is used in the sense of niñedha and the second is used in the
sense of väkyälaìkära. In this regard, Amara-koña says niñedha-väkyälaìkära-jijïäsänunaye khalu (“The
word khalu is used in the sense of niñedha (“prohibition”), väkyälaìkära (“ornamentation of the
sentence”), jijïäsä (“inquiry”), and anunaya (“entreaty”)”). In the examples Jéva Gosvämé shows how
there is no rule that alam or khalu have to come before or after the word ending in [k]tvä. Moreover, the
[k]tvä ordained in this sütra doesn’t require another kriyä, because a word which has the sense of na[ï] is
sufficient to complete the sense of the sentence.1
1262 / Wk(k(ta{Rk(yaAe: i‚(yayaAe: paUvaRk(AlasTaDaAtaAe: ftvaA /
1262. eka-kartåkayoù kriyayoù pürva-käla-stha-dhätoù ktvä
eka-kartåkayoù—which have the same kartä; kriyayoù—when there are two kriyäs; pürva-käla-stha-
dhätoù—after the dhätu which expresses the kriyä that is earlier in time; ktvä—the kåt pratyaya [k]tvä.
When there are two kriyäs which have the same kartä, [k]tvä is applied after the dhätu which
expresses the kriyä that is earlier in time.
hariveëv-antety-ädi, kåñëaà natvä stauti vaiñëavaù. dvitvam ekatvaà vä na tantram—natvä stutvä bhajati.
kathaà “yad ayaà tulaséà gåhëäti tasmät kåñëaà püjayiñyati” iti na ktvä? hetu-prayogenaiva pürva-kälatva-
pratéteù.
Våtti—The sütra beginning hariveëv-anta (sütra 524) is applied and we get kåñëaà natvä stauti vaiñëavaù
(“After offering obeisances to Kåñëa, the Vaiñëava praises Him”)2. There is no rule that there should be
only one pürva-käla-stha-dhätu. Thus we get kåñëaà natvä stutvä bhajati vaiñëavaù (“After offering
obeisances to Kåñëa and praising Him, the Vaiñëava worships Him”).
Ø ëam → (478) nam → (1262) nam + [k]tvä → (nam is aniö by verse 6, 524) natvä → (148) natvä
+ s[u] → (363, 362) natvä
Ø ñöu → (458) stu → (1262) stu + [k]tvä → (stu is aniö by verse 1, 399) stutvä → (148) stutvä +
s[u] → (363, 362) stutvä
Why isn’t [k]tvä applied in yad ayaà tulaséà gåhëäti tasmät kåñëaà püjayiñyati (“Because he is picking
tulasé, therefore he will worship Kåñëa”)? Because the quality of being earlier in time is understood
simply by the use of a hetu.
Amåta—Since only the kriyä that is later in time completes the sense of the sentence, the kriyä that is
1
The meaning of the avyaya na[ï] in the Avyaya-çabda-saìgraha is niñedha (“prohibition”). Thus, since alam and khalu have
the meaning of pratiñedha (niñedha), they are able to complete the sense of the sentence, and a thus a second kriyä is not
required to complete the sense.
2
This can also be translated as “Having offered obeisances to Kåñëa, the Vaiñëava praises Him” or “The Vaiñëava offers
obeisances to Kåñëa and praises Him.” The first style of translation is good for when there is a medium interval between the
two kriyäs, the second style is good for when there is a longer interval, and the third style is good for when the interval is very
brief. For a karmaëi prayoga example of [k]tvä see våtti 961.
earlier in time and ends in the kåt pratyaya [k]tvä is an asamäpikä-kriyä (“kriyä which doesn’t complete
the sense”). An example of when there are many pürva-käla-stha-dhätus is snätvä püjayitvä parikramya
natvä ca harià bhuìkte (“After bathing Hari, worshiping Him, circumabulating Him, and offering
obeisances to Him, he eats”). The yat in yad ayaà tulaséà gåhëäti is the avyaya yat used in the sense of
hetu (“cause, reason”). In this regard, Amara-koña says yat tad yatas tato hetau (“yat, tat, yatas, and tatas
are all used in the sense of hetu”). So yat means yasmäd dhetoù and tasmät means avyabhicäri-jïäpakena
hetunä1. Therefore the meaning is “Because he is picking tulasé, it is inferred that his purpose must be to
worship Kåñëa.” Because a hetu is understood here and because the hetu comes first, it is natural that the
kriyä that goes with that hetu is also earlier in time. Why do we say eka-kartåkayoù? Consider vaiñëave
bhuktavati yatir ägataù (“When the Vaiñëava was eating, the ascetic arrived”). Why do we say pürva-käla-
stha? Consider naman stauti (“He offers obeisances while he praises”). In examples like rathe ca vämanaà
dåñövä punar janma na vidyate (“And after seeing Vämana on the cart, one will never take birth again”) the
word janasya (“of a person”) has to be supplied so that both kriyäs (dåñövä and janma) will have the same
kartä.2
1263. parävaratve gamye ca

ktvä is also applied after a dhätu when paratve(being on the far side(that side) or avaratve(being on the
near side(this side) are understood. This sütra ordains ktvä where is was unobtained by sütra 74. E.g
paratve à ‘Hari’s boyhood is on the far side of his childhood(e.g it is after his childhood)’ The
replacement of ktvä by yap will be spoken in sütra 85. E.g avaratve à ‘the gaìgä is situated having not
reached the mountain(e.g the gaìgä is on this side of the mountain. E.g before the mountain)’ For ktvä
the rule çriïo jägå-varjam.. takes precedence over the rule svarati-süti.. because of the specific mention of
kapila thus there is no iö and we get forms like svåtvä and dhåtvä from the dhätus svå and dhå.
bälyam atikramya hareù paugaëòam. tataù param ity arthaù. ktvo yap vakñyate (85). alabdhvä girià gaìgä,
girer avarä ity arthaù. “çriïo jägå-varjam” (30) ity asya paratväd viçeñatväc ca nityam iò-abhävaù—svåtvä,
dhåtvä.
1264 / tatk(Alae'ipa ftvaA ¸(icata, /
1264. tat-käle ’pi ktvä kvacit
tat-käle—at the same time [as the main kriyä]; api—even; ktvä—[k]tvä; kvacit—sometimes.
Sometimes ktvä is applied after a dhätu which expresses a kriyä that is simultaneous to the main kriyä.
mukhaà prakäçya hasati hariù.
Våtti—For example, mukhaà prakäçya hasati hariù (“Hari opens His mouth as He smiles”).
Ø pra + käç → (1264) pra + käç + [k]tvä → (1273) pra + käç + ya[p] → (440) prakäçya → (148)
prakäçya + s[u] → (363, 362) prakäçya
1
See Üavyabhicäreëa jïäpakaç ca hetuùÛ in våtti 1039.
2
The word janman (“birth”) is a bhäva-kådanta formed from the dhätu jan[é] prädur-bhäve (4A, “to be born, produced, to
occur, happen”). Thus it’s kartä, namely jana (“a person”), takes a ñañöhé viñëubhakti by kartå-karmaëoù ñañöhé kåd-yoge (642).
Here both kriyäs, namely dåñövä and janma, have the same kartä, namely jana, but then janma itself becomes the kartä of
vidyate. Similarly, in the maìgaläcaraëa verse of this prakaraëa, no kartä is stated, so the word janaiù has to be supplied so
both kriyäs, namely vismitya and praçasyate, have the same kartä. Here the later kriyä praçasyate is in karmaëi prayoga.
Another example of this, from kathä 8 of Hitopadeça, is sarvaiù paçubhir militvä sa siàho vijïaptaù (“All the animals met
together and petitioned that lion, or more literally: that lion was petitioned by the animals after the animals had met
together”). Here the later kriyä vijïaptaù is in karmaëi prayoga and both kriyäs, namely militvä and vijïaptaù, have the same
kartä, i.e sarvaiù paçubhiù.
Amåta—This sütra ordains [k]tvä where it was unobtained by the previous sütra. The example mukhaà
prakäçya hasati hariù means yadaiva häsas tadaiva mukha-prakäço na tu tat-pürva-käle (“The opening of
the mouth is at the same time as the smiling, it is not at an earlier time than the smiling”). Other
examples are pätraà jhanat-kåtya patati (“The pot makes a clanging noise as it falls”) and so on.
1265. vyatihärärthän meìo ’pürva-käle ’pi vä ktvä

ktvä is optionally applied after the dhätu me[ì] whose meaning is vyatihära(exchange/barter) even
though the action denoted by meì is not pürva-käla-stha. Here the vä is due to udécäm(according to the
northern grammarians) in the päëini sütra 3.4.19. This sütra ordains ktvä where is was unobtained by
sütra 74. E.g We are going to use an example where the previous(purva-käla-stha) action is yäcate and
the main(subsequent) action in apamayate(apa+meì). If we apply this sütra then ktvä is added after
apameì even though it is not pürva-käla-stha and yäcate does not take ktvä. Or if we don’t apply this
sütra then we get the normal scenario of yäcitvä apamayate e.g the pürva-käla-stha-dhätu take ktvä.. In
both cases the meaning is the same ‘Having exchanged, he asks’. In apamitya meì has become mä by
caturvyühäntänäm ä-rämänta.. then it becomes mi by sütra 93 and tuk has been added by sütra 87.
pürvaà yäcate, tato ’pamayate—apamitya yäcate, yäcitvä apamayate vä.
1266. skanda-syandayor na-räma-haro na ktvi

The dhätus skand[ir] and syand[ü] don’t undergo deletion of their ‘n’ before ktvä. This is an apaväda of
an-i-rämetäm. The two forms of syand are shown in the våtti as syand is veò by svarati-süti.
skanttvä. syanttvä vä syanditvä.
1267 / s$aeq%.ftvaA na k(ipalaAe ma{x"ma{d"ku(SaiflazAvad"vas$aAe ivanaA /
1267. seö-ktvä na kapilo måòa-måda-kuña-kliça-vada-vaso vinä
seö-ktvä—[k]tvä that is with i[ö]; na—not; kapilaù—kapila; måòa-måda-kuña-kliça-vada-vasaù—the dhätus

måò[a] sukhane (6P or 9P, “to be happy”), måd[a] kñode (9P, “to squeeze, press, rub”), kuñ[a] niñkarñe
(9P, “to extract”), kliç[a] upatäpe (4A, “to suffer”), kliç[ü] vibädhane (9P, “to torment, distress”), vad[a]
vyaktäyäà väci (1P, “to speak, say, tell”), and vas[a] niväse (1P, “to dwell, live, stay”); vinä—except.
[K]tvä that is with i[ö] is not kapila, except when it comes after the dhätus måò[a], måd[a], kuñ[a],
kliç[a], kliç[ü], vad[a], and vas[a].
çayitvä, måòitvä. gudham api paöhanti—gudhitvä. ruda-vettéti kapilaù—ruditvä.
Våtti—Ø çé → (1262) çé + [k]tvä → (424) çé + i[ö] + [k]tvä → (1267, 394) çe + itvä → (63) çayitvä →
(148) çayitvä + s[u] → (363, 362) çayitvä
Ø måò → (1262) måò + [k]tvä → (424) måd + i[ö] + [k]tvä → (399) måòitvä → (148) måòitvä +
s[u] → (363, 362) måòitvä
Some also exclude gudh[a] pariveñöane (4P, “to surround, enclose”)1 and thus they get gudhitvä.
When we apply ruda-vetti-muña-grahi-svapi-pracchaù ktvä-sanau kapilau (816), however, [K]tvä that is

with i[ö] is kapila. Thus we get ruditvä.
Ø rud → (1262) rud + [k]tvä → (424) rud + i[ö] + [k]tvä → (816, 399) ruditvä → (148) ruditvä +
s[u] → (363, 362) ruditvä
Amåta—Other examples of when govinda is done because [k]tvä that is with i[ö] is not kapila are devitvä,
vartitvä, joñitvä, and so on. Other examples of when govinda is not done because [k]tvä that is with i[ö] is
1
This is a rare dhätu. Thus it is not listed in Jéva Gosvämé’s Dhätu-päöha.
kapila are uditvä and uñitvä. Here saìkarñaëa is done and, in the case of uñitvä, i[ö] is applied by vasati-
kñudhibhyäm (1238) and vasi-ghasyoù ñaù (632) is also done.
1268. na-rämoddhaväd eva tha-phäntät seö-ktvä kapilo vä, vaïci-luïcy-åti-tåñi-måñi-kåçeç ca

After those dhätus which have ‘n’ as uddhäva and which also end in th or ph seö-ktvä is optionally
kapila(here eva restricts tha-phäntät.. to only those that have na-rämoddhava). This also happens for the
dhätus vaïc[u], luïc[a](1P to pluck, peel or husk), rö[a](sautra dhätu, 1P to hate), tåñ[a], måñ[a] and
kåç[a]. This sütra makes kapila optional where it was forbidden in the last sütra. The first two examples
in the våtti show the dhätu çranth.. first when it is kapila, thus an-i-rämetäm, and second when it is not
kapila. Them the dhätu gunph is shown in the same way. The sloka na-räma-jau anusvara-païcamau jhali
dhätuñu should be remembered here e.g that all nasals are originally ‘n’ in the dhätu-päöha but later
become otherwise by aviñëupadäntasya nasya masya.. and viñëucakrasya heriveëur viñëuvarge. Thus
gumphitvä instead of gunphitvä. Then vaïc, åt and kåç are shown in the same way. The våtti then shows
the forms kothitvä and rephitvä from the dhätus kuth and riph. E.g they both end in th or ph but they
don’t have ‘n’ as uddhäva.. One would then think that the sütra ya-va-varjita-viñëujanäntäc would apply
but JG says that it is not applied in the case of dhätus ending in th or ph.. instead the last sütra applies..
sraàsitvä is similary shown from the dhätu srans.. e.g it has ‘n’ as uddhäva but doesn’t end in th/ph thus
the last sütra is applied. Then the application of ya-va-varjita-viñëujanäntäc is shown with the dhätu
dyut. Thus the two examples.
Finally the dhätu kñudh is shown(seö by vasati-kñudhibhyäm) and the last sütra is applied.. By the word
ädi here lubh and aïc(from the same vasati-kñudhibhyäm sütra) are indicated thus lobhitvä lubhitvä,
aïcitvä
çrathitvä, çranthitvä. guphitvä, gumphitvä. vacitvä, vaïcitvä. åtitvä, artitvä. kåça tanü-karaëe—kåçitvä,
karçitvä. niyamo ’yam. tato na-rämoddhavatväbhäve tu “ya-va-varjita-viñëujanäntät” (3.459) iti pakñe ’pi na
kapilaù. kutha püté-bhäve---kothitvä. ripha hiàsädau—rephitvä. tha-phäntäd eva niyamäd anyatra tu seö-ktvä
na kapila iti pravartate. sraàsitvä. iha tu “ya-va-varjita” (3.459) iti vikalpa eva—dyotitvä, dyutitvä. vasati-
kñudhibhyäm ity-ädi—kñodhitvä, kñudhitvä ity-ädi.
1269. jè-vraçcibhyäm iö ktvi

After the dhätu jè[ña](4P) and after the dhätu [o]vraçc[ü] iö is applied before ktvä. In the case of jè this
sütra is an apaväda of çriïo jägå-varjam. In the case of vraçc it is an apaväda of being veö due to ü-rämet.
These two dhätus fit into the seö-ktvä na kapila category. Thus there is govinda and the form is jaritvä
and by the sütra quoted in the våtti iö can become trivikrama optionally and thus the form jarétvä. Then
vraçcitvä is shown i.e there is so saìkarñaëa by grahi-jyä.. because here seö-ktvä is not kapila.
jaritvä. “è-räma-våbhya iöas trivikramo vä, na tu parapada-sau kämapälädhokñajayoç ca” (3.213) iti jarétvä,
vraçcitvä.
1270 / or"AmaetaAe vaeq%. iftva /
1270. u-rämeto veö ktvi
u-räma-itaù—after a dhätu that has the indicatory letter u; vä—optionally; iö—the ägama i[ö]; ktvi—when
[k]tvä follows.
When [k]tvä follows, i[ö] is only optionally applied after a dhätu that has the indicatory letter u.
çamitvä. hariveëv-antoddhavasya trivikramaù kvau kaàsäri-vaiñëave ca, ktvi tu kramo vä—çäntvä. kräntvä,
krantvä, kramitvä. kliça-püìbhyäà vä iti veö—kliñövä, kliçitvä. pütvä, pavitvä.
Våtti—Thus we get çamitvä or, by applying hariveëv-antoddhavasya trivikramaù kvau kaàsäri-vaiñëave ca

(846), çäntvä.
Ø çam[u] → (1262) çam[u] + [k]tvä → (two options by 1270):

1) (i[ö] is applied) çam + i[ö] + [k]tvä → (148) çamitvä + s[u] → (363, 362) çamitvä
2) (i[ö] is not applied, 846) çäm + tvä → (230, 114) çäntvä → (148) çäntvä + s[u] → (363, 362)
çäntvä
Similarly, we get kramitvä or, by applying ktvi tu kramo vä (847), kräntvä or krantvä.
Ø kram[u] → (1262) kram[u] + [k]tvä → (two options by 1270):

1) (i[ö] is applied) kram + i[ö] + [k]tvä → (148) kramitvä + s[u] → (363, 362) kramitvä
2) (i[ö] is not applied, two options by 847):
i) (trivikrama is done) kräm + tvä → (230, 114) kräntvä → (148) kräntvä + s[u] → (363, 362)
kräntvä
ii) (trivikrama is not done, 230, 114) krantvä → (148) krantvä + s[u] → (363, 362) krantvä
I[ö] is only optionally applied by kliça-püìbhyäà vä (1238). Thus we get kliñövä or kliçitvä and pütvä or
pavitvä
Ø kliç → (1262) kliç[u] + [k]tvä → (two options by 1238):

1) (i[ö] is applied) kliç + i[ö] + [k]tvä → (399) kliçitvä → (148) kliçitvä + s[u] → (363, 362) kliçitvä
2) (i[ö] is not applied, 399, 249) kliñ + tvä → (280) kliñövä → (148) kliñövä + s[u] → (363, 362)
kliñövä
Ø pü → (1262) pü + [k]tvä → (two options by 1238):

1) (i[ö] is applied) pü + i[ö] + [k]tvä → (1267, 394) po + itvä → (65) pavitvä → (148) pavitvä + s[u]
→ (363, 362) pavitvä
2) (i[ö] is not applied, 399) pütvä → (148) pütvä + s[u] → (363, 362) pütvä
1271(SK 3330). jänta-naçor uddhava-na-räma-haro vä vaiñëavädi-ktvi

There is optionally deletion of the uddhava ‘n’ for dhätus that end in ‘j’ and for the dhätu naç when they
come before ktvä that begins with a vaiñëava. This is an apaväda of an-i-rämetäm. First the dhätu anj[ü]
is shown e.g by ü-rämet it is veö. When there is no iö it is either aktvä(deletion of uddhäva ‘n’) of
aìktvä(no deleltion of uddhäva ‘n’) but when ktvä doesn’t begin with a vaiñëava then the form is aïjitvä.
Similarly with the dhätu bhanj and naç(it has uddhäva na by masji-naçoù num vaiñëave). Then jana-
khana-sanäm.. and vaiñëavädyor kaàsäri-sanor nityam are shown e.g from khan[u](veö by sütra 82) à
khätvä(iö is not applied and vaiñëavädyor is applied), khanitvä(iö is applied and vaiñëavädyor thus is not
applied). Then he illustrates the sütra dyati-syati.. e.g the dhätu do become di before ktvä, similarly by
dadhäter hiù the dhätu dhä becomes hi before ktvä.
aktvä, aìktvä. bhaktvä, bhaìktvä. nañövä, naàñövä. “vaiñëavädi” iti kim? aïjitvä. “jana-khana-sanäm”
(3.256) ity-ädi—khätvä, khanitvä. “dyati-syati” (65) itétvam—ditvä. “dadhäter hiù” (65)—hitvä.
1272 / jah"AtaeihR": iftva /
1272. jahäter hiù ktvi
jahäteh—of the dhätu [o]hä[k] tyäge (3P, “to abandon”); hiù—the replacement hi; ktvi—when [k]tvä
follows.
[O]hä[k] is replaced by hi when [k]tvä follows.
hitvä. ado jagdhiù—jagdhvä.
Våtti—Ø hä → (1262) hä + [k]tvä → (hä is aniö by verse 1, 1272) hi + [k]tvä → (399) hitvä → (148)
hitvä + s[u] → (363, 362) hitvä
Ado jagdhiù kapila-ta-räme yapi ca (1255) is applied and we get jagdhvä.
Ø ad → (1262) ad + [k]tvä → (ad is aniö by verse 4, 1255) jagdh + [k]tvä → (466) jagdh + dhvä →
(125) jagdhvä → (148) jagdhvä + s[u] → (363, 362) jagdhvä
Amåta—By the mention of jahäti, the [ç]ti[p] form of [o]hä[k] tyäge (3P, “to abandon”), [o]hä[ì] gatau
(3A, “to go, move”) is excluded.
1273 / ftvaAe yabanaHpaUvaRs$amaAs$ae /
1273. ktvo yab anaï-pürva-samäse
ktvaù—of [k]tvä; yap—the replacement ya[p]; a-naï-pürva-samäse—when there is samäsa

(“composition”) in which the first word is not na[ï]1 but is of the same category of na[ï], namely an
avyaya.
Comment [25]: reference and check footnote:
[K]tvä is replaced by ya[p] when there is samäsa of [k]tvä with an avyaya other than na[ï]. Amåta of naï (samäsa prakarana)
“lyap” iti päëiniù. antar-bhinna-padatve ’py eka-nämatvena yojanaà samäsaù.
Våtti—Päëini calls it [l]ya[p]. Antar-bhinna-padatve ’py eka-nämatvena yojanaà samäsaù (“The

combination [of two or more words]2 into one näma that contains separate words inside it is called
samäsa”).3
Amåta—In the present context, samäsa means samäsa with the kåt pratyaya [k]tvä. The a in a-naï-pürva
is paryudäsa na[ï]4 used in the sense of sädåçya (“similarity”). Thus the resultant meaning is that [k]tvä is
replaced by ya[p] only when there is samäsa in which the first word is an avyaya, something similar to
na[ï] but at the same time different than it. Regarding samäsa, only an upendra, an ury-ädi, a word ending
in the taddhita pratyaya vi, or a word ending in the taddhita prayaya ä[c] can be compounded with the kåt
pratyaya [k]tvä, because it is never seen that a pürva-pada is compounded with the kåt pratyaya [k]tvä.
However, It will be stated later that, because the kåt pratyayas are applied variously, we nonetheless get
parama-kåtvä and so on (see våtti 1723)
There are six kinds of samäsa as mentioned in Vaiyäkaraëa-bhüñaëa:
supäà supä tiìä nämnä

dhätunätha tiìäà tiìä
sub-anteneti vijïeyaù
samäsaù ñaò-vidho budhaiù
Comment [26]: see SK vol I p547 for
“Samäsa is known by wise men to be of six kinds: i) samäsa of a sup5 with a sup, ii) samäsa of a sup with a translation
tiì6, iii) samäsa of a sup with a näma, iv) samäsa of a sup with a dhätu, v) samäsa of a tiì with a tiì, and vi)
1
Na[ï] is an avyaya which is used in the sense of niñedha (“prohibition”) when outside of a compound, but used in the six
senses beginning with sädåçya (“similarity”) when inside a compound. For further details, see Amåta and the definitions of naï
and a in the Avyaya-çabda-saìgraha.
2
Amåta confirms that the words dvayor bahünäà vä padänäm (“of two or more words”) have to be added here.
3
See sütras 1682 and 1683 for further details.
4
The paryudäsa na[ï] in a-naï-pürva becomes a by sütra 1277. For further details regarding paryudäsa na[ï], see Amåta.
5
Sup is the Päëinian name for a sv-ädi viñëubhakti. In this çloka, the word sup means sub-anta (“a word ending in a sup (sv-
ädi)”) just as the word kåt is often used to mean a kåd-anta (“a word ending in a kåt pratyaya”). Amåta confirms this, and the
use of the word sub-antena is further proof of this.
6
Tiì is the Päëinian name for a tib-ädi viñëubhakti or, in other words, an äkhyäta pratyaya. In this çloka the word tiì means
tiì-anta (“a word ending in a tiì (tib-ädi)”). This is confirmed by Amåta.
samäsa of a tiì with a sup.”
In the first kind of samäsa, both the pürva-pada (“first word in the compound”) and uttara-pada (“last
word in the compound”) are sub-antas. Examples are räja-puruñaù (“The king’s man”) and so on. In the
second kind of samäsa, the pürva-pada is a sub-anta and the uttara-pada is a tiì-anta.1 Examples are
prabhavati <acyuta pa. 1.1 of pra + bhü sattäyäm>, paryabhüt <bhüteça pa. 1.1 of pari + bhü sattäyäm>, and
so on. In the third kind of samäsa, samäsa with the pürva-pada is done right in the näma stage, prior to
the application of sup (sv-ädi). This is in accordance with the following maxim of the earlier
grammarians: Ügati-kärakopapadänäà kådbhiù saha samäsa-vacanaà präk sub-utpatteùÛ (“Gatis, kärakas,
and upapadas are compounded with kådantas before a sup is added [to the kådantas]”). Examples are
viçva-käraù (“One who creates the universe”) and so on. The earlier grammarians called this an upapada-
samäsa. In the fourth kind of samäsa, the uttara-päda is a mere dhätu, not a sub-anta or tiì-anta, because a
word ending in [k]vi[p] is accepted as a dhätu even though it is a näma.2 Examples are pradhéù (“one who
thinks well”), sambhräö (“one who shines brightly”), and so on. The earlier grammarians called this a
gati-samäsa. Examples of the fifth kind of samäsa are pibata-khädatä (“A command wherein the words
pibata (“drink”) and khädata (“eat”) are uttered”), yajata-namatä (“A command wherein the words yajata
(“worship”) and namata (“offer obeisances”) are uttered”), and so on.3 Examples of the sixth kind of
samäsa are stuhi-kåñëaù (“one who repeatedly says stuhi kåñëam (“praise Kåñëa”)”), jahi-johaù (“one who
repeatedly says jahi joham (“kill the infidel”)”), and so on.4 Among these different kinds of samäsa, the
first, fifth, and sixth kinds will be described in the Samäsa-prakaraëa. The second kind, however, is not
directly described in this book, but samäsa is indicated by the fact that sandhi is compulsory, in
accordance with the paribhäñä nityaà dhätüpasargayoù (44), because the compulsoryness of this sandhi
which involves more than one word indicates samäsa. Moreover, in the upasarga-vidhi, namely prädaya
upendra-saàjïä dhätu-yoge, te ca präk (406), the word dhätu-yoge (“when there is yoga with a dhätu”)
really just means “when there is samäsa with a dhätu.” The third and fourth kinds are called kåt-samäsas.5
Now Jéva Gosvämé will speak a paribhäñä-sütra to inform us which words can be compounded with a
kådanta to form a kåt-samäsa.
Saàçodhiné—Regarding the maxim, gati-kärakopapadänäà kådbhiù saha samäsa-vacanaà präk sub-

utpatteù (“Gatis, kärakas, and upapadas are compounded with kådantas before a sup is added [to the
kådantas]”), Siddhänta-kaumudé further explains that the samäsa is done even before a feminine pratyaya
such as ä[p] or é[p] is added. Now we will analyze how this Päëinian paribhäñä corresponds to the next
sütra. In the Päëinian system the term gati refers to the avyayas pra and so on (see Añöädhyäyé 1.4.60) and
also to the ury-ädis and words ending in the taddhita pratyayas vi and ä[c] (see Añöädhyäyé 1.4.61).
Moreover, the extra words like kärikä, puras, agra, and so on that Jéva Gosvämé includes in the ury-ädi-
gaëa in våtti 1275 are not actually found in the ury-ädi-gaëa in the Päëinian gaëa-päöha, but are rather
separately called gatis in Añöädhyäyé 1.4.62 to 1.4.79. So all these gatis are covered by the words
upendrory-ädi-vy-antäj-anta in the next sütra. Similarly, for the sake of simplicity, Jéva Gosvämé covered
both the kärakas and upapadas by the mention of pürva-padäni in the next sütra. In this regard, Jéva
Gosvämé covers the Päëinian sütra tatropapadaà saptamé-sthitam (Añöädhyäyé 3.1.92) by saying kåt-
süträdyaà saptamy-antaà pürva-padam (1285). The mention of pürva-padäni simultaneously covers both
the kärakas and upapadas because Amåta 1274 explains that kärakas are included within the category of
upapadas, since we never see an upapada that is not a käraka, and because the term upapada
(“subordinate word in a compound”) is just a fancy name for a pürva-pada since pürva-padas are
1
The pürva-pada in this case cannot be any sub-anta, it must be na[ï] (see sütra 1277) or one of the 20 prädi avyayas called
upendras (see våtti 406). Being dyotakas (see våtti 363), na[ï] and the prädi avyayas only take s[u], and that too is deleted by
avyayät sväder mahäharaù (362). Thus na[ï] and the upendras pra and so on become viñëupadas and are thus eligible to act as
the pürva-pada in a samäsa. It will be explained in våtti 1275 that the ury-ädis and words ending in the taddhita pratyayas vi or
äc can also act as the pürva-pädas in this kind of samäsa, and, since they are all avyayas, their sv-ädi is deleted by avyayät
sväder mahäharaù (362). Thus we also get uré-karoti (“he accepts”), vaiñëavé-karoti (“he makes into a Vaiñëava”), satyä-karoti
(“he makes true”), and so on.
2
For further details, see våttis 195 to 197.
3
See tathäkhyätam äkhyätena niyojane (1776).
4
See hi-pratyayäntaà karmaëäbhékñëya-tad-vaktari ().
5
As explained previously, the earlier grammarians called the third kind upapada-samäsa and the fourth kind gati-samäsa. We
call both kinds kåt-samäsas.
generally subordinate in meaning to the uttara-pada. In this regard, an example of a gati-samäsa is
pradhéù, an example of a käraka-samäsa is våka-bhéù, and an example of a upapada-samäsa is kåñëa-sevaù.
These samäsas are analyzed as prakåñöaà dhyäyati (“one who thinks well”), våkäd bibheti (“one who is
afraid of a wolf”), and kåñëaà sevate (“one who serves Kåñëa”) respectively. Jéva Gosvämé, however,
keeps things simple and calls all three kinds kåt samäsas (see Amåta 196).
1274 / opaen‰"AeyaARid"vyantaAjantapaUvaRpad"Aina k{(d"ntaena s$amasyantae , paUvaRpadM" tvamantaenaEvaAvyayak{(d"ntaena /
1274. upendrory-ädi-vy-antäj-anta-pürva-padäni kådantena samasyante, pürva-padaà tv am-

antenaivävyaya-kådantena
upendra—upendras; uré-ädi—ury-ädis (see våtti 1275); vi-anta—words ending in the taddhita pratyaya vi;
äc-anta—words ending in the taddhita pratyaya ä[c]; pürva-padäni—and pürva-padas; kådantena—with a
kådanta; samasyante—are compounded; pürva-padam—a pürva-pada; tu—but; am-antena—which ends in
am; eva—only; avyaya-kådantena—with a kådanta that is an avyaya (see sütra 363).
Upendras, ury-ädis, words ending in the taddhita pratyayas vi or ä[c], and pürva-padas are compounded
with kådantas. But a pürva-pada can only be compounded with an avyaya-kådanta if the avyaya-
kådanta ends in am1.
Comment [27]: don’t forget to do the Bäla
kåt-sämänya-grahaëät pürvaträpédam ärohati. udäharaëäni tu jïeyäni. antaraìga-sväder mahähara eka- comment for the Båhat version.
padatvärambhe.
Våtti—Due to the general mention of a kådanta here, this rule also applies to kådantas formed by the
previously described kåt pratyayas. But examples of this have to be understood [from elsewhere]. [When
this rule is applied,] antaraìga-sväder mahähara eka-padatvärambhe (859) is applied.
Amåta—The samäsa of any of these with a kådanta is called a kåt-sämasa. Later on it will be stated that
kåt-süträdyaà saptamy-antaà pürva-padam (“A word which ends in a saptamé viñëubhakti and is situated
at the beginning of a kåt-sütra is called a pürva-pada”). Earlier grammarians called it an upapada, and they
called the samäsa of a pürva-pada with a kådanta an upapada-samäsa. The käraka-samäsa is just a sub-
category of the upapada-samäsa, because we never see an upapada that is not a käraka. This sütra is a
general sütra made for the sake of easily understanding kåt-samäsas. The rest of the details will be
mentioned in the Samäsa-prakaraëa. For example, it is understood that almost all kåt-samäsas are
included in the category of kåñëapuruña-samäsas. The meaning of the restriction pürva-padaà tv am-
antenaivävyaya-kådantena is avyaya-kådantena tu yadä pürva-padaà samasyate tadä am-antenaiva (“But
when a pürva-pada is to be compounded with an avyaya-kådanta, it can only be compounded with an
avyaya-kådanta that ends in am”). The word eva here expresses a two-fold restriction:
1) The samäsa of a pürva-pada only takes place with an avyaya-kådanta that ends in am, not with any
other avyaya-kådanta. Thus, in anyathaivaì-katham-itthaàsu òukåïas tat-tan-mäträrthe (1239) and so on,
we find vidhim anyathä kåtvä and so on. Here the pürva-padas anyathä and so on aren’t compounded with
the avyaya-kådantas kåtvä and so on which are formed by the kåt pratyaya [k]tvä.
2) Only a pürva-pada which is mentioned in the same sütra as an avyaya-kådanta ending in am can be
compounded with the avyaya-kådanta ending in am. A pürva-pada which is mentioned in the same sütra
as an avyaya-kådanta ending in am which is ordained alongside another avyaya-kådanta, cannot be
compounded with the avyaya-kådanta ending in am. Thus, in agre-prathamaà-pürvaàsu ktvä-ëamü
(1288), we find pürvaà nämam, agre nämam, and so on where there is no samäsa of the pürva-padas agre
and so on with the avyaya-kådanta ending in am because the avyaya-kådanta ending in am ([ë]am[u]) is
ordained alongside another avyaya-kådanta ([k]tvä).
1
The only avyaya-kådantas that end in am are kådantas formed by the application of the kåt pratyayas [ë]am[u] and
[kh]am[uë].
Examples of when there is samäsa with kådantas formed by the previously described kåt pratyayas are
prabhavan <1.1>, upakurväëaù <1.1>, sambhejivän <1.1>, pracakräëaù <1.1>, anujätaù, <1.1> adhétavän
<1.1> and so on as well as uré-kurvan <1.1> and so on. All of these are gati-samäsas. The rule antaraìga-
sväder mahähara eka-padatvärambhe (859) is repeated here only in regard to the sv-ädi situated in the
pürva-pada, because, since the other four things, namely upendras and so on, are avyayas, their sv-ädi
undergoes mahähara simply by avyayät sväder mahäharaù (362).
1275 / vaAmanaAÔaufpa{TaAE /
1275. vämanät tuk påthau
vämanät—after a vämana; tuk—the ägama t[uk]; påthau—when a påthu pratyaya follows.
T[uk] is inserted after a vämana when a påthu pratyaya follows.
upendre—prakåtya, paräbhüya.
uré-kröya uraré-kåtya. ury-ädi-gaëaù—uré uraré cäìgé-kära-vistärayoù, çrad ity-ädayo ’nukaraëa-çabdä na
ced iti-çabda-paräù, kärikä çästrärtha-samädhäna-padye, puro ’grädau, sad-asac-chabdäv ädaränädarayoù,
alaà bhüñaëe, haste päëau copayamane, prädhvaà bandhana-hetäv änukülye, jévikopaniñadau tat-sädåçye,
adas tat-pürvakaà yadi paraà prati na jïäpyate nocyate vä, astam adarçanärtham. etat sarvaà kåïi, kåïi
pare sati ury-ädiù. antar hantau, na tu parigrahe. kaëe-manasé hantau tåptyäm. acchety äbhimukhya-vacanam
abhi-çabdärthaà vä gaty-arthe vade ca. tiro ’ntardhi-vacanaà, kåïi tu vä.
Comment [28]: this is SK 766
itaù kåïi vikalpaù, kåïi pare eteñäà vakñyamäëänäm ury-äditvaà vä syät. upäje anväje ca sämarthyädhäne,
säkñät, mithyä, lavaëaà, vaçe, prädur, ävis, namaç ca prasiddhärthäù, urasi-manasé antaù-karaëe, madhye
pade na tu sparçe. nivacane vacanäbhäve iti. ete upendra-vad äkhyäte kåti ca dhätoù präk prayojyä gati-
saàjïäù.
tatra durgamodäharaëäni—“çrad iti”—çrat-kåtya, srit-kåtya. neha—çrad iti kåtvä. prädhvam iti— gopala dasa 30/8/06 18:53
Comment [29]: I already spent many hours
“prädhvaì-kåtya sthito rämaù sarvän uttara-koçalän,” änukülyena baddhvä ity arthaù. jévakä-kåtya, jévikäm considering this. Don’t make thsese separate sütras
iva kåtvety arthaù. adaù-kåtya gacchati. neha—“adaù kåtvä gaccha tvam,” “adaù kåtvä gacchati” iti vä paraà
prati vakti. antar-hatya madhye hatvety arthaù. neha—antar hatvä, parigåhyety arthaù. kaëe-hatya kåñëaà
paçyati, mano-hatya kåñëaà paçyati, tåptià yävad ity arthaù. urasi-kåtya kåtvä vä, niçcitya ity arthaù. evaà
manasi. çrutià madhye-kåtya gétäà vyäcañöe, kåtvä vä. evaà—çré-kåñëasya pade-kåtya manaù çete. neha—
hastaà madhye pade vä kåtvä kåñëaà bhüñayati. evaà nivacane-kåtyeti.
atha vy-äcau taddhitau—avaiñëavaà vaiñëavaà kåtvety arthe viù, kåï-aprayogaù, ver haraù, pürvä-rämasya
é-rämaù—vaiñëavé-kåtya. äc—satyä-kåtya. pürva-padaà vakñyate.
Våtti—Examples of when there is an upendra are prakåtya and paräbhüya.
Ø pra + kå → (1262) pra + kå + [k]tvä → (1274, 1273) pra + kå + ya[p] → (440, 3991, 1275) pra +
kå + t[uk] + ya[p] → prakåtya → (148) prakåtya + s[u] → (363, 362) prakåtya (“having made”)
Ø parä + bhü → (1262) parä + bhü + [k]tvä → (1274, 1273) parä + bhü + ya[p] → (440, 399)
paräbhüya → (148) paräbhüya + s[u] → (363, 362) paräbhüya (“having conquered”)
Examples of when there is an ury-ädi are uré-kröya and uraré-kåtya.
Ø uré + kå → (1262) uré + kå + [k]tvä → (1274, 1273) uré + kå + ya[p] → (440, 399, 1275) uré + kå
+ t[uk] + ya[p] → uré-kåtya → (148) uré-kåtya + s[u] → (363, 362) uré-kåtya (“having accepted”)
1
Amåta will explain that because ya[p] is a replacement of [k]tvä it is also kapila. Similarly, because ya[p] is a replacement of
[k]tvä, it is also an avyaya kåt-pratyaya (see sütra 363). This is all in accordance with the maxim ädeçaù sthäni-vat kvacit (våtti
260).
Ø uraré + kå → (1262) uraré + kå + [k]tvä → (1274, 1273) uraré + kå + ya[p] → (440, 399, 1275)
uraré + kå + t[uk] + ya[p] → uraré-kåtya → (148) uraré-kåtya + s[u] → (363, 362) uraré-kåtya (“having
accepted”)
The ury-ädi-gaëa (“list of ury-ädis”) is as follows:
1 uré uraré cäìgé-kära-vistärayoù The avyayas uré and uraré which are used in the senses of
aìgé-kära (“accepting”) and vistära (“spreading”).
2 çrad ity-ädayo ’nukaraëa-çabdä Imitative words such as çrat1 and so on, provided they are
na ced iti-çabda-paräù not followed by the word iti.
3 kärikä çästrärtha-samädhäna- The word kärikä when it refers to a verse that concisely
padye states the teachings of a book
4 puro ’grädau The avyaya puras which is used in the senses of agra (“in
front”) and so on.
5 sad-asac-chabdäv The words sat and asat when used in the senses of ädara
ädaränädarayoù (“respect”) and anädara (“disrespect”) respectively.
6 alaà bhüñaëe The avyaya alam when used in the sense of bhüñaëa
(“decoration”).2
7 haste päëau copayamane The nipätas haste and päëau when the sense is upayamana
(“marriage”).
8 prädhvaà bandhana-hetäv The avyaya prädhvam when the sense is kindness (änukülya)
änukülye which is the cause (hetu) of binding (bandhana).
9 jévikopaniñadau tat-sädåçye The words jévikä and upaniñad when the sense is like a jévikä
or like an upaniñad.3
10 adas tat-pürvakaà yadi paraà The word adas, if it isn’t used in instructing or speaking to
prati na jïäpyate nocyate vä another person4
11 astam adarçanärtham The avyaya astam which has the meaning of adarçana
(“disappearance”).5
Üetat sarvaà kåïiÛ6, kåïi pare All of the above are called ury-ädis when the dhätu [òu]kå[ï]
sati ury-ädiù follows.
12 antar hantau, na tu parigrahe The avyaya antar is an ury-ädi when the dhätu han[a]
follows, but not when the sense is parigraha (“accepting”).
13 kaëe-manasé hantau tåptyäm The nipäta kaëe and the word manas are ury-ädis when the
dhätu han[a] follows and the sense is tåpti (“satisfaction”).
14 acchety äbhimukhya-vacanam The avyaya accha7 which expresses the idea of äbhimukhya
abhi-çabdärthaà vä gaty-arthe (“being in front of”) or has the meaning of the word abhi is
vade ca an ury-ädi when the dhätu vad[a] or a dhätu which has the
1
For further details, see the våtti and Saàçodhiné of naika-sarveçvaratve (127).
2
In this regard, Bäla gives the example alaì-kåtya (“having decorated”). For further details about alam, see Amåta 1026.
3
In this regard, Bäla says jévikä means jévanopäyaù (“means of living, livelihood”) and upaniñad means tattva-jïäna-hetu-vidyä
(“knowledge which causes one to know the Absolute truth”).
4
In this regard, Bäla says tat-pürvakam means adaù-pürvakam and that adas here is the word adas mentioned in the list of
sarvädis (see sütra 311).
5
Siddhänta Kaumudé, commenting on the equivalent Päëinian sütra astaà ca (Añöädhyäyé 1.4.68), gives the examples astaì-
gatya savitä punar udeti (“The sun, having set, rises again”) and astaì-gatäni dhanäni (“riches that have disappeared”). Astam is
also used in combination with other gaty-artha-dhätus like i[ë] gatau (2P, “to go, move”), yä präpaëe (2P, “to go, move, to
attain”), and ëé[ï] präpaëe (1U, “to lead”).
6
Whatever is enclosed in arrows here is a gaëa-sütra, and the rest is just an expanded explanation of the same. Jéva Gosvämé
uses gaëa-sütras in the same way in the Dhätu-päöha. For example, Ühanty-arthäç caÛ, ye ca teñu gaëeñu hiàsärthä dhätava
uktäs te cur-ädäv api jïeyäù ity arthaù. In the Dhätu-päöha, however, we have put the gaëa-sütras in bold to make them stick
out. Thus we have not used arrows there.
7
Siddhänta-kaumudé, commenting on the equivalent Päëinian sütra accha gaty-artha-vadeñu (Añöädhyäyé 1.4.69), says avyayam
ity eva (“Only the avyaya accha is taken here”). However, accha is a Vedic avyaya, and thus it is not listed in our Avyaya-çabda-
saìgraha. Siddhänta-kaumudé gives the examples accha-gatya and acchodya and explains them by saying that accha-gatya
means abhimukhaà gatvä (“having gone towards”) and acchodya means abhimukham uktvä (“having spoken in front of”).
Siddhänta-kaumudé also says avyayaà kim? jalam accham gacchati—“Why do we say the avyaya accha? Consider jalam accham
gacchati (“He goes to the clear water”).”
meaning of gati follows.
15 tiro ’ntardhi-vacanaà, kåïi tu vä The avyaya tiras which expresses the idea of antardhi
(“covering, disappearance”) is an ury-ädi, but it is only
optionally an ury-ädi when the dhätu [òu]kå[ï] follows.
Üitaù kåïi vikalpaùÛ, kåïi pare The words just about to be mentioned are optionally ury-ädis
eteñäà vakñyamäëänäm ury- when the dhätu [òu]kå[ï] follows.
äditvaà vä syät.
16 upäje anväje ca sämarthyädhäne The words upäje and anväje which are used in the sense of
sämarthyädhäna (“supporting, assisting [a weak person]”)1
17 säkñät, mithyä, lavaëaà, vaçe, The avyayas säkñät, mithyä, lavaëam, vaçe, prädur, ävis, and
prädur, ävis, namaç ca namas whose meanings are well-known.
prasiddhärthäù
18 urasi-manasé antaù-karaëe The nipätas urasi and manasi when they refer to the antaù-
karaëa (“the internal organ, i.e the heart or the mind”)
19 madhye pade, na tu sparçe The nipätas madhye and pade, but not when there is sparça
(“physical contact”).
20 nivacane vacanäbhäve The nipäta nivacane when the sense is vacanäbhäva (“absence
of speech”).
Üete upendra-vad äkhyäte kåti The ury-ädis are called gatis. Just like the upendras, they are
ca dhätoù präk prayojyä gati- applied before a dhätu when an äkhyäta pratyaya or kåt
saàjïäùÛ pratyaya follows.
Examples of the more difficult ones among them will now be given:
2) çrat-kåtya (“having made the sound çrat”) and srit-kåtya (“having made the sound srit”). But çrat is not
an ury-ädi in çrad iti kåtvä (“having made the sound çrat”).2
8) prädhvaì-kåtya sthito rämaù sarvän uttara-koçalän (“Räma remained [there], having bound the
inhabitants of Ayodhyä3 with his kindness”) where prädhvaì-kåtya means änukülyena baddhvä (“having
bound with kindness”).
9) jévakä-kåtya which means jévikäm iva kåtvä (“having made [it] like a livelihood”).
10) adaù-kåtya gacchati (“Having done that, he goes”). But adas is not an ury-ädi in adaù kåtvä gaccha
tvam (“Having done that, You must go”) or in adaù kåtvä gacchati (“Having done that, he goes”) where he
speaks to another person.4
12) antar-hatya which means madhye hatvä (“having struck in the middle”). But antar is not an ury-ädi in
antar hatvä which means parigåhya (“having accepted”).
13) kaëe-hatya kåñëaà paçyati (“He sees Kåñëa to his full satisfaction”)5 and mano-hatya kåñëaà paçyati
(“He sees Kåñëa to his full satisfaction”) where kaëe-hatya and mano-hatya mean tåptià yävat (“until
there is satisfaction”).
18) urasi-kåtya or urasi kåtvä which both mean niçcitya (“having decided [in his heart]”).6 Likewise
manasi-kåtya or manasi kåtvä which both mean niçcitya (“having decided [in his mind]”).
1
Bäla comments that Jéva Gosvämé says sämarthyädhäne just to specify the meaning of these words, and not to reject other
meanings, because these words do not have any other meanings. Examples are upäje-kåtya or upäje kåtvä (“having assisted”)
and anväje-kåtya or anväje kåtvä (“having assisted”). Siddhänta-kaumudé says these examples mean durbalasya balam ädhäya
(“having given strength to a weak person”).
2
Bäla says iti-çabda-paratvät iti çeñaù—“The words iti-çabda-paratvät (“because it is followed by the word iti”) have to be
added here.”
3
Bäla says uttara-koçalän means ayodhyä-väsinaù (“the residents of Ayodhyä”).
4
The equivalent Päëinan sütra to adas tat-pürvakaà yadi paraà prati na jïäpyate nocyate vä is ado ’nupadeçe (Añöädhyäyé
1.4.70). Siddhänta-kaumudé explains that upadeça means instructing another and that when a person cogitates within himself
and does not address another, that is anupadeça. Thus adaù-kåtya gacchati is the person thinking to himself, adaù kåtvä gaccha
is the person instructing another person, and adaù kåtvä gacchati is the person speaking to another person as Jéva Gosvämé
himself point outs with the words paraà prati vakti.
5
Another way of translating this is “He saw Kåñëa to his heart’s content.”
6
In this regard, Bäla gives the following counterexample: antaù-karaëa iti kim? urasi kåtvä hastaà çete, hastau vakñasi kåtvety
arthaù—“Why do we say “when they refer to the antaù-karaëa”? Consider urasi kåtvä hastaà çete which means hastau vakñasi
kåtvä çete (“Having placed his two hands on his chest, he goes to sleep”).”
19) çrutià madhye-kåtya (or madhye kåtvä) gétäà vyäcañöe (“Having set the svara1 in the mid-range, he
recites the Gétä”). Similarly, çré-kåñëasya pade-kåtya (or pade kåtvä) manaù çete (“Having fixed his mind
on the feet of Lord Kåñëa, he goes to sleep”). But madhye and pade are not ury-ädis in hastaà madhye
kåtvä kåñëaà bhüñayati (“Having placed his hand on Kåñëa’s2 waist, He decorates Kåñëa”) and hastaà pade
kåtvä kåñëaà bhüñayati (“Having placed his hand on Kåñëa’s feet, He decorates Kåñëa”)
20) nivacane-kåtya or nivacane kåtvä (“having controlled his speech”).3
Now examples with words ending in the taddhita pratyayas vi and ä[c] will be given. The taddhita
pratyaya vi is applied in the sense of avaiñëavaà vaiñëavaà kåtvä (“having made the non-Vaiñëava into a
Vaiñëava”), the form of kå[ï] is no longer employed, the taddhita-pratyaya vi is deleted, and the previous
a-räma becomes é-räma. Thus we get vaiñëavé-kåtya. When the taddhita-pratyaya ä[c] is applied, we get
satyä-kåtya. Examples with pürva-padas will be given later.
Ø vaiñëava + kå → (1262) vaiñëava + kå + [k]tvä → () vaiñëava + vi + kå + [k]tvä → (876) vaiñëava

+ kå + [k]tvä → () vaiñëavé + kå + [k]tvä → (1274, 1273) vaiñëavé + kå + ya[p] → (440, 399, 1275)
Comment [30]: reference this abhüta-tad-bhäve
vaiñëavé + kå + t[uk] + ya[p] → vaiñëavé-kåtya → (148) vaiñëavé-kåtya + s[u] → (363, 362) vaiñëavé-kåtya kå-bhv-asti-yoge viù”
(“having made into a Vaiñëava”). Matsya Avatara dasa 25/10/06 21:58
Comment [31]: reference this a-dvayasya väv é-
rämaù
Ø satya + kå → (1262) satya + kå + [k]tvä → () satya + ä[c] + kå + [k]tvä → (185) satyä + kå +
[k]tvä → (1274, 1273) satyä + kå + ya[p] → (440, 399, 1275) satyä + kå + t[uk] + ya[p] → satyä-kåtya →
Comment [32]: reference this äc kåï-yoge
(148) satyä-kåtya + s[u] → (363, 362) satyä-kåtya (“having settled [the agreement]”). and“satyäd açapathe
Amåta—Because ya[p] is a replacement of [k]tvä it is automatically kapila. Similarly, because ya[p] is a

replacement of [k]tvä, it is also an avyaya kåt-pratyaya (see sütra 259). This is all in accordance with the
maxim ädeçaù sthäni-vat kvacit (våtti 190). In the våtti, Jéva Gosvämé gives examples of the samäsas
described in the previous sütra. For example, prakåtya is the samäsa of an upendra with a kådanta and uré-
kåtya is the samäsa of an ury-ädi with a kådanta. Next Jéva Gosvämé mentions the list of the ury-ädis along
with their meaning. The ury-ädis are avyayas. Kärikä çästrärtha-samädhäna-padye means çästrarthasya
samädhänaà yena bhavati tädåçi padye väcye kärikä-çabda ury-ädiù syät (“When a verse by which there is
summarization of the teachings of a book is being expressed, the word kärikä is an ury-ädi”). But the
word kärikä which ends in the kåt pratyaya [ë]aka is not an ury-ädi. Thus we get from it kärikäà kåtvä.
By the word ädi in agrädau, the avyaya puras is also used in the senses of “eastward,” “first in time,” and
“past,” according to Bharata. But when puras is not an avyaya, like when it is is made from the word pur +
[ç]as, we get puraù kåtvälabhata kértià räjä (“Having constructed many cities, the king attained fame”).
Haste, päëau, kaëe, [vaçe, urasi, manasi,] madhye, pade, and nivacane are nipätas which resemble words
ending in a saptamé viñëubhakti. Their saptamé viñëubhakti is not deleted even in samäsa.
Regarding the gaëa-sütra etat sarvaà kåïi, the taddhita pratyayas vi and ä[c] are applied when there is
combination (samäsa) with the dhätus kå, bhü, or as, and because the ury-ädis are listed alongside the
words ending in the taddhita pratyayas vi and ä[c] (see ury-ädi-vy-antäj-anta in previous sütra), the ury-
ädis are also used in combination with the dhätus kå, bhü, and as. Still, in accordance with the maxim
ädhikyena vyapadeçä bhavanti (“statements are made according to what is prominent”), Jéva Gosvämé said
etat sarvaà kåïi, considering that the ury-ädis are mainly used in combination with the dhätu kå. Thus we
get puras-kåtya (“having placed in front”), puro-bhüya (“being in front”), and so on. Puro-dhäya (“having
placed in front”) and so on are also seen. The word accha is an ury-ädi when used in the meaning of
äbhimukhya or in the meaning of the word abhi. The word abhi has two extra meanings, namely vépsä and
ittham-bhüta, which are different than the meaning of äbhimukhya. Thus the separate mention. Examples
of tiro ’ntardhi-vacanaà, kåïi tu vä are tiro-bhüya (“having disappeared”), tiro-dhäya (“having
1
Bäla glosses the word çrutim here as svaram. A svara is one of the seven musical notes Sa, Re, Ga, Ma, Pa, Dha, Ni, The full
name of the svara Ma is madhyama, but it is sometimes called madhya for short due to its being the middle note. So perhaps
this example means “having fixed Ma as the svara, he recites the Gétä.”
2
Bäla says çré-kåñëasyeti çeñaù—“The word çré-kåñëasya (“of Lord Kåñëa”) has to be added here.”
3
Even though Jéva Gosvämé just says evaà nivacane-kåtya in the våtti, Bäla says nivacane-kåtyety uktaà nivacane kåtveti ca
jïeyaà, vacanaà niyamyety arthaù—“Nivacane-kåtya was mentioned, but nivacane kåtvä should also be known. Both of them
mean vacanaà niyamya (“having controlled his speech”).”
disappeared”), tiraù kåtvä or tiras kåtvä (“having covered”), and tiraù-kåtya or tiras-kåtya (“having
covered”). The optional change to sa-räma here will be ordained later in tirasas tv agatau ca vä ().
Regarding the gaëa-sütra itaù kåïi vikalpaù (“The words just about to be mentioned are optionally ury-
Comment [33]: reference this
ädis when the dhätu [òu]kå[ï] follows”), The implied meaning is “Therefore samäsa is also optional.” The
gaëa-sütra ete upendra-vad äkhyäte kåti ca dhätoù präk prayojyä gati-saàjïäù means ete ury-ädayaù çabdä
upendrä iva dhätoù präk prayojyäù äkhyäte kåti ca gati-saàjïäà labhante (“The words uré and so on are
called gatis when they are applied like upendras before a dhätu when an äkhyäta pratyaya or kåt pratyaya
follows”). Therefore the samäsa of the gatis with an äkhyäta or kådanta is called a gati-sämasa. Examples
of when there is samäsa with an äkhyäta are uré-karoti and so on.
Jéva Gosvämé gave examples of the more difficult ury-ädis, but left aside the easier ones. Examples of
some of the easier ones are as follows:
5) sat-kåtya (“having treated with respect”) and asat-kåtya (“having treated with disrespect”).
7) maithiléà haste-kåtya gauravam äpa rämaù and maithiléà päëau-kåtya gauravam äpa rämaù (“Having
accepted the hand of Maithilé (Sétä), Räma became venerable”).
8) accha-gatya and acchodya which mean äbhimukhyena gatvä (“having gone towards”) and äbhimukhyena
uktvä (“having spoken in front of”). But accha is only an ury-ädi when it is an avyaya, not otherwise.
Thus we get udakam acchaà kåtvä pibati (“Having made the water clear, he drinks it”).
17) lavaëaà-kåtya (or lavaëaà kåtvä) takraà pibati (“Having made the buttermilk salty, he drinks it”)
and amätyaà vaçe-kåtya (or vaçe kåtvä) räjänam abhibhavati çatruù (“Having brought the minister under
his control, the enemy conquers the king”).
The taddhita pratyaya vi is ordained by abhüta-tad-bhäve kå-bhv-asti-yoge viù () and the taddhita pratyaya
ä[c] is ordained by äc kåï-yoge (). The taddhita pratyaya vi is applied after the word vaiñëava, and
according to the maxim uktärthänäm aprayogaù (våtti 858), the word avaiñëavam and kåtvä are no longer
employed. The taddhita pratyaya is deleted by kevalasya pratyaya-ver haraù (876), and the previous a-
räma becomes é-räma by a-dvayasya väv é-rämaù (). Satyä-kåtya means niçcitya (“having settled [the
agreement]”). Here the taddhita pratyaya ä[c] is applied in the previously mentioned meaning by satyäd
açapathe ().

Comment [34]: reference all these
1276(SK 3333). militvädeçaù para-vat tuki
When there is tuk(ämåta says tuki viñaye – when something comes within the sphere of tuk(by the last
sütra)) and also joining of the previous element and the latter element(by sandhi). Then the ädeça(the
sandhi replacement) is considered like the latter element. The latter element is always a dhätu(the
previous element is usually an upendra). E.g because there is sandhi of the upendra and the dhätu first
before being put in samäsa with ktvä(which turns into yap by sütra 85) it would make tuk impossible to
apply in a lot of cases.. as tuk has to come after a vamana. Thus that sandhi-ädeça is treated as
paravad(like the vämana of the dhätu). Thus in adhétya.. we have adhi+i[ì]àadhé+ktväàadhé+yap(by
sütra 82)à adhé+tuk=yap(by this sütra e.g the ädeça é is treated like the i of i[ì] and thus tuk is applied)..
Similarly with pretya(pra+i[ë]) and etya(ä[ì]+i[ë]).
Then a introduction to the next sütra is given.. namely that when naï is prior(see sütra 85) then ktvä is
not replaced by yap.
adhétya, pretya.
naï-pürvät tu—But, after the pürva-pada na[ï], [k]tvä is not replaced by ya[p] (see sütra 1273),
rather the following rule applies to na[ï]:
1277 / naHaAe'r"AmazAeSa: , s$avaeRìre" tau nauq%. ca s$amaAs$ae , @AKyaAtae tvaAºaepae /
1277. naïo ’-räma-çeñaù, sarveçvare tu nuö ca samäse, äkhyäte tv äkñepe

naïaù—of na[ï]; a-räma-çeñaù—the remainder a-räma; sarveçvare—when a sarveçvara follows; tu—but;
nuö—the ägama n[uö]; ca—also; samäse—when there is samäsa; äkhyäte—when a word ending in an
äkhyäta pratyaya follows1; tu—but; äkñepe—when the sense is reproach.
When there is samäsa with na[ï], only the a of na[ï] remains, but if a sarveçvara follows n[uö] is also
added. However, if a tiì-anta is the uttara-pada in the samäsa, then this rule only applies when the
sense is reproach [because there is no samäsa of naï with a tiì-anta in any other sense].2
Comment [35]: reference footnote, Amåta of
akåtvä, anékñitvä. äkhyäte—harim abhajasi mürkha, anedhi tvam. na[ï]
Våtti—Ø na[ï] + kå → (1262) na[ï] + kå + [k]tvä → (kå is aniö by verse 1, 399) na[ï] + kåtvä → (1274,
1277) akåtvä → (148) akåtvä + s[u] → (363, 362) akåtvä (“having not done”)
Ø na[ï] + ékñ → (1262) na[ï] + ékñ + [k]tvä → (424) na[ï] + ékñitvä → (1274, 1277) a + n[uö] +
ékñitvä → anékñitvä → (148) anékñitvä + s[u] → (363, 362) anékñitvä (“having not seen”)
An example of when a word ending in an äkhyäta pratyaya follows is harim abhajasi mürkha, anedhi tvam
(“O fool, you don’t worship Hari, [therefore] don’t live”).
Ø na[ï] + bhaj + si[p] → (393) na[ï] + bhajasi → (1277) abhajasi (“you don’t worship”)
Ø na[ï] + as + hi → (393, 638, 669) na[ï] + edhi → (1277) a + n[uö] + edhi → anedhi (“don’t
live”)
Amåta—In akåtvä and so on, [k]tvä is not replaced by ya[p], because the samäsa has na[ï] as its pürva-
pada (see 1273). In the example harim abhajasi mürkha, anedhi tvam, the sense is “You don’t worship
Hari. This is not good. Therefore don’t remain on earth, die!” Why do we say “when there is samäsa”?
Consider asuro na préëäti harim (“The demon doesn’t please Hari”).
1278 / h"ir"vaeNAuh"r"ivaiDavaAR yaipa naAntavajaRma, /
1278. hariveëu-hara-vidhir vä yapi nänta-varjam
hariveëu-hara-vidhiù—the rule of hariveëu-hara (sütra 524); vä—optionally; yapi—when ya[p] follows;

na-anta-varjam—with the exception of dhätus ending in na-räma.
With the exception of dhätus ending in na-räma, the rule of hariveëu-hara only optionally applies
when ya[p] follows.
ägatya ägamya, praëatya praëamya. näntänäà tu nityam eva—prahatya, vitatya, sammatya. kathaà tåëu—
vitåtya, kñiëu—vikñitya iti na vikalpaù? å-dvaye ra-rämäàça-sad-bhävät sarveçvarädi-vyavadhäne ’pi ra-
ñayor nimittatväd “ra-ñäbhyäà öus ta-varga-jaù” iti pravartate. ado jagdhiù—prajagdhya. jana-khana-sanäm
iti prajäya, prajanya. antaraìgatvät präg jagdhau präpte ’pi nimittäpäyäd yab-grahaëam tena “jahäter hiù”
ity-ädayo na syuù—vihäya.
Våtti—Ø ä[ì] + gam → (1262) ä[ì] + gam + [k]tvä → (1274, 1273) ä + gam + ya[p] → (gam is aniö by
verse 6, two options by 1278):
1) (sütra 524 is applied) ä + ga + ya[p] → (1275) ä + ga + t[uk] + ya[p] → ägatya → (148) ägatya
+ s[u] → (363, 362) ägatya
1
In this regard, Kätyäyana’s Värttika says naïo na-lopas tiìi kñepe (“The n of na[ï] is deleted when a tiì follows and the sense
is reproach”). Here again tiì means tiì-anta (see Amåta 1274).
2
The phrase äkhyäte tv akñepe simultaneously ordains the samäsa of na[ï] with a word ending in an äkhyäta pratyaya,
provided that the sense is reproach. This kind of samäsa is not covered by naï () because that sütra only ordains the samäsa of
na[ï] with a word ending in a sv-ädi pratyaya. See Amåta for further details.
2) (sütra 524 is not applied) ägamya → (148) ägamya + s[u] → (363, 362) ägamya
Ø pra + ëam → (478) pra + nam → (1262) pra + nam + [k]tvä → (1274, 1273) pra + nam + ya[p]
→ (nam is aniö by verse 6, two options by 1278):
1) (sütra 524 is applied) pra + na + ya[p] → (1275) pra + na + t[uk] + ya[p] → pra + natya →
(408) praëatya → (148) praëatya + s[u] → (363, 362) praëatya
2) (sütra 524 is not applied) pra + namya → (408) praëamya → (148) praëamya + s[u] → (363,
362) praëamya
But the rule of hariveëu-hara always applies to dhätus ending in na-räma:
Ø pra + han → (1262) pra + han + [k]tvä → (1274, 1273) pra + han + ya[p] → (han is aniö by
verse 6, 524) pra + ha + ya[p] → (1275) pra + ha + t[uk] + ya[p] → prahatya → (148) prahatya + s[u] →
(363, 362) prahatya
Ø vi + tan → (1262) vi + tan + [k]tvä → (1274, 1273) vi + tan + ya[p] → (440, 524) vi + ta + ya[p]
→ (1275) vi + ta + t[uk] + ya[p] → vitatya → (148) vitatya + s[u] → (363, 362) vitatya
Ø sam + man → (1262) sam + man + [k]tvä → (1274, 1273) sam + man + ya[p] → (440, 524) sam
+ ma + ya[p] → (1275) sam + ma + t[uk] + ya[p] → (113, 114) sammatya → (148) sammatya + s[u] →
(363, 362) sammatya
Why is there no option in the case of vitåtya which is made from the dhätu tåë[u] and vikñitya which is
made from the dhätu kñië[u]? Because the rule ra-ñäbhyäà öus ta-varga-jaù (våtti 551) applies since r is
the nimitta [in the case of tåë[u] and other such dhätus] because a part of ra-räma exists in å-dvaya and
since ñ is the nimitta [in the case of kñië[u] and other such dhätus], even though a sarveçvara and so on is
intervening (see sütra 173).
Ado jagdhiù kapila-ta-räme yapi ca (1255) is applied and we get prajagdhya.
Ø pra + ad → (1262) pra + ad + [k]tvä → (1274, 1273) pra + ad + ya[p] → (1255) pra + jagdh +
ya[p] → (440) prajagdhya → (148) prajagdhya + s[u] → (363, 362) prajagdhya
Jana-khana-sanäm ä-rämo vä kaàsäri-ye (617) is applied and we get prajäya or prajanya.
Ø pra + jan → (1262) pra + jan + [k]tvä → (1274, 1273) pra + jan + ya[p] → (440, two options by
617):
1) (the change to ä is done) pra + ja + ä + ya[p] → (46) prajäya → (148) prajäya + s[u] → (363,
362) prajäya
2) (the change to ä isn’t done) prajanya → (148) prajanya + s[u] → (363, 362) prajanya
Even though the change to jagdh[i] would have been applied before [the change to ya[p]] since it is
antaraìga, ya[p] was nonetheless included in sütra 1255 taking into consideration the disappearance of
the nimitta.1 Therefore the rules jahäter hiù ktvi (1272) and so on cannot be applied. Thus we get vihäya
and so on.
Ø vi + hä → (1262) vi + hä + [k]tvä → (1274, 1273) vi + hä + ya[p] → (hä is aniö by verse 1,

1279) vihäya → (148) vihäya + s[u] → (363, 362) vihäya
Amåta—Having expressed a doubt with the sentence beginning katham, Jéva Gosvämé speaks the
siddhänta to reconcile it with the sentence beginning å-dvaye. It is understood that the rule ra-ñäbhyäà öus
ta-varga-jaù (våtti 551) applies since r is the nimitta in the case of the dhätu tåë[u] because a part of ra-
1
The nimitta being referred to here is a kapila pratyaya beginning with t, in this case [k]tvä.
räma exists in the å-räma and since ñ is the nimitta in the case of the dhätu kñië[u], even though a
sarveçvara and so on is intervening (see sütra 173). Therefore, since it is understood that the ë of these
two dhätus was previously the dental varëa n, the deletion of the hariveëu always takes place by sütra 524.
This is the implied meaning.
Someone may argue, “Since ya[p] is a replacement of [k]tvä, why doesn’t jahäter hi ktvi (1272) apply in
the case of vihäya?” In answer to this, Jéva Gosvämé speaks the sentence beginning antaraìgatvät.
Regarding ado jagdhiù kapila-ta-räme yapi ca (1255), the change to jagdh[i] is applied first because the
rule ordaining the change to jagdh[i] is antaraìga since it applies to the prakåti (see våtti 211). Still, the
fact that the phrase yapi ca was separately mentioned in that sütra indicates that, in this prakaraëa, a rule
cannot be applied when there is disappearance of the direct nimitta, because at that time the naimittika
also disappears (see våtti 245). The resultant meaning is that the replacement ya[p] is only considered
like the original [k]tvä in regard to being kaàsäri, but not in regard to being the direct nimitta [k]tvä.
Thus, since ya[p] is not the direct nimitta [k]tvä, jahäter hi ktvi (1272) cannot be applied.
By the word ädi in “jahäter hiù” ity-ädayaù, none of the changes mentioned in the sütra beginning dyati-
syati-mä-sthäm (sütra 1253) apply when ya[p] follows, because the nimitta in the form of the kapila
pratyaya has disappeared. For example, from the dhätu do we get avadäya, from the dhätu ñöhä we get
ästhäya, from the dhätu mä we get anumäya, from the dhätu [òu]dhä[ï] we get nidhäya, from the dhätu
[òu]dä[ï] we get pradäya, sudäya, and so on. Similarly, the change to trivikrama doesn’t take place in
prakramya (see sütras 846 and 847) and the change to ü[öh] doesn’t take place in äpåcchya, pradévya, and
so on (see sütra 779).
1279 / d"AmaAed"r"Ade"r"Ir"AmaAe na yaipa i¸(ipa ca /
1279. dämodaräder é-rämo na yapi kvipi ca
dämodara-ädeù—of the dämodaras and so on mentioned in sütra 544; é-rämaù—the change to é-räma;
na—not; yapi—when ya[p] follows; kvipi—when [k]vi[p] follows; ca—and.
The dämodarädis don’t undergo the change to é-räma when ya[p] or [k]vi[p] follows.
vidhäya, nipäya. “nipéya” iti péìo rüpam. ménäti-minotéty-ädi—pramäya, nimäya. viläya viléya. ajer véty-
ädi—udajya, udvéya. ëer haraù—vicärya.
Våtti—Ø vi + dhä → (1262) vi + dhä + [k]tvä → (1274, 1273) vi + dhä + ya[p] → (dhä is aniö by verse 1,
1279) vidhäya → (148) vidhäya + s[u] → (363, 362) vidhäya
Ø ni + pä → (1262) ni + pä + [k]tvä → (1274, 1273) ni + pä + ya[p] → (pä is aniö by verse 1,

1279) nipäya → (148) nipäya + s[u] → (363, 362) nipäya
Nipéya is a form of the dhätu pé[ì] päne (4A, “to drink”). The sütras beginning ménäti-minoti (sütras 732
and 733) are applied and we get pramäya, nimäya, and viläya or viléya.
Ø pra + mé → (732) pra + mä → (1262) pra + mä + [k]tvä → (1274, 1273) pra + mä + ya[p] →
(mä is aniö by verse 1) pramäya → (148) pramäya + s[u] → (363, 362) pramäya
Ø ni + mi → (732) ni + mä → (1262) ni + mä + [k]tvä → (1274, 1273) ni + mä + ya[p] → (mä is

aniö by verse 1, 1279) nimäya → (148) nimäya + s[u] → (363, 362) nimäya
Ø vi + lé → (two options by 733):

1) (the change to ä is done) vi + lä → (1262) vi + lä + [k]tvä → (1274, 1273) vi + lä + ya[p] → (lä
is aniö by verse 1) viläya → (148) viläya + s[u] → (363, 362) viläya
2) (the change to ä isn’t done, 1262) vi + lé + [k]tvä → (1274, 1273) vi + lé + ya[p] → (lé is aniö by
verse 1, 399) viléya → (148) viléya + s[u] → (363, 362) viléya
The sütras beginning ajer vé (sütras 495 and 496) are applied and we get udajya or udvéya.
Ø ud + aj → (1262) ud + aj + [k]tvä → (1274, 1273) ud + aj + ya[p] → (two options by 496):

1) (aj is replaced by vé) ud + vé + ya[p] → (vé is aniö by verse 1, 399) udvéya → (148) udvéya + s[u]
→ (363, 362) udvéya
2) (aj isn’t replaced by vé, 440) udajya → (148) udajya + s[u] → (363, 362) udajya
[Ë]i is deleted and we get vicärya.
Ø vi + car → (787) vi + car + [ë]i → (470) vi + cäri → (365, 1262) vi + cäri + [k]tvä → (1274,
1273) vi + cäri + ya[p] → (440, 586) vicärya → (148) vicärya + s[u] → (363, 362) vicärya (“having
considered”)
Amåta—Where the change to é-räma would have applied since ya[p] and [k]vi[p] are kaàsäri räma-
dhätukas beginning with a viñëujana, this rule prohibits it. Pramäya is formed from the dhätu mé[ï]
hiàsäyäm (9U, “to desroy, diminish”), nimäya is formed from the dhätu [òu]mi[ï] prakñepaëe (5U, “to
throw, scatter”), and viläya is formed from the dhätu lé[ì] çleñaëe (4A, “to stick, adhere to”).
Saàçodhiné—The form of ä[ì] + hve[ï] spardhäyäà çabde ca (1U, “to vie with, challenge; to call”) is
ähüya (“having called”). Saìkarñaëa is done because ya[p] is also kapila, since it is a replacement of
[k]tvä. But the saìkarñaëa u doesn’t take trivikrama by vämanasya trivikrama kåt-kåñëa-dhätuketara-ya-
pratyaye (508) since it says there that the pratyaya beginning with y cannot be a kåt pratyaya, rather the
saìkarñaëa u takes trivikrama by çyä-çvi-vyä-jyä-hväà saìkarñaëasya trivikramaù (851). The steps in this
regard are as follows:
Ø ä + hve → (539) ä + hvä → (1262) ä + hvä + [k]tvä → (1274, 1273) ä + hvä + ya[p] → (hvä is
aniö by verse 1, 622) ä + hu + ya → (Båhat 851) ähüya → (148) ähüya + s[u] → (363, 362) ähüya
1280 / laGaupaUvaARtpar"sya NAer"yyaipa , @A«aAetaevaAR /
1280. laghu-pürvät parasya ëer ay yapi, äpnoter vä
laghu-pürvät—a dhätu which contains a laghu in its first syllable; parasya—which comes after; ëeù—of
[ë]i; ay—the replacement ay; yapi—when ya[p] follows; äpnoteù—after the dhätu äp[ÿ] vyäptau (5P, “to
pervade, obtain”); vä—optionally.
If [ë]i comes after a dhätu which still has a laghu in its first syllable [even after [ë]i has been applied],
then it becomes ay when ya[p] follows. The same thing optionally happens when [ë]i comes after
äp[ÿ].
vigaëayya, praëamayya, präpayya präpya. “parivåòham äcañöe” iti vigåhya våòha-çabdäd eva ëiù kriyate.
saìgräma yuddhe iti cur-ädi-päöhät tasmäd eva sopendräë ëer utpattiù, tataç ca pari-çabdasya ktväntena
paçcät samäsät parivraòhayya iti siddham. parer dhätutväbhävät “paryyavraòhayat” ity-ädi ca.
saìgrämayates tu—asaìgrämayat. laghu-pürvät kim? sampradhäpya, nigühya.
Våtti—Ø vi + gaëa → (781) vi + gaëa + [ë]i → (511) vi + gaë + [ë]i → (551, 365) vi + gaëi → (1262) vi +
gaëi + [k]tvä → (1274, 1273) vi + gaëi + ya[p] → (440, 1280) vigaëayya → (148) vigaëayya + s[u] →
(363, 362) vigaëayya (“having counted”)
Ø pra + ëam → (478) pra + nam → (787) pra + nam + [ë]i → (470) pra + näm + [ë]i → (789) pra
+ nami → (365, 1262) pra + nami + [k]tvä → (1274, 1273) pra + nami + ya[p] → (440, 1280) pra +
namayya → (408) praëamayya → (148) praëamayya + s[u] → (363, 362) praëamayya (“having caused to
offer obeisances”)
Ø pra + äp → (787) pra + äp + [ë]i → pra + äpi → (365, 1262) pra + äpi + [k]tvä → (1274, 1273)
pra + äpi + ya[p] → (440, two options by 1280):
1) ([ë]i changes to ay) pra + äpayya → (46) präpayya → (148) präpayya + s[u] → (363, 362)
präpayya (“having caused to attain”)
2) ([ë]i doesn’t change to ay, 586) pra + äpya → (46) präpya → (148) präpya + s[u] → (363, 362)
präpya (“having caused to attain”)
Why do we say “after a dhätu which still has a laghu in its first syllable”? Consider sampradhäpya and
nigühya.
Ø sam + pra + dhä → (787) sam + pra + dhä + [ë]i → (785) sam+ pra + dhäpi → (365, 1262) sam+
pra + dhäpi + [k]tvä → (1274, 1273) sam+ pra + dhäpi + ya[p] → (440, 586) sam + pra + dhäpya → (113,
114) sampradhäpya → (148) sampradhäpya + s[u] → (363, 362) sampradhäpya
Ø ni + guh → (787) ni + guh + [ë]i → (443) ni + goh + [ë]i → (619) ni + gühi → (365, 1262) ni +
gühi + [k]tvä → (1274, 1273) ni + gühi + ya[p] → (440, 586) nigühya → (148) nigühya + s[u] → (363,
362) nigühya
Amåta—The vigraha of the word laghu-pürvät is laghuù pürve yasya tädåçäd dhätoù (“[after] a dhätu in
whose first syllable there is a laghu”).
Saàçodhiné—This sütra is an apaväda of ëer haro ’niò-ädau räma-dhätuke (586). In effect this sütra only
applies to the kathädis and ghaö-ädis.
ëi becomes ‘ay’ before yap provided it comes after a dhätu with a laghu(this means it should be laghu
even after the changes made by ëi… usually this arises due to polysyllabic 10th class dhätus having anta-
hare na govinda-våñëéndrau or it happens with ghaö-ädis). The same change is made optionally when ëi
comes after the dhätu äp(5th class only). Vigaëayya is the dhätu gaëa(10th class) with the upendra vi.
When ëi is applied there is a-räma-haro-räma-dhätuke, and anta-hare na govinda-våñëéndrau(which
blocks gaë from becoming gäë before ëi). Then ëi becomes ay before yap. Praëamayya is from
pra+ëam(1P to bow down etc..) it takes våñëéndra before ëi, but then because it is a ghaöädi it becomes
vämana. Then pra+äp is shown both when ëi becomes ay and when it is otherwise deleted(by ëer haro
aniò-ädau räma-dhätuke). Now for something a little tricky… If we want to say “parivåòham äcañöe” as a
ëy-anta näma-dhätu then we isolate the word våòha from parivåòha, and we apply ëi after it by the
phrase ‘påthu-mådv-äder anyebhyas ca tat karoti tat äcañöe ity arthe ëiù’(from the sütra muëòa-miçra..)
e.g parivåòha is one of the påthu-mådv-ädis. Then there is aneka sarveçvarasya saàsära haraù,
påthumådvädeù årämasya raç ca. Thus we go from våòha+ëiàvraòh+ni. After that ktvä is added and the
upendra pari is added to make a kåt-samäsa(e.g (pari)+(vraòh+ëi+ktvä).. then ktvä becomes yap by sütra
85.. Then ëi becomes ay by this sütra(keep in mind that vraòh can’t take våñnéndra before ëi as it a çabda
and not a dhätu… the rule for våñéndra was made under the adhikära sütra ‘dhätoù’), and thus we get the
form parivraòhayya. Now another point..if we want to make the bhüteçvara form of the ëy-anta näma-
dhätu of våòha with the upendra pari.. then we add a[t] previous to our dhätu as well as çap and d[ip] e.g
pari+ a[t]+vraòh+ëi+çap+dip . Then ëi takes govinda before çap(dhätor antasya govindaù pratyaye) and
we get the form avraòhayat.. but in the case of asaìgrämayat(10th class saìgräma with curäder ëiù, and
bhütesvara dip) a[t] is put instead before the upendra due to saëgräma being listed with the upendra in
the dhätu-päöha(e.g sam is not an upendra it’s part of the dhätu). Now saàpradhäpya.. the dhätu is
sam+[òu]dhä[ï](3U). e.g when there is ëi there is puk by arti-hré-vlé.. then ktväàyap by 85.. but because
of the absence of a vämana this sütra is not applied, and instead ëi is deleted as usual(ëer hara aniò-
ädau).. With nigühya the dhätu is ni+guh[ü](1U).. e.g when there is ëi there is govinda by
laghüddhävasya, then goha o ü sarveçvare is applied. Again this sütra is not applied as there is no
vämana, and ëi is deleted.
laghv iti. laghuù pürve yasya tädåçäd dhätoù parasya ëeù sthäne ay-ädeçaù syäd yapi pare äpnoteù parasya
ëer ay vädiçyate. vigaëayyeti, gaëa saìkhyäne ad-antaç cur-ädi-ëiù, a-räma-haraù, “anta-hare na govinda-
våñëéndrau” iti våñëéndra-niñedhaù, ëer ay. praëamayyeti, ëama prahvatve, hetu ëiù, våñëéndre ’pi ghaö-
äditväd vämanaù, ëer ay. präpayyeti, äpÿ vyäptau, preraëa-ëi, ayo ’bhäva-pakñe präpyeti ëer haraù.
parivåòham äcañöa iti, vigåhya vicchidya, vibhägaà kåtvety arthaù. parivraòhayyeti, våòha-çabdät “tat karoti
tad äcañöe ity arthe ëiù”, “aneka sarveçvarasya saàsära-haraù”, “påthu-mådv-ädeù å-rämasya raç ca”, ktvä,
tataù pariëä ktväntasya samäse ktvo yap. “dhätoù pürvam at” iti çäsanena pari-çabdät param eva ad-ägamaù.
asaìgramayad ity atra tu sopendrasyaiva dhätu-svarüpatväd upendrät pürvam eväd-ägama iti bhedaù.
saàpradhäpyeti, òudhäï, ëau sati puk, ktvo yap, laghu-pürvatväbhävät tu na ëer ay kintu tasya haraù.
nigühyeti, guhü samvaraëe, ëau govindaù, “guha o ü sarveçvare” ity ü-rämaù, tato laghu-pürvatväbhävän na
ëer ay kintu haraù. evaà nay-hay-prabhåtau ca ëau våñëéndrasyävaçya-sthititvät laghu-pürvätväbhävena ay-
ädeçäbhäva ity avadheyam.
1281(SK 3338). kñiyas trivikramo mayater i-rämo vä yapi

The dhätus kñi optionally takes trivikrama(päëini says always) and the dhätu me[ì](1A, to
exchange/barter) optionally changes it’s vowel to ‘i’ before yap. E.g in the first example pra+kñi takes
trivikrama, in the second no trivikrama, thus vämanät tuk påthau.. In the third apa+me[ì] changes to ‘i’
and in the fourth that change is not made, but caturvyühäntänäm ä-rämänta-päöho is made.
prakñéya prakñitya, apamitya apamäya.
1282(SK 3339-42). veïa-vyeïa-jyänäà na saìkarñaëo yapi, pari-sambhyäà vyeïo vä.

The dhätus ve[ï], vye[ï] and jyä don’t take saìkarñaëa before yap.. But after the upendra pari and sam,
vye[ï] optionally takes saìkarñaëa. E.g in the first 4 examples there is not sankarsana, but there is
caturvyühäntänäm.. parivyäya is when vye[ï] doesn’t take the option for saìkarñaëa after pari.. Then the
våtti points out that the possibility of tuk by vämanät tuk påthau is blocked by the sütra çyä-çvi-vyä-jyä-
hväm saìkarñaëasya trivikramaù.Thus in parivéya when the option for sankarñana is taken then it
becomes trivikrama. Similarly with the last 2 examples.
praväya, pravyäya, prajyäya, parivyäya. nityatvät tukaà bädhitvä “çyä-çvi-vyä-jyä” (3.505) iti trivikramaù.
parivéya, saàvyäya, saàvéya.
1283 / ftvaATaeR NAmauêABaIºNyae /
1283. ktvärthe ëamuç cäbhékñëye
ktvä-arthe—in the sense of [k]tvä (see sütras 1262 and 1264); ëamuù—the kåt pratyaya [ë]am[u]; ca—
also; äbhékñëye—when äbhékñëya (“frequent repetition”) is to be expressed.
When repetition is to be expressed, [ë]am[u] is also applied after a dhätu in the same sense as [k]tvä.
“ëamul” iti päëiniù (3.4.22). äbhékñëyaà paunaù-punyam. äbhékñëye vépsädiñu ca dvitvaà väcyam. smäraà
smäraà kåñëaà namati. ghaö-ädénäm ity-ädau ëi-pürvayor ëamv-iëos tu trivikramo vä—gamaà gamaà,
gämaà gämaà vä. labher num ity-ädi—lambhaà lambhaà, läbhaà läbhaà, pralambhaà pralambhaà.
bhojaà bhojaà, päyaà päyam. pakñe småtvä småtvety-ädi.
Våtti—Päëini called it [ë]am[ul] (see Añöädhyäyé 3.4.22). Äbhékñëya means paunaù-punya (“frequent
repetition”). It will be described later how a word is repeated when äbhékñëya or vépsä and so on is
understood (see sütra). For example, smäraà smäraà kåñëaà namati (“Remembering Kåñëa again and
again, he offers obeisances to Kåñëa”).
Ø små → (1283) små + [ë]am[u] → (små is aniö by verse 1, 422) smäram → (148) smäram + s[u]
→ (363, 362) smäram → () smäram + smäram → (113) smäraà smäram (“after remembering again and
again”)
äbhékñëya-vépsayoù
In the sütra beginning ghaö-ädénäm (789) there is the phrase ëi-pürvayor ëamv-iëos tu trivikramo vä. Thus
we gamaà gamam or gämaà gämam.
Ø gam → (787) gam + [ë]i → (470) gäm + [ë]i → (789) gami → (1283) gami + [ë]am[u] → (440,
two options by 789):
1) (the change to trivikrama is done) gämi + [ë]am[u] → (586) gämam → (148) gämam + s[u] →
(363, 362) gämam → () gämam + gämam → (113) gämaà gämam (“having caused to go again and again”)
2) (the change to trivikrama isn’t done, 586) gamam → (148) gamam + s[u] → (363, 362) gamam Comment [38]: reference this:
→ () gamam + gamam → (113) gamaà gamam (“having caused to go again and again”) äbhékñëya-vépsayoù
Labher nuà ëamv-iëor vä, sopendrasya tu nityam (603) is applied and we get lambhaà lambham or läbhaà Comment [39]: reference this:
läbham and pralambhaà pralambham.
Ø labh → (1283) labh + [ë]am[u] → (labh is aniö by verse 6, two options by 603):
1) (n[um] is inserted, 225) la + n[um] + bh + [ë]am[u] → (230, 114) lambham → (148) lambham +
s[u] → (363, 362) lambham → () lambham + lambham → (113) lambhaà lambham (“after obtaining again
and again”)
2) (n[um] isn’t inserted, 470) läbham → (148) läbham + s[u] → (363, 362) läbham → () läbham + äbhékñëya-vépsayoù
läbham → (113) läbhaà läbham (“after obtaining again and again”) Matsya Avatara dasa 28/10/06 7:08
Ø pra + labh → (1283) pra + labh + [ë]am[u] → (labh is aniö by verse 6, 603, 225) pra + la +
n[um] + bh + [ë]am[u] → (230, 114) pralambham → (148) pralambham + s[u] → (363, 362) pralambham
→ () pralambham + pralambham → (113) pralambhaà pralambham (“after deceiving again and again”)
Ø bhuj → (1283) bhuj + [ë]am[u] → (bhuj is aniö by verse 3, 443) bhojam → (148) bhojam + s[u] äbhékñëya-vépsayoù
→ (363, 362) bhojam → () bhojam + bhojam → (113) bhojaà bhojam (“having eaten again and again”)
Ø pä → (1283) pä + [ë]am[u] → (pä is aniö by verse 1, 540) pä + y[uk] + [ë]am[u] → päyam → äbhékñëya-vépsayoù
(148) päyam + s[u] → (363, 362) päyam → () päyam + päyam → (113) päyaà päyam (“after drinking
again and again”)
In the other case, we get småtvä småtvä and so on.
Ø små → (1283) små + [k]tvä → (små is aniö by verse 1, 399) småtvä → (148) småtvä + s[u] →
(363, 362) småtvä → () småtvä småtvä (“after remembering again and again”)
Amåta—Because of the word ca, [k]tvä is also applied when repetition is to be expressed. The word äbhékñëya-vépsayoù
ktvärthe indicates that the phrases eka-kartåkayoù and pürva-käla-stha-dhätoù are to be understood here.
The ë and u in [ë]am[u] are indicatory letters. The ë is for the sake of våñëéndra, and the u is used so the
m of the pratyaya will remain.1 Sämépya, sädåçya, and so on are included by the word ädi in vépsädiñu. The
väcyam in dvitvaà väcyam means vakñyate, samäsa-prakaraëasyänte (“will be described later, at the end of
the Samäsa-prakaraëa”).
Saàçodhiné—It was concluded in Amåta 1261 that all the kåt pratyayas which form avyayas are ordained
in bhäve prayoga. Thus the kartä or karma is anukta by them, but is ukta only by the pratyaya that is
applied after the main kriyä (see våtti 961). Therefore, in the example smäraà smäraà kåñëaà namati, the
kartä is ukta only by the äkhyäta pratyaya ti[p] in namati and not by the kåt pratyaya [ë]am[u] in smäram.
1
Otherwise the m would have been considered an indicatory letter by antya-viñëujanaç ca (see våtti 152).
1284(SK 3375). apäd guro gära vä ëamau
After the upendra apa, the dhätu gur[é](6A, to endeavour) optionally becomes gär before ëamu.. Thus
apagäram if the option is taken or apagoram(here laghüddhävasya govindaù) if it is not. Again there is
doubling of the verb due to äbhékñëya.. The meaning is ‘endeavouring again and again’
apagäram apagäram, apagoram apagoraà vä, muhur udyamety arthaù.
1285 / k{(ts$aU‡aAâM s$aæamyantaM paUvaRpad"ma, /
1285. kåt-süträdyaà saptamy-antaà pürva-padam
kåt-sütra-ädyam—and which is situated at the beginning of a sütra in the kådanta-prakaraëa (from now
on); saptamé-antam—a word which ends in a saptamé viñëubhakti; pürva-padam—a pürva-pada.
A word which ends in a saptamé viñëubhakti and is situated at the beginning of a kåt-sütra is called a
pürva-pada.
“upapadaà” präïcaù. paribhäñeyam.
Våtti—Earlier grammarians called it an upapada. This is a paribhäñä sütra.
1286(SK 3347). am-anta-svädv-arthe ëamur, amaç ca na mahäharaù

The affix ëamu is applied after a dhätu provided that there is a pürva-pada which ends in the viñëubhakti
‘am’ and has the meaning of svädu(sweet or savoury). And the ‘am’ does not undergo mahähara(as it
usually would by antar-aìga-sväder mahäharaù). Here the anuvåtti of äbhékñëya has ceased, and the
normal meaning of ktvä(namely eka-kartåkayoù kriyayoh etc..) is what is intended. We know, by the
paribhäñä made in the last sütra, that the phrase ‘am-anta-svädv-arthe’ is a pürva-pada(e.g it is at the
beginning of a kåt-sütra and is saptamy-anta). In the våtti the form sväduì-käram is made from
svädum+kå+[ë]am[u]. Here svädum is am-anta(e.g the viñëubhakti am is applied after svädu, and then
there is daçävataräd am-çasor a-räma-haraù). svädum has been compounded with the kådanta made from
kå+ëamu by sütra 86(e.g ëamu is an avyaya-kådanta ending in ‘am’, and in this sütra only ëamu is being
ordained),, and the ‘am’ of svädum is left undeleted on the strength of this sütra.. According to amåta the
karta is spoken by the pratyaya of the main action(e.g here arpayati) and ëamu is in bhäva-väcya(i.e there
is still eka-kartåkayoù, but the kartä is not ukta(spoken by the pratyaya) in bhäva-väcya(I couldn’t find
where ëamu is ordained in bhäva-väcya). The example means ‘Having sweetened (it) he offers (it) to
hari’.. there is no karma mentioned here thus the use of ‘(it)’. Similarly miñöaì-käram and lavaëaì-käram
are made on the basis that they are svädv-artha(have the meaning of svädu). They mean ‘having
sweetened’ and ‘having made savoury’ respectively.. SK also gives the example sampannaì-käram ‘having
sweetened’. JG then makes another point in the våtti(I will explain this according to bala, as amåta doesn’t
seem to be correct): ‘but in this(atra) ordaining of ëamu the trivikramänta(bala says trivikrama=
trivikramänta) form of svädu is not wanted (this refers to ‘svädü’ which is the form made by adding the
taddhita ‘vi’ to the word ‘svädu’ and doing trivikrama by the taddhita sütra ‘a-dvayasya väv é-rämaù,
anyasya trivikrama’. Thus in effect JG is saying it is forbidden compound svädü with a kådanta made with
ëamu). But JG then shows svädü-kåtya..(e.g kåtvä can be compounded with svädü(which is vy-anta not a
pürva-pada) even though käram(kå+ëamu) can’t) e.g svädü-kåtya = asväduà sväduà kåtvä ‘making sweet
that which was not sweet’. svädü-kåtya is formed by the following sutras: we have svädu, and we add ‘vi’
by ‘abhüta-tad-bhäve kå-bhv-asti-yoge viù’, then there trivikrama of svädu by ‘a-dvayasya väv é-rämaù,
anyasya trivikrama’. Then there is kevalasya pratyaya-ver haraù and we get the vy-anta form svädü. A
samäsa of the vy-anta form svädü and kåtvä is then made by 86 and ktvä turns to yap as usual.
Now I will use amåta: JG then says that ktvä can also be applied due to the kåd-pratyayas being applied
variously but ktvä doesn’t require a pürva-pada due to being achieved by a general rule. Thus we get the
form sväduà kåtvä having sweetened(we cannot however make a samäsa here as there is no pürva-pada).
amåta clarifies this saying: by the future sütra “vä ’sarüpa ’striyäm” ktvä can be applied in the place of
ëamu, still JG has given the explanation ‘bähulyäd’ for the easy understanding of the students. amåta also
says that because ktvä is ordained are any dhätu in general, it has utsarga-ness, but ëamu has viçeña-ness
due to be ordained only after certain dhätus
sväduì-käraà haraye ’rpayati. evaà miñöaì-käraà, lavaëaì-käraà. svädu-çabdas tu trivikramo neñyate ’tra.
svädü-kåtya yavägüà bhuìkte. kåto bähulyät ktvä ca. kintütsarga-siddhatvät pürva-padaà näpekñate iti na
samäsaù. sväduà kåtvä.
1287. abhüta-tad-bhäve puà-vac ca

when there are am-anta pürva-padas that have the meaning of svädu(sweet/savoury) and when there is
also the meaning of abhüta-tad-bhäva(becoming something it wasn’t before) then ëamu is applied in the
place of ktvä, and there is no mahähara of ‘am’. Furthermore if the pürva-pada is feminine it becomes
masculine before ëamu.. First before explaining the våtti I will give the SK example e.g yuvägüm svadvém
kåtvä bhuìkte ‘having sweetened the rice gruel he eats it’ Here the form with ëamu is yuvägüm sväduì-
käram bhuìkte e.g in the ktvä example svädvém has the feminine pratyaya é[p](by taddhita sütra 232)
due to being a viçeñana of the feminine word yüvägüm… but in the ëamu form that is made masculine by
this sütra.. thus sväduì-käram.. Now in JG’s examples instead of yüvägüm there is asvädvém, but
asvädvém is just a viçeñana of a feminine substance which is not stated.. his ëamu example is asvädvém
sväduì-käram bhuìkte
asvädvéà svädvéà kåtvä bhuìkte—sväduì-käram.
1288(SK 3345). agre-prathamam-pürvaàsu ktvä-ëamü

When there are the pürva-padas agre, prathamam, and pürvam then ktvä or ëamu are applied after the
dhätu. The example in the våtti is with the dhätu ëam(1P to offer obeisances) E.g ‘Having first offered
obeisances to kåñëa, he goes’(here agre as well as meaning first, could mean in front.. but the other two
words mean first..thus agre likely also means first in this context). In the same way prathamaà natvä
vrajati / prathamaà nämaà vrajati, pürvaà natvä vrajati / pürvaà nämaà vrajati. JG explains why in
‘agre natvä’ there is no samäsa.. e.g this is because natvä is not an avyaya-kådanta ending in ‘am’, similarly
in ‘agre nämam’ there is no samäsa because ëamu is ordained alongside with ktvä in this sütra. amåta
comments that agre is an avyaya, which happens to look similar to the locative singular of ‘agra’. JG says
in the våtti that prathamam and pürvam here are avyayas ending in ‘m’. JG says this so we don’t mistake
them for the forms made regularly with the viñëubhakti am. Here the readings in GM edition and haridas
seem to be interpolations of bala to justify its false ‘am-antam eva’ conception
kåñëam agre natvä, agre nämaà vä vrajati. evaà prathamaà pürvam. atra “agre natvä” ity atra pürva-padaà
tv am-antenaiveti niyamän na samäsaù. prathamam ity-ädi-çabdau mäntävyaya-rüpau.
1289(SK 3346). karmaëi òukåïaù khamuëë äkroçe

When there is a pürva-pada which is the karma(object in the sentence) then the pratyaya [kh]am[uë] is
applied after the dhätu [òu]kå[ï] provided that censure/abuse is understood.
kha-u-ëä itaù, am çeñaù.
1290 / s$avaeRìr"AntapaUvaRpad"syaAnavyayasya mauM vaAmanaê iKaita /

1290. sarveçvaränta-pürva-padasyänavyayasya muà vämanaç ca khiti
sarveçvara-anta-pürva-padasya—of a pürva-pada which ends in a sarveçvara; an-avyayasya—and which is

not an avyaya; mum—the ägama m[um]; vämanaù—the change to vämana; ca—and; khiti—when a
pratyaya that has the indicatory letter kh follows.
When a pratyaya that has the indicatory letter kh follows, a pürva-pada which ends in a sarveçvara and
which is not an avyaya takes m[um] and its final varëa1 becomes vämana [if it’s a trivikrama].
1
In this regard, one should remember the maxim eka-varëa-vidhir ante pravartate (våtti 160).
u-mäv itau, ma-räma-çeñaù. upendrory-ädéty-ädinä samäsaù. avaiñëavaì-käram äkroçati. avaiñëavo ’séty
uktväkroçatéty arthaù. karotir ihoccäraëe.
Våtti—The u and m are indicatory letters, and ma-räma is the remainder.
Amåta—
’. Then there is samäsa by 86. e.g [kh]am[uë], without the anubandhas, is clearly an avyaya-kådanta
ending in ‘am’. Jéva gosvämé says that here [òu]kå[ï] means uccäraëe – uttering/speaking. The example
in the våtti means ‘He abuses (him) saying ‘you are a non-devotee’’. The vämana mentioned in this sütra
will be seen in 244våtti.
1291 / NAmau: /
1291. ëamuù
ëamuù—the kåt pratyaya [ë]am[u].
The word ëamuù is to be supplied in the subsequent sütras.
vibhur ayam.
Våtti—This is a vibhu adhikära (see våtti 366).
Saàçodhiné—This sütra blocks the application of [k]tvä in the following sütras. Otherwise, [k]tvä would
have also been applied due to the word ca in ktvärthe ëamuç cäbhékñëye (1283)
1292 / @nyaTaEvaÆÿTaimatTaMs$au x"]k{(HastaÔanmaA‡aATaeR /
1292. anyathaivaì-katham-itthaàsu òukåïas tat-tan-mäträrthe
anyathä-evam-katham-itthaàsu—when anyathä (“in another way”), evam (“in this way”), katham (“in
which way?”), or ittham (“in this way”) is the pürva-pada; òukåïaù—after the dhätu [òu]kå[ï] (8U, “to do,
make”); tat-tat-mätra-arthe—when it is used only in the sense of those words.
When anyathä, evam, katham, or ittham is the pürva-pada, [ë]am[u] is applied after [òu]kå[ï], provided
[òu]kå[ï] is used only in the sense of those words.
harim anyathä-käram arcayati, anyathärcayatéty arthaù. evaì-käram ity-ädi. kåïo ’rthe tu—vidhim anyathä
kåtvä harim arcayati.
Våtti—For example, harim anyathä-käram arcayati (“He worships Hari in another way”) where anyathä-
käram arcayati just means anyathärcayati (“He worships in another way”). Other examples are evaì-
käram and so on.
Ø anyathä + kå → (1292) anyathä + kå + [ë]am[u] → (kå is aniö by verse 1, 422) anyathä + käram
→ (1274) anyathä-käram → (148) anyathä-käram + s[u] → (363, 362) anyathä-käram (“in another way”)
Ø evam + kå → (1292) evam + kå + [ë]am[u] → (kå is aniö by verse 1, 422) evam + käram →
(1274, 113, 114) evaì-käram → (148) evaì-käram + s[u] → (363, 362) evaì-käram (“in this way”)
But when [òu]kå[ï] is used in its own meaning, we get vidhim anyathä kåtvä harim arcayati (“Concocting
a different kind of system, he worships Hari”).
Amåta—This sütra means anyathädi-caturñu pürva-padeñu tat-tan-mäträrthe vartamänäd òukåïa uttare

ëamuù syät (“When one of the four words beginning with anyathä is the pürva-pada, [ë]am[u] is applied
after [òu]kå[ï], provided [òu]kå[ï] is used only in the sense of those words”). The four words beginning
with anyathä are avyayas. Tat-tan-mäträrthe means anyathädénäm evärthe (“only in the sense of anyathä
and so on”). In this regard, [òu]kå[ï]’s being used in its own meaning is excluded by the word mätra.
Indeed, Jéva Gosvämé gives the counterexample vidhim anyathä kåtvä harim arcayati to show how
[ë]am[u] isn’t applied when [òu]kå[ï] is used in its own meaning. Here there is no samäsa of anyathä
with kåtvä because, even though kåtvä is an avyaya-kådanta, it is not an avyaya-kådanta ending in am (see
sütra 1274).
1293(SK 3349). yathä-tathayor òukåïo ’süyä-prativacane

ëamu is applied after the dhätu [òu]kå[ï] when the pürva-pada is yathä or tathä provided that [òu]kå[ï]
is used only in the meaning of those pürva-padas(tat-tan-mäträrthe is carried forward from the last sütra)
and an indignant/angry reply is understood. E.g it must be that yathä-käram=yathä and tathä-
käram=tathä. The idea is that someone being asked, by another, something which ought not to be asked
replies angrily. It is understood here that someone asks ayam katham arcayati ‘How does he worship’..
Then JG illustrates this sütra by giving an example of an angry reply e.g ‘Let him worship however he
wants, what’s it to you??’. E.g yathä-käram tathä-käram= yathä tathä=’in whichever way’. But when òukrï
has its own meaning then ëamu cannot be applied.. thus JG gives the counterexample: ‘Let him worship
according to the system(vidhi) he has made, what’s it to you??’.
yathä-käraà tathä-käram arcayatu, kià tavänena? tat-tan-mäträrtha eva. vidhià yathä kåtvä ’yaà
arcayatu, kià tavätra?
1294(SK 3350). karmaëi

A prabhu adhikära is made for when the karma is a pürva-pada. This prabhu is subordinate to the vibhu
in sütra 105.
prabhur ayam.
1295(SK 3350). dåçi-vidibhyäà säkalye

When the pürva-pada is the karma and when there is the meaning of säkalya(totality), then ëamu is
applied after the dhätus dåç and vid. Here säkalya indicates the total number of objects seen(dåç) or
known(vid). E.g The first shows this usage of ëamu e.g ‘He offers obeisances to all the vaiñëavas he sees’
This is glossed in the våtti as yävato vaiñëavän paçyati, tävato praëamati e.g Lit ‘As many vaiñëavas he sees,
that many he offers obeisance to’. JG further glosses tävato as sarvän. Similarly in the second example
ëamu is shown e.g ‘He feeds all the vaiñëavas he knows(or in the other meanings of vid.. all the vaiñëavas
he finds(vindati 6U) / all that those he considers as vaiñëavas(vintte 7A)). This is glossed as yävato
vaiñëavän paçyati, tävato vetti, vindati, vintte vä.
vaiñëava-darçaà praëamati. vaiñëava-vedaà bhojayati. yävato vaiñëavän paçyati, vetti, vindati, vintte vä
tävat iti, sarvän evety arthaù.
1296 / yaAvaita ivaä}"jaIvaAByaAma, /
1296. yävati (karmaëi1) vidÿ-jéväbhyäm
yävati—when the word yävat (“as much as, as long as”) is the pürva-pada; vidÿ-jéväbhyäm—after the
dhätus vid[ÿ] läbhe (6U, “to find, obtain”) and jév[a] präëa-dhäraëe (1P, “to live”).
[Ë]am[u] is applied after vid[ÿ] and jév[a] when the word yävat used as a karma is the pürva-pada.
1
The word karmaëi is carried forward here from Båhat 1294.
yävad-vedaà bhuìkte, tatra nägrahaà karotéty arthaù. yävaj-jévaà harià bhajati.
Våtti—For example, yävad-vedaà bhuìkte (“he eats as much as he gets”). The meaning is that he is not
attached to eating. Similarly, yävaj-jévaà harià bhajati (“he worships Hari as long as he lives”)
Ø yävat + vid → (1296) yävat + vid + [ë]am[u] → (440, 443) yävat + vedam → (1274, 96) yävad-
vedam → (148) yävad-vedam + s[u] → (363, 362) yävad-vedam (“as much as he gets”)
Ø yävat + jév → (1296) yävat + jév + [ë]am[u] → (440) yävat + jévam → (1274, 102) yävaj-jévam
→ (148) yävaj-jévam + s[u] → (363, 362) yävaj-jévam (“as longs as he lives”)
Amåta—The meaning of yävad-vedaà bhuìkte is yat parimitaà labhate tävad eva bhuìkte (“He eats only
that amount which he obtains”). The implied meaning here is that it is a devotee’s nature to accept the
objects of the senses with detachment. This is understood from the statement yadåcchä-läbha-santuñöaù
“Satisfied with whatever comes of its own accord” (Bhagavad-gétä 4.22). Regarding the example yävaj-
jévaà harià bhajati, jév[a] präëa-dhäraëe (1P, “to live”) is an akarmaka dhätu, but yävat becomes its
karma by käladhva-bhäva-deçänäm (våtti 950).
1297(these three are SK 3352-54, explain that they are other later ones I have separated because they are
separate in Panini etc.. except for 1442 I couldn’t split because the way JG structured it, but it could be
split into four like… 1)… khaç and the rest would have khaç by anuvåtti. This is what was done in
Panini. Bäla comments on these four like four separate sütras. However don’t change). carmodarayoù
püreù
1298. våñöi-pramäëe ü-räma-haraç ca vä
1299. vasträrthe knopeù

When carma and udara are karma-pürva-padas, then ëamu is applied after the dhätu pür[é](10th class, to
fill). Similarly when a word which measures the amount of rainfall is the karma-pürva-pada then ëamu is
applied after pür[é] and the ü of pür[é] is optionally deleted. Similarly when a word meaning clothes is
the karma-pürva-pada then ëamu is applied after ëy-anta form of the dhätu knuy[é](1A to sound, be
wet). Now in these example ëamu is used like ktvä in the sütra tat-käle pi kvacit. E.g ‘He gives sesame
filling the hide’, ‘He feed the vaiñëavas filling (their) bellies’, ‘Indra rained(I think this is kartå-väcya as
våñ(1P) is akarmaka) filling up a calf’s footprint’ e.g here the calf’s footprint is the measurement.. the first
example with pram shows the deletion of ü in pür[é], while the other shows when there is no deletion.
Then ‘It rained in such a way the clothes were soaked’. E.g from explanation from comm yädåçi varñaëe
vastraà knopyate çabdäyyate tädåçaà våñöa iti bhävaù. Finally an adhikara is made in the våtti saying that
uptil(and including) sütra 124, from now on the same dhätu that is used with ëamu is also applied
afterwards(e.g after the kådanta made with ëamu). This will be clear in the next sütra.
carma-püraà tilän dadäti. udara-püraà vaiñëavän bhojayati. goñ-pada-praà våñöo devaù, goñ-pada-püraà
vä. vastra-knopaà, cela-knopaà vä våñöaù.
1300. (comment that this must be a sütra because it is SK3367, similarly we have ito vikalpena samäsaù soon)
ita upamäna-paryantaà ëamv-anta-dhätavo ’nuprayujyante
1301(SK 3355). nimüla-samülayoù kañaù

When nimüla(down to the roots) or samüla(including the roots) are the karma-pürva-padas, then ëamu
is applied after the dhätu kañ(1P to hurt/kill).. By the adhikära made in the last våtti the dhätu kañ is also
applied thereafter(after käñam) Here nimüla and samüla are karmas by the sütra kriyä-viçeñaëam karma..
The example means ‘he destroys down to the root’ or samüla-käñam kañati ‘he destroys including the root’
In both cases the karma is not specified in these example.. käñam and kañati don’t describe two separate
actions even though they are two different forms.. rather the two forms together describe one action.
Thus in his explanation JG has used the word hinasti(his 7P) to denote both käñam and kañati.
nimüla-käñaà kañati, nimülaà hinasti ity arthaù.
1302(SK 3356). çuñka-cürëa-rukñeñu piñaù

When çuñka(dry), cürëa(powder) or rukña(in päëini and mw rükña(dry/astringent)) are the karma-
pürva-padas, then ëamu is applied after the dhätu piñ[ÿ](7P to crush/grind).. By the adhikära made in the
sütra 111 våtti the dhätu piñ is then applied thereafter… Although not stated in comm I think that these
words are karmas by the sütra kriyä-viçeñaëam karma(SK translates them in that way.. though it would
still make sense to say he grinds the dry thing(çuñka), or he grinds the powder(cürëa)etc..).. The
example means ‘he grinds it dry’. Similarly cürëa-peñaà pinañöi ‘he grinds it to a powder’, rukña-peñaà
pinañöi ‘He grinds it dry’. If we take these words as kriyä-viçeñaëas then the actual karma is not specified
in these examples.. Again peñam and pinañöi don’t describe two separate actions even though they are two
different forms.. rather the two forms together describe one action. Thus amåta gives the gloss ‘çuñkaà
pinañöéty arthaù’
çuñka-peñaà pinañöéty-ädi.
1303(these three are SK 3357). samüle hanaù

1304. akåte òukåïaù
1305. jéve grahaù

Although not so in any edition it is likely that these are three sütras otherwise the pürva-pada doesn’t
meet the condition kåt-süträdyam(but this may be debated by the existence of nänetyavyaye dhärtha-
pratyaye cäbhüta-tad-bhäve.. though there is a ‘ca’ there which could make it OK better check a
manuscript).. Similarly it is likely that the sütra beginning khanaù kheyam is also 2 sütras for this reason.
Now the translation: When samüla(with the roots/entirely) is the karma-pürva-padas then ëamu is
applied with the dhätu han. When akåta(comm says =akärya=not to be done e.g impossible.. it further
glosses the idea as kenäpi kartum açakyam= not able to be done by anyone) is the karma-pürva-pada then
ëamu is applied with the dhätu [òu]kå[ï]. When jéva(life/vital breath etc..) is the karma-pürva-pada then
ëamu is applied with the dhätu grah. In the examples Kåñëa is the kartä though not stated..e.g The
examples mean ‘Kåñëa completely destroys kaàsa’. Here samüla is kriyä-viçeñana karma(according to SK
and justified by the fact that kaàsa is mentioned separately as a karma). The gh in ghätam is by hano
hasya gho ëin-nayoù and the t by hantes to nåsimhe.. The 2nd example means ‘Krishna did what was
unable to be done by anyone else’. In the 3rd example ‘He takes the life (of the daityas - comm)’ SK
translates this as kriyä-viçeñaëa karma e.g they give the example tam jéva-grähaà gåhëäti ‘He takes him
alive(in such a way that he is living)’. JG then reminds us that there is samäsa by sütra 86. From now on
the adhikära ‘karmaëi’ ceases. The alternate reading in GM and haridas(which are all loyal followers of
bala-toñani because they didn’t have access to amåta) namely: “pürva-padaà tv am-antam” (86) ity-ädinä
samäsaù. “am-antam” ity upalakñanam eva, tena au-çasor api grahaëam. “samüla-ghätaà nyavadhéd aréàç
ca” iti bhaööiù
seems to be another interpolation by bala to justify the phony am-antam eva explanation which is not in
line with the learned authorities like päëini etc..
samüla-ghätaà nijaghäna kaàsam. akåta-käraà cakära. jéva-grähaà jagräha. pürva-padaà tv am-
antenaivety ädinä samäsaù. karmaëéti nivåttam.
1306(SK 3358). karaëe

A prabhu adhikära is made such that the pürva-padas being described at the beginning of the
sütras(remember sütra 98) are now karaëas
prabhur ayam.
1307(SK 3358). hanaù

When there is a karaëa-pürva-pada then ëamu is applied after the dhätu han.. e.g cakra-ghätam hanti is
the equivalent of cakreëa hanti ‘he slays with the cakra’.
cakreëa hanti. cakra-ghätaà hanti.
1308(SK 3359). sneha-dravye piñaù

When the karaëa-pürva-pada is a sneha-dravya then ëamu is applied after the dhätu piñ[ÿ]. JG gives a
definition of sneha-dravya in the våtti which the comm expands e.g yenäparaà dravyam ärdraà bhavati
tat snehadravyam ucyate ‘That by which another substance becomes moist/wet is called a sneha-dravya(e.g
a liquid). The example means ‘he grinds with ghee’ similarly taila-peñaà pinañöi ‘he grind with oil’,
udakapeñaà pinañöi ‘he grinds with water’
sneha-dravyam ärdratä-hetuù. ghåta-peñaà pinañöi.
1309(SK 3360). hastärthe varti-grahibhyäm

When the karaëa-pürva-pada is a word meaning hand(e.g hasta, kara, päëi etc..) then ëamu is applied
after varti(the ëy-anta form of våt) and after the dhätu grah. The examples means ‘he causes (it) to
revolve(vartayati can mean so many things) with his hand’, ‘He takes by the hand’.. There are no karmas
here so the sentence sounds incomplete.
hasta-vartaà vartayati. kara-grähaà gåhëäti.
1310(SK 3361). sve puñaù

When a word having any of the meanings of sva is the karaëa-pürva-pada then ëamu is applied after the
dhätu puñ[a](9P). Sva means a lot of things thus by using sva words falling into the category/or having a
similar meaning to the following are indicated 1. ätma(one’s self) 2. ätméya(one’s own things) 3.
dhana(wealth) 4. . jïäti(relatives). The comm explains that other words given by JG fit into this category.
E.g here are some alternatives for each categories 1. ätma etc.. 2. ätméya, go, svéya etc.. 3. dhana, rai etc..
4. jïäti, pitå, mätå etc.. After all these words poñam puñëäti etc.. are added as in the våtti example sva-
poñam puñëäti ‘He prospers by himself’. Here sva can be transated as any of the 4 categories as it has all
those meanings.
svena puñëäti—sva-poñaà puñëäti. “sve” ity aneneha ätmätméya-dhana-go-jïäti-piträdiñv apy udähäryam.
karaëa iti nivåttam.
1311(SK 3362-63). cakre bandhaù

ëamu is applied after the dhätu badh[a](9P) provided that the pürva-pada is the word ‘cakra’(adhikaraëe Matsya Avatara dasa 26/10/06 6:00
Comment [46]: see also asväìgäd api bandhe
is in the place of cakre in the päëini sütra). Comm says the cakra either means a whirlwind/spinning vä
thing or a circle/disc. The example means ‘the wheel/disc is bound’ or if we take the adhikaraëa approach
in samäsa prakarana
in päëini sütra ‘bound to the wheel’.. If someone says ‘well, examples like gupti-bandham etc.. are seen to
be used, why then is only the word cakra taken in this sütra??’ the anwer is that saàjïä’s(names of
things) are derived spontaneously and thus don’t depend on rules(although päëini’s sütra 3.4.42 gives a
rule in this regard). But amongst these names(like gupti-bandha etc..) mayürikä-bandham and
cäëòälikä-bandham end in ëamu when there is an upamäna-karma(a karma which is a comparison)
according to the bhäñya(pataïjali’s mahä-bhäñya??) and thus the comm says the meaning of mayürikä-
bandham baddha=mayürikäm iva baddha(However in SK these fall into päëini sütra 3.4.42.. using ëamu
for making names). In any case there are other names also like krauïca-bandham, aööälikä-bandha etc..
and according to SK and MW these(gupti bandham etc.) are all names of certain kinds of knots. Thus the
translation is ‘the knot called mayürékä-bandham(or cäëòälikä-bandham etc..) is tied’
cakra-bandhaà baddhaù. guptau badhnäti—gupti-bandhaà badhnäti ity-ädayas tu saàjïäyäà jïeyäù.
iha “mayürikä-bandhaà baddhaù, cäëòälikä-bandhaà baddhaù” ity upamäne karmaëi ëamur iti
bhäñyam.
1312(SK 3365). kartror jéva-puruñayor naçi-vahibhyäm

ëamu is applied after the dhätus naç and vah provided that there pürva-padas are jéva and puruña
respectively. These pürva-padas should be kartäs.. E.g the usual sentence ‘jéva eva san nañöaù’ – ‘The life
perishes’ has its equivalent as jéva-näçam nañöaù ‘The life perishes’. Similarly puruñaù san vahati = puruña-
vähaà vahati ‘The man carries’. Jayäditya says in the käçikä(comm on päëini’s sütras) That the meaning
here is ‘the man, becoming a servant, carries’
jéva eva san nañöaù—jéva-näçaà nañöaù. puruñaù san vahati—puruña-vähaà vahati. puruñaù preñyo bhütvä
vahatéty arthaù iti jayädityaù (käçikä 3.4.43).
1313(SK 3365). ürdhva-kartari çuñi-püribhyäm

ëamu is applied after the dhätus çuñ[a](4P to become dry) and pür[é](4A to become full) provided that
their pürva-pada is the word ürdhva and that ürdhva is the kartä. E.g ürdhvaù çuñyati has its equivalent
as ürdhva-çoñam çuñyati. Similarly ürdhvaù püryate=ürdhva-püraà püryate.. Here ürdhva means
something which tends upwards.. The comm says that in the first example that a tree is meant, while in
the second example a golden creeper is meant..In both cases they are things which tend to be upwards
E.g ‘The tree(ürdhva) becomes dry’, ‘The golden creeper becomes full(of flowers?)’
ürdhvaù çuñyati—ürdhva-çoñaà çuñyati. evam ürdhva-püraà püryate. püré äpyäyane div-ädäv ätmapadé.
1314(SK 3366). karma-kartr-upamäne

ëamu is applied when the karma-upamäna or the kartr-upamäna are pürva-padas. E.g The upamäna is
that by which there is comparing(e.g the thing with which is another is compared) and the upameya is
that which is compared. E.g ratnam iva nihita=ratna-nidhäyaà nihita.. e.g ‘Kåñna is kept like a jewel’ Here
Kåñëa is the karma and ratna is the karma-upamäna. The dhätu is nidhä… nihita by the phrase dadhäter
hiù in the sütra dyati-syati…. Nidhäyaà by äto yuk iëi nåsimha-kåti ca. Next example: aja iva nañöa=aja-
näçam nañöa e.g ‘Kaàsa perished like a goat’.. Here kaàsa is the kartä, the goat is the kartr-upamäna and
nañöa is in kartå-väcya by gaty-artha-akarmaka…JG says that this sütra is seen to be applied even if the
upameya intervenes e.g come in the middle of the ëamu formation. E.g udaka, the upameya and karta,
comes in the middle of the ëamu formation. E.g ‘The water keeps like ghee’. From now on the adhikära
made in the våtti of sütra 111(namely ëamv-anta-dhätavo ’nuprayujyante) ceases.
ratnam iva nihitaù—ratna-nidhäyaà nihitaù kåñëaù. aja iva nañöaù—aja-näçaà nañöaù kaàsaù. vyavadhäne
’pi dåçyate—ghåta-nidhäyam udakaà nidadhäti. nivåtto ’nuprayogaù.
1315 / wtaAe ivak(lpaena s$amaAs$a: /
1315. ito vikalpena samäsaù
itaù—from now on; vikalpena—optionally; samäsaù—samäsa.
From now on samäsa is only optional.
vibhur ayam.
Våtti—This is a vibhu adhikära (see våtti 366).
Amåta—This adhikära extends up to the end of the [ë]am[u] section.
1316(SK 3368-69). tåtéyäyäm upadaàçer dvitéya-dhätv-eka-karmakäc ca hiàsärthät

ëamu is applied after upa+daàç(1P, to eat something as a condiment) provided that the pürva-pada is a
word ending with a tåtéyä-viñëubhakti. Similarly ëamu is applied after a dhätu whose meaning is
hiàsa(e.g a dhätu whose meaning is hiàsäyäm in the dhätu-päöha) provided that its one karma is in
relationship with a second dhätu and that its pürva-pada is a word ending with a tåtéyä-viñëubhakti. E.g
JG first shows this formation as a samäsa, and then he show it without samäsa. The meaning is ‘He eats
the food with an ämalaka fruit having taken it as a condiment’.. bhaktam= bhojyaà vastu= the thing to
be eaten= food. Here ämalaka is the karaëa of the verb bhuìkte whereas it is the karma of the verb
upadaàçam. Ämalaka is not in verbal concordance as a karaëa with bhuìkte but it is a karaëa by logical
concordance.. The fact that the pürva-pada is not a karaëa of upadaàçam is implied by the construction
of this sütra.. e.g JG and Päëini used tåtéyäyäm instead of karaëe(which used in sütra 115 to indicate that
the pürva-pada should be the karaëa of the verb with ëamu).. this implies that the pürva-pada is the
karaëa of another verb. Now the second half of the sütra.. Again JG shows a samäsa form and a non-
samäsa form.. the hiàsärtha dhätu used here is upa+han.. the tåtéya-pürva-pada is daëòena and the one
karma of upa+han, namely gäù is shared by the verb kälayati(kal[a] vikñepe 10th class, not in JG’s dhätu
päöha,, comm says the other 10th class kal[a] is not to be taken here). The example means ‘He drives
forward the cows having hit them with a stick’.. Why do we say that there should be only one karma?? In
‘He drives forward the cows having beat the tiger with a stick’.. vyäghram is the karma of upa+han while
gäh is the karma of kälayati
ämalakopadaàçaà bhuìkte, ämalakenopadaàçaà bhuìkte bhaktam. daëòopaghätaà, daëòenopaghätaà vä
gäù kälayati. “eka-karmakät” iti kim? daëòenopahatya vyäghraà gäù kälayati.
1317 / s$aæamaIta{taIyayaAeç&papaIx"Aåu"iDak{(iSaByaAM ca , DaAtaumaA‡aAÔau s$aiªaDaAnagAtaAvaAyaAmagAtaAE ca /
1317. saptamé-tåtéyayor upa-péòäd rudhi-kåñibhyäà ca, dhätu-mäträt tu sannidhäna-gatäv äyäma-gatau

ca
saptamé-tåtéyayoù—when a word ending in a saptamé viñëubhakti or tåtéyä viñëubhakti is the pürva-pada;

upa-péòät—after the dhätu péò[a] avagähane duùkha-kriyäyäà ca (10P, “to press; to give pain”) which is
preceded by the upendra upa; rudhi-kåñibhyäm—after the dhätus rudh[ir] ävaraëe (7U, “to block, cover”)
and kåñ[a] vilekhane äkarñaëe ca (1P, “to plough; to pull, attract”); ca—and; dhätu-mäträt—after any
dhätu; tu—but; sannidhäna-gatau—when motion involving closeness is understood; äyäma-gatau—when
motion involving measurement1 of length is understood; ca—and.
When a word ending in a saptamé viñëubhakti or tåtéyä viñëubhakti is the pürva-pada, [ë]am[u] is
applied after upa + péò[a], rudh[ir], and kåñ[a], but it can be applied after any dhätu if motion involving
closeness or measurement of length is understood.
pärçvopapéòaà çete. “hasta-rodhaà dadhad dhanuù” iti bhaööiù (5.32). päëi-karñaà kaàsaà ninye.
“viçeñänupädänät päëy-upakarñam ity api” iti puruñottamaù (bhäñä-våttiù 3.4.49). “sarvatraivopa-pürvatve
sati” iti jayädityaù (käçikä 3.4.49). pakñe—pärçve, pärçvena vä upapéòam ity-ädi. uttaratra cäsamäso jïeyaù.
evaà hasta-grähaà nåtyati räse. dvy-aìgulotkarñaà daëòikäà chinatti.
Våtti—For example, pärçvopapéòaà çete (“He sleeps pressing on his sides”). Bhaööi gives the example
hasta-rodhaà dadhad dhanuù “Gripping the bow with his hands, He holds it.” (Bhaööi-kävya 5.32). The
example of kåñ[a] is päëi-karñaà kaàsaà ninye (“He moves Kamña about, dragging him by his hand”). In
this regard, Puruñottama says viçeñänupädänät päëy-upakarñam ity api “Because upa is not specifically
mentioned [as going with any particular dhätu in the sütra saptamyäà copa-péòa-rudha-karñaù
(Añöädhyäyé 3.4.49)], we also get päëy-upakarñam.” (Bhäñä-våttiù 3.4.49). Jayäditya, however says
sarvatraivopa-pürvatve sati “All the dhätus mentioned in Añöädhyäyé 3.4.49 are preceded by upa” (Käçikä
3.4.49).
Ø pärçve or pärçvena + upa + péò → (1317) pärçve or pärçvena + upa + péò + [ë]am[u] → (440)
pärçve or pärçvena + upapéòam → (1274, 859) pärçva + upapéòam → (50) pärçvopapéòam → (148)
pärçvopapéòam + s[u] → (363, 362) pärçvopapéòam
Ø hastayoù or hastäbhyäm + rudh → (1317) hastayoù or hastäbhyäm + rudh + [ë]am[u] → (440,

443) hastayoù or hastäbhyäm + rodham → (1274, 859) hasta-rodham → (148) hasta-rodham + s[u] →
(363, 362) hasta-rodham
Ø päëau or päëinä + kåñ → (1317) päëau or päëinä + kåñ + [ë]am[u] → (440, 443) päëau or
päëinä + karñam → (1274, 859) päëi-karñam → (148) päëi-karñam + s[u] → (363, 362) päëi-karñam
In the case that samäsa is not done (see sütra 1315), we get pärçve upapéòam or pärçvena upapéòam and so
on. The case where samäsa is not done should be understood in the next sütras also. The other examples
are hasta-grähaà nåtyati räse (“Taking [two gopés] by their hands, he dances in the räsa dance”) and dvy-
aìgulotkarñaà daëòikäà chinatti (“He cuts the stick at intervals the length of two fingers”).
1
The equivalent Päëinian sütra for äyäma-gatau ca is pramäëe ca (Añöädhyäyé 3.4.51).
Ø hastayoù or hastäbhyäm + grah → (1317) hastayoù or hastäbhyäm + grah + [ë]am[u] → (440,
470) hastayoù or hastäbhyäm + gräham → (1274, 859) hasta-gräham → (148) hasta-gräham + s[u] →
(363, 362) hasta-gräham
Ø dvy-aìgule or dvy-aìgulena + ud + kåñ → (1317) dvy-aìgule or dvy-aìgulena + ud + kåñ +

[ë]am[u] → (440, 443, 98) dvy-aìgule or dvy-aìgulena + utkarñam → (1274, 859) dvy-aìgula + utkarñam
→ (50) dvy-aìgulotkarñam → (148) dvy-aìgulotkarñam + s[u] → (363, 362) dvy-aìgulotkarñam
Amåta—Sannidhäna means nikaöa (“closeness”) and äyäma means dairghyam (“length”). Pärçvopapéòam
means pärçve upapéòya or pärçvena upapéòya, hasta-rodham means hastäbhyäà ruddhvä or hastayor
ruddhvä, and päëi-karñam means päëinä karñitvä or päëau karñitvä. In this regard, some say that all three
dhätus are connected with the upa. Others say that only péò[a] is connected with upa. Thus, when we
have these different opinions, the usage of Bhaööi is taken as the crest jewel of evidences. Therefore, Jéva
Gosvämé accepts Puruñottama’s deduction because it is in line with the usage of Bhaööi. Basically
Puruñottama says that because upa is mentioned in a general way in Añöädhyäyé 3.4.49, [ë]am[u] can be
applied both when there is connection with upa and when there is no connection with upa. Thus there is
no contradiction when we get hasta-rodham or hastoparodham, päëi-karñam or päëy-upakarñam, and so
on.
Next Jéva Gosvämé gives examples of dhätu-mäträt. In the example hasta-grähaà nåtyati räse the word
gopyau (“two gopés”) has to be inserted and hasta-gräham means hastäbhyäm gåhétvä or hastayor gåhétvä.
In the case that samäsa is not done, we get hastäbhyäm gräham and so on. Here motion involving
closeness is understood. Regarding the example dvy-aìgulotkarñaà daëòikäà chinatti, dvy-aìgula is a
samähära-dvandva-samäsa and dvy-aìgulotkarñam means dvy-aìgulena utkarñya or dvy-aìgule utkåñya. The Matsya Avatara dasa 29/10/06 13:52
Comment [47]: check my standard later on
word daëòikä means a small daëòa. It is formed by applying the taddhita pratyaya ka in the sense of alpa
(“small”). In the case that samäsa is not done, we get dvy-aìgulenotkarñam and so on. Here motion
involving measuring of length is understood.
1318(SK 3373-74). apädäne karmaëi ca tvaräyäm

ëamu is applied after any dhätu when the pürva-pada is either an apädäna or a karma provided that haste
is understood. The first example means ‘Rising from bed(çayyä) he milks the cow’. Here çayyä is an
apädäna and there is haste in the sense that he didn’t perform the usual activities required upon rising e.g
taking a bath etc(From rising he went straight to milking)… the dhätu with ëamu here is ut+sthä.. udaù
sthä-stambhoù, äto yuk iëi, nåsimha-kåti ca. In the next example ‘Taking his horn he stops the cow’. Here
çåìga is a karma and there is haste in that there was no time to grab a stick etc.. to stop the cow. JG says
that ëamu is also seen when there is no haste.. generally this is with a karma-pürva-pada though.. He
gives the examples of eka-varjam and dhätu-vibhakti-varjam(ëamu with the dhätu våj,
vibhakti=viñëubhakti).. The non samäsa forms of the examples respectively are çayyäyä utthäyaà gäà
dogdhi , çåìgaà gräham gäà värayati, ekaà varjam, dhätu-vibhakté varjam.
çayyotthäyaà gäà dogdhi. çåìga-grähaà gäà värayati hariù. atvaräyäà ca dåçyate. “eka-varjam” iti dhätu-
vibhakti-varjam iti ca.
1319(SK 3376-77). jévanähetau parikliçyamäne ca sväìga-karmaëi

ëamu is applied after any dhätu provided that either the pürva-pada is a karma which is a part of one’s
own body and which is not the cause of living(jévänähetu) e.g you can live without it) or the pürva-pada
is a karma which is part of one’s own body and which is being hurt/afflicted(parikliçyamäna). The first
example shows jévanähetu e.g ‘He closes his eyes and laughs’.. here the eyes are not absolutely necessary
for living. The second example show parikliçyamäna e.g ‘He fights to the best of his ability(yathä-çakti
from comm) having hurt his chest’ Here the chest has been hurt(seems like by eka-kartåkayor that he
hurt his own chest.. by being stupid enough to fight??).. Finally JG gives a counterexample for both using
‘He raises his head and looks’.. Here ëamu was not used as the head is necessary for living and also
because it is not being hurt.. The non-samäsa forms are akñiné nikocaà hasati, uraù peñam yudhyate.
akñi-nikocaà hasati—uraù-peñaà yudhyate. neha—çira utkñipya paçyati.
1320(SK 3378). karmaëi viçi-pati-padi-skandibhya dravyasya vyäptiç cet, kriyäyäç ca nityatä cet
ëamu is applied after the dhätus viç, pat, pad, and skand when there is a karma-pürva-pada provided that
there is either pervasion(vyäpti) of the substance, or there is repetition(nityatä) of the action.. Comm
defines vyäpti as connection of the substances/things with the particular action denoted by these dhätus,
completely(e.g the action is done to all of them(them being whatever the dravya is e.g in the example
below=geha). It equates nityatä with äbhékñëya. When a samäsa with ëamu is made both vyäpti and
nityatä will look the same.. e.g geha-praveçam äste means either ‘Having entered every house, he
sits’(vyäpti- referring to when närada saw Krishna simultaneously enter every house in Dväraka) or
‘Having repeatedly entered the house, he sits’(nityatä).. But when there is no samäsa vyäpti and nityatä
will look different. E.g in vyäpti there is dvitvam of the karma by vépsä(sütra 96) e.g gehaà gehaà
praveçam äste, while in nityatä there is dvitvam of the verb by äbhékñëya(sütra 96) e.g gehaà praveçaà
praveçam äste
Well if we say that kriyänityatä is the same as äbhékñëya, then ëamu is already ordained by ktvärthe
ëamuç cäbhékñëye… why is it again mentioned here?? True, there ëamu was ordained after dhätus in
general, but here it is specifically mentioned again as coming after the 4 dhätus viç etc when they have a
karma-pürva-pada. E.g ëamu has been ordained again for the sake of making a kådanta-samäsa(for which
pürva-padas are necessary).. so by ktvärthe ëamus cäbhékñëye these 4 dhätus like all other dhätus take
ëamu in a non-samäsa form(and there is dvitvam etc.), but when there are karma-pürva-padas then they
join with ëamu etc.. to make a kådanta-samäsa.(though this is optional by the adhikära ito vikalpena
samäsa)
geha-praveçam äste. asamäse dvir-uktiù—gehaà gehaà praveçam äste hariù. evaà paty-ädayaù.
1321(SK 3379). kriyä-vyavadhäne käle karmaëy asyati-tåñibhyäm

ëamu is applied after the dhätus as(4P, to throw) and tåñ(4P, to be thirsty) provided that their pürva-pada
is both a karma and a word that express a time during which there is interruption of the main action.
Thus the example means ‘(having eaten today) He eats (again) having passed 2 days’ e.g lit ‘Having
passed 2 days he eats’.. If the samäsa is not made(by ito vikalpena samäsaù) then the form is dvy-aham
atyäsaà bhuìkte. Similarly the second example means ‘(Having drunk today) He drinks (again), having
remained thirsty for 2 days’ e.g lit ‘Having remained thirsty for 2 days he drinks’.. the non-samäsa form is
dvy-ahaà tarñam pibati.
dvy-ahätyäsaà bhuìkte, dvy-aha-tarñaà pibati, dvy-aham atikramyety arthaù.
1322 / naAmazAbde" k(maRNyaAid"izAƒaih"ByaAma, /
1322. näma-çabde karmaëy ädiçi-grahibhyäm
näma-çabde—when the word näman (“name”) is the pürva-pada; karmaëi—used as a karma; ädiçi-
grahibhyäm—after the dhätus ä[ì] + diç[a] atisarjane (6U, “to give; to order; to tell”) and grah[a] upädäne
(9U, “to accept, take”).
[Ë]am[u] is applied after ä[ì] + diç[a] and grah[a] when the word näman used as a karma is the pürva-
pada.
nämädeçam äcañöe. näma-grähaà stauti harim.
Våtti—Examples are nämädeçam äcañöe harim (“He addresses Hari by speaking His names”) and näma-
grähaà stauti harim (“He praises Hari by calling His names”).
Ø nämäni + ä[ì] + diç → (1322) nämäni + ä[ì] + diç + [ë]am[u] → (440, 470) nämäni + ädeçam →
(1274, 859) näma + ädeçam → (46) nämädeçam → (148) nämädeçam + s[u] → (363, 362) nämädeçam
Ø nämäni + grah → (1322) nämäni + grah + [ë]am[u] → (440, 470) nämäni + gräham → (1274,
859) näma-gräham → (148) näma-gräham + s[u] → (363, 362) näma-gräham
Amåta—Nämädeçam äcañöe means nämäni gåhétväcañöe. In the case that samäsa is not done, we get
nämäny ädeçam and nämäni gräham respectively.
1323(not in kåd of SK). upät kiratau suö ca vikñipya-lavane

When both vikñipya(having separated) and lavana(cutting) are understood then ëamu is applied after
upa+kè(6th class) and suö is added after the upendra upa. Alhough suö was already ordained by upät suö
kiratau chedane in the äkhyäta-prakaraëam here it is ordained in a more specific way. E.g
lavane=chedane.. but for suö to be used with upa+kè+ëamu there has to be both vikñipya and lavana. The
example means ‘Having separated he cuts’
upaskäraà lunäti.
1324. ktvä-ëamü
A prabhu adhikära is made, which is effective up to the end of sütra 138, namely that ktvä or ëamu are
applied(after the particular dhätus mentioned in the different sütras)
prabhur ayam.
1325(these two are SK 3381-82). avyaye karoter ayuktäkhyäyäm
1326. tiryaci kriyä-samäptau

ktvä or ëamu are applied after the dhätu [òu]kå[ï] when the pürva-pada is an avyaya provided an
improper announcement is understood. ktvä or ëamu are applied after the dhätu [òu]kå[ï] when the
pürva-pada is tiryac provided completion of an activity is understood. amåta says: even if ktvä is applied
in this prakaraëa(by kåto bahulyät ktvä ca.. or vä ’sarüpa ’striyäm, RE: 100) still the separate mention of
ktvä by the adhikära made in 133 is for the sake of kådanta ending in ktvä making samäsa with the pürva-
pada. Thus this is an aprapta-vibhäsa,, e.g usually only avyaya-kådantas that end in ‘am’ can make a
samäsa with a pürva-pada.. but here ktvä is allowed to optionally make samäsa.. similarly when ëamu is
ordained alongside with another pratyaya it usually cannot make samäsa, but here it can optionally make
samäsa.
Now for the examples in the våtti: “he quietly says ‘O King of Vraja, your son is born!’”. e.g It is proper to
speak an auspicious message loudly, but here it was spoken quietly. Thus there is ayuktäkyä and ktvä or
ëamu is applied. Due to the adhikära ‘ito vikalpena samäsa’ we get 4 forms. E.g nécaiù-kåtya, nécaiù kåtvä,
nécaiù-käram and nécaiù käram.(JG has listed nécaiù käram only once because in devanagari the samäsa
and non-samäsa forms with ëamu look the same when the pürva-pada is an avyaya, but in transliteration
they appear differently as uccaiù-käram and uccaiù käram(the hyphen and space indicating the
difference). This is confirmed by bala-toñani e.g ‘ëamv-antasya samäsa-pakñe asamäsa-pakñe ca nécaiù
käram’. This should be understood in the other examples in this sütra and in the sütra up til and
including 138.).
JG then gives another example, this time from bhaööi: ‘He loudly announces that daçaratha(kñiti-päla)
died due to the grief of separation from räma’. It is proper to announce bad news queitly in private.. But
here it was announced loudly, thus there is ayuktäkyä and ktvä or ëamu is applied. JG says that the forms
uccaiù-kåtya and uccaiù kåtvä are also options in this example. The bhaööi example showed unpleasant
news. But JG says it is also seen that it is improper that pleasing news is uttered loudly e.g “he/she loudly
says ‘Kåñëa, some girl is in love with you’”. It is improper to announce this loudly within the range of
hearing of elders as it causes embarassment. Here as in the bhaööi examples we can have 4 forms: uccaiù-
krtya, uccaiù kåtvä, uccaiù-käram and uccaiù käram. Here JG says that prakriyä-kaumudé(3.4.59) is
questionable(amåta glosses as not unobjectionable) e.g it says “apriyasyoccaiù priyasya noccaiù
kathane”(It is improper to mention unpleasent things loudly, and it is improper not to mention pleasant
things loudly), thus JG finds it questionable that the author of prakriyä-kaumudé doesn’t (at least
sometimes) consider it improper to speak pleasant things loudly. JG finishes off by the giving the
example with tiryac. e.g ‘Having finished he went’. Here again we can make 4 forms.
“vrajeçvara putras te jätaù” iti nécaiù kåtväcañöe, nécaiù-kåtya nécaiù käraà vä. uccair äkhyänam iha yuktam
ävedayantaù kñiti-pälam uccaiù-
käraà måtaà räma-viyoga-çokät (bhaööiù 3.49)
atra ktvä-pakñau ca jïeyau. nécair ihäkhyänaà yuktam. priyatve ’py ayuktaà dåçyate, yathä “kåñëa, käcit
tvayy anuraktästi” ity uccaiù käram äcañöe, uccaiù kåtvä, uccaiù-kåtya vä. prakriyä tu cintyä. tathä, tiryak-
kåtya gataù ity-ädi.
1327(SK 3383). tas-pratyayänta-sväìge kå-bhübhyäm
ktvä or ëamu are applied after the dhätus kå and bhü provided that the pürva-pada ends in the taddhita-
pratyaya ‘tas’ and is a member of one’s own body. The comm says that ‘tas’ is added after the word mukha
when there is the meaning of saptami. By the word ity-ädi the following other forms are intended..
mukhataù kåtvä, mukhataù-käraà, mukhataù käraà. The examples means ‘Having made in/at/on the
mouth, he went’… Here gata is likely kartari.. unfortunately these example have no karma or karta
mentioned.. Similarly with bhü we have the forms påñöhato-bhävaà, påñöhato bhävaà, påñöhato-bhüya,
påñöato bhütvä gataù ‘Having been in/at/on the back, he went’. Extra counterexamples in last line of
comm.
mukhataù-kåtya gataù ity-ädi.
1328(SK 3384). nänety avyaye dhärtha-pratyaye cäbhüta-tad-bhäve

ëamu or ktvä are applied after the dhätus kå and bhü provided that the pürva-pada is the avyaya ‘nänä’
and that abhüta-tad-bhäva is understood. The same happens when the pürva-pada has a pratyaya with the
meaning of the taddhita ‘dhä’ and that abhüta-tad-bhäva is understood. Dhä is described in the taddhita
sütra 1012 e.g ‘dhä is applied after a numeral whose usage describes the various ways of an action’(rough
idea). The first example means ‘having made variously the non-variously, he went’ here again because of
the absence of a karma and karta the example doesn’t have much meaning. By the word ity-ädi we get
these other forms: nänä kåtvä/ nänä-käraà/ nänä käraà, nänäbhüya/ nänä-bhävaà/ nänä bhävaà/ nänä
bhütvä. Then he illustrates the second half of the sütra e.g ‘having done in two ways….’ Similarly dvidhä
käraà dvidhä kåtvä, dvidhäbhüya dvidhä bhävaà dvidhä bhütvä.. Then JG shows other pratyayas that
are dhärtha(e.g dhyam, edhä and dham from taddhita sütra 1014), e.g aikadhyam, dvedhä, dvaidham etc..
are used as pürva-padas with ëamu or ktvä after the dhätus bhü and kå e.g dvedhä kåtvä gatah etc..
anänä nänä kåtvety arthe nänä-kåtya gataù ity-ädi. tathä dvidhä-kåtyety-ädi. evaà dvedhä, dvaidham.
1329(SK 3385). tüñëémi bhuvaù
ëamu or ktvä are applied after the dhätu bhü provided that the pürva-pada is the word ‘tüñëém’(silently).
Thus ‘Having become silent, he sits’. Similarly tüñëém bhütvä, tüñëém-bhävam, tüñëém bhävam.
tüñëéà bhüyästa ity-ädi.
1330(SK 3386). anvacy änukülye
ëamu or ktvä are applied after the dhätu bhü provided that the pürva-pada is the word ‘anvac’ and that
‘being favourable’ is understood. Thus ‘Having become favourable, he sits/remains’. Similarly anvag
bhütvä, anvag-bhävam, anvag bhävam From here the adhikäras ‘ito vikalpena samäsa’ and ‘ktvä-ëamü’
both cease.
anvag-bhüyästa ity-ädi. uktä vikalpa-samäsäù. ktvä-namü ca nivåttau.
1331 / taumauNAk(AE tait‚(yaATaRtvae /
1331. tumu-ëakau tat-kriyärthatve
tumu-ëakau—the kåt pratyayas tum[u] and [ë]aka; tat-kriyä-arthatve—if the kriyä expressed by that dhätu
is the purpose.
Tum[u] and [ë]aka are applied after a dhätu if the kriyä expressed by that dhätu is the purpose [of the
main kriyä].
kriyä dhätv-arthaù. u-ëäv itau. yasmäd dhätos tumu-ëakau kriyete, tasyaiva dhätor artho yadi prayojanaà
tadä tumu-ëakau bhavataù. “tumun-ëvulau” iti päëinéyäù (3.3.10). te hi vor akaà, yor anaà, jhasyäntam
ädiçanti. drañöuà sevituà harià vrajati, darçakaù sevako vrajati. darçanärthaà sevanärtham ity arthaù.
Våtti—Kriyä is the meaning of a dhätu (see våtti 927). The u and ë are indicatory letters. If the meaning of
that dhätu which tum[u] and [ë]aka are applied after is the prayojana [of the main kriyä], then tum[u]
and [ë]aka are applied. The Päëinians say tumun-ëvulau (see Añöädhyäyé 3.3.10), and they replace vu with
aka, yu with ana, and jha with anta (see Añöädhyäyé 7.1.1 and 7.1.3). Examples are drañöuà harià vrajati
(“He goes to see Hari”) and sevituà harià vrajati (“He goes to serve Hari”), and darçako harià vrajati
(“He goes to see Hari”) and sevako harià vrajati (“He goes to serve Hari”) where drañöum and darçakaù
mean darçanärtham (“to see”) and sevitum and sevakaù mean sevanärtham (“to serve”).
Ø dåç → (1331) dåç + tum[u] → (dåç is aniö by verse 7, 576, 225) då + a[m] + ç + tum[u] → (61)
draç + tum → (249) drañ+ tum → (280) drañöum → (148) drañöum + s[u] → (363, 362) drañöum
Ø ñev → (458) sev → (1331) sev + tum[u] → (424) sevitum → (148) sevitum + s[u] → (363, 362)
sevitum
Ø dåç → (1331) dåç + [ë]aka → (dåç is aniö by verse 7, 443) darçaka → (148) darçaka + s[u] →
(155) darçakaù <1.1>
Ø ñev → (458) sev → (1331) sev + [ë]aka → (440) sevaka → (148) sevaka + s[u] → (155) sevakaù
<1.1>
Amåta—With the sentence beginning yasmät, Jéva Gosvämé personally explains the meaning of this sütra.
In this explanation, the word mukhya-kriyäyäù (“of the main kriyä”) has to be added after the word
prayojanam. Both tum[u] and [ë]aka are applied in the future tense.1 Because it ends in m, tum[u] makes
an avyaya (see sütra 363). Therefore tum[u] is ordained only in bhäve prayoga (see Amåta 1261 and Amåta
961). [Ë]aka, however, is ordained in kartari prayoga. In drañöuà harià vrajati (“He goes to see Hari”),
seeing Kåñëa is the prayojana of the activity of going, and in sevituà harià vrajati (“He goes to serve
Hari”), serving Kåñëa is the prayojana of the activity of going. Likewise in the examples with darçakaù
and sevakaù.
Saàçodhiné—As explained above, [ë]aka is ordained in kartari prayoga. Thus the word ending in [ë]aka
will take the same liìga, viñëubhakti, and vacana as the kartä (see sütra 304). Thus in the third verse of
Tattva-sandarbha we see how the dual form jïäpakau is used to correspond to the kartä yau:
jayatäà mathurä-bhümau
çréla-rüpa-sanätanau
yau vilekhayatas tattvaà
jïäpakau pustikäm imäm
“All glories to Çréla Rüpa and Çréla Sanätana in the land of Mathurä who are inspiring me to write this
book to make the Truth known.”
Here tattvam is the karma of jïäpakau, but it doesn’t take a ñañöhé viñëubhakti by kartå-karmaëoù ñañöhé
kåd-yoge (956), because the ñañöhé viñëubhakti is prohibited by ädhamarëya-tumu-bhaviñyad-artha-ëaka-
ëinyor yoge na ñañöhé (963). Thus a dvitéyä viñëubhakti is applied instead by karmaëi dvitéyä (937).
1
This is because their kriyäs are the goal of the main kriyä. When the main kriyä is being done the goal is not yet achieved. It
is achieved only after the completion of the main kriyä, and thus it is future in regards to the main kriyä. For example, in
drañöuà harià vrajati (“He goes to see Hari”), seeing Hari is the goal of the activity of going, but the goal is not achieved until
the person completes the activity of going by arriving at the destination where Hari is situated.
1332 / wcC$ATaeR zAfyaAd"AE k(AlaAd"AE ca yaAejyae taumaure"va /
1332. icchärthe çaky-ädau kälädau ca yojye tumur eva
icchä-arthe—when a dhätu that has the meaning of icchä (“desire”); çaki1-ädau—when a çaky-ädi (see
explanation below); käla-ädau—when a kälädi (see explanation below); ca—and; yojye—is connected;
tumuù—tum[u]; eva—only.
Only tum[u] is applied after a dhätu when there is connection with a çaky-ädi, kälädi, or a dhätu that
has the meaning of icchä.
yojya-grahaëaà pürva-padatva-niräsärtham. drañöum icchati, vañöi, väïchati vä. tathä drañöuà çaknoti,
dhåñëotéty-ädi. çaka-dhåña-jïä-glä-ghaöa-rabha-labha-krama-saha-arha-sattärthaù çaky-ädiù.
kälädau tu yojye darçanädi-dhätv-artho yadi kälädeù prayojanaà syät, tadä tad-dhätos tumur mantavyaù.
kälo ’yaà drañöuà, samayo velä vä. ädi-çabdän mantuà manaù, drañöuà cakñuù, çrotuà çravaëam ity-ädi.
“vaktuà jaòaù” iti ca “maçakärtho ’yaà dhümaù” iti-vad dåçyate.
Våtti—The word yojya is used here to exclude these words from being pürva-padas by sütra 1285.
Examples are drañöum icchati, drañöuà vañöi, and drañöum väïchati (“He wants to see”). Similarly, we get
drañöuà çaknoti (“He is able to see”), drañöuà dhåñëoti (“He is bold to see”), and so on.
The saky-ädis are as follows:

çak[ÿ] çaktau 5P to be able
[ïi]dhåñ[ä] prägalbhye 5P to be bold, arrogant
jïä avabodhane 9P to know
glai harña-kñaye 1P to be dejected, tired
ghaö[a] ceñöäyäm 1A to endeavor, strive for
rabh[a] räbhasye 1A to long for, enjoy, embrace, act rashly
[òu]labh[añ] präptau 1A to obtain, possess
kram[u] päda-vikñepe 1P to step, walk
ñah[a] marñaëe 1A to tolerate, conquer
arh[a] püjäyäm2 1P to worship, honor
Dhätus [like bhü and as[a]] which have
the meaning of sattä (“being,
existing”)
But when there is connection with the words käla (“time”) and so on, tum[u] is applied after a dhätu only
if the meaning of the dhätu such as darçana (“seeing”) and so on is the prayojana of the time and so on.
Thus we get kälo ’yaà drañöum, samayo ’yaà drañöum, or veläyaà drañöum (“This is the time to see”). Due
to the word ädi in kälädi we also get mantuà manaù (“a mind for thinking”), drañöuà cakñuù (“eyes for
seeing”), çrotuà çravaëam (“ears for hearing”), and so on. Vaktuà jaòaù (“dullness for speaking”) is also
seen. It is like maçakärtho ’yaà dhümaù (“This smoke is for mosquitoes”).
Amåta—The word eva in this sütra excludes [ë]aka. Jéva Gosvämé himself explains the purpose of using
the word yojya here by saying “The word yojya is used here so exclude these from being pürva-padas by
sütra 1285.” Thus tum[u] is applied after a dhätu regardless of whether the icchärtha and çaky-ädi dhätus
come before or after that dhätu. But one should know that this rule only applies when both kriyäs have
the same kartä. In this regard, tum[u] ends up having the meaning of a dvitéyä viñëubhakti when there is
1
This is the i[k] form of the dhätu çak[ÿ] çaktau (5P, “to be able”). See ik-çtipau dhätu-nirdeçe (1667).
2
Sometimes this dhätu is listed as arh[a] püjäyäà yogyatve ca (1P, “to worship, honor; to be fit, to be able”). It is in this sense
of yogyatva (“propriety, fitness, ability”) that arh[a] is used with tum[u]. There are several shades of meaning to yogyatva and
thus bhoktum arhati could be translated as “he should eat,” “he is fit to eat,” or “he can eat.” Moreover, when the madhyama-
puruña is used, arh[a] often functions as a mild form of command. For example, naù çaàsitum arhasi (“Please explain to us”)
in Bhägavatam 1.1.9.
connection with an icchärtha dhätu, but it ends up having the meaning of a caturthé viñëubhakti when
there is connection with a çaky-ädi dhätu. With the sentence beginning kälädau, Jéva Gosvämé personally
explains that, when there is connection with the kälädis, tum[u] is only applied if there is tat-kriyä-
arthatva (see sütra 1331). In the examples kälo ’yam drañöum and so on, seeing is the prayojana of the
time. The implied meaning is “Seeing should be done at this time, because it is inappropriate at any other
time.” Similarly, thinking is the prayojana of the mind, seeing is the prayojana of the eyes, and hearing is
the prayojana of the ears. Someone may argue, “Regarding vaktuà jaòaù, speaking cannot be the
prayojana of the dullness, so how come tum[u] is applied here?” In answer to this, Jéva Gosvämé says
vaktuà jaòaù is like maçakärtho ’yaà dhümaù. Here the word maçaka (“mosquitoes”) figuratively refers to
maçakäbhäva (“the absence of mosquitoes”). Thus the meaning is maçaka-nivåttaye dhümaù (“smoke for
the absence of mosquitoes”). Similarly, the meaning of vaktuà jaòaù is vacanäbhäväya jaòaù (“dullness
for the absence of speaking”).
Saàçodhiné—Regarding the çaky-ädis, rabh[a] is always preceded by the upendra ä[ì] when used with
tum[u]. Similarly, kram[u] is always preceded by the upendra pra when used with tum[u]. Thus we get
bhoktum ärabhate (“he begins to eat”) and bhoktuà prakramate (“he begins to eat”). Likewise ñah[a] is
generally preceded by the upendra ud when used with tum[u]. Thus we get kathaà täàs tyaktum utsahe
(“How can I give up such devotees?”) in Bhägavatam 9.4.65. Other dhätus which are synonyms of çak[ÿ]
çaktau (5P, “to be able”) are also used with tum[u]. In this regard, Prayuktäkhyäta-maïjaré says that
kñam[üñ] sahane (1A, “to tolerate, forgive”) and pära karma-samäptau (10P, “to finish”) are also used in
the sense of sämarthya (“to be able”). Examples are moktuà na kñamate kadäpi yad ayaà våndäöavé-
kandaram “Because he is unable to leave Våndävana at any time” (Lalita-mädhava) and na päraye ’haà
calitum “I am unable to walk any further” (Bhägavatam 10.30.37). Similarly, the dhätu éç[a] aiçvarye (2A,
“to be master of, to be able”) is also a synonym and thus we see the example bhagavän bhakta-janaà na
moktum éñöe “The Lord cannot abandon His devotee” (Lalita-mädhava).
1333 / taTaA s$amaTaRpayaARyae /
1333. tathä samartha-paryäye
tathä—likewise; samartha-paryäye—when a synonym of the word samartha (“able”).
Likewise, only tum[u] is applied when there is connection with a synonym of the word samartha.
samartho bhoktuà, paryäpto bhoktum, alaà bhoktum ity-ädi ca.
Våtti—For example, samartho bhoktum (“able to eat”), paryäpto bhoktum (“able to eat”), alaà bhoktum
(“able to eat”), and so on.
Saàçodhiné—Although Bäla says this sütra means samartha-paryäye yojye ’pi tumur bhavati (“Tum[u] is
also applied when there is connection with a synonym of the word samartha”), it nonetheless says that
the synonyms of the word samartha are covered by the word ädi in kälädi. Amåta, on the other hand, says
that the synonyms of the word samartha are covered by the dhätu çak[ÿ] in the çaky-ädis since they have a
similar meaning. Neither of these explanations, however, are satisfactory because the special use of a
saptamé viñëubhakti in samartha-paryäye clearly indicates that this is another sütra. Indeed, Päëini himself
expresses this information in the form of the separate sütra paryäpti-vacaneñv alam-artheñu (Añöädhyäyé
3.4.66), and does not include the synonyms of samartha among the kälädis (see Añöädhyäyé 3.3.167) or
the çaky-ädis (see Añöädhyäyé 3.4.65). Thus there should be no doubt in this regard. Further examples are
likhitam api laläöe projjhitum kaù samarthaù “Who is able to erase that which is written on his forehead1”
1
The verb bhavati is understood here, the connection being kaù samarthaù bhavati. One’s destiny is said to be written on one’s
forehead. Thus a person learned in the art can tell another’s fate by examining the lines on his forehead just as a palmist can
tell another’s fate by examining the lines on his palms.
(Hitopadeça 21) and lokän alaà dagdhum hi tat-tapaù “His austerity is able to burn the worlds” (Kumära-
sambhava 2.56).
1334 / k(maRNyaNtaumvaTaeR /
1334. karmaëy aë tumv-arthe
karmaëi—when a karma is the pürva-pada; aë—the kåt pratyaya a[ë]; tumu-arthe—in the sense of tum[u]
(see sütra 1331).
When a karma is the pürva-pada, a[ë] is applied after a dhätu in the same sense as tum[u].
kåñëa-sevo yäti, kåñëa-gäyo yäti. bähulyät—kåñëaà sevitum ity-ädi.
Våtti—Examples are kåñëa-sevo yäti (“He goes to serve Kåñëa”) and kåñëa-gäyo yäti (“He goes to praise
Kåñëa”). Because the kåt pratyayas are applied variously (see sütra 1185), we also kåñëaà sevitum yäti
(“He goes to serve Kåñëa”) and so on.
Ø kåñëam + ñev → (458) kåñëam + sev → (1334) kåñëam + sev + a[ë] → (440) kåñëam + seva →
(1274, 859) kåñëa-seva → (148) kåñëa-seva + s[u] → (155) kåñëa-sevaù <1.1>
Ø kåñëam + gai → (539) kåñëam + gä → (1334) kåñëam + gä + a[ë] → (440, 540) kåñëam + gäya
→ (1274, 859) kåñëa-gäya → (148) kåñëa-gäya + s[u] → (155) kåñëa-gäyaù <1.1>
Amåta—With the sentence beginning bähulyät, Jéva Gosvämé explains that, although a[ë] is an apaväda of
tum[u] when there is a pürva-pada which is a karma, tum[u] can still be applied because the kåt pratyayas
are applied variously. But there is no samäsa in that case, because it is not ordained.1
1335 / ‘aAid"vyavaih"tae'ipa k{(cC)$ATaRäu"ir" KalBaAvak(maRNAAe: /
1335. prädi-vyavahite ’pi kåcchrärtha-duri khal bhäva-karmaëoù
pra-ädi-vyavahite—if it is separated by the upendras pra and so on; api—even; kåcchra-ärtha-duri—when

dur which has the meaning of kåcchra (“difficult”) is the pürva-pada; khal—the kåt pratyaya [kh]a[l];
bhäva-karmaëoù—in bhäve prayoga and karmaëi prayoga.
[Kh]a[l] is applied after a dhätu in bhäve prayoga and karmaëi prayoga when dur which has the
meaning of “difficult” is the pürva-pada, even if pra and so on intervene.
1336 / @k{(cC)$ATaeR wRSaita s$aAE ca /
1336. akåcchrärthe éñati sau ca
akåcchra-arthe—which has the meaning of akåcchra (“easy”); éñati—when éñat is the pürva-pada; sau—
when su is the pürva-pada; ca—and.
[Kh]a[l] is applied after a dhätu in bhäve prayoga and karmaëi prayoga when éñat or su which have the
meaning of “easy” are the pürva-pada, even if pra and so on intervene.
1
This is because a word ending in tum[u], though an avyaya-kådanta, is not an avyaya-kådanta which ends in am, and thus a
pürva-pada cannot be compounded with it (see sütra 1274).
a-räma-çeñaù.
Våtti—A-räma is the remainder.
1337 / opaen‰"AéaBaenauRmKalGaNAAer," , na s$auäu"ByaARmanyaAepaen‰"r"ih"taAByaAma, /
1337. upendräl labher num khal-ghaëor, na su-durbhyäm anyopendra-rahitäbhyäm
upendrät—after an upendra; labheù—of the dhätu [òu]labh[añ] präptau (1A, “to obtain, possess”); num—
the ägama n[um]; khal-ghaëoù—when the [kh]a[l] or [gh]a[ë] follows; na—not; su-durbhyäm—after su
and dur; anya-upendra-rahitäbhyäm—that are without another upendra.
[Òu]labh[añ] takes n[um] when it comes after an upendra and [kh]a[l] or [gh]a[ë] follows, but not if the
upendra is su or dur which are devoid of another upendra.
kåcchre—duñpralambhaà, durlabhaà bhavatä. duñpralambhaù, durlabhaù kåñëo bhavatä. akåcchre—éñat-

pralambham, éñal-labham, su-pralambhaà, su-labhaà bhavatä. éñat-pralambhaù, éñal-labhaù, su-pralambhaù,
su-labhaù kåñëo bhaktimatä. anyopendra-rahitäbhyäm iti kim? atisulambhaù, atidurlambhaù. katham ati-
sulabhaù ati-durlabhaù? paçcäd atinä samäsaù. anyeti kim? sudurlabhaù.
Våtti—Examples of when the meaning is kåcchra are duñpralambhaà bhavatä (“[the act of] deceiving is
[done] with difficulty by you”) and durlabhaà bhavatä (“[the act of] obtaining is [done] with difficulty
by you”), and duñpralambhaù kåñëo bhavatä (“Kåñëa is difficult to be deceived by you”) and durlabhaù
kåñëo bhavatä (“Kåñëa is difficult to be obtained by you”).
Ø dur + pra + labh → (1335) dur + pra + labh + [kh]a[l] → (440, 1337, 225, 230, 114) dur +
pralambha → (1274, 155) duù + pralambha (1997) duñpralambha → (148, 1192) duñpralambha + s[u] →
(220) duñpralambha + am → (156) duñpralambham <1.1, bhäve>.
Ø dur + labh → (1335) dur + labh + [kh]a[l] → (440) dur + labha → (1274, 155, 144) durlabha →
(148, 1192) durlabha + s[u] → (220) durlabha + am → (156) durlabham <1.1, bhäve>.
Ø dur + pra + labh → (1335) dur + pra + labh + [kh]a[l] → (440, 1337, 225, 230, 114) dur +
pralambha → (1274, 155) duù + pralambha (1997) duñpralambha → (148) duñpralambha + s[u] → (155)
duñpralambhaù <1.1, karmaëi>.
Ø dur + labh → (1335) dur + labh + [kh]a[l] → (440) dur + labha → (1274, 155, 144) durlabha →
(148) durlabha + s[u] → (155) durlabhaù <1.1, karmaëi>.
Examples of when the meaning is akåcchra are éñat-pralambhaà bhavatä (“[the act of] deceiving is [done]
with ease by you”) or su-pralambhaà bhavatä (“[the act of] deceiving is [done] with ease by you”), éñat-
labhaà bhavatä (“[the act of] obtaining is [done] with ease by you”) or su-labhaà bhavatä (“[the act of]
obtaining is [done] with ease by you”), and éñat-pralambhaù kåñëo bhaktimatä (“Kåñëa is easily deceived
by one who has bhakti”) or éñal-labhaù kåñëo bhaktimatä (“Kåñëa is easily obtained by one who has
bhakti”) and su-pralambhaù kåñëo bhaktimatä (“Kåñëa is easily deceived by one who has bhakti”) or su-
labhaù kåñëo bhaktimatä (“Kåñëa is easily obtained by one who has bhakti”).
Ø éñat + pra + labh → (1336) éñat + pra + labh + [kh]a[l] → (440, 1337, 225, 230, 114) éñat +
pralambha → (1274, 98) éñat-pralambha → (148, 1192) éñat-pralambha + s[u] → (220) éñat-pralambha +
am → (156) éñat-pralambham <1.1, bhäve>.
Ø su + pra + labh → (1336) su + pra + labh + [kh]a[l] → (440, 1337, 225, 230, 114) su +
pralambha → (1274) su-pralambha → (148, 1192) su-pralambha + s[u] → (220) su-pralambha + am →
(156) su-pralambham <1.1, bhäve>.
Ø éñat + labh → (1336) éñat + labh + [kh]a[l] → (440) éñat + labha → (1274, 102) éñal-labha →
(148, 1192) éñal-labha + s[u] → (220) éñal-labha + am → (156) éñal-labham <1.1, bhäve>.
Ø su + labh → (1336) su + labh + [kh]a[l] → (440) su + labha → (1274) su-labha → (148, 1192)
su-labha + s[u] → (220) su-labha + am → (156) su-labham <1.1, bhäve>.
Ø éñat + pra + labh → (1336) éñat + pra + labh + [kh]a[l] → (440, 1337, 225, 230, 114) éñat +
pralambha → (1274, 98) éñat-pralambha → (148) éñat-pralambha + s[u] → (155) éñat-pralambhaù <1.1,
karmaëi>.
Ø su + pra + labh → (1336) su + pra + labh + [kh]a[l] → (440, 1337, 225, 230, 114) su +
pralambha → (1274) su-pralambha → (148) su-pralambha + s[u] → (155) su-pralambhaù <1.1, karmaëi>.
Ø éñat + labh → (1336) éñat + labh + [kh]a[l] → (440) éñat + labha → (1274, 102) éñal-labha →
(148) éñal-labha + s[u] → (155) éñal-labhaù <1.1, karmaëi>.
Ø su + labh → (1336) su + labh + [kh]a[l] → (440) su + labha → (1274) su-labha → (148) su-
labha + s[u] → (155) su-labhaù <1.1, karmaëi>.
Why do we say “which are devoid of another upendra”? Consider atisulambhaù <1.1, karmaëi> and
atidurlambhaù <1.1, karmaëi>. Well how is there ati-sulabhaù <1.1, karmaëi> and ati-durlabhaù <1.1,
karmaëi>? Here the samäsa with ati was done later. Why do we say “another”? Consider sudurlabhaù
<1.1, karmaëi>.
Amåta—In duñpralambham, [kh]a[l] is applied even though pra intervenes. Even though [kh]a[l] is a
pratyaya which has the indicatory letter kh, n[um] isn’t inserted, because the pürva-pada is an avyaya (see
sütra 1290), rather the dhätu itself takes n[um] by the current sütra. In durlabham, [du]labh[añ] doesn’t
take n[um] because it comes after dur which is by itself, and in atisulambhaù, [du]labh[añ] does take
n[um] because it comes after su which is accompanied by another upendra. In this regard, being devoid of
another upendra means being devoid of an upendra other than su or dur. Thus, with the counterexample
sudurlabhaù, Jéva Gosvämé shows how n[um] isn’t applied when su and dur are combined with one
another.
Saàçodhiné—This sütra limits rabhi-labhor nuà çab-adhokñaja-varjita-sarveçvare (602) such that, when
[kh]a[l] or [gh]a[ë] follows, it applies only when [òu]labh[añ] comes after an upendra.
1338(not in SK-kåd, akhyata??). mi-mé-liyäà khal-alor ätva-niñedhaù

The dhätus mi, mé and lé(both 4P and 9U,, both çleñane) are forbidden to make their change to ‘ä’ before
the pratyayas khal and al.. E.g by the sütra ménäti-minoti-déìäm there is a change to ‘ä’, but this is
checked here. The example is durnimayaù e.g dur+ni+mi or mé+khal.. The dhätus takes govinda before
khal. By the word ädi we have the following other forms durmayaù durnilayaù durlaya sunimayaù
sumayaù éñanmayaù sulayaù iñallaya
durnimayaù ity-ädi.
1339(SK 3308). dur-ädau kartå-pürva-padäd bhuvaù karma-pürva-padät òukåïaç cäbhüta-tad-bhäve
pürva-vat khal
khal is applied, as before(e.g in bhäva and karma väcyas with dur, when the meaning is difficult, and with
su and éñat when the meaning is easy..see sütra 142), after the dhätu bhü whose pürva-pada is a kartä,
and after the dhätu kå whose pürva-pada is a karma,, provided that dur, su, or éñat are present before the
pürva-pada and that abhüta-tad-bhäve is understood. When the pürva-pada is a kartä then khal is used in
bhäva-väcya, but when it is a karma then khal is used in karma-väcya. Now the våtti.. the first line says
that here(in this sütra) that kartä and karma(pürva-padas) are viçeñana modifying bhü and kå
respectively. Now an example of khal after the dhätu bhü whose pürva-pada is a kartä.. E.g the simple
sentence adurbhaktena durbhaktena bhüyate ‘bhakta without difficulty becomes bhakta with difficulty(to
say it in kartä-väcya in english, as the bhäva-väcya doesn’t translate well)’ becomes durbhaktam-bhavaà
in the sentence durbhaktam-bhavaà bhavatä ‘There is being ‘a bhakta with difficulty’ by your goodself’
E.g this is in bhäva-väcya, to say it as kartä-väcya in english would be ‘Your good self is a bhakta with
difficulty’.. In this sentence abhüta-tad-bhäve is understood but the prior element (adurbhakta) is not
actually seen.. similarly there is mum and vämana by sütra 104. JG gives the elaborate explanation of this
example as ‘previously bhakti was easy for your good self, the bhakta. But now it is difficult’.
Similarly an-éñad-bhaktena éñad-bhaktena bhüyate ‘Bhakta without ease becomes Bhakta with ease’ = éñad-
bhaktam-bhavam in the sentence éñad-bhaktam-bhavam bhavatä e.g ‘There is being a ‘bhakta with ease’
by your good self’ e.g ‘Your good self is a bhakta with ease’.. Similarly with su-bhaktaà-bhavam bhavatä..
Again in these case abhüta-tad-bhäve is understood but not seen.
Now khal after kå whose pürva-pada is a karma.. e.g the simple sentence adurbhakto durbhaktaù kriyate
‘He who is a devotee without difficulty is made into He who is a devotee with difficulty’= durbhaktaì-
karaù.. Similarly asu-bhaktaù su-bhaktaù kriyate ‘He who is a devotee without ease is made into He who
is a devotee with ease’=su-bhaktaì-karaù. This is shown in the example su-bhaktaì-karo vaiñëavo
bhavatä ‘The vaiñëava is made into ‘a bhakta with ease’ by your goodself.’ Examples with éñad are
similarly made.. in all cases ‘bhakta with ease/difficulty’ means ‘One for whom bhakti is easy/difficult’(my
comment)
kartå-karmaëé atra tat-tad-viçeñaëe jïeye. tatra kartå-pürva-bhuvaù—adurbhaktena durbhaktena bhüyate ity
arthe durbhaktam-bhavaà bhavatä. pürvam akåcchraà bhaktasya bhavataù samprati kåcchreëa bhaktir ity
arthaù. evam anéñad-bhaktena éñad-bhaktena bhüyate—éñad-bhaktam-bhavam, su-bhaktam-bhavam. karma-
pürvät òukåïaù—adurbhakto durbhaktaù kriyate—durbhaktaì-karaù. evam éñad-bhaktaì-karaù. asu-
bhaktaù su-bhaktaù kriyate—su-bhaktaì-karo vaiñëavo bhavatä.
1340 / @Ar"AmaAd"na: KalaTaeR , na tau Kala, /
1340. ä-rämäd anaù khal-arthe, na tu khal
ä-rämät—after a dhätu ending in ä-räma; anaù—the kåt pratyaya ana; khal-arthe—in the sense of [kh]a[l];
na—not; tu—but; khal—[kh]a[l].
Ana is applied in the same sense as [kh]a[l] after dhätus which end in ä-räma, but [kh]a[l] itself cannot
be applied after such dhätus.
duryäëaà hari-padaà bhavatä. déìaç cä-rämänta-päöhäd durupädänam.
Våtti—For example, duryäëaà hari-padaà bhavatä (“The abode of Hari is difficult to be gone to by you”).
Ø dur + yä → (1340) dur + yä + ana → (440, 46) dur + yäna → (1274, 155, 144, 1193) duryäëa →
(148) duryäëa + s[u] → (220) duryäëa + am → (156) duryäëam <1.1, karmaëi>.
And because the dhätu dé[ì] kñaye (4A, “to decay, perish”) is also counted as a dhätu that ends in ä-räma
(see sütra 732), we get durupädänam.
Ø dur + upa + ä + dé → (732) dur + upa + ä + dä → (1340) dur + upa + ä + dä + ana → (440, 46)
dur + upa + ä + däna → (1274, 155, 144, 46) durupädäna → (148) durupädäna + s[u] → (220) durupädäna
+ am → (156) durupädänam <1.1, karmaëi>.
Amåta—Khal-arthe means kåcchräkåcchärthe (“in the senses of “difficult” and “easy””). The example
duryäëaà hari-padaà bhavatä means golokädi harer dhäma kåcchreëa yäyate bhavatä (“The abode of Hari
such as Goloka is gone to with difficulty by you”).
Saàçodhiné—Further examples are éñad-däno gaur bhavatä or su-däno gaur bhavatä (“The cow is easily
given by you”) and dur-däno gaur bhavatä (“The cow is given with difficulty by you”).
1341. adaridräter iti väcyam

But the above sütra should not be applied in the case of the dhätu daridrä.. e.g daridrä ends in ä, but after
it khal doesn’t take the ädeça mentioned in the last sütra. E.g ‘Being poor(Poverty) is easy for your good
self’
éñad-daridraà bhavatä. akåcchreëa bhavato däridryam ity arthaù.
1342 / zAAis$ayauiDaä{"izADa{iSama{iSaByaêAnaAe vaA KalaTaeR /
1342. çäsi-yudhi-dåçi-dhåñi-måñibhyaç cäno vä khal-arthe
çäsi-yudhi-dåçi-dhåñi-måñibhyaù—after the dhätus çäs[u] anuçiñöau (2P, “to instruct, punish, rule”),
yudh[a] samprahäre (4A, “to fight”), dåç[ir] prekñaëe (1P, “to see”), [ïi]dhåñ[ä] prägalbhye (5P, “to be
bold, arrogant”), and måñ[a] kñamäyäm (4U, “to tolerate”); ca—also; anaù—the kåt pratyaya ana; vä—
optionally; khal-arthe—in the sense of [kh]a[l].
Instead of [kh]a[l], ana is optionally applied in the same sense as [kh]a[l] after çäs[u], yudh[a], dåç[ir],
[ïi]dhåñ[ä], and måñ[a] also.
duùçäsanaù, duryodhanaù ity-ädi.
Våtti—Examples are duùçäsanaù (“One who is difficult to be controlled”), duryodhanaù (“One who is
difficult to fight”), and so on.
Ø dur + çäs → (1342) dur + çäs + ana → (440) dur + çäsana → (1274, 155) duùçäsana → (148)
duùçäsana + s[u] → (155) duùçäsanaù <1.1, karmaëi>.
Ø dur + yudh → (1342) dur + yudh + ana → (440, 443) dur + yodhana → (1274, 155, 144)
duryodhana → (148) duryodhana + s[u] → (155) duryodhanaù <1.1, karmaëi>.
Amåta—Due to the words “and so on,” we also get durdarçanaù, durdharñaëaù, and durmarñaëaù. But in
the case that [kh]a[l] is applied, we get duùçäsaù, duryodhaù, durdarçaù, durdharñaù, and durmarñaù.
Similarly, we get su-çäsanaù, su-yodhanaù, and so on and éñac-chäsanaù and so on. The bhäve prayoga
examples should be inferred in the same way.
1343 / ivaDyaAâTaeR tavyaAnaIyayatfyapNyatke(ilamaA ivaSNAuk{(tyas$aMÁaA BaAvak(maRNAAe: /
1343. vidhy-ädy-arthe tavyänéya-yat-kyap-ëyat-kelimä viñëukåtya-saàjïä bhäva-karmaëoù
vidhi-ädi-arthe—in the senses of vidhi (“command”) and so on; tavya-anéya-yat-kyap-ëyat-kelimäù—the

kåt pratyayas tavya, anéya, ya[t], [k]ya[p], [ë]ya[t], and [k]elima; viñëukåtya-saàjïäù—called viñëukåtyas
(“the activities of Viñëu”); bhäva-karmaëoù—in bhäve prayoga and karmaëi prayoga.
Tavya, anéya, ya[t], [k]ya[p], [ë]ya[t], and [k]elima are applied in bhäve prayoga and karmaëi prayoga
in the senses of vidhi and so on and are called viñëukåtyas.
kåtya-saàjïä iti präïcaù. praiñätisargety-ädi, arha-çaktyor ity-ädi.
Våtti—Earlier grammarians called them kåtyas. [Vidhy-ädy-arthe here refers to the meanings already
specified in] the sütras beginning praiñätisarga and arha-çaktyor (sütras 1085 and 1088).
Bäla—Having said vidhy-ädy-arthe, he clarifies that by quoting two sütras that were mentioned in the
section dealing with the meanings of the viñëubhaktis. Praiñätisargety-ädi and arha-çaktyor ity-ädi refer to
the two sütras praiñätisarga-präpta-kälatveñu vidhätå-viñëukåtyau (1085) and arha-çaktyor vidhi-
viñëukåtya-tålaù (1088).
Saàçodhiné—Amåta proposes that the word ädi in vidhy-ädi first of all includes all the meanings
mentioned in vidhi-nimantraëämantraëädhéñöi-sampraçna-prärthaneñu ca vidhi-vidhätärau (1084) and then
it includes all the other meanings mentioned by Jéva Gosvämé in the våtti. This proposal, however, is not
based on any authoritative work. One should not jump to conclusions just by seeing the word vidhi here,
because as explained previously in the discussion of sütras 1084 and 1085 the words vidhi and praiña are
synonyms. If the viñëukåtyas were actually used in the extra senses of nimantraëa and so on, then they
should have been ordained right there in sütra 1084 just as they were clearly ordained in sütras 1085 and
1088. But the fact that they are ordained neither there nor in the equivalent Päëinian sütra, Añöädhyäyé
3.3.61, and the fact that Jéva Gosvämé, Siddhänta-kaumudé, and Bäla don’t say that the viñëukåtyas are
used in the senses of nimantraëa and so on makes this proposal unacceptable. In the våtti, Jéva Gosvämé
himself has clearly stated the senses that the viñëukåtyas are used in. These senses were already ordained
in the Käraka-prakaraëa. This rule does not ordain any new senses.
1344 / tavyaAnaIyaAE /
1344. tavyänéyau
tavya-anéyau—the kåt pratyayas tavya and anéya.
Tavya and anéya are applied after any dhätu.1
etau sämänyau. edhitavyam, edhanéyaà vaiñëavena. bhaktavyo, bhajanéyas tvayä kåñëaù.
Våtti—These two are generic. Examples are edhitavyam vaiñëavena or edhanéyaà vaiñëavena (“Flourishing
should be [done] by the Vaiñëava”) and bhaktavyas tvayä kåñëaù or bhajanéyas tvayä kåñëaù (“Kåñëa
should be worshiped by You”).
Ø edh → (1344) edh + tavya → (424) edhitavya → (148, 1192) edhitavya + s[u] → (220)
edhitavya + am → (156) edhitavyam <1.1, bhäve>.
Ø edh → (1344) edh + anéya → (440) edhanéya → (148, 1192) edhanéya + s[u] → (220) edhanéya
+ am → (156) edhanéyam <1.1, bhäve>.
Ø bhaj → (1344) bhaj + tavya → (bhaj is aniö by verse 3, 243) bhag + tavya → (98) bhaktavya →
(148) bhaktavya + s[u] → (155) bhaktavyaù <1.1, karmaëi>.
Ø bhaj → (1344) bhaj + anéya → (bhaj is aniö by verse 3) bhajanéya → (148) bhajanéya + s[u] →
(155) bhajanéyaù <1.1, karmaëi>.
1
The word dhätoù is carried forward here from the adhikära sütra dhätoù kåd bahulaà kartari (1185)
Amåta—The words etau sämänyau, in effect, mean that these two are applied after a dhätu in general. In
other words, they can be applied after all dhätus. The other viñëukåtyas, however, are limited to more
specific cases which will be described in the upcoming sütras.
Saàçodhiné—In the printed editions of Hari-nämämåta this sütra appears in the våtti, but it is actually
meant to be a separate sütra because it is Jéva Gosvämé’s equivalent for the Päëinian sütra tavyat-
tavyänéyaraù (Añöädhyäyé 3.1.96) which like this sütra has no extra words in it other than the pratyayas
themselves. Without this sütra, tavya and anéya wouldn’t be ordained after a dhätu as the previous sütra
just called them viñëukåtyas and said that that they are applied in bhäve prayoga and karmaëi prayoga. In
the Haridäsa, Purédäsa, and GM editions, tavyänéyau and etau sämänyau are listed together as the one
sentence tavyänéyau etau sämänyau. This of course makes no sense, as there is no need to use the
pronoun etau in the same sentence if the noun tavyänéyau is already there. The Kåñëadäsa edition,
however, though listing everything in the våtti, at least lists tavyänéyau and etau sämänyau as two separate
sentences, which is the correct reading supported by both commentaries.
Let us now show how to translate the different senses of the viñëukåtyas, using the example bhajanéyas
tvayä kåñëaù:
praiña (vidhi) bhajanéyas tvayä kåñëaù (“Kåñëa should be worshiped by You”)

atisarga bhajanéyas tvayä kåñëaù (“Kåñëa may be worshiped by You as you desire”)
präpta-kälatva bhajanéyas tvayä kåñëaù (“It is time that Kåñëa be worshiped by You”)
arha bhajanéyas tvayä kåñëaù (“You are fit to worship Kåñëa”)
çakti bhajanéyas tvayä kåñëaù (“You are able to worship Kåñëa”)
Often the viñëukåtya is just used in the sense of simple vartamäna (“present tense”). Although this is not
officially ordained, it is indicated by Jéva Gosvämé when he explains kåñëa-vadyä to mean kåñëenodyante
(våtti 1373), bhavyaù to mean bhavati (våtti 1388), and so on. Thus bhajanéyas tvayä kåñëaù could also be
translated as “Kåñëa is worshiped by You.” One simply has to judge from the context which sense best
fits. Further examples of the viñëukåtyas being used in the sense of simple vartamäna can be seen in våttis
1382 and 1391.
1345 / s$avaeRìr"AntaDaAtaAeyaRta, /
1345. sarveçvaränta-dhätor yat
sarveçvara-anta-dhätoù—after a dhätu which ends in a sarveçvara; yat—the kåt pratyaya ya[t].
Ya[t] is applied after dhätus which end in a sarveçvara.
ceyä bhaktis tvayä hareù.
Våtti—For example, ceyä bhaktis tvayä hareù (“Devotional service to Hari should be accumulated by
you”).1
Ø ci → (1345) ci + ya[t] → (ci is aniö by verse 1, 394) ceya → (148, ) ceya + ä[p] → () ceyä →
(148) ceyä + s[u] → (202) ceyä <1.1, karmaëi>.
Comment [48]: reference this ä[p]
Comment [49]: reference this: a-i-dvayasya
1346 / vaAs$aè&paAe'iñyaAma, / haraù
1
This example and the next two examples in våtti 1347 are Jéva Gosvämé’s transcendental alternatives to Vopadeva’s examples
ceyam puëyam, cetavyam puëyam, and cayanéyam puëyam (“Pious credits should be accumulated”). By giving these examples,
Jéva Gosvämé simultaneously alludes to the proper meaning of kåta-puëya-puïjäù (Bhägavatam 10.12.11).
1346. väsarüpo ’striyäm
vä—optionally; asarüpaù—a kåt pratyaya which doesn’t have the same form; astriyäm—and which is not
ordained in the feminine gender.
A kåt pratyaya which doesn’t have the same form and which isn’t ordained in the feminine gender can
optionally be applied.
astriyäà vihito ’sarüpo bhinnäkärävaçeña utsargäpaväda-nyäyena bädhyo ’pi kåd vä syät.
Våtti—A kåt pratyaya which isn’t ordained in the feminine gender and which has a different remainder
form can optionally be applied, even though it is blocked by the utsargäpaväda-nyäya (see våtti 59).
Amåta—The vigraha of the word sarüpa is samänaà rüpaà yasya saù (“that which has the same form”).
Asarüpa is that which is not sarüpa. Jéva Gosvämé personally explains the meaning of this sütra in the
våtti. The meaning of asarüpaù is bhinnäkärävaçeñaù. If, after dropping all the indicatory letters, the
portion of the kåt pratyaya that remains has a different form (bhinnäkära) than the kåt pratyaya which is
an apaväda, then that kåt pratyaya can optionally be applied, even though it is a general pratyaya and thus
blocked by the kåt pratyaya which is an apaväda. Out of an utsarga and an apaväda, the apaväda is always
stronger (see våtti 59), Thus the utsarga cannot be applied within the realm of the apaväda. This is the
nature of an utsarga. However, some kåt pratyayas which are utsargas are applied even within the realm
of the apaväda. But such application cannot take place without a special injunction, and thus this rule is
made for the sake of such application. But this rule has its exceptions as indicated by Jéva Gosvämé in the
next sütra.
1347 / ·(@nataumauKalaTaeRSau tau vaAs$aè&paivaiDanaeRita vaAcyama, /
1347. kta-ana-tumu-khal-artheñu tu väsarüpa-vidhir neti väcyam
kta-ana-tumu-khal-artheñu—in the realm of [k]ta, ana, tum[u], and kåt pratyayas which have the meaning
of [kh]a[l]; tu—but; väsarüpa-vidhiù—the rule of väsarüpa (the previous sütra); na—not; iti—thus;
väcyam—it should be stated.
But the rule of väsarüpa doesn’t apply in the realm1 of [k]ta, ana, tum[u], and kåt pratyayas which have
the meaning of [kh]a[l].
atas tavyädayo ’pi. cetavyä. dhätu-grahaëät pratipadoktasyaiva grahaëam. neha—pipakñitavyam.
Våtti—Therefore tavya and so on can also be applied. Thus we also get cetavyä bhaktis tvayä hareù and
cayanéyä bhaktis tvayä hareù (“Devotional service to Hari should be accumulated by you”).
Ø ci → (1344) ci + tavya → (ci is aniö by verse 1, 394) cetavya → (148, ) cetavya + ä[p] → ()
cetavyä → (148) cetavyä + s[u] → (202) cetavyä <1.1, karmaëi>.
Ø ci → (1344) ci + anéya → (ci is aniö by verse 1, 394) ce + anéya → (63) cayanéya → (148, ) Comment [51]: reference this: a-i-dvayasya
cayanéya + ä[p] → () cayanéyä → (148) cayanéyä + s[u] → (202) cayanéyä <1.1, karmaëi>. haraù
Only a primary dhätu is accepted by the mentioned of a dhätu in sütra 1345. Thus ya[t] is not applied in
pipakñitavyam <1.1>.
haraù
1
“Realm” here means viñaya. Amåta says this sütra means kta-ana-tumu-khal-artheñu viñayeñu väsarüpa-vidhir neñyate.
Amåta—[K]ta, tum[u], and the kåt pratyayas which have the meaning of [kh]a[l] were described
previously, and it will be described later that ana is applied in bhäve prayoga (see sütra 1670). But the rule
of väsarüpa doesn’t apply in the realm of such pratyayas, rather only the actual pratyaya ([k]ta, tum[u],
[kh]a[l], or ana) can be applied in these cases.
Jéva Gosvämé describes the result of the paribhäñä väsarüpo ’striyäm (1346) with the sentence “Therefore
tavya and so on can also be applied.” It was described previously that tavya and anéya are generic since
they are ordained after a dhätu in general. Ya[t] on the other hand is specific because it it is applied only
after dhätus ending in a sarveçvara. But the result of the paribhäñä väsarüpo ’striyäm (1346) is that tavya
and anéya can optionally be applied even within the realm of ya[t], because they have a different
remainder form. Similarly, it will be described that ana is applied in kartari prayoga after the nandy-ädis
(see sütra 1397). But, even though ana is specific, the generic pratyayas [ë]aka and tå[l] can still
optionally be applied in the realm of ana, due to the paribhäñä väsarüpo ’striyäm (1346).1 Thus we get
nandanaù <1.1>, nandakaù <1.1>, or nandayitä <1.1>.
Why do we say “a kåt pratyaya which doesn’t have the same form”? Consider, for example, the kåt
pratyaya [ë]ya[t] which will be ordained after a dhätu ending in å-dvaya or a viñëujana (see sütra 1361).
Ya[t] is more of a general pratyaya than [ë]ya[t] and since both ya[t] and [ë]ya[t] have the same
remainder form ya, ya[t] cannot be applied in the realm of [ë]ya[t], rather only [ë]ya[t] can be applied
since it is stronger on account of being more specific (see våtti 59). Thus we only get käryam <1.1>.
Similarly, when [k]a is applied by karmaëy anupendräd ä-rämät kaù (1419) and we get mukti-daù <1.1>,
the general pratyaya a[ë] cannot be applied by karmaëy aë (1417), because both [k]a and a[ë] have the
same remainder form a. Why do we say “which is not ordained in the feminine gender”? Consider, for
example, the kåt pratyaya [ì]ä[p] which is ordained in the feminine gender in bhäve prayoga by
viñëuniñöhä-seöka-gurumad-viñëujanäntät pratyayäntäc ca bhäve lakñmyäà ìäp (1659). By applying [ì]ä[p]
we get éhä <1.1>, cikérñä <1.1>, and so on. But the general pratyaya [k]ti which is ordained by ktir
lakñmyäà bhäve (1652) cannot be applied in these cases. Similarly, the general pratyaya [k]ti cannot be
applied in the case that we get vyävahäsé <1.1> by applying [ë]a in the sense of kriyä-vyatéhära (see sütra
1646)
Now, the rule of väsarüpa doesn’t apply in the realm of [k]ta, ana, tum[u], and kåt pratyayas which have
the meaning of [kh]a[l]. In these cases only the general or specific pratyaya itself is applied according to
how it is ordained [in a sütra]. For example, [k]ta is applied in bhäve prayoga and karmaëi prayoga.
However, in bhäve prayoga, it is applied only in the neuter gender. But the kåt pratyaya [gh]a[ë] which is
applied in bhäve prayoga (see sütra 1586) cannot be applied in the realm of [k]ta, because it is applied
only in the masculine gender. Therefore, just to make this paribhäñä (the current sütra) successful, the
special rule ghaëë-al-athu-kayaù puàsi (1583) will be ordained. Similarly, the kåt pratyaya [ë]aka which
is ordained by tat-kriyärthatve tumu-ëakau (1331) cannot be applied in the realm of tum[u] when there is
connection with a çaky-ädi, kälädi, or a dhätu that has the meaning of icchä. Therefore the word eva was
used in sütra 1332 just to exclude [ë]aka. In the same way, only ana is applied in the sense of [kh]a[l]
after dhätus ending in ä-räma, and not [kh]a[l] itself. Therefore, just to strengthen this paribhäñä (the
current sütra), the phrase na tu khal was included in sütra 1340.
In this sütra, only the kåt pratyayas [k]ta and ana which are ordained in bhäve prayoga and karmaëi
prayoga are accepted, since [k]ta and ana are listed alongside tum[u] and [kh]a[l]. Thus it should be
understood that this prohibition doesn’t apply to [k]ta and ana which are ordained in kartari prayoga and
so on.2 Furthermore, Paribhäñendu-çekhara says that the rule of väsarüpa also doesn’t apply in the realm
1
When all the indicatory letters are dropped, the remainder forms of tavya, anéya, and ya[t] are tavya, anéya, and ya
respectively. Thus, since the remainder froms tavya and anéya are different than the remainder form ya, tavya and anéya can
optionally be applied in the realm of ya[t]. Similarly, the remainder forms of [ë]aka, tå[l], and ana are aka, tå, and ana
respectively. Thus, since the remainder forms aka and tå are different than the remainder form ana, [ë]aka and tå[l] can
optionally be applied in the realm of ana.
2
Thus, earlier in the commentary, Amåta showed how we get nandanaù <1.1>, nandakaù <1.1>, or nandayitä <1.1>, because
the generic pratyayas [ë]aka and tå[l] can still optionally be applied in the realm of ana, due to the paribhäñä väsarüpo ’striyäm
(1346).
of the specific kåt pratyayas that will be ordained in kartari prayoga in the senses of täcchélya and so on
(see sütras 1519 to 1568). Thus the generic pratyaya [k]vi[p] which is ordained after a dhätu in general
(see sütra 1567) is never blocked by any other specific pratyaya ordained in kartari prayoga, just as the
Comment [54]: check whether or not u[c] is
generic pratyaya ana which is applied in bhäve prayoga by ano bhäve (1670) is never blocked by any other included under the adhikära. . Adjust numbers for
specific pratyaya ordained in bhäve prayoga. course
1348. pratipadokta-sarveçvaräntät tu bhüta-pürväd api
Yat is applied after a sarveçvaränta secondary dhätu provided that the primary dhätu that it used to be
was also sarveçvaränta. E.g two example below are the san-anta dhätus ditsa and dhitsa from the primary
dhätus dä and dhä respectively. Yat is applied as both the secondary dhätu and it’s original primary dhätu
are sarveçvaränta. Then there is a-räma-haro-räma-dhätuke. Here the forms are in bhäva-väcya
ditsyam, dhitsyam.
1349 / @A W yaita /
1349. ä e yati
ä—of ä-räma; e—the replacement e-räma; yati—when ya[t] follows.
Ä becomes e when ya[t] follows.
deyam, geyam. “paratväd daridreyam ity api” iti käläpäù.
Våtti—Ø dä → (1345) dä + ya[t] → (dä is aniö by verse 1, 1349) deya → (148, 1192) deya + s[u] →
(220) deya + am → (156) deyam (“giving should be [done]”) <1.1, bhäve>.
Ø gai → (539) gä → (1345) gä + ya[t] → (gä is aniö by verse 1, 1349) geya → (148, 1192) geya +
s[u] → (220) geya + am → (156) geyam (“singing should be [done]”) <1.1, bhäve>.
The Kaläpa grammarians say that, because this rule is a later rule, we also get daridreyam (“[the act of]
being poor should be [done]”) <1.1, bhäve>.
Amåta—The word ä in this sütra is a word whose ñañöhé viñëubhakti has been deleted and the word e is a
word whose prathamä viñëubhakti has been deleted (see våtti 159). Because ä e yati (1349) is a later rule,
it also applies to the dhätu daridrä durgatau (2P, “to be poor or needy”). Due to the word api, we also get
daridryäm <1.1, bhäve> by deleting the ä-räma by daridräter ä-räma-haro vaiñëavädi-san-ëaka-öana-
varjita-räma-dhätuke (682).
1350 / zAk(Aid"Byaê yata, /
1350. çak-ädibhyaç ca yat
çak-ädibhyaù—after the çak-ädis (the dhätus mentioned below in the våtti); ca—also; yat—ya[t].
Ya[t] is also applied after the çak-ädis.
vakñyamäëa-ëyad-apavädo ’yam. çakyaà, janyaà, çasyaà, yatyaà, sahyam.
Våtti—This is an apaväda of the kåt pratyaya [ë]ya[t] which will be mentioned in sütra 1361.
Ø çak → (1350) çak + ya[t] → (çak is aniö by verse 2) çakya → (148, 1192) çakya + s[u] → (220)
çakya + am → (156) çakyam (see below) <1.1, bhäve>.
Ø jan → (1350) jan + ya[t] → (440) janya → (148, 1192) janya + s[u] → (220) janya + am →
(156) janyam (“taking birth should be [done]”) <1.1, bhäve>.
Ø ças → (1350) ças + ya[t] → (440) çasya → (148, 1192) çasya + s[u] → (220) çasya + am →
(156) çasyam (“killing should be [done]”) <1.1, bhäve>.
Ø yat → (1350) yat + ya[t] → (440) yatya → (148, 1192) yatya + s[u] → (220) yatya + am →
(156) yatyam (“endeavoring should be [done]”) <1.1, bhäve>.
Ø ñah → (458) sah → (1350) sah + ya[t] → (440) sahya → (148, 1192) sahya + s[u] → (220)
sahya + am → (156) sahyam (“tolerating should be [done]”) <1.1, bhäve>.
Saàçodhiné—This sütra is based on çaki-sahoç ca (Añöädhyäyé 3.1.99) and taki-çasi-cati-yati-janibhyo yad

väcyaù (Kätyäyana’s Värttika to Añöädhyäyé 6.4.65). Thus the word yajyam that is listed in some editions
in place of the word janyam is false, first of all because it is not listed in the Päëinian rules and secondly
because the dhätu yaj[a] already takes ya[t] by the later rule bhaja-japa-yajänamibhyo yad vä (1368). Even
though the same form janyam could have been formed by applying [ë]ya[t] after the dhätu jan[é] by å-
dvaya-viñëujanäbhyäà ëyat (1361) since våñëéndra would have been prohibited by sütra 517, Siddhänta-
kaumudé explains that the Värttika specifically ordains ya[t] for the sake of the accent. The accent of ya[t]
is regulated by Añöädhyäyé 6.1.213 whereas the accent of [ë]ya[t] is regulated by Añöädhyäyé 6.1.185.
One might think that, since çak[ÿ] is an akarmaka dhätu, ya[t] cannot be applied after it in karmaëi
prayoga. But actually the rules are bent and the word çakya (çak[ÿ] + ya[t]) is commonly used in karmaëi
prayoga in connection with a word ending in the kåt pratyaya tum[u]. For example, in çakyo värayituà
jalena huta-bhuk “Fire can be checked by water” (Néti-çataka 11), the karma huta-bhuk, which really
belongs to the kriyä värayitum, is ukta by the kåt pratyaya ya[t] in çakyaù and the kartä jala is anukta.
This was explained previously—“The karma of the kåt pratyayas ktvä and tum[u] is ukta by the other
pratyaya” (våtti 961). Here çakyaù is translated as “can.” One could also translate this as “Fire is able to
be checked by water.” Other examples are na sä çakyä netum balät (“She cannot be led by force”) and tan
mayä çakyam pratipattum (“That is able to be acquired by me”). Moreover, sometimes the form çakyam
<1.1 bhäve> is used with a word which ends in a prathamä viñëubhakti which is in a different gender or
number. Examples are çakyaà çva-mäàsädibhir api kñut pratihantum “Hunger can be appeased even by
dog’s flesh and so on” (see Vämana’s Kävyälaìkära-våtti 5.2.25) and na hi deha-bhåtä çakyaà tyaktuà
karmäëy açeñataù “Activities cannot completely be given up by an embodied being” (Bhagavad-gétä
18.11). In the first example there is a mismatch of gender since çakyam is neuter and kñut is feminine,
and in the second example there is a mismatch of number since çakyam is singular and karmäëi is plural.
This is all covered by the sütras kecic chabdä viçeñaëatve ’pi sva-liìgaà na tyajanti (307) and kvacid
bahünäà viçeñaëatve ’py ekatvam (309).
The dhätus jan[é] and yat[é] are also akarmaka dhätus, but, unlike çak[ÿ], they are not used with ya[t] in
karmaëi prayoga. The dhätu jan[é] however is sometimes used with ya[t] in kartari prayoga, but this is by
the special rule bhavya-geya-pravacanéyopasthänéya-janyäplävyäpätyäù kartari ca (1388).
1351 / h"naAe yaã"A tasya vaDaê /
1351. hano yad vä tasya vadhaç ca
hanaù—after the dhätu han[a] hiàsä-gatyoù (2P, “to strike, kill; to go, move”); yat—ya[t]; vä—optionally;
tasya—of that (the dhätu han[a]); vadhaù—the replacement vadha; ca—and.
Ya[t] is optionally applied after han[a] and, in the case that it is, han[a] is replaced by vadha.
vadhyam. pakñe ëyad vakñyate.
Våtti—Ø han → (1351) han + ya[t] → (han is aniö by verse 5, 1351) vadha + ya[t] → (511) vadhya →
(148, 1192) vadhya + s[u] → (220) vadhya + am → (156) vadhyam <1.1, bhäve>.
It will be described that [ë]ya[t] is applied in the other case (see sütra 1361).
1352 / pavagAARntaAâta, /
1352. pa-vargäntäd yat
pa-varga-antät—after a dhätu ending in pa-varga; yat—ya[t].
Ya[t] is applied after dhätus ending in pa-varga.
japyaà, kopyam.
Våtti—Ø jap → (1352) jap + ya[t] → (440) japya → (148, 1192) japya + s[u] → (220) japya + am →
(156) japyam <1.1, bhäve>.
Ø kup → (1352) kup + ya[t] → (440, 443) kopya → (148, 1192) kopya + s[u] → (220) kopya +
am → (156) kopyam <1.1, bhäve>.
Amåta—This is also an apaväda of the kåt pratyaya [ë]ya[t] which will be mentioned in sütra 1361.
1353(SK 2845+46). äìo labher num yati, upät stutau

num is added to ä+labh before yat. It is also added to upa+labh provided that praise(stuti) is understood.
The examples below are in karma-väcya e.g ‘The animal should be sacrificed’, ‘Hari is to be praised(e.g is
praiseworthy)’. Why do we say there should be ‘stuti’ e.g upalabhyam bhagavat-tattvam ‘Knowledge of the
absolute should be understood/acquired’.. Here the normal meanings of upa+labh are understood. The
comm also says that when labh is in connection with both upendras e.g upa+ä+labh then there is also
num. e.g upälambhyo(tiraskärya ityarthaù) nindakaù ‘The blasphemer should be reproached’. In all cases
there is yat as labh ends in a pa-varga letter.
älambhyaù paçuù, yajïe ghätya ity arthaù. upalambhyo hariù.
1354(SK 2848). anupendräd gada-mada-cara-yamebhyo yat

yat is applied after the dhätus gad, mad, car and yam provided that they are devoid of upendras. Thus the
example gadyam is given. The dhätu yam already takes yat because it ends in pa-varga, but it is
enumerated again here to specify that it only takes yat without upendras.. with upendras it instead takes
ëyat.. Then JG addresses a doubt e.g how do we get the form niyamyam?? Here yam is supposed only to
take yat when there are no upendras.. But actually what has happened here is that the 10th class dhätu
yam is being used and thus ëi is applied and the dhätu is now yami(short ‘a’ as yam is ghaö-ädi).. Since
there is no restriction by this sütra for upendras with the dhätu yami we can add the upendra ni.. Thus
niyami.. JG explains that dhätus with caurädika-ëi are considered sarveçvaränta primary dhätus. Thus
ni+yami takes yat by ‘sarveçvaränta-dhätor yat’ and there is ëer haro aniò-ädau räma-dhätuke.. and the
form in bhäva-väcya is niyamyam
gadyam. kathaà “niyamyam”? caurädika-ëer apy autpattikatvena pratipadokta-sarveçvaräntatväd yat.
1355 / naHpaUvaRsya vade"r"vaâM gA÷eR , va{x.~va{HaAevaRyaAR ‘aitabanDaM ivanaA svaIk(AyaARyaAma, /

1355. naï-pürvasya vader avadyaà garhye, våì-våïor varyä pratibandhaà vinä své-käryäyäm
naï-pürvasya—which is preceded by na[ï]; vadeù—of the dhätu vad[a] vyaktäyäà väci (1P, “to speak,
say, tell”); avadyam—avadyam; garhye—in the sense of garhya (“to be condemned, condemnable”); våì-
våïoh—of the dhätus vå[ï] varaëe (5U, “to choose, ask for”) and vå[ì] sambhaktau (9A, “to serve,
worship”); varyä—varyä; pratibandham—interference; vinä—without; své-käryäyäm—in the sense of své-
käryä (“a women who can be married”).
Avadya is the nipäta of na[ï] + vad[a] + ya[t] in the special meaning of garhya, and varyä is the nipäta
of vå[ì] or vå[ï] + ya[t] in the special meaning of pratibandhaà vinä své-käryä.1
“patià-varäyäm” ity eke. äb-anto ’yaà yat-pratyayaù. pratibandhe tu våï varaëe kyap vakñyate—våtyä
kanyä. lakñmé-nirdeçaù kim? våì sambhaktau ëyad vakñyate—väryä åtvijaù. vyabhicarati ca—“sugrévo näma
varyo ’sau bhavatä cäru-vikramaù” ity atra (bhaööiù 6.50). mukhye ’pi dåçyate—“våñëi-varyaù” ity-ädau ca.
Våtti—Some say patià-varäyäm (“in the sense of patià-varä (“A woman who chooses her husband by
herself”)”). The kåt pratyaya ya[t] in varyä ends in ä[p]. When there is interference, however, the soon to
be mentioned pratyaya [k]ya[p] is applied after vå[ï] varaëe (5U, “to choose, ask for”) and we get våtyä
kanyä (“a woman who can be asked in marriage”). Why is the feminine form varyä mentioned here?
Because otherwise the soon to be mentioned pratyaya [ë]ya[t] is applied after vå[ì] sambhaktau (9A, “to
Comment [55]: see MW under våta
serve, worship”) and we get väryä åtvijaù (“the priests are to be honored”). But deviation from this rule is
also seen in sugrévo näma varyo ’sau bhavatä cäru-vikramaù (Bhaööi-kävya 6.50). In våñëi-varyaù (“the best
of the Våñëis”) and so on, it is seen that ya[t] is applied even when the sense is mukhya (“the best”).
Amåta—Regarding patià-varäyäm, a woman who chooses her husband by herself is called a svayaà-varä
or a patià-varä. According to Amara-koña, the words svayaà-varä, patià-varä, and varyä are synonyms.
Regarding våtyä, [k]ya[p] is applied by eti-stu-çäsu-våï-då-juñaù kyap (1374) and then vämanät tuk påthau
(1275) is applied, Regarding väryäù, [ë]ya[t] is applied by å-dvaya-viñëujanäbhyäm ëyat (1361) and then
våñëéndra is done. What Jéva Gosvämé intends to say when he says vyabhicarati ca is that varya is also seen
used outside of the feminine gender in the general sense of varaëa (“choosing, asking”). The complete
verse that Jéva Gosvämé is quoting from Bhaööi-kävya is åñyamüke ’navadyo ’sti paëya-bhrätå-vadhaù kapiù /
sugrévo näma varyo ’sau bhavatä cäru-vikramaù. This is Kabandha speaking to Räma. The meaning is “In
the Åñyamüka mountain there is one irreproachable (anavadya) monkey of great strength named Sugréva.
He should be asked (varya) by you [for help].” Here varya is used in the general sense of varaëa
(“choosing, asking”). Why do we say “in the special meaning of garhya”? Because otherwise [k]ya[p] is
applied by sütra 1373 and we get anudyam which means akathyam (“not to be spoken”). The words
mukhye ’pi here mean çreñöhärthe ’pi (“even when the sense is çreñöha”).
Otherwise vå[ì] should take ëyat by sütra 166.. In that case the meaning will we sambhakti(the normal
meaning of the dhätu). E.g the full example of JG’s example is from amara-koça ‘ägnédhrädyä dhanair
väryä åtvijo yäjakäç ca te’ e.g the priests and sacrificers headed by the ägnédhra priest(the one who kindles
the fire) should be bestowed with wealth. But the conditions in this sütra deviate.. e.g JG shows bhaööi’s
example of using vå[ì] with yat in the general sense and in a masculine form. E.g ‘This monkey(kapi is
from the first half of the sloka, not stated here) named sugréva, whose manner is agreeable, should be
chosen by you(räma)’(Here the meanings is varaëéya(from bala),, e.g not saàbhakti(me)). Finally JG also
says that varya(vå[ì] + yat) is also used in the meaning of mukhya(chief, best of). The comm also adds
that ‘why do we say garhya in this sütra’?? Otherwise kyap may also be used by sütra 177.. in that case
the form would be anudya(neuter, vad with saëkarñana) with the meaning ‘not to be spoken’
1
In other words, avadya means garhya (“reproachable”) and varyä means pratibandhaà vinä své-käryä (“a women who can be
married without interference”).
1356(SK 2850). vahyaà vahanasya karaëe
The dhätu vah+yat makes the irregular form vahya(neuter) when an instrument of carrying(e.g a vehicle)
is to be expressed.. e.g thus vahyam can mean a carriage, chariot, palanquin etc…. In other meanings
ëyat is applied by 166 and the form is vähya(neuter)(ämåta-öéka says = bahir-aìgam ‘external’, apte says
same thing. SK says ‘ox’, balatoñani says vahanéya ‘to be carried). JG says in the våtti that, because of their
being easy to figure out, the dhätus are not mentioned in this sütra.. Similarly so in the following sütras
sugamatväd atra dhätur-nirdeço na kåtaù. evam uttaraträpi.
1357(SK 2849,51,52,53). paëyaà vikreye, aryaù svämi-vaiçyayoù, upasaryä präpta-garbhävasaräyäm,

ajaryaù kartari saìgamäkñayatve
The dhätu paë is combined with yat to form paëya(neuter) only when ‘saleable’ is to be expressed. In
other cases paë instead takes ëyat.. the form being päëya – ‘praiseable’. Similarly the dhätu å is combined
with yat to form ‘arya’ only when a master or a vaiçya is to be expressed. Otherwise å should take ëyat by
166, the form being ärya – ‘respectable’. The dhätu upa+så combined with yat makes the irregular form
‘upasaryä’ when a female whose has reached the time for conception(e.g she is ripe for it.. right time of
the month etc..) is to be expressed.. This word is used in relation to cows etc.. The dhätu jå[ña] combined
with yat makes the irregular form ‘ajarya’(imperishable) provided that it expresses the kartä and that
there is non-perishing-ness of friendship. E.g the example in the våtti means ‘friendship with kåñëa is
imperishable(doesn’t perish)’. ajarya is almost always an adjective modifying the kartä’s
saìgamaù/saìgatam etc.. but sometimes saìgamaù/saìgatam is not seen but understood as in ‘mågair
(saìgatam) ajaryaà jarasopaviñöam’ . The comm gives a counter example of ‘ajaritä kambala’ – new
blanket e.g here there is no friendship etc..
ajaryaù kåñëa-saìgamaù, na jéryatéty arthaù.
1358(SK 2848 varttika). äcaryam agurau

The dhätu ä+car combined with yat gives the form äcarya(approachable/ to be applied) provided that
something other than a guru is to be expressed. Otherwise by sütra 166 ëyat is applied and the form is
äcärya which means a guru(applier of dharma)
gurau tu—äcäryaù.
1359(SK 66). krayyaà krayärtha-prasärite

The dhätu kré combined with yat makes the irregular form krayya(neuter) provided ‘exhibited for sale’ is
to be expressed. E.g the irregularity is that kre(govinda of kré before yat) becoms kray without a para-
nimitta. ‘kreya’ the normal form with yat is also used in this meaning, but where there is no ‘exhibiting
for sale’ then only kreya can be used e.g purchasable.. (amara says kretavya can also be used in both
meanings which is certainly possible by väsarüpo ‘striyäm)
anyatra kreyam.
1360(SK 65). kñayya-jayyau çakyärthe

The dhätus kñi and ji combined with yat make the irregular forms kñayya and jayya provided that çakya -
‘able’ is the meaning.. E.g kñayya = able to be destroyed, jayya = able to be conquered. The irregularities
are the meaning of çakya and that the govinda ‘e’ of the dhätus becomes ay. In other meanings though the
dhätus combine with yat to make the forms kñeya ‘to be destroyed’ and jeya ‘to be conquered’.
anyatra kñeya-jeyau.
1361 / [%ã"yaivaSNAujanaAByaAM Nyata, /
1361. å-dvaya-viñëujanäbhyäà ëyat
å-dvaya-viñëujanäbhyäm—after a dhätus that end in å-dvaya or a viñëujana; ëyat—the kåt pratyaya

[ë]ya[t].
[Ë]ya[t] is applied after dhätus that end in å-dvaya or a viñëujana.

käryam, vähyam. hano hasya ghaù, hantes taù—ghätyam.
Våtti—Ø kå → (1361) kå + [ë]ya[t] → (kå is aniö by verse 1, 422) kärya → (148, 1192) kärya + s[u] →
(220) kärya + am → (156) käryam <1.1, bhäve>.
Ø vah → (1361) vah + [ë]ya[t] → (vah is aniö by verse 8, 470) vähya → (148, 1192) vähya + s[u]
→ (220) vähya + am → (156) vähyam <1.1, bhäve>.
Hano hasya gho ëin-nayoù (267) and hantes to nåsiàhe ’n-ië-adhokñaje (806) are applied and we get
ghätyam <1.1 bhäve>.
Ø han → (1361) han + [ë]ya[t] → (han is aniö by verse 5, 267) ghan + [ë]ya[t] → (470) ghän +
[ë]ya[t] → (806) ghätya → (148, 1192) ghätya + s[u] → (220) ghätya + am → (156) ghätyam <1.1,
bhäve>.
1362 / cajaAe: k(gAAE iGaNNyataAer"javajaãjak(vagAARid"vajaRma, /
1362. ca-joù ka-gau ghië-ëyator aja-vaja-vraja-ka-vargädi-varjam
ca-joù—of ca-räma and ja-räma; ka-gau—the replacements ka-räma and ga-räma; ghit-ëyatoù—when
[ë]ya[t] or a pratyaya which has the indicatory letter gh follows; aja-vaja-vraja-ka-varga-ädi-varjam—
with the exception of aj[a] gatau kñepaëe ca (1P, “to go, move; to drive”), vaj[a] gatau (1P, “to go,
move”), vraj[a] gatau (1P, “to go, move”), and dhätus beginning in ka-varga.
C and j change to k and g respectively when [ë]ya[t] or a pratyaya which has the indicatory letter gh
follows. But not in the case of aj[a], vaj[a], vraj[a], and dhätus beginning in ka-varga.
päkyaà, rogyam. neha—väjyaà, vräjyaà, garjyam. ajer vé-bhävät ëyati nodäharaëam.
Våtti—Ø pac → (1361) pac + [ë]ya[t] → (pac is aniö by verse 2, 470) päc + [ë]ya[t] → (1362) päkya →
(148, 1192) päkya + s[u] → (220) päkya + am → (156) päkyam <1.1, bhäve>.
Ø ruj → (1361) ruj + [ë]ya[t] → (ruj is aniö by verse 2, 443) roj + [ë]ya[t] → (1362) rogya →
(148, 1192) rogya + s[u] → (220) rogya + am → (156) rogyam <1.1, bhäve>.
But the rule doesn’t apply in the cases of väjyam <1.1 bhäve>, vräjyam <1.1 bhäve>, and garjyam <1.1
bhäve>. There is no counterexample in the cases of aj[a], because aj[a] becomes vé when [ë]ya[t] follows
(see sütra 495).
Amåta—In garjyam, the j of the dhätu garj[a] çabde (1P, “to sound, roar”) doesn’t change to g, because
garj[a] is a dhätu beginning in ka-varga. Examples of when [gh]a[ë], a pratyaya which has the indicatory
letter gh follows, are çokaù <1.1, bhäve>, tyägaù <1.1, bhäve>, and so on. The words nodäharaëam here
mean na pratyudäharaëam (“there is no counterexample”). But aj[a] doesn’t become vé when [gh]a[ë]
follows, and thus the prohibition aja-vaja-vraja-ka-vargädi-varjam block the change to g in that case and
we get äjaù <1.1, bhäve>.
1363(SK 2881). na ka-gäv ävaçyakärtha-ëyati, avaçyamo masya haro viñëukåtye, tena tasya samäsaù
‘c’ and ‘j’ don’t become ‘k’ and ‘g’ before ëyat which was ordained in the meaning of ävaçyaka(necessary).
The ‘m’ of the avyaya ‘avaçyam’(necessarily) is deleted before a word ending with a viñëukåtya(e.g bala
says viñëukröye= viñëukåtyänte) and the now altered ‘avaçya’ makes a samäsa with the viñëukåtya(here
tena= viñëukåtyäntena). Päëini calls ëyat in this context as ëya. The comm says that the part beginning
avaçya.. in this sütra is made to facilitate the samäsa of ‘avaçyam’ with ëyat where it would otherwise be
unobtained because of ‘avaçyam’ not being a pürva-pada by kåt-süträdyam…. The comm also says
ävaçyaka means vidhi(avaçya-kartavyatvam e.g necessary to be doneness).. All the viñëukåtyas are
ordained when there is vidhy-ädy-artha(again ädi means vidhi-nimantrana etc.. + praiñätisarga etc.. +
arha-çaktyor).. So provided that of all the just mentioned different meanings that the intended meaning is
vidhi(ävaçyaka) then this sütra can be applied.
The first example means ‘to be necessarily cooked’. Saàhitäyäm eva= samäse eva.. e.g that first example is
when there is a samäsa.. But when there is no samäsa, as shown in the counterexample ‘avaçyaà
vaktavyam’ then there is no deletion of the m of avaçyam. This is bhäñya-saàskåta- spoken saàskåta(e.g
for simplicity samäsas are often avoided). My comments: It seems by the way that JG only gives examples
with avaçyam and by the fact that in the päëini sütra ‘ëya ävayaçake’ ävaçyake triggers a new pratyaya
ëya(different than ëyat, but having the same effect, våñëéndra etc.., without triggering the change to ka-
varga)..That the word avaçyam has to be actually used for the first part of this sütra to be applied.. e.g if it
was the case that ävaçyake can just be understood(by vidhy-ädy-arthe) and not used.. then päcyam
should have been illustrated by itself, in SK it is also not illustrated by itself.. My feelings here are that
ävaçyakärtha-ëyati, although it doesn’t seem a mistake textually, would be better written as ëyati
ävaçyakärthe(no change to ka-varga when there is ävaçyakärtha by the word avaçyam), and that the
whole vidhi explanation in the comm is not necessary.. JG has simply takes the same päëini sütra and
made the unnecessary ëya to ëyat. For more on ävaçyakärthe see sütra 170(note the special mention
there in the våtti for gamyatve.. and note how that is not the case here)
avaçya-päcyam. saàhitäyäm eva. “avaçyaà vaktavyam” iti bhäñya-saàskåtam.
1364 / maAecyar"AecyazAAecyayaAcyatyaAjyayaAjyavajyaARcyaRpaUjyaA: s$aADava: /
1364. mocya-rocya-çocya-yäcya-tyäjya-yäjya-varjyärcya-püjyäù sädhavaù
mocya-rocya-çocya-yäcya-tyäjya-yäjya-varjya-arcya-püjyäù—mocya, rocya, çocya, yäcya, tyäjya, yäjya,

varjya, arcya, and püjya; sädhavaù—are the proper forms.
Mocya is the nipäta of muc[ÿ] + [ë]ya[t], rocya is the nipäta of ruc[a] + [ë]ya[t], çocya is the nipäta of
çuc[a] + [ë]ya[t], yäcya is the nipäta of [öu]yäc[å] + [ë]ya[t], tyäjya is the nipäta of tyaj[a] + [ë]ya[t],
yäjya is the nipäta of yaj[a] + [ë]ya[t], varjya is the nipäta of våj[é] + [ë]ya[t], arcya is the nipäta of
arc[a] + [ë]ya[t], and püjya is the nipäta of püj[a] + [ë]ya[t].
Amåta—In mocya, rocya, çocya, yäcya, and arcya, the result of the nipäta is that the change to k by sütra
1362 doesn’t take place, and in tyäjya, yäjya, varjya, and püjya, the result of the nipäta is that the change
to g by sütra 1362 doesn’t take place.
1365 / ‘ayaAejyainayaAejyaAE zAfyaATaeR , vaHcyaAHcyaAE gAtaAE , vaAcyamapad"s$aÎÿAtae , BaAejyaM Baºyae inapaAtyantae /
1365. prayojya-niyojyau çakyärthe, vaïcyäïcyau gatau, väcyam apada-saìghäte, bhojyaà bhakñye

nipätyante
prayojya-niyojyau—prayojya and niyojya; çakya-arthe—in the sense of çakya (“able”); vaïcya-aïcyau—

vaïcya and aïcya; gatau—when the meaning is gati (“going”); väcyam—väcya; apada-saìghäte—when
something other than a combination (saìghäta) of words (padas) is to be expressed; bhojyam—bhojya;
bhakñye—when an eatable is to be expressed; nipätyante—are made as nipätas.
Prayojya and niyojya are the nipätas of pra + yuj[ir] + [ë]ya[t] and ni + yuj[ir] + [ë]ya[t] in the sense of
çakya.1 Vaïcya and aïcya are the nipätas of vaïc[u] + [ë]ya[t] and aïc[u] + [ë]ya[t] when the meaning
is gati.2 Väcya is the nipäta of vac[a] + [ë]ya[t] when something other than a combination of words is
to be expressed. And bhojya is the nipäta of bhuj[a] when an eatable is to be expressed.
anyatra prayogya ity-ädiñu yathä-svaà ka-gau.
Våtti—In other meanings, the change to k or g is done according to what fits, as in prayogya and so on.
Amåta—Prayojya and niyojya are made as nipätas in the sense of çakya. Thus prayojyaù means prayoktuà
çakyaù (“able to be engaged”) and niyojyaù means niyoktuà çakyaù (“able to be ordered”). In this way,
both prayojya and niyojya refer to a bhåtya (“servant”). In vaïcya, aïcya, and väcya, the result of the
nipäta is that the change to k by sütra 1362 doesn’t take place, and in prayojya, niyojya, and bhojya, the
result of the nipäta is that the change to g by sütra 1362 doesn’t take place. Due to the words “and so on,”
we also get vaìkya, aìkya, väkya, and bhogya. Prayogya and niyogya are used just in the sense of
preraëéya (“to be impelled”), vaìkya means vaïcanéya (“to be cheated”), aìkya means püjya (“to be
worshiped”), väkya means a combination of words (a sentence), and bhogya means wealth and so on.
1366(SK 2886). u-dvayäë ëyad ävaçyake

ëyat is applied after dhätus that end in u-dvaya provided that ‘ävaçyaka’ is either manifest(vyakta) or to
be understood(dyotya/gamya). JG Reminds us of the sütra from the näma-dhätu section. Then an
example is give with the dhätu nu. E.g nu takes våñëéndra before ëyat and the au of nau become äv before
‘y’ by the o-dvayasyäv-ävau.. Then avaçyam is used to make manifest(vyakta) the sense of ‘ävaçyaka’ and
thus there is application of sütra 168. The example thus means that ‘the devotees are necessarily to be
worshipped’. Similarly an example is made with the dhätu lü e.g ‘The daiteyas(asuras) are necessarily to
be cut/destroyed’. Then JG shows when ävaçyaka is to be understood(dyotya/gamya) ‘The vaiñëavas are
necessarily to be clean’.. This is bhäva-väcya
“o-dvayasyäv-ävau prayaya-ye” (3.515) avaçya-nävyä bhägavatäù, avaçya-lävyä daiteyäù. gamyatve ’pi—
vaiñëavaiù çucibhir bhävyam.
1367(SK 2887, vartika of 85). yu-rapi-vapi-lapi-trapi-camibhya äsunoteç ca ëyat, dambher nasya ca
haraù
ëyat is applied after the dhätus yu, rap, vap, lap, trap, cam and ä+su[ï]. Ëyat is also applied after the
dhätu danbh(although it says dambh here as usual it is danbh in the dhätu-päöha), and danbh loses its ‘n’
before ëyat. E.g in the case of yu and ä+su[ï] this is an apaväda of sütra 150 which ordains yat. In the
case of the other dhätus this is an apaväda of pa-vargäntäd yat. JG gives exampls of yu, rap and ä+su[ï]..
He also comments that päëini considers danbh 10th class while the käläpa grammarians consider it 5th
class(JG himself lists it in his DP as 5th class). Däbhyam is danbh with ‘n’ deleted and then uddhavä-
rämasya våñëéndro nrsimhe is applied.
yävyaà, räpyam ity-ädi. ñuï ca---äsävyam. “dambhiç caurädikaù” iti päëinéyäù. “dambhuù sauvädikaù” iti
käläpäù—däbhyam.
1368. bhaja-japa-yajänamibhyo yad vä

The dhätus bhaj, jap, yaj and ä+nam optionally take yat.. E.g bhaj and yaj should usually take ëyat due to
sütra 166. jap and ä+nam usually take yat by pa-vargäntäd.. But here ëyat and yat are made
interchangeable for these dhätus.
bhägyam, bhajyam. änämyam, änamyam.
1369(SK 2890). mäìaù päyyaà parimäëe
1
This limits prayojya and niyojya to the sense of çakti ordained in arha-çaktyor vidhi-viñëukåtya-tålaù (1088). In senses other
than çakti the forms are prayogya and niyogya.
2
Thus, from vaïc[u] gatau (1P, “to go, move”), be get vaïcya, but from vaïc[u] pralambhane (10A, “to cheat”), we get vaìkya.
Similarly, from aïc[u] gati-püjanayoù (1P, “to go, move; to worship”), when the meaning is gati, we get aïcya, but when the
meaning is püjana, we get aìkya.
The dhätu mä[ì] takes ëyat and makes the irregular form päyya(neuter) provided that the meaning is ‘a
measure’(e.g a length, breadth etc..). usually mä[ì] would take yat due to being sarveçvaränta(in which
case .. The irregularity here is that the m of mä[ì] changes to p.. yuk is then added by äto yuk iëi
nåsimha-kåti ca.
parämäd yam idam.
1370(SK 2874,88,89,90,91,93). kuëòapäyya-saàcäyyau kratau, praëäyyo durmati-niñkämayoù,

saàniyaù säànäyyaà havir-viçeñe, änayater änäyyo dakñiëägnau, niciïo nikäyyo niväse, cityaç cetavye
vahnau, agni-cityä tac-cayane, amä-pürva-vaser amäväsyämävasye(dual of ä-rämänta) tithi-viçeñe
In this sütra the nipätas are declined in a way that shows their gender(me). The irregular forms
kuëòapäyya and saàcäyya are made when specific yajïas are to be denoted.. E.g in kuëòapäyya(a
sacrifice in which soma is drunk with a bowl(kuëòa) the dhätu is pä(to drink) and kåd-pratyaya is yat.
The irregularity is that instead of ä e yati, yuk is irregularily applied(e.g no nåsimha kåti). In saàcäyya(a
sacrifice in which soma is collected) the dhätu is sam+ci and the kåt-pratyaya is ëyat.. Praëäyya(präëäyya
in the comms is wrong) is made from the dhätu pra+né when the meaning is ‘the object of non-
affection’(durmati=apréti-viñaya) or ‘free from desires’ (niñkäma). Comm gives examples for each meaning
e.g durmati: präëäyyaç cauraù - ‘the thief is to be disliked’. Niñkäma: präëäyyo ’nte-väsé – ‘the student is
detached(here präëäyya=virakta)’. Säànäyya(neuter) is made from the dhätu saà+né when the meaning
is ‘a particular oblation’. MW explains the peculiarity of the oblation. Änäyya is made from the dhätu ä+né
when it means ‘the southern fire of an altar’(SK 2888 explains that it has to be a special kind). In the
forms from saàcäyya to änäyya the irregularities are that ëyat is applied instead of yat(by sarveçvaränta-
dhätor) and that the våñëéndra ai becomes ‘äy’ without a para-nimitta. In säànäyya the trivikrama of the
upendra sam is also irregular Nikäyya is made from the dhätu ni+ci when it means ‘a dwelling-place’. The
irregularity is that ëyat is applied instead of yat(by sarveçvaränta-dhätor) and that the våñëéndra ai
becomes ‘äy’ without a para-nimitta. The ‘c’ of ci also becomes ‘k’.. Comm also explains that nikäyya
means the place where grains etc.. are stored and thus another irregularity is that nikäyya expresses
adhikaraëa(e.g adhikaraëa is ukta). Citya is made from the dhätu ci with yat when it means the sacrficial
fire which is to be collected. Similarly Agnicityä is made from the dhätu ci with yat when it means
collecting the sacrificial fire.. Bala-toñani says the pratyaya is ëyat and SK says it is ya(new pointless
pratyaya).. I think yat is most correct.. In any case the irregularities are that t[uk](vämanät tuk påthau) is
applied where there is no påthu and that the laghüddhavasya is not taking govinda. In agnicityä the
ending of ä[p](feminine pratyaya) in bhäva-väcya is also irregular(e.g agnicityä is the act of collecting the
fire, thus bhäva-väcya but comm says citya is karma-väcya e.g fire is the thing that is to be collected). The
normal form with yat is ceya, but bala-toñani says that citya and agnicitya are regularly made with
kyap(??). Finally amäväsyä and amävasyä are formed when a particular tithi(lunar day) is to be
expressed. Here the avyaya amä(=saha=together) and the dhätu vas are combined. In amäväsyä ëyat is
applied, and in amävasyä yat(irregular) is applied. And in both cases the feminine pratyaya ä[p] is added.
These are the irregularities as well as the fact that here yat and ëyat are adhikaraëa-väci(e.g they express a
time). The våtti says that the moon and the sun reside together (in the same constellation) during this
tithi.(it also says that the forms amäväsyä and amävasyä come about by ëyat and yat respectively and by
ending in äp.. but we already stated that.)
amä saha vasataç candra-süryäv asyäm iti ëyad-yadbhyäm äb-antäbhyäà sidhyataù.
1371(SK 2865,66). gupeù kupyam ahema-rüpye dhane, bhidyoddhyau nada-bhede kartari

In this sütra the nipätas are declined in a way that shows their gender(me) .The dhätus gup(bala says
both gup[a] and gup[ü] are taken by this, ämåta says just gup[ü]) combined with yat forms
kupya(neuter) provided it means wealth(MW says metal) other than gold or silver. Here the irregularity
is that there is no govinda and the ‘g’ of gup becomes ‘k’. The dhätus bhid and udjh[aña](Päëini and MW
call it ujjh[a]) combined with yat form the words bhidya and uddhya in kartå-väcya when they denote
particular rivers. JG defines them in the våtti e.g bhidya (a river that breaks its banks by the rush of its
water) is the name of one river, and uddhya (a river whose waters overflow the banks) is the name of
another river. The irregularities are that both take yat and that they are made in kartå-väcya. The absence
of govinda in bhidya is irregular as in the change of jhà dh in the dhätu udjh[aña]. In the last part of
våtti govindäbhäva is borrowed from the previous sentence. E.g govindäbhävo da-dha-madhyatvät
siddhyati – The absence of govinda in ‘uddhya’ is achieved by having d and dh as the middle.. e.g no
laghüddhavasya. In the våtti ujjhati is acyuta form of udjh[añ] e.g there is ta-vargasya ca-vargaç ca-varga-
yoge. Bala-toñani says that these formed are legitimately made with kyap in there normal meanings?
bhinatti külaà bhidya iti govindäbhävo nipätaù. ujjhati külam uddhya iti da-dha-madhyatvät sidhyati.
1372.(SK 2867,68,70,73,90,92+ vartika of 2858) puñya-sidhyau nakñatra-viçeñe, vipüyo muïje, vinéyaù

kalke, jityo mahati hale, yugyaà vähane, dadhäter dhäyyä sämidhenyäm åci, paricäyyopacäyya-samühyä
agni-viçeñeñu, aïjer äjyaà ghåte, gåhyo ’svairiëi sädhavaù
In this sütra the nipätas are declined in a way that shows their gender(me). puñya and sidhya(here I have
changed siddhya to sidhya as it is like that in päëini sütra, MW and amara-kosa) are formed from the
dhätus puñ and sidh combined with yat provided that they denote a particular nakñatra. E.g the puñya
asterism (nakñatra) is so no named because objects are nourished under its influence.. the sidhya
asterism(another name for the same puñya asterism) is so named because things are accomplished under
its influence. Vipüya is formed from the dhätu vi+pü[ï] and yat when muïja-grass is to be expressed.
Vinéya is formed from the dhätu vi+né when kalka(oily sediment or sin) is to be expressed. The
irregularities for all the forms so far are: yat and the absence of govinda. Jitya is formed from the dhätu ji
when a great plough is to be expressed, the irregularities being yat and the application of tuk.
Yugya(neutur) is formed from the dhätu yuj with ëyat when it means a vehicle. Here the irregularity is
the absence of våñëéndra, jàg by sutra 167. dhäyyä is formed from the dhätu dhä when it means the
mantra recited while kindling the sacrificial fire, the irregularities are ëyat instead of yat and the addition
of the feminine pratyaya ä[p]. paricäyya, upacäyya and samühya are formed from the dhätu pari+ci,
upa+ci and sam+vah respectively when they denotes particular kinds of sacrficial fire. The irregularities
in the first two are ëyati instead of yat, and that ai become äy without a para-nimitta. In the third ëyat is
applied and the irregularities are that instead of govinda there is saìkarsana and then that becomes
trivikrama. Äjya(neuter) is formed from the dhätu aïj[ü] with ëyat when it means ghee. The irregularity
here is that sütra 167 is not applied and that there is deletion of the n of aïj. Finally gåhya is formed from
the dhätu grah when it means a dependant(e.g dependent or one who is dependent). The irregularities
being yat and saìkarsana.
1373 / @naupaen‰e" vad"Ae yatfyapaAE , Bauva: fyapBaAvae , h"nastaê /
1373. anupendre vado yat-kyapau, bhuvaù kyap bhäve, hanas taç ca
an-upendre—when something which is not an upendra is the pürva-pada; vadaù—after the dhätu vad[a]
vyaktäyäà väci (1P, “to speak, say, tell”); yat-kyapau—the kåt pratyayas ya[t] and [k]ya[p]; bhuvaù—after
the dhätu bhü sattäyäm (1P, “to be, become, exist”); kyap—the kåt pratyaya [k]ya[p]; bhäve—in bhäve
prayoga; hanaù—after the dhätu han[a] hiàsä-gatyoù (2P, “to strike, kill; to go, move”); taù—the change
to ta-räma; ca—also.
Ya[t] or [k]ya[p] is applied after vad[a] when something which is not an upendra is the pürva-pada.
Similarly, when something which is not an upendra is the pürva-pada, [k]ya[p] is applied after bhü and
han[a] in bhäve prayoga and the n of han[a] changes to t.
kåñëenodyante—kåñëa-vadyä gétäù, kåñëodyäù. bähulyät kartari ca—satya-vadyo raghüttamaù. brahmaëo

bhävaù brahma-bhüyam. brahmaëo hananaà brahma-hatyä, strétvam abhidhänät.
Våtti—For example, kåñëa-vadyä gétäù or kåñëodyäù gétäù (“The Gétä, which is spoken by Kåñëa”) where
kåñëa-vadyäù and kåñëodyäù mean kåñëenodyante (“spoken by Kåñëa”).
Ø kåñëena <3.1> + vad → (1373) kåñëena <3.1> + vad + ya[t] → (440) kåñëena <3.1> + vadya →
(1274, 859) kåñëa-vadya → (148) kåñëa-vadya + [j]as → (46) kåñëa-vadyäs → (155) kåñëa-vadyäù <1.3,
karmaëi>.
Ø kåñëena <3.1> + vad → (1373) kåñëena <3.1> + vad + [k]ya[p] → (440, 622) kåñëena <3.1> +
udya → (1274, 859) kåñëa + udya → (50) kåñëodya → (148) kåñëodya + [j]as → (46) kåñëodyäs → (155)
kåñëodyäù <1.3, karmaëi>.
Because the kåt pratyayas are applied variously (see sütra 1185), we also get satya-vadyo raghüttamaù
(“The best of the Raghus, who speaks the truth”) where ya[t] is applied in kartari prayoga. The other
examples are brahma-bhüyam, which means brahmaëo bhävaù1 (“the state of being Brahman”), and
brahma-hatyä, which means brahmaëo hananam2 (“killing a brähmaëa”). Hatyä is feminine on account of
common usage.
Ø brahmaëaù <6.1> + bhü → (1373) brahmaëaù <6.1> + bhü + [k]ya[p] → (440, 399) brahmaëaù
<6.1> + bhüya → (1274, 859) brahman + bhüya → (260) brahma-bhüya → (148, 1192) brahma-bhüya +
s[u] → (220) brahma-bhüya + am → (156) brahma-bhüyam <1.1, bhäve>.
Ø brahmaëaù <6.1> + han → (1373) brahmaëaù <6.1> + han + [k]ya[p] → (han is aniö by verse 5,
1373) brahmaëaù <6.1> + hatya → (1274, 859) brahman + hatya → (260) brahma-hatya → (148, )
brahma-hatya + ä[p] → () brahma-hatyä → (148) brahma-hatyä + s[u] → (202) brahma-hatyä <1.1,
Comment [56]: reference this ä[p] by kåñëäd äp
bhäve>. Matsya Avatara dasa 16/11/06 6:01
Amåta—Ya[t] and [k]ya[p] are applied after vad[a] in bhäve prayoga and karmaëi prayoga, but [k]ya[p] is haraù
only applied after bhü and han[a] in bhäve prayoga. This rule ordains ya[t] where it would have otherwise
been unobtained when there is a pürva-pada. Satya-vadyaù is the usage of Bhaööi. it means satyaà vadati
(“He speaks the truth”). Brahma-bhüyam means brahmatvam (“the state of being Brahman”). In strétvam
abhidhänät, the word abhidhänät here means loke kathanät (“because it is said among the people”) or, in
other words, loka-vyavahärät (“on account of common usage”), because we see usage like brahma-hatyä
surä-pänam (“killing a brähmaëa, drinking liquor”). Why do we say anupendre? Because when an upendra
is the pürva-pada, [ë]ya[t] is applied and we get pravädyaù. Likewise, bhävyaù and sambhävyaù and
ghätyaù and saìghätyaù (see sütras 1366 and 1361).
1374 / WitastauzAAs$auva{Hä{"jauSa: fyapa, /
1374. eti-stu-çäsu-våï-då-juñaù kyap
eti-stu-çäsu-våï-då-juñaù—after the dhätus i[ë] gatau (2P, “to go, move”), ñöu[ï] stutau (2U, “to praise”),
çäs[u] anuçiñöau (2P, “to instruct, punish, rule”), vå[ï] varaëe (5U, “to choose, ask for”), då[ì] ädare (6A,
“to respect”), and juñ[é] préti-sevanayoù (6A, “to be pleased, to like; to serve, visit, dwell”); kyap—the kåt
pratyaya [k]ya[p].
[K]ya[p] is applied after i[ë], ñöu[ï], çäs[u], vå[ï], då[ì], and juñ[é].
vämanät tuk—ityaù, stutyaù. ävaçyake ’péñyate—avaçya-stutyaù. çäñaù çiñ, çiñyaù. våtyaù, ädåtyaù, juñyaù.
äìaù çäsv ity-äder äkhyäta-darçitatvän na çiñ-ädeçaù—äçäsyam. éì gatau—upeyam.
Våtti—Vämanät tuk påthau (1275) is applied, and we get ityaù <1.1 karmaëi> and stutyaù <1.1 karmaëi>.
Ø i → (1374) i + [k]ya[p] → (i is aniö by verse 1, 399, 1275) itya → (148) itya + s[u] → (155)
ityaù (“to be gone to”) <1.1, karmaëi>.
1
The word brahmaëaù here is made by applying a ñañöhé viñëubhakti after brahman by kartå-karmaëoù ñañöhé kåd-yoge (956),
because brahman is the anukta-kartä of bhävaù here.
2
Likewise brahman takes a ñañöhé viñëubhakti because it is the anukta-karma of hananam here.
Ø ñöu → (458) stu → (1374) stu + [k]ya[p] → (stu is aniö by verse 1, 399, 1275) stutya → (148)
stutya + s[u] → (155) stutyaù (“to be praised, praiseworthy”) <1.1, karmaëi>.
Ø çäs → (1374) çäs + [k]ya[p] → (440, 399, 686) çiñya → (148) çiñya + s[u] → (155) çiñyaù (“to
be instructed, a disciple”) <1.1, karmaëi>.
Ø vå → (1374) vå + [k]ya[p] → (440, 399, 1275) våtya → (148) våtya + s[u] → (155) våtyaù (“to
be chosen”) <1.1, karmaëi>.
Ø ä[ì] + då → (1374) ä[ì] + då + [k]ya[p] → (då is aniö by verse 1, 399, 1275) ädåtya → (148)
ädåtya + s[u] → (155) ädåtyaù (“to be respected, respectable”) <1.1, karmaëi>.
Ø juñ → (1374) juñ + [k]ya[p] → (440, 399) juñya → (148) juñya + s[u] → (155) juñyaù (“to be
served”) <1.1, karmaëi>.
As explained in the Äkhyäta-prakaraëa, the dhätu ä[ì] + çäs[u] icchäyäm (2A, “to desire”) doesn’t
undergo the change to çiñ (see sütra 686). Thus we get äçäsyam <1.1 bhäve>.
Amåta—In the case of itya and stutya, [k]ya[p] is an apaväda of ya[t]. But in the case of çiñya, våtya,
ädåtya, and juñya, it is an apaväda of [ë]ya[t]. Since vå[ï] is mentioned here along with the indicatory
letter ï, vå[ì] sambhaktau (9A, “to serve, worship”) is excluded.
1375 / zAMis$aäu"ih"gAuih"ByaAe vaA fyapa, /
1375. çaàsi-duhi-guhibhyo vä kyap
çaàsi-duhi-guhibhyaù—after the dhätus çans[u] hiàsäyäà stutau ca (1P, “to hurt; to praise”), duh[a]
prapüraëe (“2U, to milk, extract”), and guh[ü] samvaraëe (“1U, to cover, hide”); vä—optionally; kyap—
[k]ya[p].
[K]ya[p] is optionally applied after çans[u], duh[a], and guh[ü].
çasyaà, çaàsyam. duhyaà, dohyam.
Våtti—Ø çans → (two options by 1375):

1) ([k]ya[p] is applied) çans + [k]ya[p] → (440, 454) çasya → (148, 1192) çasya + s[u] → (220)
çasya + am → (156) çasyam <1.1, bhäve>.
2) ([k]ya[p] isn’t applied, 1361) çans + [ë]ya[t] → (440, 230) çaàsya → (148, 1192) çaàsya +
s[u] → (220) çaàsya + am → (156) çaàsyam <1.1, bhäve>.
Ø duh → (two options by 1375):

1) ([k]ya[p] is applied) duh + [k]ya[p] → (duh is aniö by verse 8, 399) duhya → (148, 1192) duhya
+ s[u] → (220) duhya + am → (156) duhyam <1.1, bhäve>.
2) ([k]ya[p] isn’t applied, 1361) duh + [ë]ya[t] → (duh is aniö by verse 8, 443) dohya → (148,
1192) dohya + s[u] → (220) dohya + am → (156) dohyam <1.1, bhäve>.
Amåta—In the case that [k]ya[p] isn’t applied, [ë]ya[t] is applied by å-dvaya-viñëujanäbhyäà ëyat (1361).
Likewise we get guhyam <1.1, bhäve> or gohyam <1.1, bhäve>.
1376(SK 2859). å-rämoddhaväd akåpaù kyap

kyap is applied after dhätus whose uddhava is å-räma, with the exception of the dhätu kåp[ü]. Våtti self
explanatory.. kalpya is kåp+yat, then govinda and kåper å ÿ
våtu—våtyam. vådhu—vådhyam. kåpes tu—kalpyam.
1377(SK 2860, + varttika on Päëini 3.1.124 says MW). khanaù kheyaà nipätyate
1378. päëau såjer ëyat, samava-pürväc ca

The irregular form kheya(neuter—to be dug out= a ditch/trench) is formed from the dhätu khan, the
irregularities being kyap instead of ëyat and the change of aàe(deletion of n??). amara-koça says that
kheya=parikhä(ditch/trench). The sütra also says that the dhätu såj which has the word päëi(hand) as its
upapäda, or which has the upendras sam+ava prior to it takes ëyat. This is an apaväda of kyap by 180. E.g
The first example means ‘The mälä is made with the hands’(karma-väcya).. JG then comments that
sam+ava have to used together as a combination for the application of this sütra e.g ‘The rope is let go
of/hurled down’. In both examples there is ca-joù ka-gau… The comm gives the example why JG says
saìghätena e.g saàsåjyaà kåñëavimukhena, tena saàsäriëä bhavitavyam ityarthaù ‘Those averse to kåñëa
are to be bound to material existence’(bhäva-väcya, I translated in kartå-väcya) . Thismay be 2 sütras as
päëau is kåt-sütradyam saptamy-antam.
päëi-sargyä mälä. samaveti saìghätenaiva prayogaù—samavasargyä rajjuù.
1379 / Ba{Ha: fya«a tau patnyaAM , s$amBa{HaAe vaA , k{(va{iSaByaAM ca /
1379. bhåïaù kyap na tu patnyäà, sambhåïo vä, kå-våñibhyäà ca
bhåïaù—after the dhätu [òu]bhå[ï] dhäraëa-poñaëayoù (3U, “to hold, bear; to support, nourish”); kyap—
[k]ya[p]; na—not; tu—but; patnyäm—when a patné (“wife”) is to be expressed; sambhåïaù—after sam +
[òu]bhå[ï]; vä—optionally; kå-våñibhyäm—after the dhätus [òu]kå[ï] karaëe (8U, “to do, make”) and
våñ[u] secane (1P, “to rain”); ca—also.
[K]ya[p] is applied after [òu]bhå[ï], provided a wife isn’t being expressed, but it is only optionally
applied after sam + [òu]bhå[ï]. Similarly, [k]ya[p] is optionally applied after [òu]kå[ï] and våñ[u].
bhåtyaù. sambhåtyaù sambhäryaù. kåtyaà käryam. våñyaà varñyam. patnyäà tu—bhäryä.
Våtti—Ø bhå → (1379) bhå + [k]ya[p] → ([òu]bhå[ï] is aniö by verse 1, 399, 1275) bhåtya → (148)
bhåtya + s[u] → (155) bhåtyaù (“to be maintained, a servant”) <1.1, karmaëi>.
Ø sam + bhå → (two options by 1379):

1) ([k]ya[p] is applied) sam + bhå + [k]ya[p] → ([òu]bhå[ï] is aniö by verse 1, 399, 1275) sam +
bhåtya → (113, 114) sambhåtya → (148) sambhåtya + s[u] → (155) sambhåtyaù <1.1, karmaëi>.
2) ([k]ya[p] isn’t applied, 1361) sam + bhå + [ë]ya[t] → ([òu]bhå[ï] is aniö by verse 1, 422) sam +
bhärya → (113, 114) sambhärya → (148) sambhärya + s[u] → (155) sambhäryaù <1.1, karmaëi>.
Ø kå → (two options by 1379):

1) ([k]ya[p] is applied) kå + [k]ya[p] → ([òu]kå[ï] is aniö by verse 1, 399, 1275) kåtya → (148,
1192) kåtya + s[u] → (220) kåtya + am → (156) kåtyam (“action, what ought to be done, duty, purpose”)
<1.1, bhäve>.
2) ([k]ya[p] isn’t applied, 1361) kå + [ë]ya[t] → ([òu]kå[ï] is aniö by verse 1, 422) kärya → (148)
kärya + s[u] → (220) kärya + am → (156) käryam (“action, what ought to be done, duty, result,
purpose”) <1.1, bhäve>.
Ø våñ → (two options by 1379):

1) ([k]ya[p] is applied) våñ + [k]ya[p] → (440, 399) våñya → (148, 1192) våñya + s[u] → (220)
våñya + am → (156) våñyam (“raining should be [done]”) <1.1, bhäve>.
2) ([k]ya[p] isn’t applied, 1361) våñ + [ë]ya[t] → (440, 443) varñya → (148) varñya + s[u] →
(220) varñya + am → (156) varñyam (“raining should be [done]”) <1.1, bhäve>.
But when a wife is to be expressed, we get bhäryä (“a wife”).
Ø bhå → (1361) bhå + [ë]ya[t] → ([òu]bhå[ï] is aniö by verse 1, 422) bhärya → (148, ) bhärya +
ä[p] → () bhäryä → (148) bhäryä + s[u] → (202) bhäryä (“a wife”) <1.1, karmaëi>.
Amåta—Amara-koña says patné päëi-gåhété ca dvitéyä saha-dharmiëé bhäryä jäyä (“The words patné päëi- Comment [59]: reference this: a-i-dvayasya
gåhété, dvitéyä, saha-dharminé, bhäryä, and jäyä are all synonyms [meaning “wife”]”) haraù
1380(SK 2862). måjeù kyap vä

kyap is optionally applied after the dhätu måj[üñ].. when kyap is not applied ëyat is applied.. this is an
apaväda of 180 by making kyap optional. In the case of ëyat there is våñëéndra by the sütra måjer
våñëéndra and there is ca-joù ka-gau ghië-ëyator.
måjyaù. gatvam—märgyaù.
1381(SK 2865). måñodyädayaù karmädau sädhavaù

The irregular forms beginning with måñodya are valid when the karma etc.. is to be expressed. The other
forms are given by JG in the våtti. E.g måñodya(neuter)= ‘false speech’(comm glosses as mithyä väkyam)..
The irregularity is that only kyap is applied in defiance to sütra 177, but this is the case only when måñä
is the pürva-pada. Rucya = ‘bright, agreeable(or a lover e.g one who is agreeable)’. Here the irregularity is
kyap and also the fact that it is applied in kartå-väcya(e.g the karta is ukta by rocya). Thus in the sütra the
ädi in karmädau.. refers to kartå.. these irregularities are the same in the other forms. Kåñta-pacya =
‘ripening in cultivated land’(e.g rice etc..). avyathya = ‘not trembling/wavering’
måñä udyate—måñodyam. rocate—rucyaù. kåñöe pacati, päkam äpnoti—kåñöa-pacyo vréhy-ädiù. na
vyathate—avyathyaù.
1382(SK 2865). räjasüyädayas tu saàjïä-çabdäù

But the irregular forms räjasüya etc.. are names. E.g räjasüya is a specific yajïa, so named because: räjïä
süyate iha ‘In this yajïa there is extraction of the soma by the king’. E.g here the dhätu is sü. The
irregularity is kyap. By the word ädi in the sütra the word sürya is meant.. e.g sürya(the sun) is made
from either the dhätu sü or så combined with kyap.. E.g sürya= suvati karmaëi lokaà ‘That which impels
the world to action’(here the irregularities are kyap and that r[uö] is added). Or sürya= saraty äkäçe ‘That
which moves in the sky’(Here the irregularities are kyap and that there å of så is replaced by ‘u’ and r[uö]
is added).
1383(SK 2870). anupendre graheù kyap bähyäyäà pakñe ca

kyap is applied after the dhätu grah provided that it’s pürva-pada is not an upendra and that bähyä(being
on the outside) or pakña(being on the party of) is to be expressed. JG points out in the våtti that because
of bähyä being mentioned in a feminine form, kyap is applied to grah only in the feminine, thus the form
is always gåhyä.. The comm says that pakña is the word pakña with a taddhita(keçaväräma). They both
look the same but pakña means pakñäçrita(pakñe bhavaù) being on the side. The examples mean ‘the
army is outside mathurä’, ‘on kåñëa’s side’ .. comm gives another example also arjunagåhyaù kåñëaù
‘kåñëa is on arjuna’s side’
lakñmé-nirdeçät tasyäm eva. mathurä-gåhyä senä, tato bähyety arthaù. kåñëa-gåhyaù, tat-pakñäçrita ity
arthaù.
1384 / wjyaAãjyaAk{(tyaA BaAvae fyabantaA: s$aADava: /
1384. ijyä-vrajyä-kåtyä bhäve kyab-antäù sädhavaù

ijyä-vrajyä-kåtyäù—ijyä (“sacrifice, worship”), vrajyä (“going, roaming”), and kåtyä (“work, activity”);
bhäve—in bhäve prayoga; kyab-antäù—which end in [k]ya[p]; sädhavaù—are the proper forms.
Ijyä, vrajyä, and kåtyä are the proper kyab-anta forms in bhäve prayoga.
Saàçodhiné—The information contained in this sütra and the next three sütras is repeated in greater
detail in våtti 1658 and the Amåta and Saàçodhiné commentaries on this topic are given there.
1385 / s$amajyaAd"ya: s$aMÁaAyaAM s$aADava: /
1385. samajyädayaù saàjïäyäà sädhavaù
samajyä-ädayaù—samajyä (“an assembly”) and so on; saàjïäyäm—in the sense of a saàjïä (“name”);
sädhavaù—are the proper forms.
Samajyä and so on are the proper kyab-anta forms in the sense of a name.
samajanty asyäm—samajyä sabhä, niñadyä äpaëaù, nipatyä picchila-bhümiù. vidanty anayä—vidyä. süyate
asyäà somaù—sutyä. çayyate asyäm—çayyä.
Våtti—Thus we get samajyä which refers to a sabhä (“an assembly”) and means samajanty asyäm (“the
place where people meet”), niñadyä which refers to an äpaëa (“a shop”), nipatyä which refers to picchila-
bhümi (“slippery ground”). vidyä (“knowledge”) which means vidanty anayä (“that by which people
know”), sutyä (“name of a particular oblation”) which means süyate ’syäà somaù (“that in which soma is
crushed”), and çayyä (“a bed”) which means çayyate ’syäm (“that on which one sleeps”),
1386 / wtyaA BaAvak(r"NAyaAe: s$aADau: /
1386. ityä bhäva-karaëayoù sädhuù
ityä—ityä (“going or that by which one goes, a palanquin”); bhäva-karaëayoù—in bhäve prayoga and
karaëe prayoga; sädhuù—is the proper form.
Ityä is the proper kyab-anta form in bhäve prayoga and karaëe prayoga.
1387 / Ba{tyaAd"yaAe BaAvae s$aADava: /
1387. bhåtyädayo bhäve sädhavaù
bhåtyä-ädayaù—bhåtyä (“maintenance, wages”) and so on; bhäve—in bhäve prayoga; sädhavaù—are the
proper forms.
Bhåtyä and so on are the proper kyab-anta forms in bhäve prayoga.
bharaëaà bhåtyä. äsanam upaveçanam äsyä ity-ädi.
Våtti—Thus we get bhåtyä which means bharaëa (“maintenance, wages”), äsyä which means äsana or, in
other words, upaveçana (“sitting”), and so on.
1388 / BavyagAeya‘avacanaIyaAepasTaAnaIyajanyaAplaAvyaApaAtyaA: k(taRir" ca /
1388. bhavya-geya-pravacanéyopasthänéya-janyäplävyäpätyäù kartari ca
bhavya-geya-pravacanéya-upasthänéya-janya-äplävya-äpätyäù—bhavya, geya, pravacanéya, upasthänéya,

janya, äplävya, and äpätya; kartari—in kartari prayoga; ca—also.
Bhavya, geya, pravacanéya, upasthänéya, janya, äplävya, and äpätya are also used in kartari prayoga.
vaiñëavo mathuräyäà bhavyaù, bhavatéty artha ity-ädi. harer geyaù, harià gäyatéty arthaù. pakñe
mathuräyäà bhavyam ity-ädi.
Våtti—Examples are vaiñëavo mathuräyäà bhavyaù (“The Vaiñëava is in Mathurä”) where bhavyaù means
bhavati and harer geyaù which means harià gäyati (“He praises Hari”). In the other case, we get
mathuräyäà bhavyam (“being in Mathurä”) and so on.
Amåta—Due to the word ca, they are also used in bhäve prayoga and karmaëi prayoga. In harer geyaù,
hari is the anukta-karma and thus it takes a ñañöhé viñëubhakti by sütra 956. The kartä bhaktaù should be
understood here. Other examples are pravacanéyo guruù çré-bhägavatasya (“The guru explains the
Bhägavatam”), upasthänéyaù çiñyo guroù (“The disciple serves the guru”), asau janyaù (“He takes birth”),
asau äplävyaù (“He bathes”), asau äpätyaù (“He rushes towards”). The word pakñe here means “in bhäve
prayoga and karmaëi prayoga.” Due to the words “and so on,” we get harir geyo bhaktena (“Hari is praised
by the devotee”), pravacanéyaà bhägavataà guruëä (“The Bhägavatam is explained by the guru”),
upasthänéyo guruù çiñyeëa (“The guru is served by the disciple”), anena janyam (“taking birth should be
[done] by him”), anena äplävyam (“bathing should be [done] by him”), and anena äpätyam (“rushing
towards should be [done] by him”).
Saàçodhiné—Bhavya and geya are formed by applying ya[t] by sarveçvaränta-dhätor yat (1345),
pravacanéya and upasthänéya are formed by applying anéya by tavyänéyau (1344), janya is formed by
applying ya[t] by çak-ädibhyaç ca yat (1350), and äplävya and äpätya are formed by applying [ë]ya[t] by
u-dvayäë ëyad ävaçyake (1366) and å-dvaya-viñëujanäbhyäà ëyat (1361).
1389(MW says Päëini 6.3.70 varttika). dhenum-bhavyä sädhuù

The irregular word dhuenum-bhavyä is made with yat in kartå-väcya. The irregularity is that m[um] is
added on to the pürva-pada dhenu and that there is a feminine ending. Dhenum-bhavyä(that which is in
cows)= gorocanä(pigment made from the bile of cows)
dhenuñu bhavatéti.
1390.(SK 2834 vartika) kelimaù karma-kartari

[k]elima is applied after dhätus in karma-kartå-väcya.. The karma is ukta by the viñëukåtya. The comm
inserts svayam in both examples e.g ‘The beans split of their own accord’, ‘The rice cooks by itself’
bhidelimä mäñäù. pacelimäs taëòuläù. uktä viñëukåtyäù.
1391 / baAò"lyaAtk(r"NAAd"AE ca tae /
1391. bähulyät karaëädau ca te
bähulyät—because the kåt pratyayas are applied variously; karaëa-ädau—when the karaëa and so is to be
expressed; ca—also; te—they (the viñëukåtyas).
Because the kåt pratyayas are applied variously, the viñëukåtyas are also applied in karaëe prayoga and
so on.1
snäyate yena tat—snänéyam ämalaky-ädi. déyate yasmai saù—dänéyo vipraù. äpatati yasmät saù—äpätyo
bhåguù. ramyate yasmin tat—ramaëéyaà våndävanam. tiñöhate nirëéyate vivädo yatra saù—stheyaù.
Våtti—Examples are snänéyam ämalaky-ädi (“ämalaké and so on with which to bathe”) where snänéyam
means snäyate yena tat (“that with which bathing is [done]”), dänéyo vipraù (“A vipra unto whom [a
donation] is given”) where dänéyaù means déyate yasmai saù (“he unto whom giving is [done]”), äpatyo
bhåguù (“the cliff from which people fall”) where äpätyaù means äpatati yasmät saù (“that from which
one falls”), ramaëéyaà våndävanam (“Våndävana in which [the mind] delights, charming Våndävana”)
where ramaëéyam means ramyate yasmin tat (“the place where enjoying is [done]”), and stheyaù (“a
judge”) where stheyaù means tiñöhate nirëéyate vivädo yatra saù (“He [relying] on whom an argument is
settled”).
Amåta—The word te here refers to the viñëukåtyas. Snänéyam is formed by applying anéya in karaëe
prayoga, dänéyaù is formed by applying anéya in sampradäne prayoga, äpätyaù is formed by applying
[ë]ya[t] in apädäne prayoga, and ramaëéyam and stheyaù are formed by applying anéya and ya[t]
respectively in adhikaraëe prayoga. An ätmapada ending is used in tiñöhate by stho nirëétau prakäçane
pratijïäyäm (1128). In these kåt pratyayas (the viñëukåtyas) all the kärakas are seen to be ukta. For
example, first the viñëukåtyas were ordained in bhäve prayoga and karmaëi prayoga (see sütra 1343), then
Comment [60]: check my translation of this
they were ordained in kartari prayoga (see sütra 1388), and now they are ordained in karaëe prayoga and later on
so on. In this regard, because the viñëukåtya pratyayas are ordained in kartari prayoga and so on, the
kartä and so on is ukta by those pratyayas.
1392(Sk 2834 vartika). västavyo väsa-kartari våñëéndreëa sädhuù

The irregular form västavya(an inhabitant) is made from the dhätu vas with tavya provided that the
kartä(doer) of the residing is to be expressed. Here the irregularities are tavya being applied in kartå-
väcya and the våñëéndra of the dhätu vas. An example from the comm is: våndävanasya västavyo ’yam ‘He
is a resident of våndävana’
1393 / k(taRir" /
1393. kartari
kartari—in kartari prayoga.
The word kartari is to be supplied in the subsequent sütras.
prabhur ayam.
Våtti—This is a prabhu adhikära.
Amåta—The adhikära kartari is mentioned again2 here to remove the anuvåtti of bhäva-karmaëoù.
1394 / NAk(ta{laAE /
1394. ëaka-tålau
1
In karaëe prayoga, the karaëa is ukta by the pratyaya. Similarly, in sampradäne prayoga, the sampradäna is ukta, and so on
(see sütra 928).
2
The word kartari was aleady established as a väsudeva adhikära by dhätoù kåd bahulaà kartari (1185).
ëaka-tålau—the kåt pratyayas [ë]aka and tå[l].
[Ë]aka and tå[l] are applied after a dhätu in kartari prayoga.
“ëvul-tåcau” päëiniù (3.1.133). karotéti kärakaù, kartä jagataù. vaha—voòhä. hana—ghätakaù.
Våtti—Päëini called them [ë]vu[l] and tå[c] (see Añöädhyäyé 3.1.133). Examples are jagataù kärakaù and
jagataù kartä (“one who creates the universe, the creator of the universe”) where kärakaù and kartä mean
karoti (“one who creates”)
Ø kå → (1394) kå + [ë]aka → (kå is aniö by verse 1, 422) käraka → (148) käraka + s[u] → (155)
kärakaù (“one who does, a doer”) <1.1>.
Ø kå → (1394) kå + tå[l] → (kå is aniö by verse 1, 394) kartå → (148) kartå + s[u] → (188) kartå +
ä[c] → (185) kartä (“one who does, a doer”) <1.1>.
From vah[a] präpaëe (1U, “to bear, lead, carry”) we get voòhä <1.1>.
Ø vah → (1394) vah + tå[l] → (vah is aniö by verse 8, 290) vaòh + tå → (466) vaòh + dhå → (280)
vaòh + òhr → (537) va + òhå → (615) voòhå → (148) voòhå + s[u] → (188) voòhå + ä[c] → (185) voòhä
(“one who carries, a carrier”) <1.1>.
From han[a] hiàsä-gatyoù (2P, “to strike, kill; to go, move”), we get ghätakaù <1.1>.
Ø han → (1394) han + [ë]aka → (han is aniö by verse 5, 267) ghan + [ë]aka → (470) ghän +
[ë]aka → (806) ghätaka → (148) ghätaka + s[u] → (155) ghätakaù (“one who kills, a killer”) <1.1>.
Amåta—It was explained in våtti 1331 that the Päëinians replace vu with aka. Thus [ë]vu[l] and [ë]aka
are in effect the same. Jagataù is the anukta-karma here and thus it takes a ñañöhé viñëubhakti by sütra 956.
Saàçodhiné—As shown above, kartari prayoga kådantas can either be translated using the formula “one
who ...” or using the English suffix “er.” Thus pälakaù can be translated as “one who protects” or as “a
protector.” Because kådantas are by nature viçeñaëas they require a viçeñya. If the viçeñya is mentioned in
the sentence, then the viçeñya is mentioned in place of the word “one” in “one who...” For example, in
the sentence tadä harir bhaktänäà pälakaù avatérëaù (“Then Hari who protects His devotees descended”)
Hari is mentioned in place of the word “one.” But if no viçeñya is seen in the sentence, then the word
janaù (“a person, i.e one”) has to be implied. Thus, because Jéva Gosvämé doesn’t mention any viçeñya in
his examples, we have implied the viçeñya janaù and have thus translated kärakaù and so on as “a person
who does, i.e one who does” and so on. Otherwise there would be expectation of a viçeñya since by
themselves kärakaù and so on just mean “who does” and so on.
1395. nämadhätu-hano na ghatvaà, na ca tatvam
nämadhätu-hanaù— na ghatvaà, na ca tatvam
hananéyakaù. “äto yuk” (3.180)—däyakaù. evam äkhyäta-sütrebhyaù—kuöitä, koöakaù, çamakaù. yames tu

yämakaù. päpacakaù ity aträpi anta-harän na våñëéndraù, päpacya-sthäne päpacädeçät tasya sthänivad-
bhäväd na våñëéndra ity anye. “sthänivad-bhävät”—iti prasäde ’pi. prakriyä (pä 3.1.133) tu cintyä.
cakrapäëes tu—päpäcakaù, päpacitä, daridräyakaù, daridritä ity-ädi jïeyam. krami-gami-kåpi-våtvädénäm iö-
sütreñu ätmapadena tat-käraëaà gåhyate iti bahünäà matam. “gamyädénäà na” iti keñäïcit. kramesu tu
kartary eveö neñyate—prakrantä, upakrantä. akartari tu—prakramitavyam. gamy-ädeù khalv api—
saïjigaàsitä, saïjigamiñitä. cikÿpsitä, cikalpiñitä. vivåtsitä, vivartiñitä.
nämadhätus formed from the dhätu han do not take the changes to ‘gh’ and ‘t’ by the sütras hano hasya
gho ëit-nayoù and hanter to nåsimhe.(The other sütra näma-dhätu-hano na ghatvam in the näma-dhätu
section was for checking naräd dhanter hasya ghaù). The våtti gives the example hananéyaka e.g this is
hanana + kyan(e.g = hananam icchati), there is a-dvayasya é kyani.. and thus the näma dhätu hananéya is
made.. ëaka is added to this and there is a-räma-haro räma-dhätuke. Then däyaka is shown e.g = dä +
ëaka… with the sütra äto yuk iëi nåsimha-kåti ca.
Then the våtti says that similarly(e.g in the same ways as däyaka was accomplished by an äkyhäta-sütra)
the forms kuöitä etc.. are accomplished by the äkhyäta-sütras e.g kuöitä is the dhätu kuö with the affix
tå[l].. there is kuöäder anåsimho nirguëah, but the form with ëaka is koöaka.. çamaka is the dhätu çam +
ëaka and there is no våñëéndra by jani-vadhyor mäntänäm.. but with the dhätu yam + ëaka the form
yämaka is made due to it being forbidden in the jani-vadhyor sütra(e.g an-äcami etc..). Then päpacaka is
illustrated e.g this is the dhäu pac + ya[ì] = päpacya.. then ëaka is added and there is application of
viñëujanäd sä-räma-yasya haro räma-dhätuke.. thus we get päpac+ëaka. Because of päpac being the
sthänivad replacement of päpacya there is no våñëéndra by anta-hare na govinda-våñëéndrau and the final
form is päpacaka. The commentary on prakriyä-kaumudé which is named prasäda clearly says ‘sthänivad-
bhävät’ and also makes the form päpacaka. However prakriyä kaumudé itself makes the form päpäcaka by
it’s sütra “nadhätu lope ityatra ika eva guëavåddhiniñedhät päpäcaka”. JG says this is highly questionable.
In the case of cakrapäëis however there is no prohibition of govinda and våñëéndra(by anta hare na gov..)
because of the cakrapäëi-dhätu not being the sthänivat of the yaì-anta-dhätu(whose ‘ya’ is deleted) on
account of there being a mahähara of yaì. Thus päpäcaka is formed by pac+yaì= päpacya.. then yaìo
mahähara bahulam(tad-antaç cakrapäëi-saàjïaù)= the cakrapäëi-dhätu päpac.. then ëaka is added and
there is våñëéndra=päpäcaka.. The cakrapäëi dhätu päpac + tål = päpacitä(iö räma-dhätuke). Then the
dhätu daridrä is shown first with ëaka and then with tål. E.g in daridräyaka there is äto yuk (ä is not
deleted because that was forbidden in daridräter ä-räma-haro vaiñëavädi-san-ëaka..”).., in daridritä there
is iö and daridräter ä-räma-haro.
JG then says that many think that on account of the word ‘ätmapada’ in the iö-ordaining sütras of the
dhätus kram, gam, kåp and the 4 dhätus beginning with våt that the cause of ätmapada(e.g the particular
sütras in käraka prakaraëam which ordain ätmapada) is also to be taken.. (e.g this is done because
ätmapada endings are not applied when forming kådantas due to the different adhikara(e.g ätmapadibhya
ätmapadäni ìitaç ca is under the adhikara dhätoù while the kådänta adhikara is dhätoù kåd bahulam
kartari) so in order to use these iö sütras in making kådantas the cause of ätmapada is considered the
criterion. Others say that for the dhätus gam etc..(all the beforementioned except kram) that only when
ätmapada endings are present directly as the para nimitta is iö forbidden by these iö-sütras(e.g gamer iö sa-
rämädi räma-dhätuke.. and others). In any case iö is only not desirable in kartå-väcya. E.g pra+kram and
upa+kram(both declared as ätmapadé in käraka-prakaraëam) with tål form prakrantå and upakrantå(e.g
snu-kramibhyäm iö nätmapada eva). Here for example there is no ätmapada endings but there is the cause
of ätmapada by ärambhe präd upät tathä. ëaka is not shown due to the impossiblilty of iö by neö ya-
sarveçvarayoù. But in other väcyas(bhäva, karma etc..) then iö is applied e.g prakramitavyam. With the
dhätus gam, however etc.. the ätmapada/iö rules are applied in all väcyas. Gam becomes ätmapadé by
samaù påcchati-gam… thus in sam+gam with san iö cannot be applied by the sütra gamer iö sa-rämädi-
räma-dhätuke nätmapade. Thus sam+gam with san = saàjigaàsa.. However when tål is then added iö can
be applied due to saàjigaàsa being a different dhätu than sam+gam.. Thus there is iö and a-räma-haro-
rämadhätuke and the form is saàjigaàsitä.. however those that say that for the gamy-ädis that the cause
of ätmapada cannot be taken apply iö to sam+gam and get the form saàjigamisitä(me: If we take the
opinion that the cause of ätmpada is taken by the word ätmapada, then this form is possible also if
samgam is sakarmaka because then there would be no cause of ätmapada by samaù påcchati-gam..)..
Then the forms of the dhätus kåp and våt are shown with san.. E.g they are naturally ätmapadé but
become optionally parapadé by våtädibhyaù parapadam vä sya-sanoù & kåper balakalkau ca.. So when the
option for parapada is taken then there is no iö by neö sa-räme ätmapadäbhäve and the forms cikÿpsitä and
vivåtsitä are made with tål(e.g kåp+sanà cikÿpsa, then tål is added.. and there is iö and a-räma-haro-räma-
dhätuke). But when the option for parapada is not taken then iö is applied before san and the forms are
cikalpiñitä and vivartiñitä
1396(SK 2895..våtti). bähulyät karmaëy api ëakaù
Good in yadu’s book
pädäbhyäà hriyate—päda-härakaà nüpurädi.
1397 / nanâAde"r"na: /
1397. nandy-äder anaù
nandi-ädeù—after the nandy-ädis (“the dhätus [öu]nad[i] samåddhau (1P, “to be pleased, glad”) + [ë]i and
so on”); anaù—the kåt pratyaya ana.
Ana is applied after the nandy-ädis in kartari prayoga.
“lyuù” päëiniù (3.1.134). nandanaù, janärdanaù, madhusüdanaù, madanaù, tapanaù, patanaù, virocanaù,
darpaëaù, saìkrandanaù, saìkarñaëaù, pavanaù, vibhéñaëaù, ramaëaù. “lyur ayaà saàjïäyäm” iti käçikä
(3.1.134). tatra ca “lyuù kartari” iti puàstva-vidhäv amaraù (3.5.15). tatra ca “nandy-äder lyuù” iti sarväpi
taö-öékä, kintu “nandanaà vanam” (amara-koñaù 1.1.45) ity atra nandayatéti lyur iti kñérasvämé. nandanäni
munéndräëäà ramaëäni vanaukasäm—iti nandy-ädi-prakaraëe bhaööiù (6.13).
Våtti—Päëini called it [l]yu (see Añöädhyäyé 3.1.134).
Ø nad[i] → (456) nand → (787) nand + [ë]i → nandi → (1397) nandi + ana → (440, 586)
nandana → (148) nandana + s[u] → (155) nandanaù (“one who gladdens, a son”) <1.1>
Ø janam <2.1> + ard → (1397) janam <2.1> + ard + ana → (440) janam <2.1> + ardana → (1274,
869) jana-ardana → (46) janärdana → (148) janärdana + s[u] → (155) janärdanaù (“name of Kåñëa”)
<1.1>
Ø madhum <2.1> + ñüd → (458) madhum <2.1> + süd → (1397) madhum <2.1> + süd + ana →
(440) madhum <2.1> + südana → (1274, 869) madhusüdana → (46) madhusüdana → (148) madhusüdana
+ s[u] → (155) madhusüdanaù (“a bee, name of Kåñëa”) <1.1>
Ø mad → (787) mad + [ë]i → (470) mäd + [ë]i → (789) madi → (1397) madi + ana → (440, 586)
madana → (148) madana + s[u] → (155) madanaù (“ that which causes one to be delighted / mad, name
of cupid”) <1.1>
Ø tap → (1397) tap + ana → (440) tapana → (148) tapana + s[u] → (155) tapanaù (“that which
burns, name of the sun”) <1.1>
Ø pat → (1397) pat + ana → (440) patana → (148) patana + s[u] → (155) patanaù (“that which
flies / falls”) <1.1>
Ø vi + ruc → (1397) vi + ruc + ana → (440, 443) virocana → (148) virocana + s[u] → (155)
virocanaù (“that which shines brightly, name of the sun”) <1.1>
Ø dåp → (787) dåp + [ë]i → (443) darpi → (1397) darpi + ana → (440, 586) darpana → (1193)
darpaëa → (148) darpaëa + s[u] → (155) darpaëaù (“that which causes one to be proud, a mirror”) <1.1>
Ø sam + krad[i] → (456) sam + krand → (787) sam + krand + [ë]i → sam + krandi → (1397) sam
+ krandi + ana → (440, 586, 113, 114) saìkrandana → (148) saìkrandana + s[u] → (155) saìkrandanaù
(“a name of Indra”) <1.1>
Ø sam + kåñ → (1397) sam + kåñ + ana → (440, 443) sam + karñana → (113, 114) saìkarñana
(1193) saìkarñaëa → (148) saìkarñaëa + s[u] → (155) saìkarñaëaù (“name of Balaräma”) <1.1>
Ø pü → (1397) pü + ana → (440, 394) po + ana → (65) pavana → (148) pavana + s[u] → (155)
pavanaù (“that which purifies, name of the wind”) <1.1>
Ø vi + bhé → (787) vi + bhé + [ë]i → (799) vi + bhéñ + [ë]i → vi + bhéñi → (1397) vi + bhéñi + ana →
(440, 586) vibhéñana → (1193) vibhéñaëa → (148) vibhéñaëa + s[u] → (155) vibhéñaëaù (“one who causes
fear, name of Rävaëa’s younger brother”) <1.1>
Ø ram → (787) ram + [ë]i → (470) räm + [ë]i → (789) rami → (1397) rami + ana → (440, 586)
ramana → (173) ramaëa → (148) ramaëa + s[u] → (155) ramaëaù (“one who caresses / enjoys carnally, a
husband”) <1.1>
Käçikä (3.1.134) say lyur ayaà saàjïäyäm (“This [l]yu (ana) is applied when the sense is that of a
name”). And, in this regard, in the section dealing with the rules of masculinity, Amara-koña (3.5.15) says
lyuù kartari (“[l]yu is applied in kartari prayoga”). And, in this regard, all the commentaries on Amara-
koña say nandy-äder lyuù (“[l]yu here refers to the [l]yu that is applied after the nandy-ädis”).
Nonetheless, Amara-koña (1.1.45) says nandanaà vanam (“Nandana is the name of the gardens in the
heavenly planets”) and Kñéra-svämé, commenting on this, says nandayatéti lyuù (“Nandanam <1.1> is
formed by applying [l]yu in the sense of nandayati (“that which causes one to be pleased”). Likewise
Bhaööi, in his section on the nandy-ädis, says nandanäni munéndräëäà ramaëäni vanaukasäm (Bhaööi-kävya
6.13).
Amåta—By saying lyur ayaà saàjïäyäm, Käçikä establishes that [l]yu is applied in kartari prayoga, but
only when the sense is that of a name. But the gender of [l]yu is not mentioned by Käçikä. However, in
the section on masculinity in the analysis of genders, Amara-koña says lyuù saàjïäyäà kartarémanic, and
all the commentaries say that this is the [l]yu that is applied after the nandy-ädis in kartari prayoga. Thus
they all agree that [l]yu is applied in the masculine gender. Nonetheless, deviation from this rule is also
seen, becuase in the svarga section of Amara-koña we find the statement süto mätalir nandanaà vanam
where the word nandana is mentioned in a neuter form in reference to the heavenly gardens of Lord
Indra, and Kñéra-svämé, in his commentary to this, says nandy-äder lyuù. Thus it is his opinion that the
[l]yu that is applied after the nandy-ädis can also be be applied in the neuter gender. To prove that this is
valid, Jéva Gosvämé quotes the example nandanäni munéndräëäà ramaëäni vanaukasäm from Bhaööi-kävya.
This shows that there is also deviation from the opinion that [l]yu is only applied when the sense is that
of a name. For example, in his commentary to this verse of Bhaööi, Mallinätha says nandanäni nandakäni,
ramaëäni mano-haräëi (“Nandanäni means nandakäni and ramaëäëi means mano-haräëi”). Thus it should
be understood that it is also Jéva Gosvämé’s opinion that ana is applied after the nandy-ädis even when the
sense is not that of a name.
The nandy-ädis are a gaëa that is not mentioned in the dhätu-päöha1, rather the prakåtis (dhätus) have to
be acertained by extracting them from the prätipadikas (nämas) such as nandana, väçana, and so on. The
intention is that ana is applied after the nandy-ädis when the sense is that of a name, but [ë]aka and tå[l]
are applied after the nandy-ädis when the sense is not that of a name. According to Mahäbhärata, which
says änando nandano nandaù, nandana refers to Viñëu. Mediné-koña, however, says nandanaù sutaù
(“Nandana means suta (“a son”)”). Janärdana refers to Kåñëa and means jana-nämänam asuram ardayate
sma (“he who killed the demon named Jana”) or, if it is made from the dhätu ard[a] gatau yäcane ca (1P,
“to go, move; to beg”), it means janän çaraëägatän ardate yäcate sevaka-rüpeëa sväntike icchati (“one who
desires (ardate=yäcate=icchati) the surrendered souls (jana=çaraëägata-jana) in His presence as
servitors”), Madhusüdana can refer to Kåñëa or to a bee. When it refers to Kåñëa it means madhu-
nämänaà daityaà südate hinasti (“one who kills (südate=hinasti) the demon named Madhu”) and when it
refers to a bee it means madhu makarandaà südate (“one who destroys the nectar of flowers
(madhu=makaranda)”). Saìkrandana refers to Indra and means saìkrandayati ripu-stréù (“one who causes
1
The nandy-ädis are listed in their finished forms in the Gaëa-päöha.
the wifes of his enemies to cry”). Saìkarñaëa refers to Baladeva and means samyak karñati (“he who
perfectly attracts”). Väçanaù, düñaëaù, sädhanaù, vardhanaù, çobhanaù, sahanaù, damanaù, jalpanaù, and
lavaëaù are also listed among the nandy-ädis.
1398. grahäder ëiniù

Comment [61]: see Mugdha-bodha 993 for why
grahäder ëiniù JG says grah-äder and not grahy-äder as in the P
Good in yadu’s book: The pratyaya is [ë]in[i] , there is in-han-püsan-aryaman etc.. thus the trivikrama in GanaPatha.. My research shows that these two
sütras are not seen in real usage (except for
the nominative singular. grähin=gåhëäti, sthäyin=tiñöhati aparädhin and bhävin and gämin / ägämin wihout
äder ëa it. in iti sthite, in-han ity-ädi trivikramaù—grähé, sthäyé. a karma), but they do allow ëini to be applied
without a pürva-pada
Våtti—
Amåta—
grah-äder iti. grah-äder uttare kartari ëini pratyayaù syät. grah-ädir api na dhätu-paöhito gaëaù. grähéti,
graha upädäne, gåhëätéty arthaù. nåsiàha-paratväd våñëéndraù. sthäyéti, äto yuk, tiñöhatéty arthaù. utsähé
udväsé mantré sammardé nirakñé niçrävé niväpé niçäyé ayäcé avyähäré abräjé avädé aväsé akäré ahäré avinäyé
viçayé viñayé aparädhé uparodhé abhibhävé paribhavé paribhävé ity ete ca grahädau bodhyäù. eñu nirakñy-
ädayaç catväro ni-pürvä eva, ayäcy-ädayaù añöau naï-pürvä eva, viñaye deçe, abhibhävé tu bhüte prayujyate.
kecid atra våñëéndräbhäve ’pi nipätitäù.
1399(SK 3171). gami-gämy-ädayas* tu bhaviñyati sädhavaù

These are irregular forms e.g that they are ordained in the future tense is an irregularity for all and the
lack of våñëéndra in gamé is also an irregularity. SK also gives äyäyé, some of JG examples are not in the
GP
vrajaà gamé, gämé, pratibodhé, prayäyé, bhävé ity-ädi.
Våtti—
Amåta—
gaméti. su-gamam. kartaréty eva. vrajaà gäméti nipätäd bhaviñyad-arthaù. vrajaà gaméti våñëéndräbhävaç ca.
vrajaà gamiñyatéty arthaù. “ädhamarëya-bhaviñyad-artha ëaka-ëinyor yoga iti karmaëi ñañöhé-niñedhaù.
pratibodhéti budha avagamane. prayäyéti yä präpaëe, yuk. bhävéti bhü sattäyäà våñëéndraù. eteñäà
bhaviñyad-arthaà eva nipäta-phalam.
1400 / pacaAde"r"ta, /
1400. pacäder at
pacädeù—after the pacädis (“the dhätus [òu]pac[añ] päke (1U, “to cook, ripen”) and so on”)1; at—the kåt
pratyaya a[t].
A[t] is applied after the pacädis in kartari prayoga.
“ac” päëiniù (3.1.134). pacaù, devaù, meñaù, sevaù, caraù, vadaù, calaù, pataù, hanaù.
Våtti—Päëini called it a[c] (see Añöädhyäyé 3.1.134).
Ø pac → (1400) pac + a[t] → (440) paca → (148) paca + s[u] → (155) pacaù (“one who cooks”)
<1.1>
Ø div → (1400) div + a[t] → (440, 443) deva → (148) deva + s[u] → (155) devaù (“one who
shines / plays, a god”) <1.1>
1
The pacädis are listed in their finished forms in the Gaëa-päöha.
Similarly, we get meñaù1 (“one who challenges [by headbutting], a ram / sheep”), sevaù (“one who serves,
a servant”), caraù (“one who wanders”), vadaù (“one who speaks”), calaù (“one who moves”), pataù
(“one who flies / falls”), and hanaù (“one who kills, a killer”).
Amåta—Vapaù, tapaù, nadaù, vasaù, bhañaù, plavaù, garaù, taraù, jaraù, maraù, kñamaù, kopaù, vraëaù,
nartaù, darçaù, sarpaù, darpaù, dambhaù, järaù, bharaù, and çva-pacaù are also listed among the pacädis.
Many people say the pacädis are an äkåti-gaëa.2
1401(SK 2896 vartika). carädénäm at-pratyayäntänäà dvir vä narasyä-rämaç ca

The dhätus car etc..(cal, pat and vad) which end in the pratyaya ‘at’ optionally are reduplicated and the
last letter of their nara becomes ‘ä’. E.g cara= car+at,, when cara is reduplicated we get cara+cara.. then
nara takes the change to ‘ä’ and the form is caräcara ‘One who moves’.. Similarly caläcala ‘one who
moves’, patäpata ‘one who falls’, vadävada ‘one who speaks, a speaker’. When the option is not taken we
have cara etc.. as normal. Caräcara can also be a samäsa of cara and [n]a[ï]+cara where it means moving
and non-moving. Similarly with caläcala.
caräcara ity-ädi.
1402(SK 2896 vartika). hanter hasya ghatvaà ca

The dhätu han ending in the pratyaya ‘at’ does the above change and the ‘h’ of it’s nara and narayana also
become ‘gh’ e.g hana=han+at, when hana is reduplicated we get hana+hana, then the change to ‘ä’ is made
as well as the changes to ‘gh’ and form is ghanäghana ‘One who kills, amara koça says this is a name of
indra’. Now the mystery of the curädi dhätu paö.. the reduplicated form should be päöüpaöa(though
paöüpaöa is listed in all edition I think this is a mistake as SK and MW have päöupaöa and if JG was giving
a different form than päëini he would have said why he disagreed of at least he would have given the
päëini form with an ‘ity eke’.. look in GP maybe uttara ch 2 or 23 etc.. or in bhaööi).. but if the option for
reduplication is not taken the form with ‘at’ is paöa because of the anityatva of ëi(e.g this is discussed in
the curädi ëi våtti.. some say that ëi is anitya and thus the curädi roots may sometime not take it etc..)..
but jumara(the commentator on saàskipta-sära-vyäkaraëam) says that there is ëi and thus he makes
päöa.. paöäpata is jumaras reduplicated form says bala(this is the truth as it fits sütra 311 ‘päöeù paöäpaöaç
ca’ in the kådänta section of that book). amåta mistakenly says that päöäpäöa is jumara’s form and that
paöäpaöa is JG own opinion.. this is wrong as evidenced by sütra 311 ‘päöeù paöäpaöaç ca’ in the kådänta
section of saàskipta-sara-vyäkaraëam).. See SK 2896 varttika for backup of päöüpaöaù
ghanäghanaù. paöa vistäre curädiù, asya tu—päöüpaöaù. pakñe paöaç ca, ëer anityatvät. jumara-mate tu—
päöaù, paöäpaöa ity-ädi.
1403(I think that this is based on SK 1007,8 and their vartikas). rätrimaöa-rätryaöa-timiìgilädayaù
sädhavaù
The above forms, made with at, are valid.. E.g in the first there is the word rätri with the dhätu aö and ‘at’
is added. Then m[um] is added which is the irregularity. Rätrau aöaöi is the meaning e.g ‘one who roams
at night’(a rakñasa or thief). In the second form there is no mum and thus no irregularity. In the 3rd form
there is the word timi(whale) with the dhätu gè(6th class) and ‘at’ is added. Then m[um] is
added(irregular) and the gè undergoes è-rämasyer(irregular as there is no kaàsäri) and then giro ro
lah(or by the SK explanation gila is a müla-vibhujädi irregularly formed with ka,, and then the SK 1007
vartikas say that a word takes ‘mum’ before gila and gilagila. Whichever way we derive gila(the fault of
1
The dhätu here is miñ[a] spardhäyäm (“to vie with, challenge”). This dhätu is in the Päëinian Dhätu-päöha, but it is not in our
Dhätu-päöha.
2
An äkåti-gaëa is a list of specimens, an inexhaustive collection of words that follow a particular grammatical rule. Whereas a
simple gaëa includes all the words which follow a particular rule, an äkåti-gaëa only gives a few samples and leaves the group
open for other words that follow the same pattern. Thus the number of words in an äkåti-gaëa is potentially unlimited, one
simply has to recognize the common pattern to see which words qualify for the gaëa.
the SK explanation is that we have not introduced the müla-vibhujädis yet in this grammar) I would
think that first we make the kådanta, decline it, and then later do a normal samäsa otherwise this would
have to be an apaväda of karmaëy aë which also has not been introduced yet. At any rate Timià gilati is
the meaning ‘one who swallows whales’(the name of a gigantic fish). By the word ädi in this sütra the
word rätriàcara and rätricara should be known.(so says ämåta but this is doubtful due these forms being
separately dealt with by 239 in order to form the feminine with ép,, I think the ädi here refers to timiì-
gila-gila and possibly other forms by the SK 1007 vartikas that are unaccounted for in this grammar)
1404 / wRzAAeÜ"vaik(r"ita‘aINAAitagA|ÁaABya: k(: /
1404. éçoddhava-kirati-préëäti-gè-jïäbhyaù kaù
éça-uddhava—after dhätus whose uddhava is an éça; kirati-préëäti-gè-jïäbhyaù—and after the dhätus kè

vikñepe (6P, “to scatter, throw”), pré[ï] tarpaëe icchäyäà ca (9U, “to please; to desire”), gè nigaraëe (6P,
“to swallow”), and jïä avabodhane (9P, “to know”); kaù—the kåt pratyaya [k]a.
Comment [62]: According to Mugdha-bodha
996, it is only 6th class
[K]a is applied in kartari prayoga after kè, pré[ï], gè, jïä, and dhätus which have an éça as their
uddhava.
ka it, a-räma-çeñaù. kñipaù, budhaù, bhü-ruhaù, kiraù, priyaù, giraù, jïaù. bähulyät kñepakaù, kñeptä.
Våtti—The k is an indicatory letter. A-räma is the remainder.
Ø kñip → (1404) kñip + [k]a → (440, 399) kñipa → (148) kñipa + s[u] → (155) kñipaù (“one who
throws, a thrower”) <1.1>.
Ø budh → (1404) budh + [k]a → (budh is aniö by verse 5, 399) budha → (148) budha + s[u] →
(155) budhaù (“one who knows, a wise man”) <1.1>.
Ø ruh → (1404) ruh + [k]a → (ruh is aniö by verse 8, 399) ruha → (148) ruha + s[u] → (155)
ruhaù → bhuvi <7.1> + ruhaù → (859) bhü-ruhaù (“that which grows in the earth, a tree”) <1.1>.
Comment [63]: check later if this is how I will
Ø kè → (1404) kè + [k]a → (440, 399, 572) kira → (148) kira + s[u] → (155) kiraù (“one who do samäsa
scatters”) <1.1>.
Ø pré → (1404) pré + [k]a → (pré is aniö by verse 1, 399, 499) priya → (148) priya + s[u] → (155)
priyaù (“one who pleases, a dear one, a lover”) <1.1>.
Ø jïä → (1404) jïä + [k]a → (jïä is aniö by verse 1, 542) jïa → (148) jïa + s[u] → (155) jïaù
(“one who knows, a knower”) <1.1>.
Because the kåt pratyayas are applied variously, we also get kñepakaù <1.1> and kñeptä <1.1>.
Amåta—The word budha refers to a learned man (paëòita) or to the particular planet called budha
(mercury). The word bhü-ruha refers to a tree, the meaning being bhuvi rohati (“it grows in the earth”).
The implied meaning of the word bähulyät here is that the general pratyayas [ë]aka and tå[l] are also
applied by väsarüpo ’striyäm (1346).
1405 / opaen‰e" @Ar"AmaAntaAtk(: /
1405. upendre ä-rämäntät kaù

upendre—when an upendra is the pürva-pada; ä-räma-antät—after a dhätu which ends in ä-räma; kaù—
[k]a.
When an upendra is the pürva-pada, [k]a is applied in kartari prayoga after a dhätu which ends in ä-
räma.
suglaù, prajïaù. bähulyät gaur hanyate yasmai saù—go-ghno ’tithiù.
Våtti—Ø su + glai → (539) su + glä → (1405) su + glä + [k]a → (glä is aniö by verse 1, 542) sugla →
(148) sugla + s[u] → (155) suglaù (“one who is very tired”) <1.1>.
Ø pra + jïä → (1405) pra + jïä + [k]a → (jïä is aniö by verse 1, 542) prajïa → (148) prajïa + s[u]
→ (155) prajïaù (“one who is very learned”) <1.1>.
Because the kåt pratyayas are applied variously, we get go-ghno ’tithiù (“A guest for whom a cow is
driven”) where go-ghnaù means gaur hanyate yasmai saù (“one for whom a cow is driven”).
Ø gauù <1.1> + han → (1185, 1405) gauù <1.1> + han + [k]a → (han is aniö by verse 5, 570) gauù
<1.1> + hn + a → (267) gauù <1.1> + ghna → (1274, 859) go-ghna → (148) go-ghna + s[u] → (155) go-
ghnaù (“one for whom a cow is driven”) <1.1>.
Amåta—Suglaù means suñöhu gläyati (“one who is very tired”) and prajïaù means prakåñöaà jänäti (“one
who is very learned”).
Saàçodhiné—Go-ghnaù is irregularly formed by applying [k]a after han[a] in sampradäne prayoga. This
formation is covered by the Päëinian sütra däça-goghnau sampradäne (Añöädhyäyé 3.4.73). Here the dhätu
han[a] is used in the sense of gati (“moving”), not in the sense of hiàsä (“killing”).
1406(SK 2899). dheöa-pä-ghrä-dhmä-dåçibhyaù çaù

[ç]a is applied after the dhätus dheö, pä, ghrä, dhmä and dåç. Because of the ç in ça it is a kåñëa-dhätuka..
thus in the forms below there is çap and a-räma-hara e-ayor and paù pibaù etc… These dhätus take ça
even when there is an upendra.. thus this sütra is also an apaväda of the previous sütra. The pä
here(because of being of saàyoga with dheö(to suck/drink) is only pä(1P to drink), thus JG gives a
counterexample of pä(2P to protect) with tål.
ça it, a-räma-çeñaù. çivatvät kåñëadhätukatvam. dhayaù, pibaù, jighraù, dhamaù, paçyaù. dheö-saàyogät
pibater eva. pätes tu—pätä.
Comment [64]: already did comparative table
1407(SK 2900,1,2,4, and kaçikä våtti of 2905(bhü)). anupendre lip-vidÿ-dhäri-päri-vedy-udeji-ceti-säti-

säheù çaù, dadäti-dadhätibhyäà ëaç ca, jvaläder ëätau, prädes tv at, bhü-du-nébhyaç ca
[ç]a is applied after the dhätus lip, vid[ÿ], dhäri, päri, vedi, udeji, ceti, säti and sähi provided they are
without an upendra.(dhäri etc.. are the ëy-anta forms of the dhätus dhå, på(3rd class), vid, ud+ej[å](1P to
move upwards or shake/tremble), cit, sät(sautra dhätu, ‘to give pleasure’) and sah. After the dhätus dä
and dhä that are without an upendra the pratyayas [ç]a or [ë]a can be applied. After the jvalädi dhätus(52
dhätus, all 1P) either [ë]a or a[t] is applied, but if the jvälädis come after an upendra then only a[t] is
applied. Similarly after the dhätus bhü, [öu]du(5P to burn or afflict pain) and né that are without an
upendra [ë]a or a[t] can be applied. Now for the forms in the våtti: lip and vid[ÿ] add num by mucäder
num çe. In dada and däya there is the dhätu first with ça(thus reduplication and ä-räma-haraù(as ça is
nirguna because it is not påthu)) and then dä with ëa(then äto yuk). Bala says that the form vipula(vi +
pul 1P) is both jvalädi and kuöädi.. thus when only a[t] is applied due to prädes tv at, then there is no
govinda by kuöäder anåsimho nirguëa. Ämåta says that däva and dava both mean a forest fire it also adds
that the forms prabhävaù prabhavaù vinayaù anunaya etc.. are made by päçcät-samäsa
limpaù, vindaù, dhäraya ity-ädi. sätiù, sautraù, sätayaù. tathä—dadaù däyaù, dadhaù dhäyaù. tathä—jvälaù
jvalaù, cälaù calaù, prajvalaù pracalaù, vipulam ity-ädi. bhävaù, bhavaù. dunoter eva—dävaù, davaù. näyaù,
nayaù.
1408(SK 2900 vartika). nau ca lipeù çaù
When the pürva-pada is the upendra ‘ni’ then ça is applied after lip. This is an apaväda of the last sütra.
E.g the nilimpa demigods.. (it can also mean cow etc.. in the feminine form with äp)
nilimpä deväù.
1409 / gAvaAd"AE ivand"tae: zA: s$aMÁaAyaAma, /
1409. gav-ädau vindateù çaù saàjïäyäm
go-ädau—when go (“cow”) and so on is the pürva-pada; vindateù—after the dhätu vid[ÿ] läbhe (6U, “to
find, obtain”); çaù—[ç]a; saàjïäyäm—in the sense of a saàjïä (“proper name”).
Comment [65]: make this kåt pratyaya [ç]a in
[Ç]a is applied after vid[ÿ] in kartari prayoga when go and so on is the pürva-pada and a name is to be course
expressed.
govindaù, aravindam.
Våtti—Ø gäm <2.1> or gäù <2.3> + vid → (1409) gäm <2.1> or gäù <2.3> + vid + [ç]a → (440, 742, 225,
230, 114) gäm <2.1> or gäù <2.3> + vinda → (1274, 859) go-vinda → (148) govinda + s[u] → (155)
govindaù (“Govinda”) <1.1>.
Ø aram <2.1> or arän <2.3> + vid → (1409) aram <2.1> or arän <2.3> + vid + [ç]a → (440, 742,
225, 230, 114) aram <2.1> or arän <2.3> + vinda → (1274, 859) ara-vinda → (148) aravinda + s[u] →
(220) aravinda + am → (156) aravindam (“a lotus”) <1.1>.
Amåta—The name Govinda refers to Kåñëa. The etymology of the name Govinda is gäà påthivéà vindati
uddharatéti govindaù (“Govinda is so named because He extricates (vindati=uddharati) the earth
(gäm=påthivém)”)1 or govardhana-giri-dhäraëena gäù vindate pariträyata iti govindaù (“Govinda is so
named because He protects (vindate=pariträyate) the cows (gäù) by lifting Govardhana hill”). An
alternate etymology will be given in the Samäsa-prakaraëa (våtti): gaväm indro govindaù (“Govinda is so
named because He is the Lord (indra) of the cows (gaväm)”). The name Aravinda refers to a lotus. The
etymology of the name Aravinda is as follows: araà çéghraà vindati prasphuöatéti aravindam (“An aravinda påñodarädayaù
is so named because it blooms (vindati=prasphuöitä) quickly (aram=çéghram)”) or arän käla-cakräàçän
vindatéti aravindam (“An aravinda is so named because it finds (vindati) the spokes (arän) of the wheel of
time, i.e it finds the rays of the sun”).
1410(SK 2903). ä-rämäntäd vyadh-ädeç ca ëaù, ä-sambhyäà sruvaù, avato hå-soù, ater iëaù.
[ë]a is applied after dhätus that end in ä, after the vyadh-ädis, after ä+sru and sam+sru, after ava+hå and
ava+so, and after ati+i[ë]. First JG shows hä(3P to give up). Then the vyadhädis are shown sequentially
e.g the dhätus are vyadh, çvas, dih, lih, çliñ and çyai[ì]. Out of these dih, lih and çliñ would usually take
ka because of being éçoddhava, but JG says that in this case ka should not be applied. Similarly
ava+çyai[ì] should normally take ka by upendre ä-rämäntäd, but that is also not to be done. Similarly the
dhätu sru is shown after the upendras ä and sam, but the dhätu çru(5th class to hear) has the form äçrava
by pacäder at.. The opposite(e.g that ä+sru takes at(äsrava) and ä+çru take ëa(äçräva)) is a mistake. Then
ava+hå is shown then ava+so(caturvyühäntänäm and äto yuk) and finally ati+i[ë] is shown. JG says that
prati+i[ë] is also seen to take ëa, thus pratyäya.. the dhätu tan also takes ëa thus avatäna, vitäna, and
comm says also uttäna, saàtäna.
1
This alludes to the Lord’s appearance as Varäha.
häyaù, vyädhaù, çväsaù, dehaù, lehaù, çleñaù. ko na syät. avaçyäyaù. sru gatau—äsrävaù, saàsrävaù.
çåëotes tu—“vacane-sthita äçravaù” ity amaraù (3.1.24). viparétas tu bhramaù. avahäraù, avasäyaù,
atyäyaù. “pratyäyaù” ity api dåçyate. “avatäna-vitänau” iti ca.
1411(SK 2905). gräho jala-care sädhuù

The dhätu grah(also counted as vyadhädi) takes ëa only when a water monster is to be described. E.g a
gräha = a crocodile, shark etc.. Because of the kåd-pratyayas being applied variously ka can also be
applied after the dhätu grah when a house is to be expressed(This is extra sütra in SK e.g 2906). Thus
gåha(neuter) means a house however there is also gåhäù(masculine plural of gåha) which means a
wife(e.g who is acquired by a man)
1412 / na{itaKanyaAeí"k(: izAilpaina , r"njaeê /
1412. nåti-khanyoñ öakaù çilpini, ranjeç ca
nåti-khanyoù—of the dhätus nåt[é] gätra-vikñepe (4P, “to dance”) and khan[u] avadäraëe (1U, “to dig”);
öakaù—the kåt pratyaya [ö]aka; çilpini—when a çilpin (“an artisan”) is to be expressed; ranjeù—of the
dhätu ranj[a] räge (1U or 4U, “to be colored, delighted, to love, be attached”); ca—and.
[Ö]aka is applied after nåt[é], khan[u], and ranj[a] in kartari prayoga when an artisan is to expressed.
“ñvun” päëini (3.1.145).
Våtti—Päëini called it [ñ]vu[n] (see Añöädhyäyé 3.1.145).
Amåta—The indicatory letter ö is so that é[p] will be applied in the feminine. Examples are given in the
next våtti.
Saàçodhiné—Siddhänta-kaumudé explains the equivalent Päëinian sütra çilpini ñvun (Añöädhyäyé 3.1.145)
by saying kriyä-kauçalaà çilpaà tadvat-kartari ñvun syät (“Skilfulness in a particular action is called çilpa.
[Ñ]vu[n] is applied when a kartä that has çilpa is being expressed”).
1413 / gAAyataesTak(q%.NAnaAE /
1413. gäyates thaka-öëanau
gäyateù—after the dhätu gai çabde (1P, “to sing, speak”); thaka-öëanau—the kåt pratyayas thaka and
[öë]ana.
Thaka and [öë]ana are applied after gai in kartari prayoga when an artisan is to expressed.
nartakaù, khanakaù. tathä—gäthakaù, gäyanaù.
Våtti—Ø nåt → (1412) nåt + [ö]aka → (440, 443) nartaka → (148) nartaka + s[u] → (155) nartakaù (“a
dancer”) <1.1>.
Ø khan → (1412) khan + [ö]aka → (440) khanaka → (148) khanaka + s[u] → (155) khanakaù (“a
miner”) <1.1>.
Ø gai → (539) gä → (1413) gä + thaka → (gä is aniö by verse 1) gäthaka → (148) gäthaka + s[u]
→ (155) gäthakaù (“a singer”) <1.1>.
Ø gai → (539) gä → (1413) gä + [öë]ana → (gä is aniö by verse 1, 540) gäyana → (148) gäyana +
s[u] → (155) gäyanaù (“a singer”) <1.1>.
Amåta—A nartaka is one who earns his livelihood by dancing. Similarly a khanaka is one who earns his
livelihood by mining. The words gäthaka and gäyana have the same meaning. They both refer to a a
person who earns his livelihood by singing. Due to the indicatory letter ö, é[p] is applied and we get the
feminine forms nartaké, khanaké, and gäyané.1
1414 / r"njaenaRsya h"r": @is$a @ke( @nae iGanauiNA ca /
1414. ranjer nasya haraù asi ake ane ghinuëi ca
ranjeù—of the dhätu ranj[a] räge (1U or 4U, “to be colored, delighted, to love, be attached”); nasya—of
the na-räma; haraù—deletion; asi—when the kåt pratyaya as[i] follows (see sütra 1494); ake—when the
kåt pratyaya [ö]aka follows; ane—when the kåt pratyaya [ö]ana follows (see sütra 1671); ghinuëi—when
the kåt pratyaya [gh]in[uë] follows; ca—and.
The n of ranj[a] is deleted when as[i], [ö]aka, [ö]ana, or [gh]in[uë] follows.
rajakaù. açilpini tu—nartitä, gätä ity-ädi.
Våtti—Ø ranj → (1412) ranj + [ö]aka → (ranj is aniö by verse 3, 1414) rajaka → (148) rajaka + s[u] →
(155) rajakaù (“a washerman”) <1.1>.
But when something other than an artisan is being expressed, we get nartitä <1.1>, gätä <1.1>, and so on.
Ø nåt → (1394) nåt + tå[l] → (424) nåt + i[ö] + tå[l] → (443) nartitå → (148) nartitå + s[u] →
(188) nartitå + ä[c] → (185) nartitä (“one who dances”) <1.1>.
Ø gai → (539) gä → (1394) gä + tå[l] → (gä is aniö by verse 1) gätå → (148) gätå + s[u] → (188)
gätå + ä[c] → (185) gätä (“one who sings”) <1.1>.
Amåta—A rajaka is one who earns his livelihood by washing clothes. Due to the indicatory letter ö, é[p] is
applied and we get the feminine form rajaké. When as[i] is applied, we get rajaù (“dirt, the mode of
passion”) <1.1>. When [ö]ana is applied, we get rajanaù (“that with which something is colored”) <1.1>.
When [gh]in[uë] follows, we get rägé (“one who is colored / loving / attached”) <1.1>.
1415(SK 2911). pru-så-lübhyo ’kaù sädhu-käriëi

aka is applied after the dhätu pru[ì], så and lü[ï] when doing well(skillfully) is to be expressed. JG says
in the våtti that because ëaka has the same form it cannot follow the väsarüpa sütra. E.g pravaka= a
skillful jumper/mover, saraka= a skillful mover, lavaka= a skillful cutter.. you can translate these as one
who cuts skillfully etc.. The käläpa grammarians say that çru gatau(1P)(listed only in their DP, not in
päëini’s or JG’s) also takes aka and jumara says that dru gatau(1P) also takes aka. But the comm says that
JG’s opinion is that these dhätus both take ëaka.. Why do we sädhu-käriëi?? If these actions are not done
well then ëaka or tål have to used e.g protä pävaka etc../
sarüpatvän na tu ëakaù. pravakaù, sarakaù, lavakaù. “çravateç ca” iti käläpäù—çravakaù. “dravates tu
dravakaù” ity api jumara-matam.
1416(SK 2912). aka äçiñi
1
The feminine form of gäthaka is gäthikä.
aka is also applied after any dhätu in karör-väcya provided that äçis(çubhecchä jïäpanaà = making
known one’s desire for auspiciousness) is understood. E.g jévaka= jévatät(may he live, tu-hyos tätaì äçiñi
vä sarvatra)
jévatät—jévakaù.
1417 / k(maRNyaNA, , ùe"HvaeHmaAByaê /
1417. karmaëy aë, hveï-veï-mäbhyaç ca
karmaëi—when a karma is the pürva-pada; aë—the kåt pratyaya a[ë]; hveï-veï-mäbhyaù—after the dhätus
hve[ï] spardhäyäà çabde ca (1U, “to vie with, challenge; to call”), ve[ï] tantu-santäne (1U, “to weave,
sew, compose”), and mä mäne (2P, “to measure”), mä[ì] mäne (3A or 4A, “to measure”), or me[ì]
pratidäne (1A, “to exchange, barter”); ca—also.
When a karma is the pürva-pada, a[ë] is applied after a dhätu in kartari prayoga. Similarly, when a
karma is the pürva-pada, a[ë] is applied after hve[ï], ve[ï], mä, mä[ì], and me[ì] in kartari prayoga.
upendrety-ädinä samäsaù. viçva-käraù. kåñëaà çåëoti, gacchati, paçyatéty-ädau bähulyän na, säpekñatve ’pi
na—mahäntaà ghaöaà karoti. kåñëa-hväyaù, tantra-väyaù, viçva-mäyaù.
Våtti—Samäsa is done by the sütra beginning upendra (sütra 1274) and we get viçva-käraù.
Ø viçvam <2.1> + kå → (1417) viçvam <2.1> + kå + a[ë] → (kå is aniö by verse 1, 422) viçvam
<2.1> + kära → (1274, 859) viçva-kära → (148) viçva-kära + s[u] → (155) viçva-käraù (“one who creates
all, the creator of the universe”) <1.1>.
But, because the kåt pratyayas are applied variously, a[ë] cannot be applied when we have kåñëaà çåëoti
(“one who hears Kåñëa”), kåñëaà gacchati (“one who goes to Kåñëa”), kåñëaà paçyati (“one who sees
Kåñëa”), and so on. Furthermore, a[ë] cannot be applied when there is dependence on another word, as
in the case of mahäntaà ghaöam karoti (“one who makes a large pot”).
Other examples are kåñëa-hväyaù, tantra-väyaù, and viçva-mäyaù.
Ø kåñëam <2.1> + hve → (539) kåñëam <2.1> + hvä → (1417) kåñëam <2.1> + hvä + a[ë] → (hvä
is aniö by verse 1, 540) kåñëam <2.1> + hväya → (1274, 859) kåñëa-hväya → (148) kåñëa-hväya + s[u] →
(155) kåñëa-hväyaù (“one who calls Kåñëa”) <1.1>.
Ø tantram <2.1> + ve → (539) tantram <2.1> + vä → (1417) tantram <2.1> + vä + a[ë] → (vä is
aniö by verse 1, 540) tantram <2.1> + väya → (1274, 859) tantra-väya → (148) tantra-väya + s[u] →
(155) tantra-väyaù (“a weaver, a spider”) <1.1>.
Ø viçvam <2.1> + mä or me → (539 in the case of me) viçvam <2.1> + mä → (1417) viçvam <2.1>
+ mä + a[ë] → (mä is aniö by verse 1, 540) viçvam <2.1> + mäya → (1274, 859) viçva-mäya → (148) viçva-
mäya + s[u] → (155) viçva-mäyaù (“one who measures all or one who exchanges1 all”) <1.1>.
Amåta—The separate mention of hve[ï], ve[ï], mä, mä[ì], and me[ì] is so that a[ë] will be applied after
these dhätus instead of the kåt pratyaya [k]a that would have otherwise been applied by sütra 1419. Thus
hveï-veï-mäbhyaç ca (1218) is an apaväda of karmaëy anupendräd ä-rämät kaù (1419). Viçva-käraù <1.1>
means viçvaà karoti (“one who creates all”). The implied meaning of the phrase bähulyän na is that a[ë]
Comment [67]: this is my addition / elaboration
isn’t applied when a präpya-karma or a tyäjya-karma is the pürva-pada (see våtti 936). In viçva-käraù,
1
As an example of me[ì], MW lists dhänya-mäyaù (“a corn-dealer”).
however, an utpädya-karma is the pürva-pada. In candana-lävaù (“one who chops down a candana tree”),
a vikärya-karma is the pürva-pada. In vaiñëava-käraù (“one who makes a Vaiñëava”) a saàskärya-karma is
the pürva-pada.
Someone may argue, “Well, in cases like vedädhyäyaù (“one who studies the Vedas”) and gétä-päöhaù
(“one who recites the Gétä”), a[ë] is seen even though a präpya-karma is the pürva-pada.” True, but even
though the karma is präpya in studying the Vedas and so on, it is also saàskärya, and thus there is no
fault. The intended meaning of the phrase säpekñatve ’pi na is that if a pürva-pada requires another word,
then it is actually not a pürva-pada, and thus a[ë] cannot be applied, what to speak of making a samäsa?
1418(SK 1007+vartikas). satyaì-kärädayaù sädhavaù

The irregular forms satyaì-kära etc.. are valid. They are satyaì-kära, agadaì-kära, astuì-kära, lokam-
påëa, bhräñöram-indha and agnim-indha. JG gives two ways to see satyaì-kära e.g either satyaà karoti or
satyasya käraù. This is coming from SK 1007 vartika and SK 782(these and 781 may have the answer in
how they deal with kumbha-kära). The difference between a kåt-samäsa and a normal samäsa is that a
kåt-sämasa is formed before adding the svädis or the feminine suffixes ä[p] or é[p], while a normal
samäsa is formed after adding the svädis .This is confirmed by the päëinéya-paribhäñä “gati-
kärakopapadänäà kådbhiù saha samäsa-vacanaà präk sub-utpatteù”(gatis, kärakas and upapadas are
compounded with kådantas before a sup(svädi) or feminine affix(ä[p] or é[p]) has been added to the
kådanta) .satyasya is karma by kådyoge.. tamåta says that the irregularities in lokam-påëa are the
application of aë, mum and the absence of govinda.. But this seems faulty as applying aë is not at all
irregular. SK counts lokam-påëa as a müla-vibhüjädi.. However the müla-vibhüjädis aren’t introduced in
this grammar until 222, so I would say this : the affix ‘ka’ has been introduced, and it is more logical to
say that here the irregularities are that ka has been applied instead of aë and that mum has been added.
bhrañöram-indha and agnim-indha = that which burns in the frying pan, and that which burns in the
fire(though MW gives sakarmaka meanings, however indh is usually akarmaka and JG says bhräñöre
indhe rather than bhräñöram indhe.. but check). indhe or inddhe can be used by viñëujanäd
viñëudäsasyädarçanam but JG chose to use indhe.
satyaìkäreti. satyaà karotétyarthe aë, nipätena pürva-padät mum, kåtsamäsaù suvutpatteù pürvam.
satyasya kära ityaträpi nipätena mum, samäsastu suvutpatteù paçcäditi bhedaù. ñañöhé parapadeneti
vidhäsya mänasütreëa samäsaù. agadaìkära iti, agadamaroga karoti agadasya käro veti vaidya ityarthaù.
pürvavat mum nipätaphalam. astuìkära iti, astu iti astukriya; pratirüpakamavyayaà varttate svékäre ’rthe,
astviti karoti, astvityasya käro vetyarthaù. lokampåëa iti, påëa préëane tudädiù. nipätät aë mum
govindäbhävaçca. bhräñöre iti, bhräñöro bharjanapätram, tatra indhe dépyate iti bhräñöramindhaù, ñañöhé
pakña stu na, akarmakatvät, tataeva saptamyantanirdeçaù. pürvavadaë pratyayena sädhuù, mum,
karmapürva-padatvavirahe ’pi nipätädeva samäsaù. evamagnimindhaù.
satyaà karoti, satyasya käro vä—satyaì-käraù. agadaì-käraù, astuì-käraù, lokam-påëaù. bhräñöre indhe—
bhräñöram-indhaù, agnim-indhaù.
1419 / k(maRNyanaupaen‰"Ad"Ar"AmaAtk(: /
1419. karmaëy anupendräd ä-rämät kaù
karmaëi—when a karma is the pürva-pada; an-upendrät—which is without an upendra; ä-rämät—after a

dhätu which ends in ä-räma; kaù—the kåt pratyaya [k]a.
When a karma is the pürva-pada, [k]a is applied in kartari prayoga after a dhätu which ends in ä-räma,
provided it is without an upendra.
mukti-daù. traiì pälane—bhakta-traù. neha—bhakti-sampradäyaù.

Våtti—Ø muktim <2.1> + dä → (1419) muktim <2.1> + dä + [k]a → (dä is aniö by verse 1, 542) muktim
<2.1> + da → (1274, 859) mukti-da → (148) mukti-da + s[u] → (155) mukti-daù (“one who gives
liberation”) <1.1>.
From the dhätu trai[ì] pälane (1A, “to protect, save”), we get bhakta-traù.
Ø bhaktän <2.3> + trai → (539) bhaktän <2.3> + trä → (1419) bhaktän <2.3> + trä + [k]a → (trä
is aniö by verse 1, 542) bhaktän <2.3> + tra → (1274, 859) bhakta-tra → (148) bhakta-tra + s[u] → (155)
bhakta-traù (“one who saves His devotees”) <1.1>.
But [k]a is not applied in bhakti-sampradäyaù.
Ø bhaktim <2.1> + sam + pra + dä → (1417) bhaktim <2.1> + sam + pra + dä + a[ë] → (dä is aniö
by verse 1, 540, 113, 114) bhaktim <2.1> + sampradäya → (1274, 859) bhakti-sampradäya → (148)
bhakti-sampradäya + s[u] → (155) bhakti-sampradäyaù (“one who bestows devotional service”) <1.1>.
Amåta—Since a[ë] and [k]a have the same form, they have the relationship of utsarga and apaväda.1
Mukti-daù means muktià dadäti (“one who gives liberation”), bhakta-traù means bhaktän träyate (“one
who saves His devotees”) and bhakti-sampradäyaù means bhaktià sampradadäti (“one who bestows
devotional service”). Here [k]a isn’t applied, because the dhätu is preceded by upendras, rather a[ë] is
applied instead.
1420 / @k(maRNyaAr"AmaAtk(: , sTaAe BaAvae tau pauMis$a /
1420. akarmaëy ä-rämät kaù, stho bhäve tu puàsi
akarmaëi—when something other than a karma is the pürva-pada; ä-rämät—after a dhätu ending in ä-
räma; kaù—[k]a; sthaù—after the dhätu ñöhä gati-nivåttau (1P, “to stand, remain”); bhäve—in bhäve
prayoga; tu—but; puàsi—in the masculine gender.
When something other than a karma is the pürva-pada, [k]a is applied in kartari prayoga after a dhätu
which ends in ä-räma, and it is also applied in bhäve prayoga after ñöhä, but then the masculine gender
is used instead.
päda-paù våndävana-sthaù. “daré-mukhotthena saméraëena” (kumära-sambhava 1.8). tathä vaiñëavänäm

utthänaà—vaiñëavottho vartate. go-ñöhaù iti bhäve, gaväà sthänam ity arthaù. Ükåd-abhihito bhävo dravya-
vat prakäçateÛ iti gävas tiñöhanty atreti nirgalitärthaù. “go-ñöhaà go-sthänakaà tat tu” ity amara-çäsanät
(2.1.13). “lyuù kartarémanij bhäve kaù” (3.5.15) ity atra “bhäve ka-pratyayäntaù puàsi” iti hi kñérasvämé.
“äkhüttha-çalabhotthädi tad-utthäne ’sti, na dvayoù” iti tu çabdärëavaù.
Våtti—Examples of the first part are päda-paù (“that which drinks through its foot, a tree”), våndävana-
sthaù (“one who stays in Våndävana”), and, in Kumära-sambhava 1.8, daré-mukhotthena saméraëena (“by a
breeze arising from the mouth of a cave”).
Ø pädena <3.1> + pä → (1420) pädena <3.1> + pä + [k]a → (pä is aniö by verse 1, 542) pädena
<3.1> + pa → (1274, 859) päda-pa → (148) päda-pa + s[u] → (155) päda-paù (“that which drinks
through its foot, a tree”) <1.1>.
1
In this regard, Siddhänta-kaumudé says [k]a is the apaväda and a[ë] is the utsarga. However, a[ë] is an apaväda of [k]a in the
case of hve[ï], ve[ï], mä, mä[ì], and me[ì] (see sütra 1417).
Ø våndävane <7.1> + ñöhä → (458) våndävane <7.1> + sthä → (1420) våndävane <7.1> + sthä +
[k]a → (sthä is aniö by verse 1, 542) våndävane <7.1> + stha → (1274, 859) våndävana-stha → (148)
våndävana-stha + s[u] → (155) våndävana-sthaù (“one who stays in Våndävana”) <1.1>.
Ø daré-mukhät <5.1> + ud + ñöhä → (458) daré-mukhät <5.1> + ud + sthä → (1420) daré-mukhät

<5.1> + ud + sthä + [k]a → (sthä is aniö by verse 1, 542) daré-mukhät <5.1> + ud + stha → (552) daré-
mukhät <5.1> + ud + tha → (98) daré-mukhät <5.1> + uttha → (1274, 859) daré-mukha-uttha → (50) daré-
mukhottha → (148) daré-mukhottha + [ö]ä → (159) daré-mukhottha + ina → (48) daré-mukhotthena <3.1>.
An example of the second part is vaiñëavottho vartate (“The appearance of Vaiñëavas takes place”) where
vaiñëavotthaù means vaiñëavänäm utthänam (“the appearance of Vaiñëavas”).
Ø vaiñëavänäm <6.1> + ud + ñöhä → (458) vaiñëavänäm <6.1> + ud + sthä → (1420) vaiñëavänäm

<6.1> + ud + sthä + [k]a → (sthä is aniö by verse 1, 542) vaiñëavänäm <6.1> + ud + stha → (552)
vaiñëavänäm <6.1> + ud + tha → (98) vaiñëavänäm <6.1> + uttha → (1274, 859) vaiñëava-uttha → (50)
vaiñëavottha → (148) vaiñëavottha + s[u] → (155) vaiñëavotthaù <1.1, bhäve>.
Go-ñöhaù is likewise formed by applying [k]a in bhäve prayoga, and it literally means gaväà sthänam (“the
staying of the cows”).1 But, since a bhäva which is expressed by a kåt pratyaya acts like a dravya, the
resultant meaning is gävas tiñöhanty atra (“the place where the cows stay”) as confirmed by the following
statement of Amara-koña: goñöhaà go-sthänakaà tat tu “Goñöha means go-sthänaka (“a cow shed”).”
(Amara-koña 2.1.13). Commenting on lyuù kartarémanij bhäve kaù “[l]yu is applied in kartari prayoga,
and iman[ic] and [k]a are applied in bhäve prayoga.” (Amara-koña 3.5.15), Kñérasvämé says bhäve ka-
Comment [68]: check this reference, different
pratyayäntaù puàsi (“A word ending in the pratyaya [k]a is used in bhäve prayoga in the masculine number in folio
gender”). Çabdärëava, however, says äkhüttha-çalabhotthädi tad-utthäne ’sti, na dvayoù (“The words Matsya Avatara dasa 12/11/06 9:35
äkhüttha, çalabhottha, and so on mean äkhütthäna (“the appearance of rats”), çalabotthäna (“the Comment [69]: see nandy-äder anaù
appearance of locusts”), and so on. These words are not used in the masculine and feminine genders”). Matsya Avatara dasa 12/11/06 9:34
Comment [70]: see SK 1784
Amåta—The meaning of this sütra is karma-bhinne pürva-pade sati ä-rämäntäd dhätoù kaù syät, karma-
bhinne pürva-pade sthä-dhätoù kartari kaù syät, tathä bhäve tasmät puàsy eva ka-pratyayo bhavati (“When
something other than a karma is the pürva-pada, [k]a is applied in kartari prayoga after a dhätu which
ends in ä-räma. When something other than a karma is the pürva-pada, [k]a is applied in kartari prayoga
after the dhätu ñöhä, and it is also applied in bhäve prayoga after the dhätu ñöhä, but then only the
masculine gender is used”). Normally a kåt pratyaya ordained in bhäve prayoga is used in the neuter
gender (see sütra 1192), but this rule ordains the masculine gender instead.
In päda-paù, which means pädena pibati (“that which drinks through its foot”) and which thus refers to a
tree, a karaëa is the pürva-pada. In våndävana-sthaù, which means våndävane tiñöhati (“one who stays in
Våndävana”), an adhikaraëa is the pürva-pada. In daré-mukhotthena, which means daré-mukhät uttiñöhati
(“that which arises from the mouth of a cave”), an apädäna is the pürva-pada. In these examples, [k]a has
been applied in kartari prayoga. But in vaiñëavotthaù and go-ñöhaù, [k]a has been applied in bhäve
prayoga. Someone may argue, “If go-ñöhaù is formed by applying [k]a in bhäve prayoga, then go-ñöhaù can
only be understood to mean gaväà sthitiù (“the staying of the cows”), how then can it express a cow
shed?” In answer to this, Jéva Gosvämé speaks the maxim beginning kåd-abhihita. He then confirms the
meaning gävas tiñöhanty atra by quoting Amara’s statement goñöhaà go-sthänakam. Someone may argue,
“Since the word goñöha is seen to be neuter in Amara’s statement, why is it shown here in the masculine
gender?” Thus Jéva Gosvämé establishes the propriety of using the masculine gender with the sentence
beginning lyuù kartari. Kñérasvämé, commenting on Amara’s statement lyuù kartarémanij bhäve kaù, says
bhäve ka-pratyayäntaù puàsi (“A word ending in the pratyaya [k]a is used in bhäve prayoga in the
masculine gender”). Therefore, in bhäve prayoga, [k]a is applied even in the masculine gender. Someone
may argue, “How then can the neuter gender used by Amara in the statement goñöhaà go-sthänakam be
considered valid?” In answer to this, Jéva Gosvämé establishes the propriety of using the neuter gender by
quoting the statement of the Çabdärëava-koña beginning äkhüttha. The meaning of this statement is that
1
The irregular change to ñ in go-ñöhaù is achieved by goñöhaà vraje (1679).
the words äkhüttha and so on mean äkhütthäna (“the appearance of rats”) and so on and they are not
used in the two genders, namely the feminine and masculine genders, rather they are only using in the
neuter gender. Thus, the neuter gender used for expressing a bhäva is also established for the word goñöha
since it is included by the word ädi in äkhüttha-çalabhotthädi. Therefore the conclusion is that since the
word goñöha is found to be used both in the masculine gender and neuter gender, both genders are fine,
and no one should consider either of them to be a mistake.
1421(SK 2919 + vartikas). karmaëi çokäpanudaù sukha-de, tunda-parimåjas tv alase sädhuù, müla-
vibhujädayaç* ca sädhavaù
The irregular forms çokäpanuda and tunda-parimåja are used when meaning ‘giver of hapiness’ and ‘lazy’
respectively provided that they have a karma-pürva-pada. In these forms çoka(grief) and
tunda(belly/belly button) are the karma-pürva-padas and the dhätus are apa+nud and pari+måj. The
irregularity in both is the special meaning and that ka is applied instead of the usual aë. When these
meanings are not prevalent then aë is applied as usual and the forms are çokäpanuda(remover of sorrow)
and tunda-parimärja(one who cleans the belly). The irregular forms beginning with müla-
vibhuja(chariot) are also valid. By the word ‘ädi’ the following other forms are indicated: nakha-muca(a
bow (neuter)), käka-guha(sesame seed), kumuda(a night blooming lotus(neuter)). Again The irregularity
in these forms is the special meanings and that ka is applied instead of the usual aë. SK 2919 vartika also
gives mahé-dhra(mountain) ku-dhra(mountain) and gila(crocodile in the ganges) and further says that
nowhere is a list of müla-vibhujädis given,, they have to be recognised by their forms(e.g their
characteristic is that they are made with ka).. In this regard SK 1007 also attributes lokaà-påëa to the
müla-vibhujädis. Müla-vibhuja = müläni våkñamüläni vibhujati cakragatyä bhaïjayati (That which
smashes the roots of trees by the motion of its wheels). Here the dhätu is bhuj(6P). kumuda= kau
modate(that which delights in ku(all dictionaries say that ku=earth, but ämåta says ku=water).. Other
defs are not given but nakhamuca probably means ‘that which is released from the nails’(saàskipta-sära
vivaraëé says nakhäni muïcati, and that muc here is innate causative thus in effect nakhäni mocayati)
and käka-guha is likely that which is hidden from the crows(païcamé by antardhau sankaspadam..
saàskipta-sära vivaraëé gives ‘kakebhyo gühitavyä’(modifying tiläù)),.. some research has to be done. In
any case amåta definitely says that nakha-muca, käka-guha and kumuda don’t have karma-pürva-
padas(but this puts the explanation of nakha-muca in jeopardy)
1422 / k(maRiNA ‘apaUvaARByaAM d"AÁaAByaAM k(: /
1422. karmaëi pra-pürväbhyäà dä-jïäbhyäà kaù
karmaëi—when a karma is the pürva-pada; pra-pürväbhyäm—which are preceded by the upendra pürva;
dä-jïäbhyäm—after the dhätus [òu]dä[ï] däne (3U, “to give”) and jïä avabodhane (9P, “to know”); kaù—
[k]a.
When a karma is the pürva-pada, [k]a is applied in kartari prayoga after pra + [òu]dä[ï] and pra + jïä.
kåñëa-pradaù, bhakti-prajïaù.
Våtti—Ø kåñëam <2.1> + pra + dä → (1422) kåñëam <2.1> + pra + dä + [k]a → (dä is aniö by verse 1,
542) kåñëam <2.1> + prada → (1274, 859) kåñëa-prada → (148) kåñëa-prada + s[u] → (155) kåñëa-pradaù
(“one who gives Kåñëa”) <1.1>.
Ø bhaktim <2.1> + pra + jïä → (1422) bhaktim <2.1> + pra + jïä + [k]a → (jïä is aniö by verse 1,
542) bhaktim <2.1> + prajïa → (1274, 859) bhakti-prajïa → (148) bhakti-prajïa + s[u] → (155) bhakti-
prajïaù (“one who knows about devotional service”) <1.1>.
Amåta—[K]a was already applicable after dhätus ending in ä-räma that don’t come after an upendra,
provided there is a karma-pürva-pada (see sütra 1419), but the current rule is made so that there can be
an upendra in addition to the karma-pürva-pada. Why do we say pra-pürväbhyäm? Consider bhakti-
sandäyaù (“one who bestows devotional service”) which is formed by applying a[ë]. When a pétämbara-
samäsa is made, the ä of saàjïä becomes vämana by sütra and we get våñëi-saàjïaù (“he whose name is
Våñëi”) <1.1>. Matsya Avatara dasa 13/11/06 5:52
Comment [71]: reference this;
gor épa äpa üëaç cäntasyäpradhänasya vämanaù
1423 / k(maRiNA s$ama: Kya: k(: /
1423. karmaëi samaù khyaù kaù
karmaëi—when a karma is the pürva-pada; samaù—which comes after sam; khyaù—after the dhätu khyä;
kaù—[k]a.
When a karma is the pürva-pada, [k]a is applied in kartari prayoga after sam + khyä.
kåñëa-dhenu-saìkhyaù.
Våtti—Ø kåñëa-dhenüù <2.3> + sam + khyä → (1423) kåñëa-dhenüù <2.3> + sam + khyä + [k]a → (khyä is
aniö by verse 1, 542, 113, 114) kåñëa-dhenüù <2.3> + saìkhya → (1274, 859) kåñëa-dhenu-saìkhya →
(148) kåñëa-dhenu-saìkhya + s[u] → (155) kåñëa-dhenu-saìkhyaù (“one who counts Kåñëa’s cows”)
<1.1>.
Amåta—Just like the previous rule, this rule is also made so that there can be an upendra in addition to
the karma-pürva-pada. The word khyaù here can refer either to the dhätu khyä prakathane (2P, “to
declare, tell”) or to the khyä[ï] that replaces cakñ[iì] by sütra 688. Thus kåñëa-dhenu-saìkhyaù means
kåñëa-dhenüù saìkhyäti or kåñëa-dhenüù saïcañöe. In this regard it should be stated that Üduhaù ko hasya
ghaç caÛ (“[K]a is applied after the duh[a], and the h of duh[a] changes to gh”). Thus we get käma-dugha
(“that which yields whatever one desires”) which refers to a kalpa-druma (“desire tree”), käma-dughä
(“that which yields whatever one desires”) which refers to a dhenu (“cow”), and artha-dughä (“that which
yields meanings”) which refers to vidyä (“knowledge”). Päëini formulates this as the sütra duhaù kab ghaç
ca (Añöädhyäyé 3.2.70).1
1425(SK 2922). karmaëy anupendra-gäyateñ öak

Good in yadu’s book. Counterexample is krñna-saìgäya e.g because of the upendra there is aë as usual
kåñëa-gaù, öittväd ép—kåñëa-gé. upendrät tu—kåñëa-saìgäyaù.
1425(SK 2922 + vartika). surä-sédhvoù karmaëoù pibateñ öak

[ö]a[k] is applied after the dhätu pä(1P only) provided that it has a karma pürva-pada which is either the
word ‘surä’ or ‘sédhu’(both mean liquor). The ö is for ép again. Thus the two forms below.. sim sédhu-paù, sédhu-
pé(sometimes spelt çédhu e.g in SK but not in MW). Anupendra is understood from the last sütra e.g sédhu
saàpivatéti sédhusaàpäyaù(here there is aë due to the upendra)
surä-paù, surä-pé.
1426 / k(maRiNA h"r"taer"d"nautºaepae vayais$a ca , @Ax~stau taAcC$Ilyae /
1426. karmaëi harater ad anutkñepe vayasi ca, äìas tu täcchélye
1
Commenting on this sütra, Käçikä says the words supy upapade (“when there is an upapada (pürva-pada) which ends in a sup
(sv-ädi)”) are understood here.
karmaëi—when a karma is the pürva-pada; harateù—after the dhätu hå[ï] haraëe (1U, “to take, remove,
steal”); at—the kåt pratyaya a[t]; anutkñepe—which isn’t used in the sense of utkñepa (“lifting up,
carrying, wearing”); vayasi—when vayas (“age”) is understood; ca—and; äìaù—after the upendra ä[ì];
tu—but; täcchélye—when täcchélya (“habit”) is understood.
When a karma is the pürva-pada, a[t] is applied after hå[ï] in kartari prayoga, provided hå[ï] doesn’t
mean “to carry or wear.” Similarly, when a karma is the pürva-pada, a[t] is applied after hå[ï] in
kartari prayoga when age is understood and after ä[ì] + hå[ï] when habit is understood.
saàsära-haraù. tathä—kavaca-haraù samäjagäma rämaù, kavaca-dhäraëa-yogya-vayä ity arthaù. tathä

kåñëocchiñöäharaù, tat-svabhäva ity arthaù. utkñepe tu—bhära-häraù.
Våtti—An example of the first part is saàsära-haraù (“one who removes material existence”). An
example of the second part is kavaca-haraù samäjagäma rämaù (“Wearing armor, Räma approached”)
which means Räma is of a suitable age for wearing armor. An example of the third kind is
kåñëocchiñöäharaù (“one who eats Kåñëa’s remnants”) which means it is his habit to eat Kåñëa’s remnants.
Ø saàsäram <2.1> + hå → (1426) saàsäram <2.1> + hå + a[t] → (hå is aniö by verse 1, 394)
saàsäram <2.1> + hara → (1274, 859) saàsära-hara → (148) saàsära-hara + s[u] → (155) saàsära-
haraù (“one who removes material existence”) <1.1>.
Ø kavacam <2.1> + hå → (1426) kavacam <2.1> + hå + a[t] → (hå is aniö by verse 1, 394) kavacam
<2.1> + hara → (1274, 859) kavaca-hara → (148) kavaca-hara + s[u] → (155) kavaca-haraù (“one who
wears armor”) <1.1>.
Ø kåñëocchiñöam <2.1> + ä[ì] + hå → (1426) kåñëocchiñöam <2.1> + ä[ì] + hå + a[t] → (hå is aniö
by verse 1, 394) kåñëocchiñöam <2.1> + ähara → (1274, 859) kåñëocchiñöa + ähara → (46) kåñëocchiñöähara
(148) kåñëocchiñöähara + s[u] → (155) kåñëocchiñöäharaù (“one who eats Kåñëa’s remnants”) <1.1>.
But when hå[ï] means “to carry,” we get bhära-häraù (“one who carries a load”).
Ø bhäram <2.1> + hå → (1417) bhäram <2.1> + hå + a[ë] → (hå is aniö by verse 1, 422) bhära-
hära → (1274, 859) bhära-hära → (148) bhära-hära + s[u] → (155) bhära-häraù (“one who carries a
load”) <1.1>.
Saàçodhiné—A[t] is an apaväda of a[ë]. Thus when a[t] is not applied, the general pratyaya a[ë] is
applied instead, as in the case of bhära-häraù. Commenting on the sütra vayasi ca (Añöädhyäyé 3.2.10),
which comes after the sütra harater anudyamane ’c (Añöädhyäyé 3.2.9), Siddhänta-kaumudé says
udyamanärtham sütram (“This sütra is so that a[c] (a[t]) can be applied even when hå[ï] is used in the
sense of udyamana (utkñepa)”). Thus, in kavaca-haraù, a[t] is applied even though hå[ï] means
“to wear.”
1427 / zAftyaAid"Sau k(maRs$au ƒahe"r"ta, /
1427. çakty-ädiñu karmasu graher at
çakty-ädiñu—when the words çakti (“spear”) and so on; karmasu—are the karma-pürva-padas; graheù—
after the dhätu grah[a] upädäne (9U, “to accept, take”); at—a[t].
When the words çakti and so on are the karma-pürva-padas, a[t] is applied after grah[a] in kartari
prayoga.
çakti-grahaù, läìgala-grahaù. evam aìkuça-yañöi-tomara-ghaöa-ghaöé-dhanuùñu.

Våtti—Thus we get çakti-grahaù (“one who holds a spear, a spearman”) and läìgala-grahaù (“one who
holds a plough, a ploughman”). Likewise with the words aìkuça (“a goad”), yañöi (“a staff”), tomara (“a
club”), ghaöa (“a jar”), ghaöé (“a small jar”), and dhanus (“a bow”).
Ø çaktim <2.1> + grah → (1427) çaktim <2.1> + grah + a[t] → (440) çaktim <2.1> + graha →
(1274, 859) çakti-graha → (148) çakti-graha + s[u] → (155) çakti-grahaù (“one who holds a spear”)
<1.1>.
Ø läìgalam <2.1> + grah → (1427) läìgalam <2.1> + grah + a[t] → (440) läìgalam <2.1> + graha
→ (1274, 859) läìgala-graha → (148) läìgala-graha + s[u] → (155) läìgala-grahaù (“one who holds a
plough”) <1.1>.
Amåta—A[t] is an apaväda of a[ë]. Çakti-grahaù means çaktià gåhëäti (“one who holds a spear”). The
word läìgala-grahaù (“one who holds a plough”) refers to Balaräma. Jéva Gosvämé specifies what the
word ädi stands for with the sentence beginning “likewise with the words aìkuça.” Why do we say çakty-
ädiñu? Consider kara-grähaù which means viväha-bandhaù (“one who takes the hand [of the bride], a
bridegroom”).
1428(SK 2923 vartika). sütra-graha ity avadhäraëe

grah takes a[t] and makes the form sütra-graha(thread-holder) provided that there is the action of
holding constantly.. Otherwise grah takes aë and the form is sütra-gräha(thread-taker, here there is only
taking but no constant holding)
sütra-gräho ’nyatra.
1429 / k(maRNyahR"taer"ta, /
1429. karmaëy arhater at
karmaëi—when a karma is the pürva-pada; arhateù—after the dhätu arh[a] püjäyäm (1P, “to worship,
honor”); at—a[t].
When a karma is the pürva-pada, a[t] is applied after arh[a] in kartari prayoga.
kåñëärhaù. kåñëärhä.
Våtti—For example, kåñëärhaù (“one who worships Kåñëa”) and kåñëärhä (“one (feminine) who
worships Kåñëa”).
Ø kåñëam <2.1> + arh → (1429) kåñëam <2.1> + arh + a[t] → (440) kåñëam <2.1> + arha →
(1274, 859) kåñëa-arha → (46) kåñëärha → (148) kåñëärha + s[u] → (155) kåñëärhaù (“one who
worships Kåñëa”) <1.1>.
Amåta—The word kåñëärhä here refers to Rukmiëé. Because a[t] doesn’t have the indicatory letter ö, ä[p]
is applied in the feminine. Many examples are also seen where arh[a] is used in the sense of yogya (“fit
for”).1 For example kåñëärhaà mälyam (“A garland which is fit for Kåñëa”), kåñëärhä tulasé (“Tulasé
which is fit for Kåñëa”), and so on.
1
In this regard, one should remember that arh[a] püjäyäm is sometimes listed as arh[a] püjäyäà yogyatve ca (1P, “to worship,
honor; to be fit, to be able”). When arh[a] is used in the sense of yogyatva, it is akarmaka, and thus there is no question of
having a karma-pürva-pada. But Amåta points out that many times a[t] is applied anyway.
1430 / zAñe k(maRiNA Da{HaAe'ta, , na tau s$aU‡ad"Nx"yaAe: /
1430. çastre karmaëi dhåïo ’t, na tu sütra-daëòayoù
çastre—when a çastra (“weapon”); karmaëi—is the karma-pürva-pada; dhåïaù—after the dhätu dhå[ï]
dhäraëe (1U, “to hold, support”); at—a[t]; na—not; tu—but; sütra-daëòayoù—when sütra (“a thread”) or
daëòa (“a rod”) is the karma-pürva-pada.
When a weapon is the karma-pürva-pada, a[t] is applied after dhå[ï] in kartari prayoga, but not if sütra
or daëòa is the karma-pürva-pada.
cakra-dharaù. neha—sütra-dhäraù, daëòa-dhäraù. sütra-niñedhäd açastre ’pi—bhü-dharaù.
Våtti—Thus we get cakra-dharaù (“one who bears a cakra, Lord Viñëu”).
Ø cakram <2.1> + dhå → (1430) cakram <2.1> + dhå + a[t] → (dhå is aniö by verse 1, 394) cakram
<2.1> + dhara → (1274, 859) cakra-dhara → (148) cakra-dhara + s[u] → (155) cakra-dharaù (“one who
bears a cakra, Lord Viñëu”) <1.1>.
But a[t] is not applied in sütra-dhäraù (“one who holds a thread, an architect, or the master of ceremonies
in the case of a play”) and daëòa-dhäraù (“one who bears the rod, Yamaräja”). Due to the prohibition of
the word sütra here, a[t] is applied even when something other than a weapon is the karma-pürva-pada.
Thus we get bhü-dharaù (“one who supports the earth, a mountain”).
Amåta—A[t] is an apaväda of a[ë]. But a[t] is not applied if sütra or daëòa is the karma-pürva-pada,
rather a[ë] is applied instead. Cakra-dharaù refers to Väsudeva and means cakraà sudarçanäkhyaà
dharati (“one who holds the cakra called sudarçana”). Likewise çüla-dharaù refers to Lord Çiva, and so on.
Regarding the phrase “due to the prohibition of the word sütra,” the fact that the word sütra was
prohibited here, even though a sütra is not a weapon, suggests that a[t] is also applied after dhå[ï] when
something other than a weapon is the karma-pürva-pada, otherwise if it was already impossible to use the
word sütra, there would have been no need to prohibit it. Thus bhü-dharaù, payo-dharaù, and so on are
also achieved. One should understand, however, that the word daëòa-dharaù found in Amara’s statement
kälo daëòa-dharaù “[Yamaräja is called] käla and daëòa-dhara.” (Amara-koña 1.1.138), is formed by
paçcät-samäsa with the word dhara which is formed by applying a[t] by sütra 1400.
1431(SK 2927 + vartika, locative ending kept by SK 972). stambe-ramo hastini, karëe-japaù sücake
sädhü
The forms stambe-rama(pürva-pada stamba(locative) and dhätu ram with a[t]) and karëe-japa(pürva-
pada karëa(locative) and dhätu jap with a[t]) are valid when meaning elephant(e.g one who sports in
high grass) and slanderer(one who whispers in the ear) respectively. I think the irregularity here is the
specific meanings,, the keeping of the locative ending on the pürva-pada is by SK 972.(sütra 308 in our
grammar)
1432(SK 2928). çami dhätor at saàjïäyäm

a[t] is applied after a dhätu when the pürva-pada is the avyaya çam(=kalyäëa= auspicious things/ good)
provided that it forms a name. E.g çaìkara= one who does good.. lord çiva.. çambara= the name of a
daitya(according to bala the dhätu is våï and thus it would mean one who chooses good).. The word
dhätu is used again here(e.g there is a dhätu adhikära by sütra 1) to block [ö]a after kå by 241.
çaìkaraù. çambaro daityaù.
1433 / @iDak(r"NAe zAetaer"ta, , k(r"NAe paAìARd"AE ca /

1433. adhikaraëe çeter at, karaëe pärçvädau ca
adhikaraëe—when an adhikaraëa is the pürva-pada; çeteù—after the dhätu çé[ì] svapne (2A, “to sleep, lie
down”); at—a[t]; karaëe—are the karaëa-pürva-padas; pärçva-ädau—when the words pärçva (“side”) and
so on; ca—and.
A[t] is applied in kartari prayoga after çé[ì] when an adhikaraëa is the pürva-pada or when the words
pärçva and so on are the karaëa-pürva-padas.
kñéroda-çayaù. tathä pärçväbhyäà çete—pärçva-çayaù. udara-çayaù, påñöha-çayaù.
Våtti—An example of the first part is kñéroda-çayaù (“one who lies on the milk ocean”). An example of
the second part is pärçva-çayaù which means pärçväbhyäà çete (“one who lies on1 his sides”).
Ø kñérode <7.1> + çé → (1433) kñérode <7.1> + çé + a[t] → (440, 394) kñérode <7.1> + çe + a[t] →
(63) kñérode <7.1> + çaya → (1274, 859) kñéroda-çaya → (148) kñéroda-çaya + s[u] → (155) kñéroda-çayaù
(“one who lies on the milk ocean”) <1.1>.
Ø pärçväbhyäm <3.2> + çé → (1433) pärçväbhyäm <3.2> + çé + a[t] → (440, 394) pärçväbhyäm

<3.2> + çe + a[t] → (63) pärçväbhyäm <3.2> + çaya → (1274, 859) pärçva-çaya → (148) pärçva-çaya +
s[u] → (155) pärçva-çayaù (“one who lies on his sides”) <1.1>.
Other examples of the second part are udara-çayaù (“one who lies on his stomach”) and påñöha-çayaù
(“one who lies on his back”).
Amåta—Kñéroda-çayaù means kñéra-samudre çete (“one who lies on the milk ocean”) which refers to the
Viñëu who is the supersoul of the living entities. Likewise we get jala-çayaù (“one who lies on the water,
Viñëu”) and bila-çayaù (“that which lies in a hole, a snake”). Udara-çayaù means udareëa çete (“one who
lies on his stomach”).
1434(SK 2929 vartika). uttänädiñu ca

a[t] is also applied after the dhätu çé[ì] when the pürva-pada is uttäna etc.. which is a kartä. E.g uttäna-
çaya= ‘one who sleeps with his face upwards’, avamürdha-çaya= ‘one who sleeps with his face
downwards’
uttänaù çete—uttäna-çayaù. avamürdhä çete—avamürdha-çayaù.
1435(SK 2929 vartika). digdha-sahäc ca

a[t] is also applied to the dhätu çé[ì] which has the words digdha-saha coming before it. Digdha= a
poisoned arrow.. Thus digdha-saha-çaya= ‘one who lies with a poison arrow’(e.g he is dead I guess)
digdha-saha-çayaù.
1436 / igAr"AE tau igAir"zA: s$aADau: /
1436. girau tu giri-çaù sädhuù
girau—when the word giri (“mountain”) is the pürva-pada; tu—but; giri-çaù—giri-ça; sädhuù—is the
proper form.
But when giri is the pürva-pada, giri-ça is the proper form.
1
Although in these examples the sides, the belly, and the back are karaëas, it is idiomatic in English to say “on his sides”
rather than “with his sides” and so on. With the examples udara-çayaù and påñöha-çayaù, Jéva Gosvämé shows what is included
by the word ädi in pärçvädau.
Amåta—When giri is the pürva-pada, giri-ça is the proper form achieved by applying a[t] after çé[ì]. The
result of the nipäta here is the deletion of é-räma. Giri-çaù <1.1> refers to Çiva and means girau çete (“one
who lies on the mountain”).
1437 / @iDak(r"NAe iBaºaAs$aenaAd"AyaeSau ca care"í": /
1437. adhikaraëe bhikñä-senädäyeñu ca careñ öaù
adhikaraëe—when an adhikaraëa is the pürva-pada; bhikñä-senä-ädäyeñu—when bhikñä (“begging”), senä

(“army”), and ädäya (“having taken”) are the pürva-padas; ca—and; careù—after the dhätu car[a] gatau
(1P, “to go, move”); öaù—the kåt pratyaya [ö]a.
When an adhikaraëa is the pürva-pada or when bhikñä, senä, or ädäya is the pürva-pada, [ö]a is applied
after car[a] in kartari prayoga.
våndävane carati—våndävana-caraù. bhikñäà carati—bhikñä-caraù. senäà carati—senä-cara ity-ädi.

“kathaà saha-caréti? cintyam” iti puruñottamaù (bhäñä-våtti 3.2.16). kälika-viçeña-paratvät saha ekasmin
käle caratéti cintanéyam.
Våtti—Thus we get våndävana-caraù which means (“one who wanders in the Våndävana forest”), bhikñä-
caraù (“one who goes about begging”), senä-caraù which means senäà carati (“one who follows the
army, a soldier”), and so on.
Ø våndävane <7.1> + car → (1437) våndävane <7.1> + car + [ö]a → (440) våndävane <7.1> + cara
→ (1274, 859) våndävana-cara → (148) våndävana-cara + s[u] → (155) våndävana-caraù (“one who
wanders in the Våndävana forest”) <1.1>.
Ø bhikñäm <2.1> + car → (1437) bhikñäm <2.1> + car + [ö]a → (440) bhikñäm <2.1> + cara →
(1274, 859) bhikñä-cara → (148) bhikñä-cara + s[u] → (155) bhikñä-caraù (“one who goes about
begging”) <1.1>.
Ø senäm <2.1> + car → (1437) senäm <2.1> + car + [ö]a → (440) senäm <2.1> + cara → (1274,
859) senä-cara → (148) senä-cara + s[u] → (155) senä-caraù (“one who follows the army, a soldier”)
<1.1>.
In Bhäñä-våtti (3.2.16), Puruñottama says kathaà saha-caréti? cintyam (“Why do we get saha-caré? It is
questionable”). It should be considered that the word saha refers to a particular time and thus saha-caré
means ekasmin käle carati (“one (feminine) who moves at the same time, a wife”).
Amåta—The separate mention of the words bhikñä and so on is so that [ö]a will be applied, even thought
these words are not adhikaraëa-pürva-padas. Due to the indicatory letter ö, é[p] is applied in the feminine
and we get våndävana-caré gopé (“The gopé who wanders in the Våndävana forest”). Likewise we get kuru-
caraù <1.1> and kuru-caré <1.1> which mean kuruñu carati (“one who moves among the Kurus”). Since
the understanding is that bhikñä and so on are not adhikaraëa-pürva-padas, they are shown in the våtti as
karma-pürva-padas. But there is no rule that they can only be karma-pürva-padas. Thus [ö]a is applied
even when these words are karaëas as in the case of bhikñayä carati, senayä carati, and so on.
By the words “and so on” we get ädäya-caraù (“one who goes after having taken”) which means svayaì-
grähé (“one who takes for himself (without permission)”). Bhaööi’s example is dviñan vane-carägryäëäà
tvam ädäya-caro vane (Bhaööi-kävya 5.97). Ädäya is formed by applying [k]tvä after ä[ì] + [òu]dä[ï] and
then replacing [k]tvä with ya[p] by sütra 1273. Even though ädäya is sa-karmaka, there is no problem in
making a samäsa, because there is no dependence on another word since there is no desire to express a
karma here. Prasäda, the major commentary on Prakriyä-kaumudé, says that, even when there is
dependence on another word, the pratyaya [ö]a is applied on the strength of this rule. What Puruñottama
means to say when he says “it is questionable” is that the application of é[p] is questionable, because the
pratyaya [ö]a isn’t applicable since saha is not mentioned among the word bhikñä and so on. Jéva Gosvämé
personally reconciles this by establishing that the word saha is an adhikaraëa, since it refers to a
particular time. Thus there is no contradiction.
Saàçodhiné—Commenting on the equivalent Päëinian sütra 3.2.17, Siddhänta-kaumudé gives an alternate

explanation of saha-caré. It says that among the pacädis is cara[ö], a word which takes é[p] in the feminine
due to having the indicatory letter ö. Thus we get the feminine form caré. Saha-caré is the paçcät-samäsa of
caré with saha.
1438 (SK 1008 and ??). rätricara-rätriàcarau dväv api sädhü

The two forms rätricara and rätriàcara are valid(i.e they are made with car and öa). E.g here rätri is the
adhikaraëa.. and both forms mean ‘one who wanders at night’(conventionally this means a rakñasa).The
irregularity in the second form in mum
1439(SK 2932,33). puro-’grato-’greñu sarateñ öaù, pürve kartari ca

the affix öa comes after the dhätu så provided that the pürva-padas are either puras, agratas, or agre.. This
also happens when pürva is a kartå-pürva-pada. Agre here is the avyaya agre, which resembles the
locative of agra. E.g the first example in the våtti= ‘one who goes ahead, a harbringer’ the next two mean
‘one who goes in front, a leader’. Pürva-sara= ‘one who goes before’(me: e.g pürvaù san sarati). Why do
we say pürva should be a karör-pürva-pada?? Otherwise pürvadeçaà saratéti pürvasäraù, aëeva. E.g if it’s
a karma-pürva-pada then aë is applied e.g ‘one who goes east’(I think here deça is added just to bring out
the directional meaning of pürva)
puraù-saraù, agrataù-saraù, agre-saraù. pürvaù saratéti—pürva-saraù.
1440 / zAbd"ëAek(k(lah"gAATaAvaEr"caAq%]s$aU‡aman‡apad"vaja< k(maRiNA x"]k{(Haí"Ae he"tautaAcC$IlyaAnaulaAemyaeSau /
1440. çabda-çloka-kalaha-gäthä-vaira-cäöu-sütra-mantra-pada-varjaà karmaëi òukåïañ öo hetu-

täcchélyänulomyeñu
çabda-çloka-kalaha-gäthä-vaira-cäöu-sütra-mantra-pada-varjam—excepts the words çabda (“sound”), çloka

(“verse”), kalaha (“quarrel”), gäthä (“song”), vaira (“enmity”), cäöu (“flattery”), sütra (“sütra or thread”),
mantra (“hymn”), and pada (“word”); karmaëi—when a karma is the pürva-pada; òukåïah—after the
dhätu [òu]kå[ï] karaëe (8U, “to do, make”); öaù—[ö]a; hetu-täcchélya-änulomyeñu—in the senses of hetu
(“cause”), täcchélya (“habit”), änulomya (“favorableness”).
When any karma except çabda, çloka, kalaha, gäthä, vaira, cäöu, sütra, mantra, or pada is the pürva-
pada, [ö]a is applied after [òu]kå[ï] in kartari prayoga in the senses of hetu, täcchélya, and änulomya.
sarvärtha-karé hari-bhaktiù. täcchélye—vyasana-karaù. änulomye—préti-karaù. “pitur väkya-karaà rämam”

iti bhaööiù (5.98). neha—çabda-käraù, çloka-kära ity-ädi.
Våtti—[When the sense is hetu,] we get sarvärtha-karé hari-bhaktiù (“Devotional service to Hari which
produces all benefits”). When the sense is täcchélya, we get vyasana-karaù (“one whose habit is to do evil
things”). When the sense is änulomya, we get préti-karaù (“one who shows affection”). In this regard,
Bhaööi gives the example pitur väkya-karaà rämam “Räma, who executes the order of His father” (Bhaööi-
Comment [72]: otherwise : “one who creates
kävya 5.98). pleasure” ask Gopi which he thinks is best
Ø sarvärtham <2.1> + kå → (1437) sarvärtham <2.1> + kå + [ö]a → (kå is aniö by verse 1, 394)
sarvärtham <2.1> + kara → (1274, 859) sarvärtha-kara → () sarvärtha-kara + é[p] → () sarvärtha-karé →
(148) sarvärtha-karé + s[u] → (202) sarvärtha-karé (“that which produces all benefits”) <1.1>.
Comment [73]: reference this é[p] by
aë-keçava-gaurädibhyaù
Ø vyasanam <2.1> + kå → (1437) vyasanam <2.1> + kå + [ö]a → (kå is aniö by verse 1, 394)
vyasanam <2.1> + kara → (1274, 859) vyasana-kara → (148) vyasana-kara + s[u] → (155) vyasana-karaù
(“one whose habit is to do evil things”) <1.1>. haraù
Ø prétim <2.1> + kå → (1437) prétim <2.1> + kå + [ö]a → (kå is aniö by verse 1, 394) prétim <2.1>
+ kara → (1274, 859) préti-kara → (148) préti-kara + s[u] → (155) préti-karaù (“one who shows
affection”) <1.1>.
But [ö]a is not applied in çabda-käraù (“one who makes a sound”), çloka-käraù (“one who composes a
verse”), and so on.
Ø çabdam <2.1> + kå → (1417) çabdam <2.1> + kå + a[ë] → (kå is aniö by verse 1, 422) çabdam
<2.1> + kära → (1274, 859) çabda-kära → (148) çabda-kära + s[u] → (155) çabda-käraù (“one who
makes a sound”) <1.1>.
Ø çlokam <2.1> + kå → (1417) çlokam <2.1> + kå + a[ë] → (kå is aniö by verse 1, 422) çlokam
<2.1> + kära → (1274, 859) çloka-kära → (148) çloka-kära + s[u] → (155) çloka-käraù (“one who
composes a verse”) <1.1>.
Amåta—Devotional service to Hari is an unfailing cause of all benefits, because without it none of the
goals of the four puruñärthas dharma, artha, käma, and, mokña or the three paths karma, jïäna, and yoga
can be achieved independently. Other examples are yaças-karé vidyä (“knowledge which produces
fame”), çreyas-karaù sat-saìgaù (“the association of devotees which produces the ultimate good”), and so
on. Vyasana-karaù means vyasanaà kartuà çélam asya (“his nature is to do evil things”). Other examples
are mälä-karaù (“one whose habit is to make garlands”), pradakñiëa-karaù (“one whose habit is to do
circumabulation”), and so on. The meaning of väkya-karam is anukülatayä pitur väkyaà pälayati (“one
who favorably keeps his father’s words”). Other examples are vacana-karaù çiñyaù (“a disciple who does
what he is told”), ädeça-karaù çiñyaù (“a disciple who obeys orders”), and so on. The counterexamples
çadba-käraù and so on are formed by applying a[ë]. Thus [ö]a is an apaväda of a[ë]. Similarly, when the
senses of hetu and so on are lacking, [ö]a is not applied, rather only a[ë] is applied. For example, bhäñya-
käraù (“one who writes a commentary”).
1441(SK 2935 + vartika). ädy-antänanta-bahu-nändé-lipi-livi-bhakti-bali-kartå-citra-kñetra-jaìghä-bähu-

dhanur-arus-saìkhyädi-divädi-tadädiñu karmasu òukåïañ öaù, kià-yat-tad-bahuñv at
öa is applied after the dhätu [òu]kå[ï] provided that the karma-pürva-pada is one of the following words:
ädi(beginning), anta(end),ananta(endless), bahu(many), nändé(a blessing pronounced as a prologue to a
drama), lipi(writing), livi(writing), bhakti, bali(oblation), kartå(agent), citra(painting), kñetra(field),
jaìghä(shanks, the area from the ankle to the knee(SK says thigh,, but I think wrong)),bähu(arm),
dhanur(bow), arus(wound), saìkhyädi(words denotings numerals like eka, dvi and others), divädi(the
words divä(by day), niçä(night), vibhä(light), bhäs(light), prabhä(light)) and the tadädi(the 7 words
mention in kåñëanäma prakaraëam). Among these pürva-padas kim, yat, tad and bahu take a[t] instead
of öa. JG starts the våtti by saying that the option in prakriya-kaumudi for kim, yat, tad and bahu to either
take at or öa is a mistaken idea.. as the värttika clearly says ‘kià-yat-tad-bahuñu kåïo ’j vidhänam’. E.g
that only ac(päëini name for a[t]) is ordained after these words. In päëini’s sütra the word kära(work) is
also listed as a pürva-pada and the form made is kära-kara ‘worker’(either JG didn’t agree or the editions
have left it out).. One may wander why bahu, tad, yad, kim are in the list for öa when they should take
a[t]. that is how it is in päëini’s sütra and the värttika later amends it. In particular amåta says that the
tad-ädi group is listed to take öa because the tad-ädis others than tad and yad will still take öa eg. Etat-
karé, idaì-karé(feminine forms due to ö it). When JG says “kiì-karé” ity api dåçyate .. amåta gives the
explanation that it is possible for there to be öa here if hetu etc.. is understood from the last
sütra(however SK says the opposite and its explanation may be more valid, see vartika). In any case çuka
gosvämi uses the word in two verses in 10th canto e.g “bhaja sakhe bhavatkiìkaréù sma naù”(SB 10.31.6),
“kvacidapi sa kathä naù kiìkaréëäà gåëéte”(SB 10.47.21)
The words thus formed are ädi-karaù(the creator), anta-karaù(death(the endmaker)), ananta-kara(one
who makes unlimited), bahukara(one who does much, busy), nändé-kara(one who speaks the prologue),
lipi-kara and livi-kara(both mean a scribe), bhakti-kara(a devotee), bali-kara(one who offers sacrifice),
kartå-kara(an agent??), citra-kara(painter), kñetra-kara(a cultivator), jaìghä-kara(active with the shanks
e.g a runner/courier), bähu-kara(active with the arms e.gSK says ‘a hero’), dhanuñ-kara(bow maker..
future change to ñatvam), aruñ-kara(one who causes wounds), eka-kara(doing one thing), dvi-kara(doing
two things), similarly tri-kara etc.., divä-kara(day maker, e.g the sun), niçä-kara(night-maker e.g the
moon), vibhä-kara, bhäs-kara and prabhä-kara(light maker e.g the sun), tat-kara(doing that), yat-
kara(doing which) and kià-kara(a servant)
aträpi vikalpas tasyäà (pä 3.2.21) bhramaù. ädi-karaù, anta-karaù, ananta-kara ity-ädi. saìkhyäyäm—
eka-karaù, dvi-kara ity-ädi. divädau—divä-karaù, niçä-karaù, vibhä-karaù, bhäs-karaù, prabhä-karaù. tad-
ädau—tat-karaù, yat-kara ity-ädi. tathä—kiì-karaù, kiì-karä. “kiì-karé” ity api dåçyate.
1442(SK 2936,38,39,40). karma-karo bhåtye, dåtihari-näthaharé paçau, ätmaàbhary-udaraàbhari-

kukñiàbhary-ädayaù, stambakari-çakåtkaré vréhi-vatsayoù, phale-grahir abandhya-våkñe
The irregular form karma-kara(a hired servant) is made provided that a servant who takes wages is to be
expressed. The irregularities here are öa and the specific meaning.. In other meanings the form by default
is made with aë is karma-kära(a blacksmith, or kazika says a servant who doesn’t receive wages). The
irregular forms dåti-hari(dog) and nätha-hari(a beast who carries his master, or by SK a beast that carries
the nose-rope) are made when an animal is to be expressed. Here the dhätu is hå. The irregularities here
are the pratyaya ‘i’ and the specific meanings. The irregular forms ätmaà-bhari, udaraà-bhari and
kukñià-bhari(all meaning a glutton or one who is selfish) are made with dhätu bhåï.. Here the irregs are
the pratyaya ‘i’ and the addition of ‘mum’. The irregular forms stamba-kari(lit one who forms clumps)
and çakåt-kari(lit dung-maker) are made provided that they means vréhi(rice or other grains) and vatsa(a
calf) respectively. Here the dhätu is [òu]kå[ï] and the irregularities are the pratyaya ‘i’ and the specific
meanings. The irregular from phale-grahi is made with the dhätu grah provided that a ‘tree with fruits’ is
to be expressed. The irregularities here are the pratyaya ‘i’ and that the pürva-pada ends in ‘e’. JG then
gives a general våtti for all these forms by saying that the forms of the dhätus kå etc.. are irregularly made
when the pürva-padas are ‘karma etc..’(e.g he just lists the first form karma-kara and the rest are in the
word ädi’). JG also substansiates the form phale-grahi by giving the statement of amara-koça and showing
the usage of bhartåhari(the author of bhaööi-kävya).
“karmädi”-karmaëi pürva-pade kåï-ädénäm ete nipätyante. “syäd abandhyaù phale-grahiù” ity amaraù
(2.4.6). “phale-grahén haàsi vanaspaténäm” iti bhartåhari-vipraù (bhaööiù 2.33).
1443(SK 2942vartika, +44and 45 with their vartikas,50). stana-çunyoù karmaëor dheöaù, näsikädiñu
dhmaç ca, çardhe jahäteù, vidhu-tilayos tudaù khaç
This sütra may smash my kåt-süträdyaà theory
The affix [kh]a[ç] is applied after the dhätu dhe[ö] provided either stana(breast) or çuné(female dog/bitch
e.g from çvan+ép) is the karma-pürva-pada. [kh]a[ç] is applied after the dhätus dhe[ö](indicated by the
‘ca’) and dhmä provided the karma-pürva-pada is näsikä etc..(ädi= näòé(tube), muñöhi(fist),
ghaöé(waterpot), khäré(a particular measure), väta(wind)SK ALSO lists kharé(a she ass)). [kh]a[ç] is applied
after the dhätu hä(3P) when the karma-pürva-pada is çardha(flatulence), and it is applied after the dhätu
tud when the karma-pürva-pada is either vidhu(the moon) or tila(sesame seed). Now våtti,, because kh is
anubandha here sütra 104 will apply. e.g stanan-dhaya= ‘an infant’ (i.e one who sucks the breast). Çunin-
dhaya= ‘The young of the female dog(i.e who suck her)(both vämana and mum by 104). Näsikan-dhaya=
‘drinking through the nose’, näsikan-dhama= ‘blowing/breathing through the nose’. Nädin-dhaya= ‘one
who sucks through a tube, an infant’, näòin-dhama=‘one who blows through a tube’. Look the rest up in
dict later. according to some(vopadeva and the käläpa grammarians) [kh]a[ç] is optionally applied after the
dhätu dhe[ö] provided the karma-pürva-pada is either muïja, küla, äsya or püñpa. Thus muïjan-dhaya etc..
The last three mean ‘one who causes flatulence, i.e a bean’, ‘one who afflicts the moon e.g rahu’ and ‘a sesame-
grinder’.
mum, stanan-dhayaù. “vämanaç ca” (104) çunin-dhayaù. näsikan-dhayaù, näsikan-dhamaù. näòin-dhayaù,
gopala dasa 30/8/06 18:53
näòin-dhamaù. evaà muñöhi-ghaöé-khäré-väteñu. “muïja-küläsya-puñpeñu dheöo vä”(the vä here may be false..
Comment [75]: do comparative table on this..
in harida and bala but kusuma edition and amåta not there.. seems not to be there in vopadeva’s and käläpa’s only in krsnadas but both comms refer to it.
quotes.. but check it out in those books. I checked, no ‘vä’, take it out). iti kecit—muïjan-dhaya ity-ädi.
çardhaï-jahaù, vidhun-tudaù, tilan-tudaù.
1444 / @ç&ntaud"janamaejayakU(lamauåu"jakU(lamauã"h"A”aMilah"A: /
1444. aruntuda-janamejaya-külamudruja-külamudvahäbhraàlihäù
aruntuda-janmejaya-külamudruja-külamudvahäbhraàlihäù—arun-tuda, janam-ejaya, külam-udruja, külam-

udvaha, and abhraà-liha.
Arun-tuda, janam-ejaya, külam-udruja, külam-udvaha, and abhraà-liha.
“arus” ity-ädi-karma-pürva-padatve tud-ädi-dhätünäm ete sädhavaù. “vahaà-liho ’pi” ity eke.
Våtti—These are the proper forms of the dhätus tud[a] and so on + [kh]a[ç] when arus and so on are the
karma-pürva-padas. Some say that we also get vahaà-liha (“that which licks its shoulder”).
Ø janam <2.1> + eji → (1444) janam <2.1> + eji + [kh]a[ç] → (394) janam <2.1> + eje + a → (63)
janam <2.1> + ejaya → (1274, 859) jana-ejaya → (1290, 225) janam-ejaya → (148) janam-ejaya + s[u] →
(155) janam-ejayaù (“one who causes men to tremble”) <1.1>.
Amåta—Jéva Gosvämé himself explains the meaning of this sütra with the sentence beginning arus. Arus
means marman (“a wound, vulnerable point”), and arun-tudaù <1.1> means arus tudati (“one who strikes
a wound”). The result of the nipäta is that the s of the pürva-pada is deleted. Jana means loka (“people,
men”), and janam-ejayaù <1.1> means janam ejayati (“one who causes men to tremble”). The dhätu used
here is the ëy-anta-dhätu eji which is formed by applying [ë]i after ej[å] kampane (1P, “to tremble,
shake”). Külam-udrujaù <1.1> means külam utrujati (“that which breaks down the bank”). Here the dhätu
is ruj[o] bhaìge (6P, “to break, afflict”) preceded by the upendra ud. Likewise we get Külam-udvahaù
(“that which carries away the bank”) <1.1>. Both külam-udruja and külam-udvaha refer to a river. Abhra
means megha (“cloud”), and abhraà-lihaù <1.1> means abhraà lihati (“that which licks or, in other
words, touchs the sky”). This word refers to a mountain or to the air. In the sentence “Some say that we
also get vahaà-liha,” the word some refers to the Kaläpa grammarians. For example, their rule is
vahaàlihäbhraàliha-parantaperammadäç ca.
Comment [76]: this last word is iraà-mada in
Saàçodhiné—In the printed editions of Hari-nämämåta, the word janamejaya is listed as janmejaya. But MW. See sütra 1447
this is a mistake, because we see that, while commenting on ejeù khaç (Añöädhyäyé 3.2.28), Käçikä gives
the form janamejaya and that Mugdha-bodha-vyäkaraëa (1015) also gives the form janamejaya. Indeed the
form janmejaya is not seen in any other vyäkaraëa textbook. The correct reading janamejaya can be
found in manuscript 554D (Serial No: 3024, Accession No: 554D) in the Vrindavan Research Institute.
Thus Amåta’s alternate explanation that janmejaya means janma ejayati (“one who causes birth to
tremble”) and that the deletion of the saàsära of the word janman (“birth”) and the absence of m[um] are
the results of the nipäta is nothing but a far-fetched interpretation of a false reading. First of all the
meaning “one who causes birth to tremble” doesn’t make much sense and secondly none of the forms
mentioned in this sütra are nipätas in other grammars. For example, in the Päëinian system the
equivalent sütra to sarveçvaränta-pürva-padasyänavyayasya muà vämanaç ca khiti (1290) is arur-dviñad-
aj-antasya mum “The pürva-padas arus and dviñat, and pürva-padas which ends in an ac (sarveçvara) take
m[um] when a pratyaya that has the indicatory letter kh follows” (Añöädhyäyé 6.3.67). Thus, when arus
takes m[um], we get arums. Then the s is regularly deleted by sat-saìgäntasya haro viñëupadänte (242) and
we get arum, which then becomes arun by sütras 113 and 114. In this way arun-tuda is formed regularly
by sütras in other systems. Similarly, janamejaya is also formed regularly by sütras in other systems and
there is no mention of the word janman nor any of the fancy steps introduced by Amåta to explain the
reading janmejaya. The form janmejayaù <1.1> does appear once in the Bhägavatam, in verse 12.6.16, but
this is just a case of where a syllable is dropped to fit the meter, and many editions of the Bhägavatam
read janamejayaù <1.1> instead anyway.
Another mistake is that, in the printed editions of Hari-nämämåta, the word vahaà-liha is wrongly spelt
as välaà-liha or as bähuà-liha. Amåta confirms that the correct reading is vahaà-liha, because this is what
is seen in the Kaläpa sütra vahaàlihäbhraàliha-parantaperammadäç ca and the Päëinian sütra vahäbhre
lihaù (Añöädhyäyé 3.2.32). Even though Bäla ascribes bähuà-liha to Jumara and so on, when we checked,
we found that Jumara also just has vahaà-liha. Thus bähuà-liha is just a spelling mistake.
1445(SK 2948,49). mita-nakha-parimäëesu karmasu pacaù khaç

khaç is applied after the dhätu pac provided that the karma-pürva-pada is either mita(a small quantity(alpa)),
nakha(nail), or a word which is a measure. The examples are ‘one cooks a little’, ‘one who burns the nails’, ‘a
pot having the capacity to cook a prastha of food’, ‘a pot having the capacity to cook a droëa of food’. JG quotes
kramädéçvara in saying ‘The meaning of mita(namely alpa) can also be used as a karma-pürva-pada’. E.g
alpam-paca ‘one who cooks a little’. JG backs this up with the usage of bhaööi. Here are the first two examples
with viçeñyas from SK e.g mitam-pacä brähmaëé ‘The brähmané who cooks a little’. nakham-pacä yavägüù
‘The nailscorching barley gruel’. Bala gives the following to illustrate other parimäëa words e.g äòaka,droëa,
khäré, väha, nikuïcaka etc.
mitam-pacaù, nakham-pacaù, prastham-pacaù, droëam-pacaù. “mitärthasyäpi” ity eke. alpam-pacaù.
“päntäv alpam-pacän munén” iti bhaööiù (6.97).
1446 / @s$aUyaRmpazyalalaAq%ntapai‘ayaMvad"par"ntapavaAcaMyamas$ava<s$ah"Ad"yaê /
1446. asüryampaçya-laläöantapa-priyaàvada-parantapa-väcaàyama-sarvaàsahädayaç ca
asüryampaçya-laläöantapa-priyaàvada-parantapa-väcaàyama-sarvaàsaha-ädayaù—asüryam-paçya,
laläöan-tapa, priyaà-vada, paran-tapa, väcaà-yama, sarvaà-sahä, and so on; ca—also.
Asüryam-paçya, laläöan-tapa, priyaà-vada, paran-tapa, väcaà-yama, sarvaà-sahä, and so on.
karma-pürva-padatve dåçy-ädénäm ete sädhavaù. süryam api na paçyati—asüryam-paçya ity-ädi. bhinna-

kramo ’yaà naï. anyaträpi dåçyate—apunar-geyäù çlokäù, açräddha-bhojéty-ädi. ädi-grahaëät arin-damaù.
ugraà yathä syät tathä paçyati—ugram-paçyaù.
Våtti—These are the proper forms of dåç[ir] and so on + [kh]a[ç] when sürya and so on are the karma-
pürva-padas. Asüryam-paçyaù means süryam api na paçyati (“one who doesn’t even see the sun”).
Ø na[ï] + süryam <2.1> + dåç → (1446) na[ï] + süryam <2.1> + dåç + [kh]a[ç] → (550) na[ï] +
süryam <2.1> + paçya + a → (396) na[ï] + süryam <2.1> + paçya → (1274, 1277, 859) a-sürya-paçya →
(1290, 225, 113, 114) asüryam-paçya → (148) asüryam-paçya + s[u] → (155) asüryam-paçyaù (“one who
doesn’t even see the sun”) <1.1>.
The na[ï] here is out of order.1 This is seen elsewhere also, as in apunar-geyäù çlokäù (“verses which are
not sung again”), açräddha-bhojé (“one who has taken a vow not to eat during the çräddha ceremony”)2,
1
The normal order would be süryam-apaçya, since na[ï] is logically connected with paçya.
2
Açräddha-bhojé is formed by applying [ë]in[i] in the sense of vrata by jätäv api vratäbhékñëyayoç ca (1496).
and so on. Due to the inclusion of the word ädi, we also get arin-damaù (“one who subdues his enemies”)
and ugram-paçyaù which means ugraà yathä syät tathä paçyati (“one who looks fiercely”).1
Amåta—Jéva Gosvämé himself explains the meaning of this sütra with the sentence beginning karma-
pürva-padatve, and, with the sentence bhinna-krame ’yaà naï, he explains that na[ï] is connected with
the activity of seeing not with sürya. The vigraha of bhinna-kramaù is bhinnaù kramo ’nvayo yasya (“one
whose connection (krama=anvaya) is different”). If na[ï] were connected with sürya, then the na[ï] here
would be a paryudäsa na[ï], and the meaning would be süryetaraà candrädikaà paçyati (“one who sees
something other than the sun, i.e the moon and so on”). But this is not the intended meaning. Rather,
because na[ï] is logically connected with the activity of seeing, it violates the normal order [of being
connected with paçya] and is instead connected [with sürya]. Thus some say that the na[ï] here is a
prasajya-pratiñedha na[ï]. Thus, even though samäsa is usually impossible in this case, it is done anyway
because the meaning is intelligible. Actually asüryam-paçya indicates protection. For example, what the
speaker means to say when he says asüryam-paçyä räja-mahiñyaù (“The King’s queens who don’t even see
the sun”) is that the wives of the king are so well protected that they don’t even see the sun whose vision
is unavoidable, what to speak of seeing any other man. Laläöan-tapa (“that which burns the forehead”)
refers to the sun, priyaà-vadaù (“one sho speaks sweetly”) means priya-bhäñé (“one sho speaks sweetly”),
paran-tapaù means parän çatrün täpayati (“one who torments his enemies (para=çatru)”)2 and refers to a
heroic person like a king, väcaà-yamaù (“one who controls his speech”) refers to a sage who observes
silence. and sarvaà-sahä (“one (feminine) who tolerates everything”) refers to the earth. By the word ädi,
Jéva Gosvämé includes other words also. In this regard, arin-damaù means arén çatrün damayati (“one who
subdues the enemies (ari=çatru)”)3 and refers to a heroic person, and ugram-paçyaù refers to the planet
saturn. Similarly, by the word ädi, we also get vätam-ajäù which means vätam ajanti (“they drive the
wind, i.e they are a swift as the wind”) and refers to antelopes.
Saàçodhiné—According to Päëini, the words priyaà-vada, paran-tapa, väcaà-yama, and sarvaà-saha

here, and the words vaçaà-vada and dviñan-tapa in the next two våttis are made with [kh]a[c] ([kh]a in
our system) and not with [kh]a[ç]. In the case of priyaà-vada, vaçaà-vada, and sarvaà-saha it doesn’t
matter whether [kh]a[c] ([kh]a) is used or [kh]a[ç] is used. The result will be the same. But in the case of
paran-tapa, väcaà-yama, and dviñan-tapa, [kh]a[c] ([kh]a) must necessarily be used instead of [kh]a[ç] to
achieve the desired form. For example, if [kh]a[ç] were applied after yam[u], then iñu-gami-yamäà chaù
çive (521) would apply and we would get väcaà-yaccha instead of väcaà-yama. Similarly, if [kh]a[ç] were
applied after the ëy-anta-dhätu täpi, then [ë]i wouldn’t be deleted by sütra 586, since [kh]a[ç] is a kåñëa-
dhätuka, and we would get paran-täpaya and dviñan-täpaya instead of paran-tapa and dviñan-tapa. In the
Päëinian system, the change to vämana in the ëy-anta-dhätus täpi and däri4 regularly takes place when
[kh]a[c] ([kh]a) follows, in accordance with the sütra khaci hrasvaù (Añöädhyäyé 6.4.94). However, one
should not consider these apparent differences to be a fault on Jéva Gosvämé’s part, because he is simply
giving these words as nipätas, without trying for their derivation.
1447(SK 2952,53). anya-pürvatve ca

Also when there is a pürva-pada with a käraka other than karma, khaç is aplied. E.g amåta says this is an
extension of the word ‘ädi’ in the last sütra. E.g iram-mada= ‘one who delights in drink’. Here the word
irä is a karaëa-pürva-pada.. An irregularity here is that çya is absent(e.g mad is 4th class and because of ç
in khaç çya should have been applied), vämana and mum were done as usual. According to amara-koça
irä = the earth, speech, liquor and water. Thus any of these may be subbed in. iram-mada also is a name
1
By using the formula yathä syät tathä, Jéva Gosvämé shows that ugram is a kriyä-viçeñaëa here. For further details, see sütra
938 and Amåta 1021.
2
The dhätu here is tap[a] dähe (10A, “to burn”). According to Båhad-dhätu-kusumäkara it is ubhayapadé.
3
Commenting on arin-damaù, Bäla says that the dhätu dam[u] upaçame has an innate causative sense. Thus it is sakarmaka,
and the sense is arén çatrün damayati. But this is just the sense. The real form is arén çatrün dämyati. Indeed when we follow
Siddhänta-kaumudé’s opinion that upaçama itself is causative then there is no need of Bäla’s explanation.
4
See puran-dara and bhagan-dara in sütra 1450.
of agni, and it also means a flash of lightning. Vaçaà-vada = ‘one who, being submissive, speaks.’(amåta
and MW say vaçam-vada= submissive/obedient) Here the vaça is a kartå-pürva-pada.
irayä mädyati—iram-madaù. vaçaù san vadati—vaçaà-vada ity-ädi.
1448(SK 2952,54, and maybe 55?) . adhikaraëe ca

Also when there is a pürva-pada that is an adhikaraëa khaç is applied. E.g amåta says this is an extension
of the word ‘ädi’ in sütra 247. E.g päëin-dhama= ‘That where the hands are blown’. Then JG gives a
viçeñya e.g ‘The path wherein the hands are blown(e.g whistling etc.. SK infers that they are blown, owing
to darkness, to drive away the snakes). In this regard amåta defines päëin-dhama as sabhäsu protsäha-
mayas tathä hådaya-grähé väg-vinyäsaù ‘A display of words(speech) spoken in an assembly which grabs
the heart by their being full of zeal’. näòin-dhama= ‘That where the tubular organs(arteries, veins etc..)
are blown’(Apte gives the viçeñya of ‘fright’). JG gives the viçeñya panthäù??(check this out in a
manuscript, could be bhaya). In the opinion of some the forms maëin-dhama and karan-dhama also
exist. The form dviñan-tapa ‘one who torments his enemy’is made with the karma-pürva-pada
dviñantam(accusative singular of dviñat). The irregularity in the form dviñan-tapa is that the ‘t’ of
dviñantam is deleted(am is deleted as normal by antar-anga sväder). The reason why JG says tapati or
täpayati is that according to jumara(and maybe others also) khaç is applied after the dhätu tap(1P), while
according to päëini it is applied to the dhatu täpi(either causative of tap(1P) or tap(10th class), and täpi
then becomes vämana by SK 2955(no equivalent JG’s grammar, and somewhat artificial)
Others say that the form should be dviñat-täpa.(that it is not dviñan-täpa is confirmed in jumara kåd 99..
according to them the dhätu in this case is tap[a](10th class) and thus the våddhi.. there is also an
explanation of the reasons for the two opinions there, but difficult to understand)
päëayo dhmäyante yatra saù—päëin-dhamaù panthäù. näòyo dhmäyante yatra saù— näòin-dhamaù
panthäù. “maëindhama-karandhamau” ca keñäïcit. dviñantaà tapati, dviñantaà täpayati vä dviñan-tapaù.
“dviñat-täpaù” ity api kecit.
Comment [77]: see Samsodhini 1444 and SK
1449(SK 2953 vartika,2964). hådaya-mita-sutebhyo gameù khaù 2942
the affix [kh]a(Päëini calls it [kh]a[c]) is applied after the dhätu gam provided the karma-pürva-pada is
either hådaya, mita, or suta. E.g ‘The speech which touchs the heart’, ‘The elephant who moves with
measured steps(amåta says not very fast, or very slow)’ (SK says the slow-moving elephant). A different
king who obtains a son’(this is the version of MW). JG shows the usage of bhaööi in the neuter, and gives a
quote from the book ‘culli-bhaööi’ to show that hådayaì-gama in the feminine takes äp.
hådayaì-gamaà vacanam, mitaì-gamo hasté, sutaì-gamo räja-bhedaù. “hådayaì-gamam etat tväà bravémi”
iti bhaööiù (6.109). “hådayaì-gamä väk” iti culli-bhaööiù.
1450 / paur"nd"r"BaujaËÿmaAd"yaAe BaujagABaujaËÿAd"yaê s$aMÁaAzAbd"A: /
1450. purandara-bhujaìgamädayo bhujaga-bhujaìgädayaç ca saàjïä-çabdäù
purandara-bhujaìgama-ädayaù—puran-dara, bhujaì-gama, and so on; bhujaga-bhujaìga-ädayaù—bhuja-

ga, bhujaì-ga, and so on; ca—and; saàjïä-çabdäù—words which are names.
Puran-dara, bhujaì-gama, and so on and bhuja-ga, bhujaì-ga, and so on are names formed by applying
[kh]a.
Bäla—The names puran-dara and so on and bhuja-ga and so on are nipätas that end in [kh]a. The word
puran-dara, which means puraà därayati (“one who tears apart cities”), is a name of Indra. It is formed
by applying [kh]a after the ëy-anta-dhätu däri (made from dè vidäraëe (9P, “to tear, split”) + [ë]i). The
result of the nipäta is that m[um] is applied after the pürva-pada pur [even though it ends in a viñëujana]
and that the change to vämana is done.1 The word bhujaì-gama means bhujena kauöilyena gacchati (“that
which moves in crooked motions (bhuja=kauöilya)”). The words bhuja-ga and bhujaì-ga have the same
meaning, but in bhuja-ga the result of the nipäta is that m[um] is not applied and that the saàsära of the
1
See Saàçodhiné 1446 for details about why däri becomes vämana in puran-dara.
dhätu gam[ÿ] is deleted, and in bhujaì-ga the result of the nipäta is that the saàsära of the dhätu gam[ÿ] is
deleted. Amara-koña says sarpaù pådäkur bhuja-go bhujaì-go ’hir bhujaì-gamaù (“The words sarpa, pådäku,
bhuja-ga, bhujaì-ga, ahi, and bhujaì-gama are all names that refer to a snake”). By the word ädi in
purandara-bhujaìgamädayaù, the words bhagan-dara, turaì-gama, plavaì-gama, and so on should be
known. The word bhagan-dara (“that which lacerates the vulva”) is the name of a particular disease, the
word turaì-gama, which means tureëa tvarayä gacchati (“that which goes speedily (tura=tvarä)”), is the
name of a horse, and the word plavaì-gama, which means plavena lamphena gacchati (“that which goes by
leaps (plava=lampha)”), is the name of a monkey or frog. In this regard, Nänärtha-varga says kapi-bhekau
plavaì-gamau (“plavaì-gama means a monkey or a frog”). By the word ädi in bhujaga-bhujaìgädayaù, the
words tura-ga, turaì-gama, plava-ga, plavaì-ga and so on should be known. In this regard, Amara-koña
says
ghoöake péti-turaga-turaìga-turaìgamäù (“The words péti, tura-ga, turaì-ga, and turaì-gama refer to a
horse”).
1451(SK 2959). sarva-küläbhra-karéñeñu karmasu kañaù khaù

the affix [kh]a comes after the dhätu kañ[a](1P to hurt, to rub/scratch) provided that either sarva,
küla(bank), abhra(cloud) or karéña(dry cow dung) is the karma-pürva-pada. E.g sarvaì-kaña= ‘one who
hurts all’, külaì-kaña= ‘one who hurts the bank(e.g tears it away)’, abhraì-kaña= ‘one who afflicts the
clouds’ and karéñaì-kaña= ‘one who assails dry cow dung’. Amåta gives the following showing some
additional conventional meanings of these words: sarvaì-kañaù khalaù (a rogue/villain(masculine)),
külaì-kañä nadé (a river(feminine), abhraì-kañä vätyä (a gale/hurricane(feminine)), karéñaì-kaño ’gniù
(fire). SK says abhraì-kaño väyuù (wind(masculine)) and karéñaì-kaña vätyä (a
gale/hurricane(feminine)). My comment: these words and those in the next few sütras can be used
generically because JG did not ordain saàjïäyäm
sarvaì-kañaù.
1452 / BayaitaRmaeGaeSau k(maRs$au x"]k{(Ha: Ka: /
1452. bhayarti-megheñu karmasu òukåïaù khaù
bhaya-åti-megheñu—when the words bhaya (“fear”), åti (“pain”), and megha (“cloud”); karmasu—are the
karma-pürva-padas; òukåïaù—after the dhätu [òu]kå[ï] karaëe (8U, “to do, make”); khaù—the kåt
pratyaya [kh]a.
When the words bhaya, åti, and megha are the karma-pürva-padas, [kh]a is applied after [òu]kå[ï] in
kartari prayoga.
bhayaì-karaù, åtiì-karaù, meghaì-karo vätaù.
Våtti—Thus we get bhayaì-karaù (“one who causes fear”), åtiì-karaù (“one who causes pain”), meghaì-
karo vätaù (“the wind which produces clouds”).
Ø bhayam <2.1> + kå → (1452) bhayam <2.1> + kå + [kh]a → (kå is aniö by verse 1, 394) bhayam
<2.1> + kara → (1274, 859) bhaya-kara → (1290, 225, 113, 114) bhayaì-kara → (148) bhayaì-kara +
s[u] → (155) bhayaì-karaù (“one who causes fear”) <1.1>.
Ø åtim <2.1> + kå → (1452) åtim <2.1> + kå + [kh]a → (kå is aniö by verse 1, 394) åtim <2.1> +
kara → (1274, 859) åti-kara → (1290, 225, 113, 114) åtiì-kara → (148) åtiì-kara + s[u] → (155) åtiì-
karaù (“one who causes pain”) <1.1>.
Ø megham <2.1> + kå → (1452) megham <2.1> + kå + [kh]a → (kå is aniö by verse 1, 394) megham
<2.1> + kara → (1274, 859) megha-kara → (1290, 225, 113, 114) meghaì-kara → (148) meghaì-kara +
s[u] → (155) meghaì-karaù (“that which produces clouds”) <1.1>.
Amåta—The rule of tad-anta1 also applies here. Thus we get abhayaì-karaù (“one who causes
fearlessness”).
1453(SK 2961). kñema-priya-madreñu karmasu òukåïaù khäëau

the affixes [kh]a and a[ë] are applied after the dhätu [òu]kå[ï] when the karma-pürva-pada is
kñema(happiness/auspiciousness), priya(pleasant) or madra(joy). This sütra ordains aë where it was
otherwise unobtained by the ‘vä ‘sarüpa’ rule because of having the same form as [kh]a. Furthermore the
ordaining of a[ë] is also for the sake of blocking [ö]a by sütra 241. Thus kñemaì-karaù or kñema-käraù
=‘one who causes happiness’. Priyaì-karaù or priya-käraù = ‘one who shows kindness’ and madraì-karaù
or madra-käraù = ‘one who causes joy’. Amåta says that some desire other forms that have the same
meaning and that the tadanta-vidhi(SK 26) is also applied thus çubhaì-karaù and açubhaì-karaù(with
tadanta-vidhi).. E.g these forms are the equivalent of kñemaì-kara
kñemaì-karaù, kñema-käraù.
1454 / va{‡ak{(tagAAe“aözA‡aucaAEre"Sau k(maRs$au h"ntaeí"k,( /
1454. våtra-kåta-go-brahma-çatru-caureñu karmasu hanteñ öak
våtra-kåta-go-brahma-çatru-caureñu—when the words våtra (“the demon named Våtra”), kåta (“what was
done, past services”), go (“cow”), brahman (“brähmaëa”); çatru (“enemy”), caura (“thief”); karmasu—are
the karma-pürva-padas; hanteù—after the dhätu han[a] hiàsä-gatyoù (2P, “to strike, kill; to go, move”);
öak—the kåt pratyaya [ö]a[k].
When the words våtra, kåta, go, brahma, çatru, and caura are the karma-pürva-padas, [ö]a[k] is applied
after han[a] in kartari prayoga.
våtra-ghna ity-ädi. bähulyät—caura-ghätaù, nagara-ghätaç ca. etat-pada-dvayena hasty ucyate.
Våtti—Thus we get våtra-ghnaù and so on (“one who kills Våtra”) and so on.
Ø våtram <2.1> + han → (1454) våtram <2.1> + han + [ö]a[k] → (han is aniö by verse 5, 570)
våtram <2.1> + hn + a → (267) våtram <2.1> + ghna → (1274, 859) våtra-ghna → (148) våtra-ghna + s[u]
→ (155) våtra-ghnaù (“one who kills Våtra”) <1.1>.
Because the kåt pratyayas are applied variously, we get caura-ghätaù (“that which kills a thief”) and
nagara-ghätaù (“that which destroys a town”). Both of these words refer to an elephant.
Ø cauram <2.1> + han → (1417) cauram <2.1> + han + a[ë] → (kå is aniö by verse 1, 267) cauram
<2.1> + ghan + a[ë] → (470) cauram <2.1> + ghän + a[ë] → (806) cauram <2.1> + ghäta → (1274, 859)
caura-ghäta → (148) caura-ghäta + s[u] → (155) caura-ghätaù (“that which kills a thief”) <1.1>.
Ø nagaram <2.1> + han → (1417) nagaram <2.1> + han + a[ë] → (kå is aniö by verse 1, 267)
nagaram <2.1> + ghan + a[ë] → (470) nagaram <2.1> + ghän + a[ë] → (806) nagaram <2.1> + ghäta →
1
The rule of tad-anta as given in våtti 213 is varëena vidhau tad-antasya käryaà syän nämnä tu kvacit (“in a vidhi-sütra, a
grammatical operation prescribed in reference to a particular varëa also applies to something ending in that varëa, but a
grammatical operation prescribed in reference to a particular näma only sometimes applies to something ending in that
näma”).
(1274, 859) nagara-ghäta → (148) nagara-ghäta + s[u] → (155) nagara-ghätaù (“that which destroys a
town”) <1.1>.
Amåta—Våtra-ghnaù refers to Indra and means våtra-nämänam asuraà hanti (“one who kills the demon
named Våtra”). Similarly we get kåta-ghnaù <1.1>, which refers to a person who is unmindful of services
that were previously done for him, go-ghnaù (“one who kills cows”) <1.1> which refers to a yavanaù,
brahma-ghnaù <1.1> which refers to the killer of a brähmaëa, çatru-ghnaù (“one who kills his enemies”)
<1.1> which refers to Räma’s brother or to a heroic person like a king, and caura-ghnaù (“one who kills
thieves”) <1.1> which refers to a king. Similarly, we also get kaàsa-ghnaù <1.1> which refers to Kåñëa,
pralamba-ghnaù <1.1> which refers to Baladeva, and so on.
Saàçodhiné—In Päëinian grammar there is no equivalent sütra to this sütra, rather all these forms and the
extra forms kaàsa-ghna, pralamba-ghna, and so on are considered müla-vibhujädis formed by applying the
kåt pratyaya [k]a (see sütra 1421). In this regard, while commenting on amanuñya-kartåke ca (Añöädhyäyé
3.2.53), Siddhänta-kaumudé says kathaà balabhadraù pralamba-ghnaù, çatru-ghnaù, kåta-ghna ity-ädi?
Comment [78]: add the mula-vibhujädis here
müla-vibhujäditvät siddham (“How do we get pralamba-ghna which refers to Balabhadra, and how do we
get çatru-ghna, kåta-ghna, and so on? These words are valid because of being müla-vibhujädis”). Moreover,
since the müla-vibhujädis are an äkåti-gaëa1, numerous other forms like agha-ghna (“one who destroys
sins, Viñëu”), paçu-ghna (“one who kills animals, a butcher”), and so on can also be made. The main
difference between making these words with [k]a and making them with [ö]a[k], is that, when they are
made with [k]a, they take ä[p] in the feminine and, when they are made with [ö]a[k], they take é[p] in the
feminine.
1455 / k(maRiNA h"ntaeí"k(manauSyak(ta{Rtvae /
1455. karmaëi hanteñ öak amanuñya-kartåtve
karmaëi—when a karma is the pürva-pada; hanteù—after the dhätu han[a] hiàsä-gatyoù (2P, “to strike,
kill; to go, move”); öak—[ö]a[k]; amanuñya-kartåtve2—when something other than a human is the kartä.
When a karma is the pürva-pada, [ö]a[k] is applied after han[a] in kartari prayoga, provided something
other than a human is the kartä.
saàsära-ghné hari-bhaktiù. caura-ghäto gajaù, çasya-ghäto våña iti ca. anabhidhänäd veëv-ädau ca väcye öak
na syät. våña-ghäto veëuù.
Våtti—Thus we get saàsära-ghné hari-bhaktiù (“devotional service to Hari, which destroys the cycle of
repeated birth and death”).
Ø saàsäram <2.1> + han → (1455) saàsäram <2.1> + han + [ö]a[k] → (han is aniö by verse 5,
570) saàsäram <2.1> + hn + a → (267) saàsäram <2.1> + ghna → (1274, 859) saàsära-ghna → ()
saàsära-ghna + é[p] → () saàsära-ghné → (148) saàsära-ghné + s[u] → (202) saàsära-ghné (“one
(feminine) who destroys the cycle of repeated birth and death”) <1.1>.
But we get caura-ghäto gajaù (“an elephant, which kills thieves”) and çasya-ghäto våñaù (“a bull, which Matsya Avatara dasa 16/11/06 21:42
destroys grains”). Similarly, [ö]a[k] is also not applied when bamboo and so on is to be expressed, haraù
1
2
Possibly this is a spelling mistake for amanuñya-kartåke which is the word used in the equivalent Päëinian sütra amanuñya-
kartåke ca (Añöädhyäyé 3.2.53) which Käçikä explains to mean amanuñya-kartåke vartamänäd hanteù dhätoù karmaëi upapade
öak-pratyayo bhavati.
because none of the previous authorities used it like that. Thus we get våña-ghäto veëuù (“bamboo, which
destroys the bull”).
Amåta—The intention behind mentioning caura-ghätaù again here is that in the previous sütra [ö]a[k]
was ordained in a general way instead of a[ë] and in the current sütra it is ordained in a specific way due
to the condition amanuñya-kartåtve. Thus, even though there is no scope for the rule of väsarüpa (sütra
1346) in either case, a[ë] is nonetheless applied in both cases, because the kåt pratyayas are variously
applied. The word anabhidhänät here means pürväcäryaiù kuträpy akathanät. Why do we say amanuñya-
kartåtve? Consider ripu-ghäto räjä (“the king, who destroys his enemies”).
1457(SK 2962). äçite kartari bhavateù khaù karaëa-bhävayoù

The affix [kh]a is applied after the dhätu bhü in karaëa and bhäva-väcyas provided that äçita is the kartå-
pürva-pada. Äçita is the kta-anta form of ä[ì]+aç(to eat).. äçita means tåpta(satisfied) and thus it is
akarmaka(as tåpta is). äçitaà-bhava(karaëa-väcya) means ‘that by which one(whoever is the kartä) is
satisfied’. JG gives the viçeñya odana i.e ‘cooked rice by which one is satisfied’. Äçitam-bhavam(bhäva-
väcya) means ‘the act of being satisfied’. E.g JG’s example ‘There is(bhavati) being satisfied(äçitam-
bhavam) by the rice(odanena). Amåta says that by the vä ‘sarüpa rule that the pratyaya ana can be applied
here in bhäva-väcya e.g äçita-bhavanam(same meaning)
äçitäs tåptä bhavanti yena sa äçitam-bhavaù odanaù. odanenäçitam-bhavaà bhavati, tåptir bhavatéty arthaù.
1457 / ivaìmBar"Ad"ya: s$aMÁaAzAbd"A: /
1457. viçvambharädayaù saàjïä-çabdäù
viçvambhara-ädayaù—viçvam-bhara and so on; saàjïä-çabdäù—words which are names.
Viçvam-bhara and so on are names formed by applying [kh]a.
Amåta—In the sense of viçvaà bibharti (“one who maintains all”), we get viçvam-bharaù <1.1> which
refers to Viñëu and viçvam-bharä <1.1> which refers to the earth. Due to the word ädi, we also get rathan-
taram <1.1> which is the name of a particular säma (“Vedic song of praise”), kañöaà-sahaù (“one who
tolerates difficulties”) <1.1> which refers to a sage, patià-varä <1.1> which refers to a woman who
chooses her own husband, måtyuï-jayaù (“one who conquers death”) <1.1> which refers to Çiva, dhanaï-
jayaù (“one who conquers wealth”) <1.1> which refers to Arjuna, yugan-dharaù <1.1> (“that which
supports the yoke”) <1.1> which refers to [the pole of a carriage or to] a mountain(“that which supports
the yoke”), vasun-dharä (“one who bears wealth”) <1.1> refers to the earth, and so on.
1458 / @ntaAtyantaADvaäU"r"paAr"s$avaARnantas$avaR‡aºae‡aeSau k(maRs$au gAmaer"ca, /
1458. antätyantädhva-düra-pära-sarvänanta-sarvatra-kñetreñu karmasu gamer ac
anta-atyanta-adhva-düra-pära-sarva-ananta-sarvatra-kñetreñu—when the words anta (“end”), atyanta

(“excessive”), adhvan (“road”), düra (“far”), pära (“the opposite side”), sarva (“all”), ananta (“without
end”), sarvatra (“everywhere”), and kñetra (“field”); karmasu—are the karma-pürva-padas; gameù—after
the dhätu gam[ÿ] gatau (1P, “to go, move”); ac—the kåt pratyaya a[c].
When the words anta, atyanta, adhvan, düra, pära, sarva, ananta, sarvatra, and kñetra are the karma-
pürva-padas, a[c] is applied after gam[ÿ] in kartari prayoga.
“òaù” päëiniù (3.2.48). saàsärasya haraç citi—anta-ga ity-ädi.

Våtti—Päëini called it [ò]a (see Añöädhyäyé 3.2.48). Saàsärasya haraç citi (185) is applied and we get
anta-gaù and so on.
Ø antam <2.1> + gam → (1458) antam <2.1> + gam + a[c] → (gam is aniö by verse 6, 185) antam
<2.1> + ga → (1274, 859) anta-ga → (148) anta-ga + s[u] → (155) anta-gaù (“one who goes to the end,
one who knows thoroughly”) <1.1>.
Amåta—Since the rule of väsarüpa cannot apply here since a[c] and a[ë] have the same remainder form,
a[c] is taken an apaväda of a[ë]. Anta-gaù means antaà gacchati (“one who goes to the end”). Similarly,
we get atyanta-gaù (“one who goes very fast”), adhva-gaù (“one who walks the path, a traveller”), düra-
gaù (“one who goes to a distant place”), pära-gaù (“one who goes to the far side, one who knows
thoroughly”), sarva-gaù (“all-pervading, the soul, brahman ), ananta-gaù (“one who goes forever”),
sarvatra-gaù (“all pervading, the wind”) and kñetra-gaù (“one who goes to the field”).
In this section, the words pan-na-ga, ura-ga, jihma-ga, and so on should also be known as names formed
by applying a[c]. All of these words refer to a snake. For example, pan-na-ga means padbhyäà na gacchati
(“that which does not go by feet”). This word is valid on account of being a påñodarädi (see sütra). Ura-ga
means urasä gacchati (“that which goes by its chest (belly)”). Here the result of the nipäta is the deletion
of s. Jihma-ga means jihmena gacchati (“that which moves crookedly”). We also get the word viha-ga
which refers to a bird and means vihäyasä gacchati (“that which moves through the sky”). Here the result samasa prakarana
of the nipäta is that the pürva-pada vihäyas becomes viha.
1459 / s$auäu"r"AegARmaer"jaiDak(r"NAe /
1459. su-duror gamer aj adhikaraëe
su-duroù—when the avyayas su and dur are the pürva-padas; gameù—after the dhätu gam[ÿ] gatau (1P, “to
go, move”); ac—a[c]; adhikaraëe—when the adhikaraëa is to be expressed.
When su or dur is the pürva-pada, a[c] is applied after gam[ÿ] in adhikaraëe prayoga.
su-gaà våndävanam. durgo badarikäçramaù.

Comment [82]: check with Gopi about hyphens
Våtti—For example, su-gaà våndävanam (“Våndävana, which is easy to access”) and durgo or not e.g su always hyphen, dur always not ///
badarikäçramaù (“Badarikäçrama, which is difficult to access”). why? seems arbitrary
Amåta—The analysis of the word su-gam here is sukhena gamyate yatra tat (“that to which the going is
easily done”), and the analysis of the word durgaù is duùkhena gamyate yatra saù (“that to which the
going is done with difficulty”)
1460(SK 2965 vartika, 760, 2971). grämagaù kartari ca
1461. ago nagaç ca çaila-våkñayoù sädhuù

1462. karmaëi hastighna-kapäöaghnau çakte sädhü
The word gräma-ga is made in kartå-väcya(here the word ‘kartari’ acts to remove the anuvåtti of
‘adhikaraëa’ from the last sütra, and the word ‘ca’ is for the sake of including karmas other than grama
which were not named here), The words aga and naga, made in kartå-väcya, are valid when they mean a
mountain or a tree(each word can mean both). The words hasti-ghna and kapäöa-ghna, made in kartå-
väcya, are valid when the sense is ‘able’(çakta) and the pürva-pada is a karma. Now gräma-ga(karma-
pürva-pada=gräma, dhätu gam+a[c]) means ‘one who goes to the village’, here are some other forms
when there are different karma-pürva-padas by the word ‘ca’: tértha-ga(one who goes to holy places),
guru-talpa-ga(one who violates his guru’s bed) téra-ga(one who goes to the shore), péöha-ga(one who
moves about in a wheel-chair, lame, crippled(all from MW)could mean other things due to the meanings
of péöha) and sat-saìga(from dhätu sam+gam, one who associates with the good(devotees etc..)). Both aga
and naga literally mean one who doesn’t go.. In naga the absence of naïo ‘räma-çeña is an irregularity. In
hasti-ghna(one who is able to kill an elephant) and kapäöa-ghna(one who is able to break a door i.e a
burglar) hasti and kapäöa are karma-pürva-pada and the dhätu is han with öak. These 2 forms usually
describe a manuñya-kartä and thus their forms are not made by the previous öak sütra, but if not if there
is an amanuñya-kartä then they are achieved by 256. The käläpa grammarians also give the form bähu-
ghna(one who can break an arm) made from their sütra “hasti-bähu-kapäöeñu çaktau”. Why do we say
when the sense is ‘able’?? Witness ‘The poison giver who kills an elephant’. Here the person is not able by
themselves to kill an elephant, only the poision is. Here there is aë by default.
“bähu-ghnaù” iti caike. “çakte” kim? hasti-ghäto viña-pradaù.
1463(SK 2972). karaëe karmaëi vä päëigha-täòaghau çilpini sädhü

The forms päëi-gha and täòa-gha are valid when they express a tradesman provided that the pürva-pada
is either a karma or a karaëa. E.g these 2 words are made with a[c] and there is saàsära-hara as usual,
but the irregularity here is that the h of han becomes gh. Thus päëi-gha=päëinä päëià vä hanti(A
drummer, lit: one who stikes with the hand or one who strikes the hand). Similarly täòa-gha= täòena
täòaà vä hanti(A blacksmith, lit: one who strikes with a blow(from the hammer etc..) or one who strikes
a blow??). In the våtti JG says täòa=äghäta(striking/ a blow). Why do we say when they express a
tradesman?? Witness täòa-ghäta(one who beats/hammers) made by default with aë
täòa äghätaù. “çilpini” kim? täòa-ghätaù.
1464(SK 2967,68 + 2972 vartika). karmaëi räjagha-kleçäpaha-tamopaha-kumäraghäti-çérñaghätinaù

sädhavaù
The above words are valid when the pürva-pada is a karma. These words do not express tradesmen..
Räja-gha= ‘one who kills a king’(here the dhätu is han and the pratyaya is a[c], the irregularity is the
change of h to gh). Kleçäpaha= ‘One who allays pain/suffering’(often used to describe a son) and tamo-
’paha= ‘one who removes darkness’(in both cases the dhätu is apa+han and the pratyaya is a[c]). The
comm gives examples with viçeñyas e.g kleçäpaharo hariù ‘Hari who removes suffering’, tamo-’pahaù
süryaù ‘The sun who removes darkness’. Kumära-ghätin= ‘one who kills a child’ and çérña-ghätin= ‘one
who beheads, an executioner’(Here the dhätu is han and the pratyaya is [ë]in[i]) Both SK and amåta say
that çérña is an irregular form of çiras(head), but I see that çérña is widely used as if a separate word and
JG has even given the sütra çérñasya çérñan vä
1465(SK 2966). karmaëy äçiñi hanter ac syäd iti vaktavyam

the affix a[c] is applied after the dhätu han when there is a karma-pürva-pada, provided that äçiñ is
understood. E.g çatru-ha=çatrum vadhyät(may he kill the enemy, vadhyät is kämapäla which suggests
äçiñ), timi-ha(may he kill the timi(a huge whale, or sometimes just a generic name for fish), dasyu-
ha(may he kill the thief) etc.. Why do we say when äçiñ is understood?? Otherwise we get çatru-ghäta
made by aë
çatruà vadhyät—çatru-haù. timi-haù, dasyu-ha ity-ädi.
1466(SK 2969). lakñaëe jäyä-patyoñ öag vaktavyaù

The affix [ö]a[k] is applied after the dhätu han when the karma-pürva-pada is jäyä or pati, provided that a
lakñana(a sign which reveals good or bad fortune) is understood. E.g JG’s examples mean ‘The hand by
which the murder of the wife is ascertained’ and ‘The line on the hand(of a girl) by which the death of the
husband is ascertained’. Why do we say when lakñana is understood? E.g jäyä-ghätaù çüdraù ‘The südra
who kills his wife’. Here there is aë by default. JG has put lakñaëe as the first word here as this is what
päëini did in his sütra. Due to people interpreting lakñane differently(e.g as lakñaëe kartari or lakñaëa-
vati kartari) sometimes jäyä-ghna means ‘one who murders his wife’ and pati-ghné means ‘one who
murders her husband’. But JG has not expressed this opinion.
jäyä-ghno hastaù, pati-ghné päëi-rekhä.
1467(SK 2973). äòhya-subhaga-sthüla-palita-nagnändha-priyeñv abhüta-tad-bhäva-vatsu karmasu

òukåïaù khanaö karaëe
The affix [kh]ana[ö] is applied after the dhätu [òu]kå[ï] in karaëa-väcya provided the karma-pürva-pada,
which is possesed of abhüta-tad-bhäva (i.e the karma-pürva-pada is that which wasn’t there before), is
äòhya(wealthy), subhaga(fortunate), sthüla(bulky, fat etc.), palita(whiteness in the hair etc.. due to
age(from amara-koça), nagna(naked), andha(blind) or priya(pleasant). Here the kh anubandha evokes
mum and the ö anubandha evokes ép. Päëini names for khanaö is ‘khyun’
“khyun” päëiniù (3.2.56). kha-öäv itau, anaù çeñaù.
1468(SK 2974). teñu kartåñu tädåçeñu bhuvaù khiñëu-khukaëau kartari

The affixs [kh]iñëu and [kh]uka[ë] are applied after the dhätu bhü in kartå-väcya provide the kartå-
pürva-pada, which is possessed of abhüta-tad-bhäva (i.e the kartå-pürva-pada is that which wasn’t there
before), is äòhya(wealthy), subhaga(fortunate), sthüla(bulky, fat etc..), palita(whiteness in the hair etc..
due to age(from amara-koça), nagna(naked), andha(blind) or priya(pleasant). Now JG shows the
meaning: e.g äòhyaì-karaëam= ‘That by which the poor is made wealthy’ (e.g trade). Subhagaì-karaëaà=
‘That by which the unfortunate is made fortunate’, sthülaì-karaëam= ‘That by which non-fat is made
fat’(e.g ghee), palitaì-karaëam= ‘that by which the non-gray(hairs etc.) are made gray’(e.g oil), nagnaì-
karaëam= ‘that by which the non-naked is made naked’(e.g dyüta-kréòä(a game of dice(like strip
gambling)) here the form would be nagnaì-karaëé due to acting as an adjective of dyüta-kréòä), andhaì-
karaëam= ‘That by which the non-blind is made blind’ e.g (grief etc... thus the form would be andhaì-
karaëaù due to be an adjective of çokaù), priyaì-karaëam= ‘That by which the unpleasant is made
pleasant’(e.g good character).
anäòhyam äòhyaà kurvanti yena tat—äòhyaì-karaëam, subhagaì-karaëam.
1469(SK 2973). taddhita-vi-pratyaye tu neti väcyam

The last 2 sütras are not applied when there is taddhita pratyaya ‘vi’(e.g when the pürva-pada ends in ‘vi’,
in ‘vi’ both letters are anubandhas and there are rules that change aàé before ‘vi’ etc..). The comm
explains that ‘vi’ also has the meaning of abhüta-tad-bhäva, therefore this sütra is a negation where
khanaö, khiñëu and khukaë would otherwise be obtained due to the pürva-padas ending in ‘vi’ having the
meaning abhüta-tad-bhäva. The main idea is that khanaö etc.. are ordained when there is the meaning of
‘vi’(i.e abhüta-tad-bhäva) but not when there is ‘vi’ itself(This is literally stated in päëini’s sütra e.g cvy-
artheñv acvau). So when the idea is ‘They make(what was not rich) rich by this’(here äòhya ends in ‘vi’
and thus it becomes äòhyé by a future rule ordaining aàé before ‘vi’) the form should not be ädhyaà-
karaëam(made with khanaö), but it ought to be made with [ö]ana(to be ordained in 461) e.g aòhyé-karaëo
rasa-vidhiù ‘The way of rasa, by which the poor is made rich’, sthülé-karaëam annam ‘rice, by which the
thin is made fat’. According to käçika and others öana should also not be applied when there is ‘vi’, but
this is not agreed on by mahä-bhäñya. JG agreeing with the mahä-bhäñya(that öana is applied when there
is ‘vi’) quotes ‘When there is khyun-viñaya(khyun=khanaö) the forbidding of cvi(‘vi’) is meaningless
because of khyun and lyuö being not different(e.g lyuö=öana, khanaö and öana are sarüpa). SK 2973 goes
more into this as do the comms. Now for the examples of the last sütra e.g E.g
äòhyam-bhaviñëuù, äòhyam-bhävukaù= ‘Becoming rich(where the kartä was not rich before)’. subhagam-
bhaviñëuù, subhagam-bhävuka=’Becoming fortunate(where the kartä was not fortunate before).
äòhyé-kurvanty aneneti na tathä, kintu öanena bhävyam—aòhyé-karaëo rasa-vidhiù, sthülé-karaëam annam.
tathä ca bhäñyam (3.2.56)—“khyuni cvi-pratiñedho ’narthakaù, lyuö-khunor aviçeñät.” anäòhya äòhyo
bhavati—äòhyam-bhaviñëuù, äòhyam-bhävukaù. subhagam-bhaviñëuù, subhagam-bhävuka ity-ädi.
1470 / s$amaAnae k(maRNyanyatad"Aid"Sau k(maAeRpamaAnaeSau ä{"zA: k(i¸(ps$ak(: k(maRiNA , s$amaAnasya ca s$a: /
1470. samäne karmaëy anya-tad-ädiñu karmopamäneñu dåçaù ka-kvip-sakaù karmaëi, samänasya ca saù
samäne—when the word samäna (“same, similar”); karmaëi—is the karma-pürva-pada; anya-tad-ädiñu—
and when anya and the tad-ädis (all the kåñëanämas from tad to kim); karma-upamäneñu—are the karma-
pürva-padas to which something is compared; dåçaù—after the dhätu dåç[ir] prekñaëe (1P, “to see”); ka-
kvip-sakaù—the kåt pratyayas [k]a, [k]vi[p], and sa[k]; karmaëi—in karmaëi prayoga; samänasya—of the
word samäna; ca—and; saù—the replacement sa.
When samäna is the karma-pürva-pada or when anya and the tad-ädis are the karma-pürva-padas to
which something is compared, [k]a, [k]vi[p], and sa[k] are applied after dåç[ir] in karmaëi prayoga, and
samäna is replaced by sa.
samäno dåçyate—sadåçaù. sraj-diç-dåç ity-ädinä kaù—sadåk. sadåkñaç chändasa ity eke.
Våtti—Thus we get sadåçaù which means samäno dåçyate (“seen to be the same / seen to be similar”).
Ø samänaù <1.1> + dåç → (1470) samänaù <1.1> + dåç + [k]a → (dåç is aniö by verse 7, 399)
samänaù <1.1> + dåça → (1274, 859) samäna-dåça → (1470) sadåça → (148) sadåça + s[u] → (155)
sadåçaù (“like, similar”) <1.1>.
The change to k is done by the sütra beginning sraj-diç-dåç (sütra 253) and we sadåk.
Ø samänaù <1.1> + dåç → (1470) samänaù <1.1> + dåç + [k]vi[p] → (399, 876) samänaù <1.1> +
dåç → (1274, 859) samäna-dåç → (1470) sadåç → (148) sadåç + s[u] → (202) sadåç → (253) sadåk (“like,
similar”) <1.1>.
Some say that sadåkña is only found in the Vedas.
Ø samänaù <1.1> + dåç → (1470) samänaù <1.1> + dåç + sa[k] → (dåç is aniö by verse 7, 399, 249)
samänaù <1.1> + dåñ + sa → (531) samänaù <1.1> + dåk + sa → (170) samänaù <1.1> + dåkña → (1274,
859) samäna-dåkña → (1470) sadåkña → (148) sadåkña + s[u] → (155) sadåkñaù (“like, similar”) <1.1>.
1471 / @nyaAde"ir"vaena s$ah" s$aMs$aAr"syaAr"Ama: k(AântaeSau ä{"zAAid"Sau , wd"ma wRzA, , ik(ma: k(LzA, , @d"s$aAe'maUzA, /
1471. anyäder ivena saha saàsärasyä-rämaù kädy-anteñu dåçädiñu, idama éç, kimaù kéç, adaso ’müç
anya-ädeù—of anya and so on (see anya-tad-ädiñu in the previous sütra); ivena saha—along with the word
iva (“like”) saàsärasya—of the saàsära; ä-rämaù—the replacement ä-räma; ka-ädi-anteñu—which end in
the [k]a and so on (see ka-kvip-sakaù in the previous sütra); dåça-ädiñu—when dåça and so on follow;
idamaù—of idam; éç—the replacement é[ç]; kimaù—of kim; kéç—the replacement ké[ç]; adasaù—of adas;
amüç—the replacement amü[ç].
When dåça, dåç, or dåkña follows, the saàsära of anya and the tad-ädis, along with iva, is replaced by ä-
räma. But idam along with iva is instead replaced by é[ç], kim along with iva is instead replaced by
ké[ç], and adas along with iva is instead replaced by amü[ç].
anya iva dåçyate—anyädåçaù. evam—tädåçaù, édåçaù, kédåçaù, amüdåçaù ity-ädi.
Våtti—Thus we get anyädåçaù which means anya iva dåçyate (“seen to be like another”).
Ø anyaù <1.1> + iva + dåç → (1470) anyaù <1.1> + iva + dåç + [k]a → (dåç is aniö by verse 7, 399)
anyaù <1.1> + iva + dåça → (1274, 859) anya + iva + dåça → (1471) anyädåça → (148) anyädåça + s[u] →
(155) anyädåçaù (“like another”) <1.1>.
Likewise we get tädåçaù (“like him / her / it”), édåçaù (“like this”), kédåçaù (“like what?”), amüdåçaù (“like
that”), and so on.
Amåta—One should remember that, in accordance with çit sarvasya (våtti 223), a replacement that has
the indicatory letter ç replaces the whole word. All of the examples given in the våtti are made with [k]a.
Examples with [k]vi[p] and sa[k] are anyädåk and anyädåkñaù, tädåk and tädåkñaù, édåk and édåkñaù, kédåk
and kédåkñaù, and amüdåk and amüdåkñaù. Examples of the other tad-ädis are yädåçaù, yädåk, and
yädåkñaù, etädåçaù, etädåk, and etädåkñaù, and bhavädåçaù, bhavädåk, and bhavädåkñaù. It will be described
later how the words sadåça and so on take é[p] in the feminine. Thus we get sadåçé and so on.
1472 / ‚u(Hcd"Da{S›ajauiSNAh"ê i¸(bantaA: /
1472. kruïc-dadhåñ-sraj-uñëihaç ca kvib-antäù
kruïc-dadhåñ-sraj-uñëihaù—the words kruïc, dadhåñ, sraj, and uñëih; ca—also; kvip-antäù—end in

[k]vi[p].
The words kruïc, dadhåñ, sraj, and uñëih also end in [k]vi[p].
kruïca-dhåña-såja-ut-pürva-snihäm ete pakñi-viçeña-dhåñöa-mälä-cchando-viçeñeñu kvib-antä nipätyante. kruì,

dadhåk.
Våtti—These words are the nipätas of kruïc[a], [ïi]dhåñ[ä], såj[a], and ud + ñëih[a] with [k]vi[p] in the
meanings of pakñi-viçeña (“a certain bird, a kind of snipe”), dhåñöa (“bold”), mälä (“a garland”), and
chando-viçeña (“a particular Vedic meter”) respectively.
Ø kruïc (148) → kruïc + s[u] → (202) kruïc → (242) kruï → (243) kruì <1.1>.
Ø dadhåñ → (148) dadhåñ + s[u] → (202) dadhåñ → (253) dadhåk → (96) dadhåg → (252) dadhåk
<1.1>
Amåta—Jéva Gosvämé mentions kruïc and so on in their näma form in the sütra, then in the våtti he
shows there form when s[u] follows by making kruì and so on. Kruïc is the nipäta of kruïc[a]
kauöilyälpé-bhävayoù (1P, “to be crooked, to make crooked; to become small, to make small”) + [k]vi[p].
The result of the nipäta is the meaning of pakñi-viçeña and the absence of the deletion of n by sütra 454.
Dadhåñ is the nipäta of [ïi]dhåñ[ä] prägalbhye (5P, “to be bold, arrogant”) + [k]vi[p]. The result of the
nipäta is the reduplication, after which the sütras harikhaògasya harikamalaà, harighoñasya harigadä
narasya (439) and nara-å-rämasyä-rämaù (484) are applied. Sraj is the nipäta of såj[a] visarge (6P, “to
create, release”) + [k]vi[p]. Here [k]vi[p] is applied in karmaëi prayoga and the sense is “a garland is that
which is created.” The result of the nipäta is the special meaning of mälä and that å is replaced by ra.
Uñëih is the nipäta of ud + ñëih[a] prétau (4P, “to love, have affection for”) + [k]vi[p]. The result of the
nipäta is the meaning of chando-viçeña and the deletion of the final varëa of the upendra.
1473 / naAi°a s$aä}"s$aUiã"Saåu"h"äu"h"yaujaAlaABaATaRivad"iBad"iC$d"ijanaIr"AijaBya: i¸(pa, /
1473. nämni sadÿ-sü-dviña-druha-duha-yujäläbhärtha-vida-bhida-chida-ji-né-räjibhyaù kvip
nämni—when a näma is the pürva-pada; sadÿ-sü-dviña-druha-duha-yuja-aläbha-artha-vida-bhida-chida-ji-né-

räjibhyaù—after the dhätus listed below; kvip—[k]vi[p].
When a näma is the pürva-pada, [k]vi[p] is applied after the following dhätus in kartari prayoga:
ñad[ÿ] viçaraëa-gaty-avasädaneñu 1P to burst, open; to go, move; to be

dejected, perish
ñü[ì] präëi-garbha-vimocane 2A to give birth, produce
dviñ[a] aprétau 2U to hate
druh[a] jighäàsäyäm 4P to hate, seek to harm
duh[a] prapüraëe 2U to milk, extract
yuj[ir] yoge 7U to join, use
yuj[a] samädhau 4A to fix the mind in meditation
vid which doesn’t have the meaning of
läbha (“finding, obtaining”), i.e
vid[a] jïäne 2P to know

vid[a] sattäyäm 4A to be, exist
vid[a] vicäraëe 7A to consider as
but not
vid[ÿ] läbhe 6U to obtain

bhid[ir] vidäraëe 7U to break, separate, discriminate
chid[ir] dvidhä-karaëe 7U to cut, divide
ji jaye 1P to conquer, be glorious
ëé[ï] präpaëe 1U to lead
räj[å] déptau 1U to shine, rule over
upaniñat, çuci-ñat, ñatvaà väcyam, prasüù, kåñëa-prasüù, kaàsa-dviò ity-ädi. mådu yathä syät tathä nayati—
mådu-néù, mådu-nyau.
Våtti—Examples are upaniñat (“one who sits down near [the feet of an äcärya to hear from him]”) and
çuci-ñat (“one who dwells in the pure heart”).1 Regarding, çuci-ñat, the change to ñ will be described later.
Ø upa+ ni + ñad → (458) upa + ni +sad → (1473) upa + ni +sad + [k]vi[p] → (399, 876) upanisad
→ (910) upaniñad → (148) upaniñad + s[u] → (202) upaniñad → (252) upaniñat <1.1>.
Comment [83]: fix this up in the course book
Ø çucini <7.1> + ñad → (458) çucini <7.1> + sad → (1473) çucini <7.1> + sad + [k]vi[p] → (876)
çucini <7.1> + sad → (1274, 859) çucin-sad → (260) çuci-sad → (1980) çuci-ñad → (148) çuci-ñad + s[u]
→ (202) çuci-ñad → (252) çuci-ñat <1.1>.
Similarly, we get prasüù (“one who gives birth, a mother”), kåñëa-prasüù (“the mother of Kåñëa”), kaàsa-
dviö (“the enemy of Kaàsa”), and so on.
Ø pra + ñü → (458) pra + sü → (1473) pra + sü + [k]vi[p] → (399, 876) prasü → (148) prasü +
s[u] → (155) prasüù <1.1>.
Ø kåñëam <2.1> + pra + ñü → (458) kåñëam <2.1> + pra + sü → (1473) kåñëam <2.1> + pra + sü +
[k]vi[p] → (399, 876) kåñëam <2.1> + prasü → (1274, 859) kåñëa-prasü → (148) kåñëa-prasü + s[u] →
(155) kåñëa-prasüù <1.1>.
1
Commenting on the word çuci-ñade <4.1> in Bhägavatam 4.24.37, Viçvanätha Cakravarté Öhäkura says çucini antaùkaraëe
sédatéti çuci-ñat “haàsaù çuci-ñat” iti çruteù (“According to the çruti statement haàsaù çuci-ñat (“the supreme soul who dwells in
the heart”), çuci-ñat means one who dwells (sédati) in the heart (çucin=antaù-karaëa)”). Similarly, Véraräghaväcärya says çuciñu
yogi-citteñu sédati ramata iti çuci-ñat (“çuci-ñat means one who dwells (sédati=ramate) in the hearts of the yogés (çucin=yogi-
citta)”). Although the dhätu ñad[ÿ] is listed in the Dhätu-päöha as meaning viçaraëa-gaty-avasädaneñu (“to burst, open; to go,
move; to be dejected, perish”), it is frequently used in the senses of sthiti (“to dwell, be situated”) and upaveçana (“to sit
down”). For example, Çrédhära Svämé explains the word çuci-ñadaù <1.3> in Bhägavatam 11.6.19 to mean sväçrama-dharma-
sthitäù (“situated in the duties of their own äçrama”) and Viçvanätha Cakravarté Öhäkura, commenting on Bhägavatam 7.1.22,
explains the word sad in tat-sadaù <6.1> by saying sédanti niñédanty upaviçanty asyäm iti sat sabhä (“The word sad means a
sabhä (“assembly house”) and it is so named because people sit in it (sédanti=niñédanti=upaviçanti)”). This word sad is formed
not by the current sütra but by the sütra sampad-ädeù kvip-kté bhäve lakñmyäm (1656). Therefore sad is feminine and thus the
viçeñaëa of tat-sadaù <6.1>, namely çåëvatyäù <6.1>, is also feminine. Although sad is supposed to be in bhäve prayoga and
would thus mean “sitting” it ends up meaning “the place where the sitting is done” in accordance with the maxim kåd-abhihito
bhävo dravya-vat prakäçate (våtti 1420). The phrase çåëvatyäs tat-sadaù (“while that assembly house was listening”) is
figurative (aupacärika), because the assembly house itself cannot listen. Thus çåëvatyäs tat-sadaù should be understood to
mean “while the people situated in that assembly house were listening,” just as maïcäù (“the benches”) means maïce sthitä
janäù (“the people situated on the benches”). For further details, see våtti 924 and Amåta 1204.
In the sense of mådu yathä syät tathä nayati (“one who leads in such a way that there is gentleness”), we
mådu-néù (“one who leads gently”) and mådu-nyau (“two who lead gently”).
Ø mådu <2.1>1 + ëé → (478) mådu <2.1> + né → (1473) mådu <2.1> + né + [k]vi[p] → (399, 876)
mådu <2.1> + né → (1274) mådu-né → (mådu-né is a näma by sütra 148 and thus sv-ädis are applied after it
by sütra 151):
Ø mådu-né + s[u] → (155) mådu-néh <1.1>.
Ø mådu-né + au → (196) mådu-nyau <1.2>.
Amåta—Both yuj[ir] yoge (7U, “to join, use”) and yuj[a] samädhau (4A, “to fix the mind in meditation”)
are included by the mention of yuja here. Due to the use of the word nämni, [k]vi[p] is also applied when
the avyayas pra and so on are the pürva-padas.2 The words ñatvaà väcyam in the våtti mean the change to
ñ will be described in su-ñämädäyaç ca (1980). Here väcyam means vakñyate. In the same way we also get
divi-ñat (“one who dwells in heaven”) and so on. Regarding prasüù, since sü is listed next to dviña in this
sütra, only ñü[ì] präëi-garbha-vimocane (2A, “to give birth, produce”) is accepted and not ñü[ì] präëi-
garbha-vimocane (4A, “to give birth, produce”) or ñü preraëe (6P, “to impel”). Kåñëa-prasüù refers either
to Devaké or Yaçodä and means kåñëaà prasüte (“one who gives birth to Kåñëa”). Kaàsa-dviö refers to
Kåñëa and means kaàsaà dveñöi (“one who hates Kaàsa”).
Due to the words “and so on,” we also get caidya-dhruk (“the enemy of Çiçupäla”) which refers to Kåñëa,
go-dhuk (“one who milks the cows”) which refers to Gopäla, kåñëa-yuk (“one who is attached to Kåñëa”)
which refers to an anurägé3, kåñëa-vit (“one who knows Kåñëa”) which refers to a devotee, saàvit which
refers to jïäna (“knowledge”) and means samyak vidyate vetti anayä (“that by which one perfectly exists
or perfectly knows”)4, veda-vit which refers to a brähmaëa and means vedän vinte (“one who knows the
Vedas”)5, mura-bhit (“the killer of the Mura demon”) which refers to Kåñëa, bhava-bandha-chit (“one who
cuts to pieces the bondage of material existence”) which refers to Kåñëa, kaàsa-jit (“the conqueror of
Kaàsa”) which refers to Kåñëa and which is formed by applying vämanät tuk påthau (1275), yadu-räö
(“king of the Yädus”) which means yaduñu räjate (“one who shines among the Yadus”), samräö (“a
supreme ruler”) which means samyag räjate (“one who rules completely”), and sva-räö (“independent”)
which means svaà räjate (“one who rules himself”), and so on. But vid which has the meaning of läbha
only takes [ç]a, as in govindaù and aravindam (see sütra 1409).
1474(SK 2975vartika). agra-grämayoù karmaëor niyaù kvip ëatvaà ca

The dhätus né takes the affix kvip and ëatvam provided that the karma-pürva-pada is either agra or
gräma. E.g agra-ëé= ‘foremost/chief’, gräma-ëé(according to amara-koça)= ‘a barber’(masculine) or
‘foremost/chief’ or ‘village leader’(these last 2 meanings are used in all 3 tenses)
agra-ëéù, gräma-ëéù.
1475(SK 3158 vartikas, äpé??). dhé-pradhé-prabhåtayaù sädhavaù

The forms dhé, pradhé etc.. are valid. The form dhé(that by which there is thinking e.g intelligence) is
from dhätu dhyai. The irregularites are that kvip is used in karaëa-väcya and that dhyai becomes ‘dhé’.
The form juhü(that by which there is oblation, e.g the curved wooden ladle called juhü) is from the
dhätu hu. The irregularites are that kvip is used in karaëa-väcya, there is reduplication and the näräyaëa
becomes trivikrama. The form pradhé(one who thinks eminently) is from the dhätu dhyai. The
irregularites are that dhyai becomes dhé and that kvip is applied to the dhätu dhyai when the pürva-pada
1
Mådu <2.1> is a kriyä-viçeñaëa here by kriyä-viçeñaëaà karma, tac ca brahmaika-vacanaà sadänuktaà ca (938).
2
That is to say [k]vi[p] is also applied when an upendra is the pürva-pada.
3
This example is from våtti 254. An example of yuj[a] samädhau is nitya-yujäm (“for those whose minds are always fixed in
meditation”) <6.3> in Bhägavatam 10.82.39.
4
Like the word sad, the word saàvid is actually not formed by the current sütra but by the sütra sampad-ädeù kvip-kté bhäve
lakñmyäm (1656). Thus it is feminine and it is in bhäve prayoga just as the word jïäna is in bhäve prayoga. Had it been made by
the current sütra, it would have been in kartari prayoga.
5
Usually veda-vit is analyzed as vedän vetti, but Amåta is just trying to give examples of the three different kinds of vid[a] here.
is a näma. In this same way the form sudhé(intelligence) is formed, but it seems like it can also be normal
kvip in kartå-väcya(e.g one who thinks well, wise etc..). In didyut(shining) the dhätu is dyut and the
irregularity is the reduplication, the sütra dyuti-sväpyor is then applied. In jagat(that which moves) the
dhätu is gam and the irregularity is the reduplication, hariveëv-anta-sahajäniöäm and vamanät tuk påthau
are then applied. In dadåt the dhätu is dè, the irregularities are the reduplication and the è in dè becomes
vämana å, then there is vamanät tuk påthau. Then JG shows the derivation of the word dån-bhü e.g dån is
not from the dhätu dè, but is rather from the avyaya dån(to injure) or alternatively it is from the word
dåòha(strong/steady) with the ‘òha’ portion changing to ‘n’. When it is from dån the word dån-bhü means
a female snake(feminine) or rudra(masculine). When it is from dåòha it means a kind of tree or a specific
species of snakes(both masculine words). The form äpé is from the dhätu ä+pyäy the irregularity is that
pyäy becomes ‘pé’
dhyäyate anayä—dhéù. evaà juhüù. prakåñöaà dhyäyati—pradhéù. evaà dyotate—didyut. gacchati—jagat.
déryate—dadåt. dånn iti hiàsärthe ’vyayaà hiàsäyäà bhavatéti. yad vä dåòho bhavatéti òhasya naù. dån-bhüù
stré-sarpa-rudrayoù, taru-sarpa-jäti-bhedo vä. äpyäyate—äpéù.
1476 / opaen‰e" k(maRiNA ca BajaeiNvaR: /
1476. upendre karmaëi ca bhajer ëviù
upendre—when an upendra is the pürva-pada; karmaëi—when a karma is the pürva-pada; ca—and;

bhajeù—after the dhätu bhaj[a] seväyäm (1U, “to serve, worship, divide, experience”); ëviù—the kåt
pratyaya [ë]vi.
When an upendra or karma is the pürva-pada, [ë]vi is applied after bhaj[a] in kartari prayoga.
ëa it. prabhäk, kåñëa-bhäk.
Våtti—The ë is an indicatory letter.
Ø pra + bhaj → (1476) pra + bhaj + [ë]vi → (bhaj is aniö by verse 3, 470) pra + bhäj + [ë]vi →
(876) prabhäj → (148) prabhäj + s[u] → (202) prabhäj → (243) prabhäg → (252) prabhäk (“one who
worships / divides”) <1.1>.
Ø kåñëam <2.1> + bhaj → (1476) kåñëam <2.1> + bhaj + [ë]vi → (bhaj is aniö by verse 3, 470)
kåñëam <2.1> + bhäj + [ë]vi → (876) kåñëam <2.1> + bhäj → (1274, 859) kåñëa-bhäj → (148) kåñëa-bhäj +
s[u] → (202) kåñëa-bhäj → (243) kåñëa-bhäg → (252) kåñëa-bhäk (“one who worships Kåñëa”) <1.1>.
1477(SK 3409,3410,parivräj??) . turäsäh jaläsäh påñöhaväh parivräj ity ete ca sädhavaù

The above 4 words, irregularly made with the pratyaya [ë]vi, are also valid. In turäsäh(=turaà sahate=
‘one who conquers quickly’(a name of Indra)) the irreg is that the pürva-pada(tura) takes trivikrama. The
nom singular ‘turäñäö’ is made by hasya òhaù, then säòhaù ñäö. In the same way the form jaläsäh(one who
subdues/tolerates water) is made, the nom sing is jaläñäö. In påñöhaväh(=påñöhena vahati= one who carries
with(on) the back) the irreg is that ëvi is used in karaëa-väcya. The nom sing is påñöhaväö by hasya òhaù.
The form parivräj(one who wanders e.g a sannyasé) has the nom singular form as parivräö by cha-ço räj-
yaj.. and ñasya òo. If someone asks ‘Words like bhü-väh and väri-väh etc.. are also seen, howcome they
are not described in this sütra?? JG proves the non-validity of such words with a quote from the mahä-
bhäñya. E.g ‘ëvi is not applied after the dhätu vah when the upendra or pürva-pada doesn’t end in a-
räma’. Therefore according to pada-candrikä such words as bhü-väh, väri-väh, nirväh etc.. are
apaprayoga(incorrect usage).
“ana-käränte upasarge copapade vaher ëvir nästi” iti bhäñyam. tena “bhü-väh, väri-väh, nirväh ity ädayo
’paprayogäù” iti pada-candrikäyäm.
1478 / @naAevahe"r"nax"]h." s$aADau: /
1478. ano-vaher anaòuh sädhuù
anaù-vaheù—of anas + vah[a] präpaëe (1U, “to bear, lead, carry”); anaòuh—anaò-uh; sädhuù—is the
proper form.
Anaò-uh is the nipäta of anas + vah[a] + [k]vi[p].
Amåta—The word anaò-uh refers to an ox and mean anaù çakaöaà vahati (“that which pulls the cart”).
Saìkarñaëa is done by vaci-svapi-yaj-ädénäà saìkarñaëaù kapile (622). The result of the nipäta is that the
s of the word anas (“cart”) becomes ò.
1479.(SK 2977) ananne karmaëy adaù kvip

kvip is applied after the dhätu ad when there is a karma-pürva-pada other than ‘anna’. This is an apaväda
of karmany aë. E.g tulasé-paträt= tulasé-patram atti= ‘one who eats a tulasi leaf’. But when the karma-
pürva-pada is ‘anna’ we get the form annäda(one who eats rice) by karmaëy aë. By this it is made clear
that the sütra ‘vä ’sarüpa..’ is not wanted here, because of it’s being not always applied(anitya). E.g kvip
and aë are not interchangeable, though they have the same meaning.
tulasé-paträt. neha—annädaù.
1480.(SK 2978) kravyädaç ca sädhuù

The word kravyäda(made from kravya+ad+aë) is also valid. E.g it was stated in the last sütra that ‘vä
’sarüpa..’ is not wanted, but now we say that when the karma-pürva-pada is ‘kravya’ then it is wanted. JG
then says because of the word ‘ca’ in this sütra we also have the form kravyäd(made as usual by the
previous sütra). The difference between the 2 forms is that kravyäda= ‘one who eats cooked flesh’, and
kravyäd= ‘one who eats raw flesh’. Both words are used in referring to rakñasas
cät kravyäd api.
1481 / naAmnyaAr"AmaAtmainap¸(inapvainaipvaê /
1481. nämny ä-rämät manip kvanip vanip viç ca
nämni—when a näma is the pürva-pada; ä-rämät—after a dhätu ending in ä-räma; manip—the kåt
pratyaya man[ip]; kvanip—the kåt pratyaya [k]van[ip]; vanip—the kåt pratyaya van[ip]; viù—the kåt
pratyaya vi; ca—and.
When a näma is the pürva-pada, man[ip], [k]van[ip], van[ip], and vi are applied after a dhätu ending in
ä-räma.
suñöhu dadäti—sudämä, çrédämä. dämodara-mä-sthetétvam—supévä, hari-bhakti-dävä, viçva-päù. präyaç

chändasy eva vidhir ayam iti yathä-dåñöam evodähäryam.
Våtti—For example, we get sudämä <1.1> which means suñöhu dadäti (“one who gives liberally”).
Ø su + dä → (1481) su + dä + man[ip] → (dä is aniö by verse 1) sudäman → (148) sudäman + s[u]

→ (228) sudämän + s[u] → (202) sudämän → (260) sudämä (“one who gives liberally”) <1.1>.
Ø çriyam <2.1> + dä → (1481) çriyam <2.1> + dä + man[ip] → (dä is aniö by verse 1) çriyam <2.1>
+ däman → (1274, 859) çré-däman → (148) çré-däman + s[u] → (228) çré-dämän + s[u] → (202) çré-
dämän → (260) çré-dämä (“one who gives wealth, name of Kåñëa’s friend Çrédämä”) <1.1>.
The change to é is done by dämodara-mä-sthä-gä-pibati-jahäti-syaténäm é-rämo viñëujana-räma-dhätuka-
kaàsärau (544) and we get supévä <1.1>.
Ø su + pä → (1481) su + pä + [k]van[ip] → (pä is aniö by verse 1, 399, 544) supévan → (148)

supévan + s[u] → (228) supévän + s[u] → (202) supévän → (260) supévä (“one who drinks well”) <1.1>.
Ø hari-bhaktim <2.1> + dä → (1481) hari-bhaktim <2.1> + dä + van[ip] → (dä is aniö by verse 1)

hari-bhaktim <2.1> + dävan → (1274, 859) hari-bhakti-dävan → (148) hari-bhakti-dävan + s[u] → (228)
hari-bhakti-dävän + s[u] → (202) hari-bhakti-dävän → (260) hari-bhakti-dävä (“one who gives devotional
service to Hari”) <1.1>.
Ø viçvam <2.1> + pä → (1481) viçvam <2.1> + pä + vi → (pä is aniö by verse 1, 876) viçvam <2.1>
+ pä → (1274, 859) viçva-pä → (148) viçva-pä + s[u] → (155) viçva-päù (“protector of all”) <1.1>.
Generally this rule is applied only in the Vedas. Thus examples can only be made according to what is
actually seen.
Amåta—Çré-dämä means çriyaà dadäti (“one who gives wealth”). Similarly, we get açvatthämä which
means açva iva tiñöhati (“one who stands like a horse, name of the son of Droëäcärya”). Su-pévä means
suñöhu pibati (“one who drinks well”) and hari-bhakti-dävä means hari-bhaktià dadäti (“one who gives
devotional service to Hari”) and viçva-päù means viçvaà päti (“one who protects all”). Due to the
statement “generally this rule is applied only in the Vedas,” a few examples are also seen in common
Sanskrit, but only rarely. And in common Sanskrit, the examples can only be made according to what is
actually seen. The implied meaning of this is that, in common Sanskrit, these pratyayas cannot be applied
after any old dhätu ending in ä-räma.
1482(SK 2980). anyebhyo ’pi manib-ädayaù

The pratyayas man[ip] etc..(mentioned in the last sütra) come after other(e.g other than those ending in
‘ä’) dhätus also. E.g su-çarman(one who destroys well) and deva-çarman(one who destroys the
gods).Better check on these meanings.. e.g they fit the meaning of çè, but how then the brahmaëa name
çarma??(MW also translates differently(as a bahuvréhi, whose shelter is the gods etc..), SK translated su-
çarman same as I have, I think çarman is a noun, while çarman here is a kådänta having a different meaning.)
The dhätu in both cases is çè, there is no iò by 283. The comm then says that because of the word ‘api’ in
this sütra that man[ip] etc.. are applied even when there is no näma-pürva-pada. Thus we get the forms
sutvan(a sacrificer) and dhévan(that which holds(a vessel etc..) or a debtor?? check these last 2 in sabda-
kalpadruma). Both these forms are made with kvanip. In sutvan the dhätu is su(5th class), and there is
vamänat tuk påthau, in dhévan the dhätu is dhä(3U) are there is dämodara-mä-sthä..
su-çarmä, deva-çarmä, sutvä—yäjïikaù. dhévä—dhärakaù.
1483 / h"ir"vaeNAAer"Ar"AmaAe vainaipa /
1483. hariveëor ä-rämo vanipi
hariveëoù—of a hariveëu; ä-rämaù—the replacement ä-räma; vanipi—when van[ip] follows.
The final hariveëu of a dhätu is replaced by ä when van[ip] follows.
1484 / naeÒ"inta‡aAd"AE BaNAAid"vajaRma, /
1484. neò van-ti-trädau bhaëädi-varjam

na—not; iö—the ägama i[ö]; van-ti-tra-ädau—when the pratyayas van, ti, tra, and so on follow; bhaëädi-
varjam—except for the bhaëädis (see våtti 1654).
I[ö] is not applied after a dhätu when van, ti, tra, and so on follow. However the bhaëädis are
exceptions to this.
oëå—avävä. daitya-våçcam äcañöe iti ëy-antät kvip—daitya-v.
Våtti—Thus from oë[å] apanayane (1P, “to take away”), we get avävä <1.1>.
Ø oë → (1482) oë + van[ip] → (1484, 1483) o + ä + van[ip] → (65) avävan → (148) avävan + s[u]
→ (228) avävän + s[u] → (202) avävän → (260) avävä (“one who takes away”) <1.1>.
When [k]vi[p] is applied after the ëy-anta-dhätu that means daitya-våçcam äcañöe (“he speaks about one
who slashes demons”), we get daitya-v <1.1>.
Ø daitya-våçcam <2.1>1 → (900) daitya-våçcam + [ë]i → (859) daitya-våçc + [ë]i → (888) daitya-vi
→ (daitya-vi is a new dhätu by 365, 1485) daitya-vi + [k]vi[p] → (586) daitya-v + [k]vi[p] → (876)
daitya-v → (148) daitya-v + s[u] → (202) daitya-v (“one who speaks about the demon-slasher”) <1.1>.
Amåta—Since i[ö] wouldn’t have been prohibited by neö ya-sarveçvarayoù (440) when these pratyayas
follow, this rule makes a further prohibition. The ti here is an abbreviation for the kåt pratyaya [k]ti. I[ö]
is not applied when [k]ti follows. Examples of this are bhütiù (“existence”), déptiù (“light”), and so on.
I[ö] is not applied when tra follows either. Examples of this are çästram (“the instrument of teaching, a
book”), pattram (“the instrument of flying, a wing”), and so on. By the word ädi in van-ti-trädau, the kåt
pratyayas man[ip], [k]vara[p], vara, snu[k], [k]nu, and ra and the uëädi pratyayas tu[n], ta[n], [k]tha[n],
[k]si, [k]su, sara2, ka[n], and sa should be known. Examples are bhasmä (“ashes”) from bhas[a]
bhartsana-déptyoù (3P, “to criticize; to shine”), naçvaraù (“perishable”) from ëaç[a] adarçane (4P, “to
perish, disappear”), éçvaraù (“controller”) from éç[a] aiçvarye (2A, “to be master of, to be able”), bhüñëuù
(“one who is becoming”) from bhü sattäyäm (“1P, “to be, become, exist”), gådhnuù (“covetous”) from
gådh[u] abhikäìkñäyäm (4P, “to covet, be greedy for”), namraù (“one who bown down, one who is
humble”) from ëam[a] prahvatve çabde ca (1P, “to bend, bow down; to sound”), saktuù (“barley-meal”)
from ñac[a] secane sevane ca (1P, to sprinkle; to serve”), hastaù (“hand”) from has[e] hasane (1P, “to
laugh”), käñöham (“wood”) from käç[å] déptau (1P, “to shine”), kukñiù (“belly”) from kuñ[a] niñkarñe (9P,
“to extract”), ikñuù (“sugar-cane”) from iñ[u] icchäyäm (“6P, “to desire”), akñaram (“all-pervading,
Brahman, a varëa, a syllable”) from aç[üì] vyäptau (5A, “to pervade, obtain”), çalkaù (“a piece, the scale
of a fish, bark”) from çal[a] gatau (1P, to go, move”), and vatsaù (“a calf”) from vad[a] vyaktäyäà väci
(1P, “to speak, say, tell”) respectively.3
But in the case of the bhaëädis we get bhaëitiù (“speech”), dédhitiù (“light”), nigåhétiù (“suppression,
punishment”), and so on (see våtti 1654). Someone may wonder by which sütra [k]vi[p] is applied in
daitya-v since it isn’t covered by sütra 1483. Thus Jéva Gosvämé makes the following sütra.
Saàçodhiné—Someone may wonder whether or not i[ö] is applied when [k]vi[p] follows. The answer is
that, according to neò vaçi kåti (Añöädhyäyé 7.2.8), i[ö] cannot be applied when [k]vi[p] follows. The sütra
1
This example uses the word daitya-våçc (“demon-slasher”) that was shown in våtti 248.
2
We have included sara here because it is mentioned in the equivalent Päëinian sütra ti-tu-tra-ta-tha-si-su-sara-ka-señu ca
(Añöädhyäyé 7.2.9) and we have included the example akñaram <1.1> from Käçikä. We also adjusted the pratyayas and so on to
correspond to how they are actually mentioned in the uëädi-sütras.
3
The words from saktuù <1.1> onwards are made by the uëädi-sütras si-tani-gami-masi-sacy-avi-dhäï-kruçibhyas tun (1.69),
hasi-må-gr-iëa-vämi-dami-lü-pü-dhurvibhyas tan (3.86), hani-kuñi-né-rami-käçibhyaù kthan (2.2), pluñi-kuñi-çuñibhyaù ksiù
(3.155), iñeù ksuù (3.157), açeù saraù (3.70), ië-bhé-khä-pä-çaly-ati-marcibhyaù kan (3.43), and vè-tå-vadi-hani-kami-kañibhyaù
saù (3.62) respectively.
neò vaçi kåti (Añöädhyäyé 7.2.8) means “i[ö] is not applied when a kåt pratyaya beginning with a vaç 1
follows.” Due to the existence of this sütra the pratyayas van[ip], [k]van[ip], man[ip], [k]vara[p], vara,
[k]nu, ra, and so on were not mentioned in the sütra ti-tu-tra-ta-tha-si-su-sara-ka-señu ca (Añöädhyäyé
7.2.9). But because we have no sütra like neò vaçi kåti (Añöädhyäyé 7.2.8) in our system, Jéva Gosvämé
separately mentioned van in our sütra neò van-ti-trädau bhaëädi-varjam (1484). Even though i[ö] is never
applied when [k]vi[p] follows, there was no need to mention that here because [k]vi[p] always gets
deleted anyway.
1485 / i¸(pa, /
1485. kvip
kvip—the kåt pratyaya [k]vi[p].
[K]vi[p] is applied after a dhätu in kartari prayoga.
dhätu-mäträd ayaà vidhiù. karoti kåt, bhakti-kåt. åtau yajati åtvik. kvipi ceti é-räma-niñedhät saàsthäù. “çyä-
çvi-vyä-jyeti trivikramaù—mitraà hvayate mitra-hüù. veïas tu kvipi—üù, uvau. hariveëv-antoddhavasya
trivikramaù, dhätor mo naù—praçän. in-han iti nirdeçän na dérghaù—kaàsa-hanau. jvara-tvarety-ädi—jüù,
jürau. tüù, türau. srüù, sruvau. üù, uvau. a-dvayäd üöho våñëéndraù—gopän avati gopauù, gopävau.
Våtti—This rule ordains [k]vi[p] after every dhätu.2 Examples are kåt (“one who does”) and bhakti-kåt
(“one does devotional service”) where kåt means karoti (“one who does”).
Ø kå → (1485) kå + [k]vi[p] → (399, 1275) kåt + [k]vi[p] → (876) kåt → (148) kåt + s[u] →
(202) kåt (“one who does”) <1.1>.
Ø bhaktim <2.1> + kå → (1485) bhaktim <2.1> + kå + [k]vi[p] → (399, 1275) bhaktim <2.1> + kåt
+ [k]vi[p] → (876) bhaktim <2.1> + kåt → (1274, 859) bhakti-kåt → (148) bhakti-kåt + s[u] → (202)
bhakti-kåt (“one who does devotional service”) <1.1>.
Similarly we get åtvik (“a priest”) which means åtau yajati (“one who sacrifices at the proper time”).
Ø åtau <7.1> + yaj → (1485) åtau <7.1> + yaj + [k]vi[p] → (399, 622) åtau <7.1> + ij + [k]vi[p] →
(876) åtau <7.1> + ij → (1274, 859) åtu-ij → (60) åtv-ij → (148) åtvij + s[u] → (202) åtvij → (253) åtvik
(“one who sacrifices at the proper time, a priest”) <1.1>.
Because the change to é-räma is forbidden by the phrase kvipi ca (1279), we get saàsthäù (“staying, an
order, termination”).
Ø sam + ñöhä → (458) sam + sthä → (1485) sam + sthä + [k]vi[p] → (1279, 876) sam + sthä →
(113) saàsthä → (148) saàsthä + s[u] → (155) saàsthäù (“staying, an order, termination”) <1.1>.
Trivikrama is done by çyä-çvi-vyä-jyä-hväà saìkarñaëasya trivikramaù (851) and we get mitra-hüù which
means mitraà hvayate (“one who calls a friend”).
Ø mitram <2.1> + hve → (539) mitram <2.1> + hvä → (1485) mitram <2.1> + hvä + [k]vi[p] →
(622) mitram <2.1> + hu + [k]vi[p] → (851) mitram <2.1> + hü + [k]vi[p] → (876) mitram <2.1> + hü →
(1274, 859) mitra-hü → (148) mitra-hü + s[u] → (155) mitra-hüù (“one who calls a friend”) <1.1>.
1
The pratyähära vaç includes the following varëas: va, ra, la, ïa, ma, ìa, ëa, na, jha, bha, gha, òha, dha, ja, ba, ga, òa, and da.
See Saàçodhiné 1 for further details regarding pratyähära-sütras.
2
Bäla says that the word mätra in dhätu-mäträt is used in the sense of säkalya (“totality”). In this regard, Amara-koña says
mätraà kärtsnye'vadhäraëe (“The word mätra is used in the senses of kärtsnya (“totality”) and avadhäraëa (“restriction”)).
Veïas tu kvipi (852) is applied and we get üù <1.1> and uvau <1.2>.
Ø ve → (539) vä → (1485) vä + [k]vi[p] → (622) u + [k]vi[p] → (852) ü + [k]vi[p] → (876) ü →

(ü is a näma by sütra 148 and thus sv-ädis are applied after it by sütra 151):
Ø ü + s[u] → (155) üù (“one who weaves”) <1.1>.
Ø ü + au → (195) uvau (“those two who weave”) <1.2>.
Hariveëv-antoddhavasya trivikramaù kvau kaàsäri-vaiñëave ca (846) is applied and dhätor mo no

viñëupadänte ma-vayoç ca (274) is applied and we get praçän (“one who is peaceful”).
Ø pra + çam → (1485) pra + çam + [k]vi[p] → (846) pra + çäm + [k]vi[p] → (876) praçäm →
(148) praçäm + s[u] → (202) praçäm → (274) praçän (“one who is peaceful”) <1.1>.
The change to dérgha (trivikrama) is not done in kaàsa-hanau <1.2> due to the mention of han in in han
püñan aryaman ity eñäm uddhavasya trivikramaù su-çyor eva (266).
Ø kaàsam <2.1> + han → (1485) kaàsam <2.1> + han + [k]vi[p] → (876) kaàsam <2.1> + han →
(1274, 859) kaàsa-han → (148) kaàsa-han + au → kaàsa-hanau (“the two killers of Kaàsa”) <1.2>.
Jvara-tvara-sriv-ava-maväà tu sa-sarveçvarasya (780) is applied and we get the following forms:
Ø jvar → (1485) jvar + [k]vi[p] → (780) jür + [k]vi[p] → (876) jür → (jür is a näma by sütra 148
and thus sv-ädis are applied after it by sütra 151):
Ø jür + s[u] → (202) jür → (155) jüù (“one who is hot with fever”) <1.1>.
Ø jür + au → jürau (“those two who are hot with fever”) <1.2>.
Ø tvar → (1485) tvar + [k]vi[p] → (780) tür + [k]vi[p] → (876) tür → (tür is a näma by sütra 148
Ø tür + s[u] → (202) tür → (155) tüù (“one who hastens”) <1.1>.
Ø tür + au → türau (“those two who hasten”) <1.2>.
Ø sriv → (1485) sriv + [k]vi[p] → (780) srü + [k]vi[p] → (876) srü → (srü is a näma by sütra 148
Ø srü + s[u] → (155) srüù (“one who goes / becomes dry”) <1.1>.
Ø srü + au → (195) sruvau (“those two who go / become dry”) <1.2>.
Ø av → (1485) av + [k]vi[p] → (780) ü + [k]vi[p] → (876) ü → (ü is a näma by sütra 148 and

thus sv-ädis are applied after it by sütra 151):
Ø ü + s[u] → (155) üù (“one who protects”) <1.1>.
Ø ü + au → (195) uvau (“those two who protect”) <1.2>.
A-dvayäd üöho våñëéndraù (292) is applied and we get gopauù <1.1> and gopävau <1.2> which mean gopän
avati (“one who protects the cowherd people”).
Ø gopän <2.3> + av → (1485) gopän <2.3> + av + [k]vi[p] → (780) gopän <2.3> + ü + [k]vi[p] →
(876) gopän <2.3> + ü → (1274, 859) gopa + ü → (292) gopa + au → (57) gopau → (gopau is a näma by
sütra 148 and thus sv-ädis are applied after it by sütra 151):
Ø gopau + s[u] → (155) gopauù (“one who protects the cowherd people”) <1.1>.
Ø gopau + au → (66) gopävau (“those two who protect the cowherd people”) <1.2>.
Amåta—One should not think therefore that it was pointless to ordain [k]vi[p] in nämni sadÿ-sü-dviña-
druha-duha-yujäläbhärtha-vida-bhida-chida-ji-né-räjibhyaù kvip (1473) since it is already covered just by
this sütra. Rather it should be carefully discerned that [k]vi[p] is only applied after the dhätus ñad[ÿ] and
so on when there is a näma-pürva-pada, whereas, in this rule, [k]vi[p] is applied both when there is no
näma-pürva-pada and when there is a näma-pürva-pada. Thus this rule is general and the dhätus ñad[ÿ]
and so on are exceptions to it in that they only take [k]vi[p] when there is a näma-pürva-pada.
Someone may argue, “How can samäsa with the kådanta take place in åtvik, mitra-hüù, and so on since åtu
and so on are not established as pürva-padas since there is no word ending in a saptamé viñëubhakti in this
sütra.” The answer is that the word nämni, which ends in a saptamé viñëubhakti, is carried forward from
nämny ä-rämät manip kvanip vanip viç ca (1481). And one cannot say that [k]vi[p] should not be applied
in kåt and so on since there is no näma-pürva-pada, because the word mätra in dhätu-mäträt indicates that
[k]vi[p] is also applied after a kevala dhätu (a dhätu without a pürva-pada).
1486. e-rämät kvau vasya haraù.

there is deletion of the letter ‘v’ which comes after ‘e’ when kvip follows. JG gives examples of the dhätu’s
dev[å] and sev[å] in the nom sing and dual. Then he shows sev[å] in the vocative sing(‘he’ indicates
sambodhana). JG then shows the usage of the rule ‘räc cha-vayor haraù kvau kaàsäri-vaiñëave ca’ on the
dhätus mürcch[ä] and dhürv[é]. E.g in the dhätus there is trivikrama ‘ü’ by the sütra ‘ra-va-präg id-utor..’,
but when the viñëujana(that comes after r or v) is deleted by räc cha-vayor then the trivikrama dissapears
due to the nimittäpaya paribhäñä. But after that there is ir-ur-anta-dhätor and thus the nom sing is
trivikrama, but the nom dual is not because it is not considered viñëupadänta.
devå—deù, dayau. sevå—seù, sayau. “e-o-vämanebhyo buddhasyädarçanam” (2.28)—he se. “räc cha-vayor
haraù” (3.502), mürchä—müù, murau. dhürvé hiàsäyäà—dhüù, dhurau.
1487(SK 2986+vartika). gamäder hariveëu-haraù kvau

There is a deletion of the hariveëu of the dhätus gam etc when kvip follows(the gam-ädis are not exactly
defined either in JG or vartika, but one thing is that all the examples given here are dhätus from the sütra
hariveëv-anta-sahajäniöäm). amåta says: This rule is ordained when the deletion of the hariveëu would
otherwise be unobtained by the sütra hariveëv-anta-sahajäniöäm due to the absence of a vaiñëavädi-
kaàsäri. The dhätus in the examples are gat, sam+yam, su+nam and su+man. First this sütra is applied,
then vämanät tuk påthau.. amåta says that the form parétad is simirlarly formed from pari+tan. The
trivikrama of the upendra here will be explained later.
gacchati, gat, saàyat, sunat. “sumac ca” iti kvacit.
1488 / opaen‰"sya paUvaRpad"sya ca i‡aiva‚(maAe naih"va{itava{iSavyaiDaç&icaSau i¸(bantaeSau /
1488. upendrasya pürva-padasya ca trivikramo nahi-våti-våñi-vyadhi-ruciñu kvib-anteñu
upendrasya—of an upendra; pürva-padasya—of a pürva-pada; ca—and; trivikramaù—the change to

trivikrama; nahi-våti-våñi-vyadhi-ruciñu—when the dhätus ëah[a] bandhane (4U, “to bind, tie”), våt[u]
vartane (1A, “to be, exist, remain, happen”), våñ[u] secane (1P, “to rain”), vyadh[a] täòane (6P, “to pierce,
wound”), and ruc[a] déptau (1A, “to shine”); kvip-anteñu—which end in [k]vi[p].
The final varëa1 of an upendra or pürva-pada becomes trivikrama when the kvib-anta forms of ëah[a],
våt[u], våñ[u], vyadh[a], and ruc[a] follow.
upänat, névåt, prävåö, mågä-vit, marmä-vit, néruk. upendrädeù kim? tigmä rug yasya saù—tigma-ruk.
Våtti—Ø upa + ëah → (478) upa + nah → (1485) upa + nah + [k]vi[p] → (876) upa + nah → (1488)
upänah → (148) upänah + s[u] → (202) upänah → (290) upänadh → (96) upänad → (252) upänat (“a
shoe / sandal”) <1.1>.
1
In this regard, one should remember the maxim eka-varëa-vidhir ante pravartate (våtti 160).
Ø ni + våt → (1485) ni + våt + [k]vi[p] → (399, 876) ni + våt → (1488) névåt → (148) névåt + s[u]
→ (202) névåt (“a region, area”) <1.1>.
Ø pra + våñ → (1485) pra + våñ + [k]vi[p] → (399, 876) pra + våñ → (1488) prävåñ → (148) prävåñ
+ s[u] → (202) prävåñ → (251) prävåò → (252) prävåö (“the rainy season”) <1.1>.
Ø mågam <2.1> + vyadh → (1485) mågam <2.1> + vyadh + [k]vi[p] → (399, 626) mågam <2.1> +
vidh + [k]vi[p] → (876) mågam <2.1> + vidh → (1274, 859) måga-vidh → (1488) mågä-vidh → (148)
mågä-vidh + s[u] → (202) mågä-vidh → (96) mågä-vid → (252) mågä-vit (“one who pierces deer, a
hunter”) <1.1>.
Ø marma <2.1> + vyadh → (1485) marma <2.1> + vyadh + [k]vi[p] → (399, 626) marma <2.1> +
vidh + [k]vi[p] → (876) marma <2.1> + vidh → (1274) marman-vidh → (260) marma-vidh → (1488)
marmä-vidh → (148) marmä-vidh + s[u] → (202) marmä-vidh → (96) marmä-vid → (252) marmä-vit
(“that which wounds the vital points, an arrow of speech”) <1.1>.
Ø ni + ruc → (1485) ni + ruc + [k]vi[p] → (399, 876) ni + ruc → (1488) néruc → (148) néruc +
s[u] → (202) néruc → (243) néruk (“light, splendor”) <1.1>.
Why do we say “of an upendra or pürva-pada”? Consider tigma-ruk <1.1> which means tigmä rug yasya
saù (“one whose light is intense, the sun”).
Amåta—Upänat refers to a pädukä (“shoe / sandal”), névåt means a deça (“region, area”), prävåö means
vaåñä-käla (“the rainy season”), mågä-vit refers to a vyädha (“hunter”) and means mågaà vidhyati (“one
who pierces deer”), and marmä-vit means väkya-väëaù (“an arrow of speech”). Regarding tigma-ruk
<1.1>, in the analysis tigmä rug yasya saù, tigmä means tékñëä (“intense”) and ruk means déptiù (“light”).
Thus tigma-ruk refers to sürya (“the sun”). It will be described later how the feminine word tigmä
becomes like the masculine word tigma in a samäsa. This takes place by väcya-liìga-lakñmés
tulyädhikaraëa-lakñmyäm (). Due to the paçcät-samäsa1 here, the word tigma is not counted as a pürva-
pada, and thus the change to trivikrama by the current sütra doesn’t take place. Even though it will be
said in the samäsa-prakaraëa that samäse sarvädi-padaà pürva-padam (“In samäsa, the first word is called
a pürva-pada”), still in this prakaraëa only a word which is depended upon at the time of ordaining the
kåt pratyaya is accepted as a pürva-pada, since kåt-samäsa is done prior to the application of a sv-ädi
Comment [85]: check later if this is the proper
viñëubhakti (see Amåta 1274). way to translate this
1489. kåñëanäma-viñvag-devänäà saàsärasyädrir aci

The saàsära of a kåñëanäma, as well as the saàsära of the words viñvak and deva becomes ‘adri’ before
‘ac’. JG explains ‘ac’ in the våtti. E.g aci in the sütra means aïcatau(loc sing of aïcati). E.g the dhätu
aïc[u] which ends in kvip and whose ‘n’ has been deleted by ani-rametäm. As usually JG shows the
examples in nom sing(thus the sütras like acaç caturbhüjänubandhanäm ca etc.. apply). The meanings
from MW are sarvadry-ac=turned towards all, viñvadry-ac=going everywhere/all pervading, devadry-
ac=turned towards the gods.. Examples of other kåñëanämas are yadry-aì tadry-aì idadry-aì. Why do we
say ‘aci’?? witness viñvag-aïcanaà(not lupta-na-kära-kvib-anta). amåta has viçvak all the time instead of
viñvak, but this is less correct, even though the forms are highly interchangeable(me).
lupta-na-kära-kvib-antäïcatäv ity arthaù. sarvam aïcati—sarvadry-aì, viñvadry-aì, devadry-aì.
1490. adasas tv aci amumuyac adamuyac amudryac adadryac iti catvärécchanti

But the kåñëanäma ‘adas’ followed by ‘ac’ becomes either of these 4 forms: amumuyac adamuyac
amudryac adadryac. JG gives nom sing and dual examples of the first form.
amumuyaì, amumuyaïcäv ity-ädi.
1
Paçcät-samäsa is samäsa that is done after a sv-ädi viñëubhakti has been applied to the kådanta in contrast to kåt-samäsa where
samäsa is done before a sv-ädi viñëubhakti is applied to the kådanta (see Amåta 1274).
1491. bhagavati tu mu-pürvasya yasya é sandhi-niñedhaç ca
But when a bhagavat follows(a-kåñëasthäna-sarveçvara) the letter ‘y’ which has ‘mu’ previous to it(e.g as
in ‘amumuyac’ and ‘adamuyac’) becomes ‘é’ and there is prohibition of sandhi. JG thus shows the acc
plural and instrumental sing for ‘amumuyac’. Then he says that when ‘ac’ has dri previous to it, then there
is aco ’-räma-haro bhagavati pürvasya trivikramaç ca’ as usual.
amumué-caù amumué-cä. dri-pürvasya tu—amudré-caù.
1492(SK 2984vartika explains äçiñ (check) SK makes äçiñ differently as äçis, but by sandhi there is
anyway ñatvam)
. sahasya sadhriù, samaù samis, tirasas tirir aci
‘saha’ becomes ‘sadhri’, ‘sam’ becomes ‘sami’ and ‘tiras’ becomes ‘tiri’ when ‘ac’ follows. JG gives examples
in the nom sing for each.. e.g sadhry-ac= ‘going with, a friend etc..’, samy-ac= ‘going together’, tiry-ac=
‘going crookedly/horizontally’. The dhätu ä[ì]+çäs(listed exactly like that as a separate dhätu in DP(1A))
combined with kvip applied in bhäva-väcya(thus JG’s mention of äçäsanam, which is in bhäva) becomes
äçiñ. This happens by çäsaù çiñ kaàsäri-viñëujana-ìayoù. although this sütra should not be applied to the
dhätu ä[ì]+çäs due to its being listed as a totally separate dhätu in the DP, still because of bähulya this
sütra is applied here and thus the change of çäsàçiñ. amåta says this change is made because of it’s being
informed in the sütra sajuñ-äçiñ. The nom sing form äçéù is of course by sajuñ-äçiñ ity anayor, then ir-ur-
anta-dhätor.. JG then says that the form mitra-çéù(nom sing form made of mitra-çiñ from mitra+çäs+kvip)
is made in the same way as äçéù. It is an example from käçika and it means ‘one who instructs friends’.
amåta also makes the point that the cessation of the ädeça ‘çiñ’ should not be suspected just because there
is nimittäpäya(dissapearance of the cause of a gramattical operation) when kvip is deleted by kevalasya-
pratyaya-ver haraù. amåta says this is not an issue as kvip is considered sthäni-vat here because to the
absence of a mahähara.. Now JG makes a very unusual form: first he makes ghåta+çcyut+kvip and we get
the noun ghåta-çcyut(ghee-oozer). Then he wants to make a näma-dhätu out of ghåta-çcyut by applying
ëi in the sense of ‘tad äcañöe’. So we have ghåta-çcyut+ëi.. there is aneka-sarveçvarasya saàsära hara and
thus we get ghåta-çcy+ëi and our new näma-dhätu is ghåta-çcyi(to say ‘ghee-oozer’),, then we want to
apply kvip again to make the näma-dhätu into a noun. There is deletion of ëi by ëer haro aëid-adau
räma-dhätuke, then there is deletion of the ‘y’ by ya-vayor haro bale. Thus we have our kvip-anta form
ghåta-çc(one who says ‘ghee-oozer’). Then we want to add the sv-ädis to make a declined form. At this
point JG reminds us that ‘ç’ coming before ‘c’ should be understood to be an original ‘s’.. and thus in
making our nom sing form we apply skoù satsaìgädyor and ca-vargasya ka-varga and the nom sing is
ghåtak, nom dual is ghåtaçcau
sadhry-aì, samy-aì, tiry-aì. äçäsanam äçéù, miträëi çästi—mitra-çéù. äçér-vad väcyaù. ghåtaà çcyotati—
ghåta-çcyut. tat samäcañöe iti ëiù, saàsära-haraù, kvip, “ya-vayor haro bale (3.503), nämatvät sv-ädayaù, sa-
Comment [86]: this is already translated below
räma-jaù ça-rämaç ce iti dantyäditvät “skoù satsaìgädyor haraù” (2.104), “ca-vargasya ka-vargaù” (2.97)—
ghåtak, ghåtaçcau.
Comment [87]: this means that mitra-çiñ is
declined like äçiñ
Våtti—We also get äçéù which means äçäsanam (“wish, blessing”).
Ø ä + çäs → (1656) ä + çäs + [k]vi[p] → (686) ä + çiñ + [k]vi[p] → (876) äçiñ → (148) äçiñ + s[u]
→ (202) äçiñ → (281) äçir → (282) äçér → (155) äçéù (“wish, blessing”) <1.1>.
Saàçodhiné—Since the word äçiñ is feminine (see våtti 297) and since it is made in bhäve prayoga as
Amåta points out and the gloss äçäsanam indicates, it is to be understood that äçiñ is formed by the sütra
sampad-ädeù kvip-kté bhäve lakñmyäm (1656) and not by the general sütra kvip (1485) which only ordains
[k]vi[p] in kartari prayoga. In Päëinian grammar this word is listed as äçis and the ä of the dhätu ä +
çäs[u] becomes i by Kätyäyana’s Värttika äçäsaù kvau upadhäyä itvaà väcyam (“It should be stated that
the upadhä (uddhava) of ä + çäs[u] becomes i when [k]vi[p] follows”).
Amåta—The word äçiñ is formed by applying [k]vi[p] in bhäve prayoga after the dhätu ä[ì] + çäs[u]
icchäyäm (2A, “to dress”). The çäs of ä[ì] + çäs[u] is replaced with çiñ by çäsaù çiñ kaàsäri-viñëujana-
ìayoù (686). Even though ä[ì] + çäs[u] was prohibited from following this rule in våtti 686, the
replacement is still done since the kåt pratyayas are applied variously (see sütra 1185), because the word
äçiñ in sajuñ äçiñ ity anayor is-us-anta-dhätoç ca ro viñëupadänte (281) suggests this.
1493. yuñmad-asmador ëi-kvib-antayor yuñm-asmau
(this is all våtti according to amåta, and it makes sense).
The words yuñmad and asmad which end in ëi then kvip become ‘yuñm’ and ‘asm’ respectively. E.g first we
make a näma dhätu out of yuñmad or asmad by adding ëi in the sense of ‘tad äcañöe’(E.g yuñmad and asmad
are used regardless of whether we want to say tväm äcañöe, yuväà äcañöe or yuñmän äcañöe. Or mäm äcañöe,
äväm äcañöe, asmän äcañöe. Thus the irregularity here is the non-application of the sütra yuñmad-asmados
tvad-madau..) there is aneka-sarveçvarasya saàsära-hara and the nämadhätu is yuñmi and asmi respectively.
Then kvip is added and ëi is deleted by ëer hara aniò-ädau. Thus we get our form ‘yuñm’ and ‘asm’
Now JG will show us the way of determining the declined forms of ‘yuñm’ and ‘asm’. He says that the
form of these 2 should be spoken as being exactly the same as the prakåta(the original form of the
declined word derived from yuñmad or asmad) when su, jas, ìe or ìas follow. Thus the regular forms of
yuñmad/asmad are substituted in the declination of ‘yuñm’ and ‘asm’ when these pratyayas follow. But
when other sv-ädis follow then we do this: rejecting the ‘yuñ’ and ‘as’ of ‘yuñm’ and ‘asm’ and rejecting the
part of the prakåta which is up to and including ‘v’ and ‘m’ the remaining portion of ‘yuñm’ and
‘asm’(namely ‘m’) is to be made like the remaining portion of the prakåta. In this connection when the
svädis öä, os or ìi follow then in our rejecting of everything up to and including ‘v’ and ‘m’ in the prakåti
we also include the ‘a’ which follows the ‘v’ and ‘m’. But before other svädis we don’t include the ‘a’ in our
rejection.
Then JG gives examples showing all forms of ‘yuñm’ and the first 3 of ‘asm’. äcakñäna is çäna form of
ä+cakñ. The idea is the same as when we say tväà, yuväà yuñmän väcakñäëa (an adjective describing one
person who is: saying either tväm, yuväm, or yuñmän(yuñmad is used in all cases)), or tväà, yuväà
yuñmän väcakñäëau (an adjective describing two people who are: saying either tväm, yuväm, or yuñmän. So
in the forms of ‘yuñm’ the form tvam(made exactly like the prakåta due to the svädi ‘su’ following) is an
adjective describing one person who is saying either tväm, yuväm or yuñmän as the case may be. When we
come to the dual form of ‘yuñm’ the ‘m’(the remaining portion of ‘yuñm’) is made like ‘äm’(the remaining
portion of the prakåta ‘yuväm’) and thus the form is yuñäm. In the instrumental singular of ‘yuñm’ we by
also rejecting ‘a’ which follows the ‘v’ and ‘m’ in the prakåta, the remaing portion of ‘yuñm’, namely ‘m’,
becomes ‘yä’ (the remaining portion of tvayä). By these illustrations one can understand the rest of the
forms by the info in the last paragraph. JG then says that the käläpa grammarians however say that the
instrumental singular for ‘yuñm’ and ‘asm’ is yuñmä, asmä, the dative plural is yuñmabhyam, asmabhyam.
and the locative plural is yuñmäsu, asmäsu. But these forms are not accepted by the päëinian
grammarians. amåta explains the word kaumäräù thus: kumära= kärttikeya(the son of çiva) who is also
known as kaläpin. The grammar which was spoken by him is called the kaumäram or the
kälapam(taddhitas of the words kumära and kälapin).. those who know that grammar are called
kaumäräù or käläpäù(these are nom plural forms of kaumära and käläpa(one who knows kaumäram or
kaläpam).
tväà, yuväà, yuñmän väcañöe, evaà mäm, äväm, asmän vä iti ëau saàsära-hare kvipi—yuñm asm iti mäntau
sädhü.
tayo rüpäëi su-jas-ìe-ìassu prakåta-vad eva väcyäni, anyatra tu kvib-antayor yuñ-asau tyaktvä,
prakåtayor va-ma-paryanta-bhägaà tyaktvä kvib-anta-pada-çiñöaà prakåta-pada-çiñöa-vat käryam, atra
öaus-ìiñu va-mayos tyäge sä-rämau grähyau, anyatra tu nir-a-rämau
yathä—tväà, yuväà yuñmän väcakñäëa äcakñäëau ity-ädiñu tvaà, yuñäà(wrongly yuväm in all the books),
yüyam. yuñäà, yuñäà, yuñmän. yuñyä, yuñäbhyäà, yuñäbhiù. tubhyaà, yuñäbhyäà, yuñabhyam. yuñat,
yuñäbhyäà, yuñat. tava, yuñyoù, yuñäkam. “yuñmäm” ity eke. yuñyi, yuñyoù, yuñäsu. evam asmadaù—aham,
asäà, vayam ity-ädi. kaumäräs tu öä-paratve—yuñmä, asmä, caturthé-bhyasi yuñmabhyam, asmabhyam.
supi—yuñmäsu, asmäsu iti manyante. kintv apäëinéyam.
1494 / @is$a: /
1494. asiù
asiù—the kåt pratyaya as[i].
As[i] is applied after a dhätu in kartari prayoga.
sarva-dhätubhyo ’siù syät. uru-vyacäù, nå-cakñäù.
Våtti—As[i] can be applied after all dhätus. Examples are uru-vyacäù (“that which encompasses much, i.e
occupies a lot of space”) and nå-cakñäù (“one who watches men, a demigod / one who kills men, a
räkñaña”).
Ø uru <2.1> + vyac → (1494, 440) uru <2.1> + vyac + as[i] → uru <2.1> + vyacas → (1274) uru-
vyacas → (148) uru-vyacas + s[u] → (256) uru-vyacäs + s[u] → (202) uru-vyacäs → (155) uru-vyacäù
<1.1>.
Ø nèn <2.3> + cakñ → (1494, 440) nèn <2.3> + cakñ + as[i] → (1540) nèn <2.3> + cakñas → (1274,
859) nå-cakñas → (148) nå-cakñas + s[u] → (256) nå-cakñäs + s[u] → (202) nå-cakñäs → (155) nå-cakñäù
<1.1>.
Amåta—Regarding uru-vyacäù, the dhätu vyac[a] doesn’t take saìkarñaëa because as[i] isn’t nirguëa due
to the prohibition vyaces tv asià vinä (749). Regarding nå-cakñäù, it will described later how the dhätu
cakñ[iì] isn’t replaced by khyä[ï] when as[i] follows (see sütra 1540).
Saàçodhiné—There is no equivalent sütra to this one in Päëini’s Añöädhyäyé, rather the equivalent sütras
are sarva-dhätubhyo ’sun (Uëädi-sütra 4.188), mithune ’siù pürva-vac ca sarvam (Uëädi-sütra 4.222), and
gati-kärakopapadayoù pürva-pada-prakåti-svaratvaà ca (Uëädi-sütra 4.226). In the first of these sütras,
as[un] is ordained after all dhätus, and in the second and third sütras, as[i] is ordained after all dhätus as
an apaväda of as[un] when the pürva-pada is an upasarga, gati, or käraka. Actually there are 46 uëädi-
sütras dealing just with as[un] and as[i] (see Uëädi-sütra 4.188 to 4.233). Many of them deal just with
what happens to individual dhätus when as[un] and as[i] follows. For instance, the example nå-cakñäù in
the våtti is formed by applying as[i] after cakñ[iì] and as[i] is made to have the indicatory letter ç by
cakñer bahulaà çic ca (Uëädi-sütra 232) whereby it becomes a kåñëa-dhätuka and the change to khyä[ï] is
not done.
Many neuter words are also formed by applying as[un], and they may not necessarily be in kartari
prayoga, because, as explained in Amåta 1572, the word bahula was included in uëädayo bahulaà (1572)
so that the uëädi pratyayas may also sometimes be applied in karmaëi prayoga and so on. For example,
the neuter words çravas (“that with which one hears, the ear”), cetas (“consciousness”), manas (“that
with which one thinks, the mind”), rajas (“dust, impurity, the mode of passion”), tamas (“darkness,
ignorance, the mode of ignorance”), tapas (“heat, penance, austerities”), saras (“that which flows, a lake,
a pond, water”), payas (“that which is drunk, water, milk”), varcas (“light”), and vayas (“age”) are
formed by applying as[un] after the dhätus çru çravaëe (1P, “to hear”), cit[é] saàjïäne (1P, “to be aware /
conscious; to understand”), man[a] jïäne (4A, “to think, consider as”), ranj[a] räge (1U or 4U, “to be
colored, delighted, to love, be attached”), tam[u] glänau (4P, “to be exhausted”), and tap[a] santäpe (1P,
“to heat, burn, perform austerities”), så gatau (1P or 3P, “to go, move, run, flow”), pä päne (1P, “to
drink”), varc[a] déptau (1A, “to shine”), and vé gatau prajana-känty-asana-khädaneñu ca (2P, “to go, move;
to become pregnant; to shine, be beautiful, desire; to throw; to eat”).
1495 / @jaAtaAvanaupaen‰"Aepapade" iNAinastaAcC$Ilyae /
1495. ajätäv anupendropapade ëinis täcchélye

ajätau—and which is not a jäti (“group, species, common quality”); anupendra-upapade—when a word
which is not an upendra is the pürva-pada; ëiniù—the kåt pratyaya [ë]in[i]; täcchélye—when täcchélya
(“habit”) is understood.
[Ë]in[i] is applied after a dhätu in kartari prayoga when a word which is not an upendra and not a jäti
is the pürva-pada, provided habit is understood.
1496 / jaAtaAvaipa ãtaABaIºNyayaAeê /
1496. jätäv api vratäbhékñëyayoç ca
jätau—which is a jäti; api—also; vrata-äbhékñëyayoù—when a vrata (“vow”) is understood or when

äbhékñëya (“frequent repetition”) is understood; ca—also.
[Ë]in[i] is also applied after a dhätu in kartari prayoga when a word which is not an upendra is the
pürva-pada, both when that word is not a jäti and when that word is a jäti, provided a vow or frequent
repetition is understood.
Amåta—This sütra means vrate äbhékñëye ca gamyamäne ajätau jätau vä anupendre pürva-pade dhätor ëiniù
syät. Similarly, the words ajätau jätau vä are also understood in the sütras kartr-upamäne ca (1497) and
manyateù khaç-ëiné ätma-manane (1499), but the ideas of habit, vow, and frequent repetition are not
understood there. Vrata means çästränuyäyi-niyama (“a regulation that is observed in accordance with
çästra”) and äbhékñëya means paunaù-punya (“frequent repetition”).
1497 / k(‡auRpamaAnae ca /
1497. kartr-upamäne ca
kartå-upamäne—when a kartr-upamäna (“a word expressing that to which the kartä is compared”) is the
pürva-pada; ca—also.
[Ë]in[i] is also applied after a dhätu in kartari prayoga when a word expressing that to which the kartä
is compared is the pürva-pada, both when that word is not a jäti and when it is a jäti.
1498 / taTaAvazyak(ADamaNyaRyaAeê /
1498. tathävaçyakädhamarëyayoç ca
tathä—similarly; ävaçyaka-ädhamarëyayoù—when ävaçyaka (“necessity”) and ädhamarëya (“being a

debtor”) is understood; ca—also.
[Ë]in[i] is also applied after a dhätu in kartari prayoga when necessity or being a debtor is understood.
1499 / manyatae: KaizNAnaI @Atmamananae /
1499. manyateù khaç-ëiné ätma-manane

manyateù—after the dhätu man[a] jïäne (4A, “to think, consider as”); khaç-ëiné—the kåt pratyayas
[kh]a[ç] and [ë]in[i]; ätma-manane—in the sense of ätma-manana (“thinking oneself to be that which is
indicated by the pürva-pada”).
[Kh]a[ç] and [ë]in[i] are applied after man[a] in kartari prayoga in the sense of ätma-manana, both
when a word that is not a jäti is the pürva-pada and when a word that is a jäti is the pürva-pada.
kåñëa-sevé. jätau tu—vipra-sevaù. ajätau vrate—hari-nirmälya-bhojé. aträbhékñëye—hari-näma-grähé.

jätau—tulasé-sevé. evam ajätau—kåñëa iva gäyati, kåñëa-gäyé. jätau tu—kåñëe gopa-snehé. ävaçyake—
avaçyaì-käré mäläyäù. ädhamarëye—çataà däyé.
çivatvät çyaù vaiñëavam ätmänaà manyate—vaiñëavam-manyaù, vaiñëava-mäné. väcya-liìga-lakñméù
puruñottama-vat kyaì-mäninor ëau ceti—vaiñëava-mäniné. äbhékñëye kathaà kulmäña-khädaù? bähulyät.
Våtti—For example, kåñëa-sevé (“one who serves Kåñëa”). But when the pürva-pada is a jäti, we get vipra-
sevaù (“one who serves the brähmaëas”).
Ø kåñëam <2.1> + sev → (1495) kåñëam <2.1> + sev + [ë]in[i] → (440) kåñëam <2.1> + sevin →
(1274, 859) kåñëa-sevin → (148) kåñëa-sevin + s[u] → (266) kåñëa-sevén + s[u] → (202) kåñëa-sevén →
(260) kåñëa-sevé (“one who serves Kåñëa”) <1.1>.
Ø vipram <2.1> + sev → (1417) vipram <2.1> + sev + a[ë] → (440) vipram <2.1> + seva → (1274,
859) vipra-seva → (148) vipra-seva + s[u] → (155) vipra-sevaù (“one who serves the brähmaëas”) <1.1>.
An example of when the pürva-pada is not a jäti and a vow is understood is hari-nirmälya-bhojé (“one
who only eats Hari’s remnants”) and an example of when the pürva-pada is not a jäti and frequent
repetition is understood is hari-näma-grähé (“one who takes (chants) the name of Hari again and again”).
An example of when the pürva-pada is a jäti is tulasé-sevé (“one who just serves tulasé”).
Ø hari-nirmälyam <2.1> + bhuj → (1496) hari-nirmälyam <2.1> + bhuj + [ë]in[i] → (440, 443)
hari-nirmälyam <2.1> + bhojin → (1274, 859) hari-nirmälya-bhojin → (148) hari-nirmälya-bhojin + s[u] →
(266) hari-nirmälya-bhojén + s[u] → (202) hari-nirmälya-bhojén → (260) hari-nirmälya-bhojé (“one who
only eats Hari’s remnants”) <1.1>.
Ø hari-näma <2.1> + grah → (1496) hari-näma <2.1> + grah + [ë]in[i] → (440, 470) hari-näma
<2.1> + grähin → (1274) hari-näma-grähin → (148) hari-näma-grähin + s[u] → (266) hari-näma-grähén +
s[u] → (202) hari-näma-grähén → (260) hari-näma-grähé (“one who takes (chants) the name of Hari
again and again”) <1.1>.
Ø tulasém <2.1> + sev → (1496) tulasém <2.1> + sev + [ë]in[i] → (440) tulasém <2.1> + sevin →
(1274, 859) tulasé-sevin → (148) tulasé-sevin + s[u] → (266) tulasé-sevén + s[u] → (202) tulasé-sevén →
(260) tulasé-sevé (“one who just serves tulasé”) <1.1>.
An example of kartr-upamäne ca (1497) when the pürva-pada is not a jäti is kåñëa-gäyé which means
kåñëa iva gäyati (“one who sings like Kåñëa”) and an example of kartr-upamäne ca (1497) when the
pürva-pada is a jäti is kåñëe gopa-snehé (“one who is friendly towards Kåñëa like a cowherd boy is friendly
towards Kåñëa”).
Ø kåñëaù <1.1> + gai → (539) kåñëaù <1.1> + gä → (1497) kåñëaù <1.1> + gä + [ë]in[i] → (gä is
aniö by verse 1, 540) kåñëaù <1.1> + gäyin → (1274, 859) kåñëa-gäyin → (148) kåñëa-gäyin + s[u] →
(266) kåñëa-gäyén + s[u] → (202) kåñëa-gäyén → (260) kåñëa-gäyé (“one who sings like Kåñëa”) <1.1>.
Ø gopaù <1.1> + ñëih → (458) gopaù <1.1> + snih → (1497) gopaù <1.1> + snih + [ë]in[i] → (440,
443) gopaù <1.1> + snehin → (1274, 859) gopa-snehin → (148) gopa-snehin + s[u] → (266) gopa-snehén +
s[u] → (202) gopa-snehén → (260) gopa-snehé (“one who is friendly like a cowherd boy”) <1.1>.
An example of when necessity is understood is avaçyaì-käré mäläyäù (“one who necessarily makes a
garland”) and an example of when being a debtor is understood is çataà däyé (“one who repays the debt
of 100”).
Ø avaçyam + kå → (1498) avaçyam + kå + [ë]in[i] → (kå is aniö by verse 1, 422) avaçyam + kärin
→ (1274, 113, 114) avaçyaì-kärin → (148) avaçyaì-kärin + s[u] → (266) avaçyaì-kärén + s[u] → (202)
avaçyaì-kärén → (260) avaçyaì-käré (“one who necessarily makes”) <1.1>.
Ø dä → (1498) dä + [ë]in[i] → (dä is aniö by verse 1, 540) däyin → (148) däyin + s[u] → (266)
däyén + s[u] → (202) däyén → (260) däyé (“one who repays”) <1.1>.
Because [kh]a[ç] is a çiva pratyaya, [ç]ya is applied and we get vaiñëavam-manyaù which means
vaiñëavam ätmänaà manyate (“one who thinks himself a Vaiñëava”). Likewise we get vaiñëava-mäné (“one
who thinks himself a Vaiñëava”). Väcya-liìga-lakñméù puruñottama-vat kyaì-mäninor ëau ca (874) is
applied and we get vaiñëava-mäniné (“one who thinks herself a Vaiñëavé”).
Ø vaiñëavam <2.1> + man → (1499) vaiñëavam <2.1> + man + [kh]a[ç] → (393) vaiñëavam <2.1>
+ man + [ç]a[p] + [kh]a[ç] → (719) vaiñëavam <2.1> + man + [ç]ya + [kh]a[ç] → (396) vaiñëavam <2.1> +
manya → (1274, 859) vaiñëava-manya → (1290, 225, 113, 114) vaiñëavam-manya → (148) vaiñëavam-
manya + s[u] → (155) vaiñëavam-manyaù (“one who thinks himself a Vaiñëava”) <1.1>.
Ø vaiñëavam <2.1> + man → (1496) vaiñëavam <2.1> + man + [ë]in[i] → (440, 470) vaiñëavam
<2.1> + mänin → (1274, 859) vaiñëava-mänin → (148) vaiñëava-mänin + s[u] → (266) vaiñëava-mänén +
s[u] → (202) vaiñëava-mänén → (260) vaiñëava-mäné (“one who thinks himself a Vaiñëava”) <1.1>.
Ø vaiñëavém <2.1> + man → (1496) vaiñëavém <2.1> + man + [ë]in[i] → (440, 470) vaiñëavém
<2.1> + mänin → (1274, 859) vaiñëavé-mänin → (874) vaiñëava-mänin → () vaiñëava-mänin + é[p] →
(148) vaiñëava-mäniné + s[u] → (202) vaiñëava-mäniné (“one who thinks herself a Vaiñëavé”) <1.1>.
Why, when frequent repetition is understood, do we get kulmäña-khädaù (“one who eats sour gruel again
and again”)? Because the kåt pratyayas are applied variously.
Ø kulmäñam <2.1> + khäd → (1417) kulmäñam <2.1> + khäd + a[ë] → (440) kulmäñam <2.1> +
khäda → (1274, 859) kulmäña-khäda → (148) kulmäña-khäda + s[u] → (155) kulmäña-khädaù (“one who
eats sour gruel again and again”) <1.1>.
Amåta—Due to the mention of manyati, which is the [ç]ti[p] form of man[a] jïäne (4A, “to think,
consider as”), man[u] bodhane (8A, “to understand”) is excluded. Kåñëa-sevé <1.1> means kåñëaà sevituà
çélam asya (“one whose habit is to serve Kåñëa”). In vipra-sevaù, [ë]in[i] is not applied, even though habit
is understood, because the pürva-pada is a jäti. Thus a[ë] is applied instead by karmaëy aë (1417).
Regarding hari-nirmälya-bhojé, at first glance it may seem like an example of habit, but the difference is
this: habit is acquired by doing what one naturally wants to do whereas a vow is dependent on çästric
injuctions. In the case of a habit, there would be no fault if one whose habit is to eat Hari’s remnants
somehow or other ate something else. But, in the case of a vow, the vow would be broken if the Vaiñëava
were to eat something other than Hari’s remnants. Because they are subservient to the rules of çästra,
even if other eatables are available, Vaiñëavas only eat the remnants of Hari. They don’t eat anything else.
Hari-näma-grähé means punaù punar hari-nämäni gåhëäti (“one who takes (chants) the name of Hari again
and again”). Tulasé-sevé is both an example of when a vow is understood and an example of when
frequent repetition is understood. For example, a Vaiñëava who wants devotion to Hari serves tulasé, who
is very dear to Hari, in accordance with the rules of çästra. He does not serve any other plant.
Kåñëa-gäyé means kåñëo yathä gäyati tathä gäyati (“one sings in the same way that Kåñëa sings”) and gopa-
snehé means kåñëe gopa iva snihyati or, in other words, gopaù kåñëe yathä snihyati tathä snihyati (“one who
is friendly towards Kåñëa in the same way that a cowherd boy is friendly towards Kåñëa”). In the example
çataà däyé the ñañöhé viñëubhakti is prohibited by ädhamarëya tumu-bhaviñyad-artha-ëaka-ëinyor yoge na
ñañöhé (963). Vaiñëava-mäniné means ätmänaà vaiñëavéà manyate (“one who thinks herself a Vaiñëavé”).
It will be described later how é[p] is applied after words ending in n. In kulmäña-khädaù, [ë]in[i] should
have applied since frequent repetition is understood. But a[ë] is nonetheless applied instead because the
kåt pratyayas are applied variously. Kulmäña refers either to käïjika (“sour gruel, water of boiled rice in a
state of spontaneous fermentation”) or yävaka (“grains of barley”).
1500(SK 2994). eka-sarveçvaräntasya dvitéyaika-vacana-vat prayogaù khid-ante

Here bala says eka-sarveçvaräntasya éçvaräntasya, SK also says ika ekäco, thus éçvarasya is likely supposed
to have been in this sütra.. check manuscript. Anyway the understanding is: A karma-pürva-pada which
is monosyllabic and which ends in an éçvara is used like the accusative singular when a kådanta made
with a kåd having ‘kh’ as anubandha follows. Or another way of saying the same thing is that the karma-
pürva-pada doesn’t undergo antaraìga-sväder mahähara in this case. Thus the examples mean ‘one who
thinks himself to be a go(cow)’, ‘one who thinks himself to be a nau(boat), ‘one who thinks himself to be
a woman(stré)’, ‘The group of woman who think themselves to be lakñmé(çré), ‘one who thinks himself to
be the earth(bhü)’. In this way other forms are also made. In striyam-manyaù we can also have the form
strém-manyaù by the sütra striyä am çasor vä .
gäm-manyaù, nävam-manyaù, striyam-manyaù, çriyam-manyaà stré-kulam, bhuvam-manyaù.
1501(SK 2995). atéte

A prabhu-adhikära is made stating that up until sütra 316, which ordains ìvanip, the kåd-pratyayas are
ordained in past tense(atéta)
prabhur ayaà ìvanip-paryantaù.
1502(SK 2996). karaëe yajo ëiniù

The affix ëini is applied after the dhätu yaj in past tense provided the pürva-pada is a karaëa. E.g soma-
yäjin= ‘one who performed sacrifice with soma’
someneñöavän—soma-yäjé.
1503(SK 2997). karmaëi hano ëinir nindäyäm

The affix ëini is applied after the dhätu han when there is a karma-pürva-pada provided that
nindä(censure/reproach) is understood. E.g vaiñëava-ghätin= ‘one who killed a vaiñëava’(here nindä is
understood due to the impropriety of killing a vaiñëava, e.g people abhor one who has killed a vaiñëava),
but in kaàsaà hatavän ‘one who killed kaàsa’ [k]tavat[u] was used because there is no nindä (e.g
nobody thought bad of kåñëa for killing kaàsa,, everyone was very pleased)
vaiñëava-ghäté. neha—kaàsaà hatavän.
1504(SK 2998). brahma-bhrüëa-våtreñu karmasu hanaù kvip

kvip is applied after the dhätu han in past tense provided the karma-pürva-pada is brahma, bhrüëa or
våtra. E.g brahma-han= ‘one who killed a brahmaëa’, similarly bhrüëa-han= ‘one who has killed a foetus’
and våtra-han= ‘one who has killed våtra’(a name of indra). brahma-hä, bhåüëa-hä and våtra-hä are the
nom sing forms by in-han-püñan.. and nämantasya nasya haro… Then JG addressed the pürva-pakña ‘well
in brahma-habhyäm when the sütra nämantasya nasya haro is applied why is vämanät tuk påthau not
subsequently applied?’. He gives the simple answer taträkaraëäd(because of their not being a cause in
that). amåta makes clear the tattva in this regard e.g the deletion of the letters ‘n’ etc.. is not
asiddha(regarded as not having taken effect(even though it has taken effect)) in regards to the rule for
tuk.(e.g when there is deletion of the ‘m’ of ä+gam before yap by hariveëv-anta-sahajäniöäm, then tuk is
applied and we get ägatya etc..). However in other cases(like here where the kådanta han is already made,
and is being declined as a näma) the deletion of ‘n’ is considered asiddha in regards to the rule for tuk
because of the näma-dhätükta-nyäya(couldn’t find it). e.g me: basically the ‘n’ of han is not deleted before
kvip, because kvip is not a vaiñëavädi-kaàsäri.. there is kevalasya pratyaya-ver hara and thus we get the
kådanta han. When han is later being declined as a näma the deletion of ‘n’ by nämantasya nasya haro is
not a cause for the application of vämanät tuk påthau because the formation of the kådanta was already
completed.
At this point one may ask: what is the point of this sütra when kvip was ordained in 284 as coming after
all dhätus. The answer is that this is a niyama-sütra thus JG says in the våtti kvip is applied after the
dhätu han only when there is the karma-pürva-pada brahma, bhrüëa, or våtra. Here a restriction is
enjoined by the word ‘eva’. JG strengthens his opinion with a statement from the mahä-bhäñya e.g ‘the
statement is for the sake of restricting’. Then amåta(following kaçikä) explains that the restriciton is 4
fold: e.g (i) kvip is applied after the dhätu han in the past tense only when there the karma-pürva-pada is
brahma etc, not when there is another pürva-pada..(this one was just stated by JG in the våtti) (ii) when
the karma-pürva-pada is brahma etc.. kvip is applied in the past tense only after the dhätu han, not after
any other dhätu(e.g if another dhätu has brahma etc.. as the karma-pürva-pada then it cannot take kvip).
(iii) when the karma-pürva-pada is brahma etc.. only kvip is applied after the dhätu han in the past
tense, no other pratyaya can be applied. (iv) when the karma-pürva-pada is brahma etc.. kvip is applied
after han only in the past tense, not in any other tense. JG in the våtti shows the 4th aspect of the niyama
by his statement bhüte etc.. But then JG indicates, by showing the usage of previous authorities,the
deviation from the first niyama because of bähulya. E.g he says that because of such usage kvip is also
applied in the past sense after the dhätu han when there are karma pürva-padas other than brahma
etc(anyaträpi in the våtti).. e.g véra-han(a brahmaëa who killed the sacrificial fire(either by carelessness,
impiety or absence) or maybe it just means one who killed warriors.), hima-han(one who killed the
cold??), kaàsa-han, madhu-han
brahma-hä. taträkaraëän na tuk—brahma-habhyäm. brahmädiñv eva hanteù kvip, “vacanaà niñedhärtham”
iti bhäñyam. bhüte niyamärthakän na käla-sämänye, tena véraà hanti—véra-hä. hima-hä. “yatra tiñöhati
kaàsa-hä” ity-ädi-prayogäd anyaträpi kaàsa-hä, madhu-hä.
1505(SK 2999). su-karma-päpa-mantra-puëyeñu karmasu òukåïaù kvip

su-kåt. anyatra ca çästra-kåt(anyatra etc.. I think käçikä on SK 2999).
amåta treats anyatra ca as våtti, but bala as separate sütra, it makes more sense as våtti and is also like this
in SK. The sütra means: kvip is applied after the dhätu kå in the past sense provided that the karma-
pürva-pada is su, karma, päpa, mantra or puëya e.g su-kåt= ‘one who has done well’(here su is a karma by
kriyä-viçeñaëam karma, and there is tuk by vämanät tuk påthau), karma-kåt= ‘one who has done work’,
päpa-kåt= ‘one who has commited sins’, mantra-kåt= ‘one who has made a mantra’, puëya-kåt= ‘one who
has done virtuous actions’. This sütra is also a niyama-sütra. Here the niyama is 3 fold: (i) when the
karma-pürva-pada is su etc.. then kvip is applied in the past tense only after the dhätu kå, not after any
other dhätu. E.g ‘one who studied a mantra’ is called manträdhyäya(karmany aë). (ii) when the karma-
pürva-pada is su etc.. only kvip is applied after the dhätu kå in the past tense, no other pratyaya is
applied. (iii) when the karma-pürva-pada is su etc.. kvip is applied after the dhätu kå only in the past
tense, not in any other tense.
But there is no restriction on the pürva-padas thus JG says anyatra ca.. E.g kvip is applied in the past
sense after the dhätu kå when the karma-pürva-pada is something other than su etc.. thus çästra-kåt= ‘one
who made scriptures’, bhäñya-kåt= ‘one who made a commentary’… and I guess vedänta-kåt from BG
would also be included.
1506(SK 3000,01). somasud-agnicitau sädhü

The forms soma-sut(one who has pressed soma) and agni-cit(one who has arranged the sacrificial fire)
are valid. E.g in soma-sut the karma-pürva-pada is soma, the affix is kvip, the tense is past-tense, and the
dhätu is su[ï]. In agni-cit the karma-pürva-pada is agni, the affix is kvip, the tense is past tense, and the
dhätu is ci[ï]. In both cases there is vämanät tuk påthau and the nipäta is the 4 fold niyama like in 302(I
didn’t bother writing it out again, same pattern, also based on käçikä )
1507(SK 3004). karmaëi dåçeù kvanib eva

Only the affix [k]van[ip] is applied in the past tense after the dhätu dåç when there is a karma-pürva-
pada. Here the word eva is for the sake of excluding other pratyayas, and thus making the niyama
indicated in bold. çré-kåñëa-dåçvan= ‘one who has seen kåñëa’
çré-kåñëa-dåçvä.
1508(SK 3005,06). räjayudhva-räjakåtva-sahayudhva-sahakåtvänaù sädhavaù
The forms räja-yudhvan, räja-kåtvan, saha-yudhvan and saha-kåtvan made with kvanip in the past tense
are valid. according to bala ‘atra’ in the våtti means in ‘räja-yudhvan’, but not in ‘saha-yudhvan’. Thus the
våtti means the dhätu yudh in ‘räja-yudhvan’ ëy-anta. amåta however says that yudh is ëy-anta in both(SK
seems to translate in that way, though without directly saying it.. however I tend to like MW and bala in
this regard.. some research has to be done) But all the commentaries let us know that it is antar-bhüta-
ëy-anta(otherwise we would be dealing with ëy-anta yodhi). All the pürva-padas are karma-pürva-padas,
saha is a karma by kriyä-viçeñaëam karma. Thus räja-yudhvan= ‘one who caused the king to fight’ , räja-
kåtvan= ‘one who made a king’ , saha-yudhvan= ‘one who fought alongside oneself, e.g a brother-in-
arms’(or by amåta/SK ‘one who caused to fight together’) and saha-kåtvan= ‘one who did together’. In all
these forms there is vämanät tuk påthau
yudhir atra ëy-antaù. räjänaà yodhitavän—räja-yuddhvä.
1509 / s$aæamyantae janaer"ca, /
1509. saptamy-ante janer ac

Comment [89]: my guess is that compounds
saptamé-ante—when a word which ends in a saptamé viñëubhakti is the pürva-pada; janeù—after the dhätu like pürva-ja etc.. are adverbial e.g pürvaà jätaù or
jan[é] prädur-bhäve (4A, “to be born, produced, to occur, happen”); ac—the kåt pratyaya a[c]. perhaps they are also saptamé e.g pürvasmin käle
jätaù etc.. do research on this
When a word which ends in a saptamé viñëubhakti is the pürva-pada, a[c] is applied after jan[é] in the
past tense1 in kartari prayoga.
våndävana-jaù. bähulyäd dväbhyäà jätaù—dvijaù.
Våtti—Ø våndävane <7.1> + jan → (1509) våndävane <7.1> + jan + a[c] → (185) våndävane <7.1> + ja →
(1274, 859) våndävana-ja → (148) våndävana-ja + s[u] → (155) våndävana-jaù (“one who was born in
Våndävana”) <1.1>.
Because the kåt pratyayas are applied variously (see sütra 1185), we get dvijaù which means dväbhyäà
jätaù (“one who was born from two things”).
Ø dväbhyäm <5.2> + jan → (1509) dväbhyäm <5.2> + jan + a[c] → (185) dväbhyäm <5.2> + ja →
(1274, 859) dvi-ja → (148) dvija + s[u] → (155) dvijaù (“one who was born from two things”) <1.1>.
Amåta—Våndävana-jaù means våndävane jätaù (“one who was born in Våndävana”). The dväbhyäm in
dväbhyäà jätaù here is the païcamé dvi-vacana, the sense being çukrät saàskäräc ca jätaù (“one who was
born from semen and from purificatory rituals, a brähmaëa”). Thus a[c] is also applied after jan[é] when a
word which ends in a païcamé viñëubhakti is the pürva-pada. This is because the kåt pratyayas are applied
variously (see sütra 1185). We explain things in this way because we don’t have a rule that ordains a[c]
when a word which ends in a païcamé viñëubhakti is the pürva-pada. The Päëinians, however, make the
sütra païcamyäm ajätau “A[c] is applied after jan[é] in the past tense when a word which ends in a
païcamé viñëubhakti and which doesn’t denote a jäti is the pürva-pada” (Añöädhyäyé 3.2.98) and they give
the examples buddhi-jaù (“born from the intelligence”), saàskära-jaù (“born from purificatory rituals”),
and so on. The counterexample of when a jäti is the pürva-pada is hastino jätaù (“born from an
elephant”). A[c] cannot be applied here. Because the kåt pratyayas are applied variously we also get
brähmaëa-jaù (“born from a brähmaëa”), anujaù (“born after”), ajaù (“unborn”), and so on.
Saàçodhiné—Päëini also stipulated other conditions when a[c] ([ò]a in the Päëinian system) is applied
after jan[é] in the past tense in kartari prayoga. These conditions are described in the following sütras:
1
In the Båhat, this sütra comes under the adhikära-sütra “atéte” (Båhat 1501). Thus a[c] is applied in the past tense (atéta-
käla).
1) païcamyäm ajätau (Añöädhyäyé 3.2.98)—when a word which ends in a païcamé viñëubhakti and which
doesn’t denote a jäti is the pürva-pada e.g buddhi-jaù (“born from the intelligence”), saàskära-jaù (“born
from purificatory rituals”), and duùkha-jaù (“born from misery”).
2) upasarge ca saàjïäyäm (Añöädhyäyé 3.2.99)—when an upasarga is the pürva-pada and the sense is that
of a proper name e.g prajäù (“offspring, people, citizens”) <feminine 1.3>.
3) anau karmaëi (Añöädhyäyé 3.2.100)—when jan[é] comes after anu and there is a karma-pürva-pada e.g
pum-anujä which means pumäàsam anujätä (“a girl born after the male child”) and stry-anujaù which
means striyam anujätaù (“a boy born after the female child”).1
4) anyeñv api dåçyate (Añöädhyäyé 3.2.101)—also when other words are the pürva-padas e.g ajaù and
dvijaù, which according to Käçikä, mean na jäyate (“not born, unborn”) and dvir jätaù (“twice-born”) In
ajaù the pürva-pada is na[ï] and in dvi-jaù the pürva-pada is the avyaya dvis which means dvi-väram
(“two times, twice”). In this regard, Amara-koña says danta-vipräëòa-jä dvijäù (“The word dvija (“twice-
born”) can refer to a tooth (danta), a brähmaëa (vipra), or a bird (aëòa-ja)”). Teeth are twice-born
because they appear in two stages: first come the baby teeth and then come the adult teeth. A brähmaëa is
twice-born because he takes his first birth from semen and his second birth from purificatory rituals. A
bird is twice born because it is born first as an egg, and then it is born from the egg. Further commenting
on this sütra, Käçikä says that because of this sütra the conditions of the other sütras may be broken. For
example, brähmaëa-jo dharmaù (“religion is born from brähmaëas”), kñatriya-jam yuddham (“war is born
from kñatriyas”), and so on where the pürva-pada is a jäti, abhijäù keçäù (“hair is produced everywhere”)
and so on where the sense is not that of a proper name, and anujaù (“a younger brother”) where there is
no karma-pürva-pada. Käçikä also comments that the word api in this sütra further indicates that a[c] can
be applied after other dhätus also as in the case of parikhä (“a moat”) <feminine 1.1 from the dhätu
khan[u] avadäraëe (1U, “to dig”)> which means paritaù khätä (“that which has been dug all around”).
Likewise in the case of äkhä (“a pond”).
1510 / s$amaAs$ae xe~naR mah"Ah"r": k{(ita baò"lama, /
1510. samäse ìer na mahäharaù kåti bahulam
samäse—in samäsa; ìeù—of the viñëubhakti [ì]i; na—not; mahäharaù—mahähara; kåti—when a kådanta
follows; bahulam—often.
The mahähara of [ì]i often doesn’t take place in samäsa when a kådanta follows.
divi-ñöhaù divi-ñad ity-ädi—ñatvaà väcyam. hådi-spåk.
Våtti—Thus we get divi-ñöhaù (“one who dwells in heaven”), divi-ñat (“one who dwells in heaven”), and
so on. The change to ñ will be described later. In the same way we get hådi-spåk (“that which touches the
heart”).
Amåta—Due to the word bahula this rule doesn’t apply in all cases. Thus, in våndävana-jaù and so on, the
mahähara of [ì]i does take place. Divi-ñöhaù is formed by applying [k]a in the sense of divi tiñöhati (“one
who dwells in heaven”) by akarmaëy ä-rämät kaù (1420), and divi-ñat is formed by applying [k]vi[p] in
the sense of divi sédati (“one who dwells in heaven”) by the sütra beginning nämni sadÿ (sütra 1473). The
words ñatvaà väcyam in the våtti mean the change to ñ will be described in ambañöhädayaù ñatvena
sädhavaù (1678). Here väcyam means vakñyate. Hådi-spåk is formed by applying [k]vi[p] in the sense of
hådi spåçati (“that which touches the heart”) by kvip (1485). Due to the words “and so on” in the våtti, we
also get stambe-ramaù (“one who sports among clumps of high grass, an elephant”) and karëe-japaù
(“one who whispers in the ear, an informer”) and so on.
1
See Amåta 1257 for further details about anujätaù.
Saàçodhiné—The change to ñ in divi-ñöhaù takes place by ambañöhädayaù ñatvena sädhavaù (1678), but the
change to ñ in divi-ñat takes place by su-ñämädäyaç ca (1980).
1511(SK 973). prävåö-çarat-käla-diväà je

There is no mahähara of ìi for the words prävåñ(prävåö is the form with sandhi by ñasya òo, then sandhi),
çarad, käla, div when ja(jan+a[c]) follows. Thus the forms are prävåñi-ja(produced in the rainy season e.g
a storm), çaradi-ja(produced in autumn(e.g autumnal) , käle-ja(produced at the proper time) and divi-
ja(born in heaven). By bähulya the forms varñäsu-ja and apsu-ja are achieved(e.g the pürva-padas are
varñä and ap respectively) they mean ‘Born in the rainy season’ and ‘born in the waters’. These examples
are all past tense.
prävåñi-ja ity-ädi. varñäsu-jaù, apsu-ja ity-ädi ca.
1512(SK 974). varña-kñara-vara-manobhyo vä

çara is in päëini, but manas is not so check this out why JG says jumara-mata. the sütra means that the
mahähara of ìi optionally takes place after the words varña, kñara, vara, and manas when ja follows. e.g
varñe-ja or varña-ja, kñare-ja or kñara-ja, vare-ja or vara-ja, manasi-ja or mano-ja. The meanings
respectively are ‘born in the rain(varña could also mean cloud,year, as well as division of land e.g bhärata-
varña)’, ‘born in the cloud(could also mean water or body)’, ‘blessing-born’(according to SK, but maybe
not proper translation, no one else translates it) and ‘Born in the mind(a name of cupid)’. Then JG says
according to jumara this is the case after çara also.. thus çare-ja or çara-ja e.g ‘produced from sour
cream/yoghurt(çara) . e.g namely butter’(SK also says this is a name of kärtikkeya but I can’t trace that
out. These examples are all past tense.
varñe-jaù, varña-ja ity-ädi. “çarät” ity api jumara-matam.
1513. saraso ruhe ca

The mahähara of ìi is optional after the word ‘saras’ when either ja or ruha(ruh with ka by éçoddhava-
kirati..)follows. E.g sarasi-jam and saro-jam(neuter words) means ‘a lotus(lit born in a lake)’. JG shows
the usage of bhaööi in order to point out that the mahähara of ìi also optional after the word jala when ja
follows. Thus jale-ja or jala-ja means ‘born in water, i.e an aquatic/fish’. The forms sarasi-ruham and saro-
ruham(both neuter) means ‘a lotus(lit growing in the lake).. The forms çirasi-ruha and çiro-ruha mean
‘hair (lit growing on the head). But the forms like paìke-ruham(neuter, meaning a lotus, lit growing in
the mud) always forgo the deletion of ìi. The examples with ja here are past tense, but not those with
ruha.
sarasi-jam, saro-jam. “udbhäséni jale-jäni” iti bhaööiù (6.95). sarasi-ruham, saro-ruham. çirasi-ruhaù, çiro-
ruhaù. paìke-ruham ity-ädau tu nityam.
1514(SK 976). akäläc chaya-väsi-väseñu vä

The mahähara of ìi is optional after a word that doesn’t express time when the words çaya(the dhätu çé
with a[t] by adhikaraëa çeter at), väsin(the dhätu vas with ëini) or väsa(the dhätu vas with ghaë) follow.
Thus khe-çaya or kha-çaya mean ‘lying/resting in the air’. Examples for the other words are: våndävane-
väsin or våndävana-väsin, meaning ‘residing in våndävana’ and vraje-vasa or vraja-vasa, meaning ‘residing
in vraja’. Why do we say“a-kälät”? Witness pürvähëa-çaya ‘resting in the forenoon’.. here ìi is always
deleted because the word pürvähëa expresses time.
khe-çayaù, kha-çaya ity-ädi. “akälät” kim? pürvähëa-çayaù.
1515(SK 976). viñëujanä-rämäbhyäm eva

The above rule is applicable only after words that end in a viñëujana or a-räma. Thus in väri-çaya(one
who lies in the water) there is always mahähara of ìi
väri-çayaù.
1516(SK 977). in-ante tu na

But the restriction for the mahähara of ìi(by 308) is not applied when a word ending in ‘in’ follows. Here
because the word çäyin is ‘in-anta’ therefore ìi underwent mahähara. Here the affix is ëini applied in the
sense of täc-chilya by 295. E.g ‘one whose habit is to lie in the water.’ The allowance for çaya made in 312
is only for çé+a[t], not for çé with another pratyaya.
jala-çäyé.
1517. sthe na ca kvacit

Sometimes the restriction for the mahähara of ìi(by 308) is not applied when stha(made from the dhätu
sthä by akarmany ä-rämäd kaù) follows. E.g in sama-stha(situated in equality) there was mahähara of ìi.
But not in divi-ñöha as shown in 308 våtti. Now we have finished discussing about the non-deletion of ìi
sama-sthaù.
1518(SK 3091). su-yajbhyäà ìvanip

The affix [ì]van[ip] is applied in the past tense after the dhätus su[ï] and yuj. Here the ‘ì’ in ìvanip
checks govinda of the dhätu su[ï] and saìkarñaëa of the dhätu yaj. There is also vämanät tuk påthau for
the dhätu su[ï]. E.g sutvan = ‘one who pressed(soma juice etc..)’(here sutvan can either be su[ï]+kvanip
by 281 or su[ï]+ìvanip by this sütra.. The difference is that ìvanip is used in the past tense), yajvan=
‘one who worshipped’.. From now on the adhikara ‘atéte’ ceases.
sutvä, yajvä. atéta iti nivåttam.
1519 / i¸(ppayaRntaAstacC$IlataÜ"maRtats$aADauk(Air"Sau /
1519. kvip-paryantäs tac-chéla-tad-dharma-tat-sädhu-käriñu
kvip-paryantäù—up to the kåt pratyaya [k]vi[p]; tat-çéla-tat-dharma-tat-sädhu-käriñu—in the senses of tac-

chéla (“doing that as a habit”), tad-dharma (“doing that as a duty”) and tat-sädhu-kärin (“doing that well”)
The pratyayas up to [k]vi[p] are applied in the senses of doing that as a habit, doing that as a duty, and
doing that well.
eñv artheñu vakñyamäëä jïeyäù.
Våtti—It should be understood that the pratyayas just about to be mentioned are applied in these senses.
Saàçodhiné—Commenting on the equivalent Päëinian sütra äkves tac-chéla-tad-dharma-tat-sädhu-käriñu

(Añöädhyäyé 3.2.134), Käçikä says tac-chélädiñu kartåñu (“tac-chéla and so on refer to the kartä”) and tad iti
dhätv-arthaù (“tat refers to the meaning of the dhätu (the kriyä)”). Thus tac-chéla (literally: “one whose
habit is that”) and tad-dharma (literally: “one whose duty is that”) are bahuvréhi-samäsas that denote the
kartä.
1520 / ta{na, /
1520. tån
tån—the kåt pratyaya tå[n].
Tå[n] is applied after a dhätu in kartari prayoga in the senses of doing that as a habit, doing that as a
duty, and doing that well.
såñöià kartä.
Våtti—For example, såñöià kartä (“one who does the activity of creation”).
Ø kå → (1520) kå + tå[n] → (kå is aniö by verse 1, 394) kartå → (148) kartå + s[u] → (188) kartå
+ ä[c] → (185) kartä (“one who does, a doer”) <1.1>.
Amåta—Såñöià kartä refers to Viñëu and means såñöià kartuà çélam asya (“one whose habit is to do the
activity of creation”), såñöi-karaëe dharmo ’sya (“one whose duty is to do the activity of creation”), or
såñöi-karaëe sädhur ayam (“he is good at doing the activity of creation”). The word såñöim <2.1> was used
here to remind us that the karma connected with tå[n] is prohibited from taking a ñañöhé viñëubhakti by
acyutäbha-viñëuniñöhädhokñajäbha-khal-arthävyayo-rämänta-tèëäà yoge na ñañöhé (960). Since såñöim <2.1>
isn’t a pürva-pada, there is no possibility of making a kåt-samäsa here.
Saàçodhiné—The main difference between tå[l] and tå[n] is that the karma of tå[l] takes a ñañöhé
viñëubhakti by kartå-karmaëoù ñañöhé kåd-yoge (956) whereas the karma of tå[n] is prohibited from taking
a ñañöhé viñëubhakti and thus takes a dvitéyä viñëubhakti instead by karmaëi dvitéyä (937). The other
difference is that tå[l] is used in the senses of fitness and capability (see sütra 1088) whereas tå[n] is used
in the senses of doing that as a habit, doing that as a duty, and doing that well. Even though one cannot
make a kåt-samäsa since no words are ordained as pürva-padas in the sütras ëaka-tålau (1394) and tån
(1520), paçcät-samäsa can still be done as is usual for kådantas made from kåt pratyayas like a[t] (pacäder
at) that have no pürva-padas mentioned in their sütras. Examples of this are ätma-vairüpya-kartäram in
Bhägavatam 1.17.13, jagat-srañöä in Bhägavatam 3.24.20, and so on. Usually the senses of doing that as a
habit, doing that as a duty, and doing that well are not translated into English but are left as subtleties to
be relished by the Sanskrit reader. Thus we have translated the examples in these våttis as simple kartari
prayoga to avoid having to give three translations all the time. The students can use their own
intelligence to infer the appropriate sense/s.
1521 / @lax.~k{(Ha inar"Ak{(Ha ‘ajana otpata otpaca onmad" ç&ca @pa‡apa va{tau va{Dau s$ah" car" wtyaeBya wSNAu:
/
1521. alaìkåïa niräkåïa prajana utpata utpaca unmada ruca apatrapa våtu vådhu saha cara ity ebhya
iñëuù
alam-kåïa niräkåïa prajana utpata utpaca unmada ruca apatrapa våtu vådhu saha cara iti—the dhätus listed
below; ebhyaù—after these; iñëuù—the kåt pratyaya iñëu.
Iñëu is applied after the following dhätus in kartari prayoga in the senses of doing that as a habit,
doing that as a duty, and doing that well.
alam + [òu]kå[ï] karaëe 8U to decorate

nir + ä[ì] + [òu]kå[ï] karaëe 8U to reject
pra + jan[é] prädur-bhäve 4A to give birth
ud + pat[ÿ] gatau 1P to fly up, rise
ud + [òu]pac[añ] päke 1U to thoroughly cook / ripen
ud + mad[é] harñe 4P to be mad, intoxicated
ruc[a] déptau 1A to shine
apa + trap[üñ] lajjäyäm 1A to be ashamed, shy
våt[u] vartane 1A to be, exist, remain, happen
vådh[u] våddhau 1A to grow, increase
ñah[a] marñaëe 1A to tolerate, conquer
car[a] gatau 1P to go, move
kåñëam alaìkariñëuù, niräkariñëuù, prajaniñëur ity-ädi.
Våtti—Examples are kåñëam alaìkariñëuù (“one who decorates Kåñëa”), kåñëaà niräkariñëuù (“one who
rejects Kåñëa”), kåñëaà prajaniñëuù (“one who gives birth to Kåñëa”), and so on.
Ø alam + kå → (1521) alam + kå + iñëu → (kå is aniö by verse 1, 394) alam + kariñëu → (1274,
113, 114) alaìkariñëu → (148) alaìkariñëu + s[u] → (155) alaìkariñëuù (“one who decorates”) <1.1>.
Ø nir + ä[ì] + kå → (1521) nir + ä[ì] + kå + iñëu → (kå is aniö by verse 1, 394) niräkariñëu →
(148) niräkariñëu + s[u] → (155) niräkariñëuù (“one who rejects”) <1.1>.
Ø pra + jan → (1521) pra + jan + iñëu → (440) prajaniñëu → (148) prajaniñëu + s[u] → (155)
prajaniñëuù (“one who gives birth”) <1.1>.
Amåta—Here the karma, kåñëam <2.1>, takes a dvitéyä viñëubhakti because the ñañöhé viñëubhakti was
prohibited by sütra 960 since iñëu is a kåt pratyaya which ends in u-räma. Due to the words “and so on,”
we also get utpatiñëuù, utpaciñëuù, unmadiñëuù, rociñëuù, apatrapiñëuù, vartiñëuù, vardhiñëuù, sahiñëuù,
and cariñëuù.
1522 / BaivaSNAu”aAijaSNAU s$aADaU /
1522. bhaviñëu-bhräjiñëü sädhü
bhaviñëu-bhräjiñëü—bhaviñëu and bhräjiñëu; sädhü—are valid.
Bhaviñëu and bhräjiñëu are also valid.
Amåta—The result of the nipäta is that iñëu is also applied after the dhätus bhü and bhräj[å] in common
Sanskrit, even though bhaviñëu and bhräjiñëu are Vedic forms.
Saàçodhiné—Commenting on the Päëinian sütra bhuvaç ca (Añöädhyäyé 3.2.138), which covers the form
bhaviñëu here, Siddhänta-kaumudé says kathaà tarhi “jagat-prabhor aprabhaviñëu vaiñëavam” iti?
niraìkuçäù kavayaù. ca-käro ’nukta-samuccayärthaù, bhräjiñëur iti våttiù. evaà kñayiñëuù (“Why then do
we see jagat-prabhor aprabhaviñëu vaiñëavam? Because the poets are above all rules. Käçikä says that the
word ca in this sütra is for the sake of including other dhätus that were not mentioned here, and it gives
bhräjiñëu as an example. Likewise we get kñayiñëu”). Thus, since the word ca in the Päëinian sütra bhuvaç
ca (Añöädhyäyé 3.2.138) includes other dhätus, we also get the forms prabhaviñëu (“one who is powerful /
one who creates”), grasiñëu (“one who devours”), kñayiñëu (“one who destroys”), and käçiñëu (“that
which shines, shining”) as seen in the following passages: viñëunä prabhaviñëunä “by Viñëu who is most
powerful” (Bhägavatam 8.21.27), bhüta-bhartå ca taj jïeyaà grasiñëu prabhaviñëu ca “Although He is the
maintainer of every living entity, it is to be understood that He devours and develops all.” (Bhagavad-gétä
13.17), niçamya te ghargharitaà sva-kheda-kñayiñëu mäyämaya-sükarasya “hearing the tumultuous sound
of the all merciful Lord boar which destroyed their lamentation...” (Bhägavatam 3.13.25), and käçiñëunä
kanaka-varëa-vibhüñaëena “with shining, gold-colored ornaments” (Bhägavatam 4.30.6).
1523 / NyantaA»a /
1523. ëy-antäc ca
ëy-antät—after a ëy-anta-dhätu; ca—also.
Iñëu is also applied after ëy-anta-dhätus in kartari prayoga in the senses of doing that as a habit, doing
that as a duty, and doing that well.
kärayiñëuù.
Våtti—Ø kå → (787) kå + [ë]i → (422) käri → (1523) käri + iñëu → (kå is aniö by verse 1, 593, 394) käre
+ iñëu → (63) kärayiñëu → (148) kärayiñëu + s[u] → (155) kärayiñëuù (“one who causes to do”) <1.1>.
Amåta—Like bhaviñëu and bhräjiñëu, this usage of iñëu is also Vedic in nature, but it is sometimes seen in
common Sanskrit too. Thus this rule is exceptional because it says that iñëu is also valid after ëy-anta-
dhätus in common Sanskrit.
1524 / ijaBaUByaAM µauk,( /
1524. ji-bhübhyäà snuk
ji-bhübhyäm—after the dhätus ji jaye (1P, “to conquer, be glorious”) and bhü sattäyäm (1P, “to be,
become, exist”); snuk—the kåt pratyaya snu[k].
Snu[k] is applied after ji and bhü in kartari prayoga in the senses of doing that as a habit, doing that as
a duty, and doing that well.
jiñëuù, bhüñëuù.
Våtti—Ø ji → (1524) ji + snu[k] → (ji is aniö by verse 1, 399, 170) jiñnu → (280) jiñëu → (148) jiñëu +
s[u] → (155) jiñëuù (“one who is victorious, a name of Arjuna”) <1.1>.
Ø bhü → (1524) bhü + snu[k] → (1484, 399, 170) bhüñnu → (280) bhüñëu → (148) bhüñëu + s[u]
→ (155) bhüñëuù (“one who exists”) <1.1>.
Amåta—Regarding bhüñëuù, snu[k] is included by the word ädi in neò van-ti-trädau (1484), and thus i[ö]
is not applied.
1525(SK 3119). glä-sthäbhyäà snuù

The affix snu is applied in the 3 senses after the dhätus glai and sthä.. E.g in the examples below there is
caturvyühäntänäm ä-rämänta-päöho and there is no iò because the dhätus are aniö
gläsnuù, sthäsnuù.
1526(SK 3120). trasi-gådhi-dhåñi-kñipibhyaù knuù

The affix [k]nu is applied in the 3 senses after the dhätu tras[é], gådh[u], [ïi]dhåñ[ä] and kñip[a]. By the
‘k’ anubandha there is govinda,, and there is no iö by neò van-ti-trädau(knu is included in the word ädi).
The forms thus made are trasnu, gådhnu, dhåñëu, kñipnu.. kñipnu has the same meaning as niräkariñëu.
“neò van-ti-trädau” (282), trasnur ity-ädi.
1527(SK 3121). çamäder ëiniù

The affix [ë]in[i] is applied in the 3 sense after the 8 dhätus beginning with çam in the DP. This rule is
an apaväda of tån. In all of them except the dhätu mad våñëéndra is forbidden by the sütra jani-vadhyor
mäntänäm. The forms thus made are as follows: çamin, bhramin, damin, tamin, çramin, bhramin,
kñamin, klamin, pramädin(SK also gives unmädin). JG says that ëini is only applied when the dhätus are
akarmaka. amåta says this is because of association with çam(which is akarmaka). But when there is a
karma-vivakñä(desire to speak the karma) tån is used because of it’s being an utsarga. E.g ‘one who habit
is to wander in the forest’ etc..
çamé, bhramé. akarmakäd eva. neha—vanaà bhramitä.
1528(SK 3122). anurudhäder ëiniù

ëini is applied in the 3 senses after the dhätus anu+rudh etc.. This is an apaväda of tån. The anurudhädis
are: anu+rudh[ir], ä[ì]+yam[u], ä[ì]+yas[u], sam+jvar[a], duñ[a], druh[a], duh[a], ä+kréò[å],
ati+car[a](to overtake or to transgress/offend), apa+car[a], anu+car[a], vi+ä[ì]+muñ[a](to steal),
abhi+ä[ì]+han[a](to strike wound). Päëini has ä[ì]+muñ in his list instead of vi+ä[ì]+muñ[a](he also
doesn’t have anu+car in his list). The forms made with ëini are shown below in the nom sing.
anurodhé, äyämé, äyäsé, säïjväré, doñé, drohé, dohé, äkréòé, aticäré, apacäré, anucäré, vyämoñé, abhyäghäté.
“ämoñé” ity eke.
1529(SK 3122). parer divi-kñipa-raöa-vada-daha-muho ëiniù

ëini is applied in the 3 senses after the dhätus div[u], kñip[a], raö[a], vad[a], dah[a] and muh[a] provided
that they come after the upendra ‘pari’. Here amåta says that paridevin is made from ëy-anta div[u], but
this must be false as JG has listed divi, not devi, MW also does not give a causative meaning for pari+div.
SK says the dhätu is dev[å]. It seems that there is disagreement about what the dhätu is but all translate
the meaning of paridevin as ‘one who habit is to lament’ etc.. I think the simple understanding is that JG
has changed dev[å] in päëini to div[u] in his sütra,, and that the ëy-anta understanding of amåta is false.
Looking again it could be that divi here is meant to be devi as the dhätu pari+dev[å] is accepted in SK,
apte and prayukta-äkhyäta(paridevati).. so probably this should have been devi.. but divi could also be
possible as pari+div[u] also mean to lament. Anyway the forms thus made in the nom sing are paridevé,
parikñepé, pariräöé, parivädé, paridähé, parimohé
paridevé.
1530(SK 3123). veù kaña-lasa-kattha-sranbho ëiniù

ëini is applied in the 3 senses after the dhätus kañ[a], las[a](to shine), katth[a](to boast e.g praise
oneself) and sranbh[u] provided they come after the upendra ‘vi’. Some(bala says eke means gaëa-öékä(by
çré-räsa??)) say that with sranbh[u] the dhätu should actually begin with ‘ç’ e.g çranbhu. The forms made
with ëini in the nom sing are: vikäñé, viläsé, vikatthé, visrambhé
kaña hiàsäyäà vikäñé, viläsé.
1531(SK 3124). apa-vibhyäà laño ëiniù

ëini is applied in the 3 senses after the dhätu lañ[a]( provided it comes after the upendras ‘apa’ or ‘vi’.
apaläñin according to Apte means ‘thirsty’ or ‘free from thirst or desire’. Nobody has translated viläñin.
laña käntau—apaläñé.
1532(SK 3125). prät så-dru-lapa-mantha-vada-vaso ëiniù

ëini is applied in the 3 senses after the dhätus så, dru, lap[a], manth[a], vad[a] and vas[a]. The forms in
the nom sing are: prasäré, pradrävé, praläpé, pravädé, praväsé. The form of manth[a] will be given in the
next våtti.
prasäré.
1533. mantho na-lopaç ca

The dhätu manth[a] also undergoes deletion of it’s ‘n’. Thus pra+manth[a]+ëini makes the nom sing form
pramäthé. At this point amåta points out two extra sütras of päëini that JG has not included(for whatever
reason).. They are SK 3136&3137. The first is ‘prajor iniù’ i.e ini(no ‘ë’ thus no våñëéndra) is applied in
the 3 senses after the dhätu pra+ju ‘to hasten forward’(MW lists as pra+jü but I think this is not possible
otherwise päëini would have made his sütra as ‘prajuva iniù’ by dhätor éd-ütor iy-uvau..). Thus the forms
are prajavé, prajavinau etc..(govinda only). The other päëini sütra is “ji-då-kñi-viçréë-vamävyathäbhyama-
paribhü-prasübhyaç ca”. Meaning that the affix ini is also applied in the 3 senses after the dhätus ji, då[ì],
kñi, vi+çré, i[ë], vam[a], [n]a[ï]+vyath[a](to be free from pain/distress), abhi+am[a](means ‘to injure’),
pari+bhü and pra+sü[ï]. The forms thus made in the nom sing are: jayé daré kñayé viçrayé atyayé vamé
avyathé abhyamé paribhavé prasavé. Amåta says these form are also used in classical sanskrit
pramäthé.
1534 / s$ampa{caivaivacar"njas$aMs$a{jayaujatyajaBajaBanjaAe iGanauNA, /
1534. sampåca-vivica-ranja-saàsåja-yuja-tyaja-bhaja-bhanjo ghinuë

sampåca-vivica-ranja-saàsåja-yuja-tyaja-bhaja-bhanjaù—after the dhätus listed below; ghinuë—the kåt
pratyaya [gh]in[uë].
[Gh]in[uë] is applied after the following dhätus in kartari prayoga in the senses of doing that as a
habit, doing that as a duty, and doing that well.
sam + påc[é] samparke 2A to come into contact

vi + vic[ir] påthag-bhäve 7U to separate, discriminate
ranj[a] räge 1U to be colored, delighted, to love, be
attached
ranj[a] räge 4U to be colored, delighted, to love, be
attached
sam + såj[a] visarge 6P to unite
yuj[a] samädhau 4A to fix the mind in meditation
yuj[ir] yoge 7U to join, use
tyaj[a] hänau 1P to abandon
bhaj[a] seväyäm 1U to serve, worship, divide, experience
bhanj[o] ämardane 7P to break, interrupt, disappoint
samparké, viveké. ranjer nasya haraù—rägé.
Våtti—Ø sam + påc → (1534) sam + påc + [gh]in[uë] → (440, 443) sam + parc + [gh]in[uë] → (1362)
sam + parkin → (113, 114) samparkin → (148) samparkin + s[u] → (266) samparkén + s[u] → (202)
samparkén → (260) samparké (“one who is connected / mixed”) <1.1>.
Ø vi + vic → (1534) vi + vic + [gh]in[uë] → (440, 443) vi + vec + [gh]in[uë] → (1362) vivekin →
(148) vivekin + s[u] → (266) vivekén + s[u] → (202) vivekén → (260) viveké (“one who discriminates”)
<1.1>.
Ranjer nasya haraù asi ake ane ghinuëi ca (1414) is applied and we get rägé.
Ø ranj → (1534) ranj + [gh]in[uë] → (ranj is aniö by verse 3, 1414) raj + [gh]in[uë] → (470) räj +
[gh]in[uë] → (1362) rägin → (148) rägin + s[u] → (266) rägén + s[u] → (202) rägén → (260) rägé (“one
who is colored / loving / attached”) <1.1>.
Saàçodhiné—Similarly we get saàsargé (“one who unites”), yogé (“one whose fixes his mind in
meditation / one who is connected”), tyägé (“one who abandons, a renunciate”), and bhägé (“one who
serves / shares”). In the printed editions of Hari-nämämåta, the word ghinuë in this sütra in listed as
ghiëun. But this is a mistake, because by looking at çam ity añöäbhyo ghinuë (Añöädhyäyé 3.2.141) we see
that ghinuë is the correct spelling. Indeed, if the spelling were ghiëun, the final n would be an indicatory
letter by antya-viñëujanaç ca (våtti 152) and we wouldn’t be able to apply in han püñan aryaman ity eñäm
uddhavasya trivikramaù su-çyor eva (266) since the words would end in ië. The correct reading ghinuë can
be found in manuscript 6766 (Serial No: 6139, Accession No: 6766) in the Vrindavan Research Institute.
1535 / BanjaenaRlaAepaê /
1535. bhanjer na-lopaç ca

gopala dasa 29/11/06 13:53
Comment [90]: add this directly onto the end
bhanjeù—of the dhätu bhanj[o] ämardane (7P, “to break, interrupt, disappoint”); na-lopaù—deletion of of the previous sütra in my book
the na-räma; ca—also.
And bhanj[o] also undergoes deletion of its na-räma.

bhägé.
Våtti—Ø bhanj → (1535) bhanj + [gh]in[uë] → (bhanj is aniö by verse 3, 1535) bhaj + [gh]in[uë] →
(470) bhäj + [gh]in[uë] → (1362) bhägin → (148) bhägin + s[u] → (266) bhägén + s[u] → (202) bhägén →
(260) bhägé (“one who breaks”) <1.1>.
Amåta—This rule ordains the deletion of na-räma where it would have otherwise been unobtained since
[gh]in[uë] isn’t a kaàsäri-pratyaya (see sütra 454). Due to the word ca, the dhätu bhanj[o] also takes
[gh]in[uë] as described in the previous sütra.
1536(SK 3126). nindi-hiàsa-kliça-khädi-vinäçi-vyäbhäñäsüyebhyo ëakaù

The affix [ë]aka is applied in the 3 senses after the dhätus nid[i], his[i], kliç[ü] and kliç[a](both are
taken by the mention of kliça in this sütra), khäd[å], vinäçi(ëy-anta-dhätu of vi+ëaç[a]), vi+ä[ì]+bhäñ[a],
äsüya(näma-dhätu by kaëòvädi-yak). The forms thus made are: nindaka, hiàsaka, kleçaka, khädaka,
vinäçaka, vyäbhäñaka and asüyaka. The käläpa grammarians say that [ë]aka is also applied after dhätus
that have more than sarveçvara.. Thus they make forms like daridräyaka etc..(the dhätu daridrä, äto yuk
etc..)
aneka-sarveçvaräc ca käläpänäm.
1537(some list as våtti, some as 334a, some as two sütras, the info comes from SK 3126,27). pareù kñipa-
raöa-vadibhyaù
1538. upendrän divi-kruçäbhyäm

The affix ëaka is applied in the 3 senses after the dhätus kñip[a], raö[a] and vad[a] provided they come
after the upendra ‘pari’. ëaka is also applied in the 3 senses after the dhätus div[u] and kruç[a] provided
they come after an upendra(div[u] means ëy-anta div[u], i.e namely 10th class div[u] pariküjane or
possibly 10th class div[u] ardane, but pariküjane seems to me to be the one as pariküjana fits the meaning
of pari+div[u], MW is also in full agreement with this and SK gives the dhätu devi(ëy-anta of div[u], but
we understand ëy-anta by 10th class) That bala suggest dev[å] as a possibility is not in keeping with
anybody, furthermore pari+dev[å] is not listed in the dictionary.)
In this sütra I changed vädibhyaù to vadibhyaù even though vädibhyaù is found in all the editions and is
backed up by the mention of parivädi in the SK sütra. These are my reasons: amåta twice lists vad instead
of vädi.. also pari+vad itself means to ‘accuse/complain’(which is the meaning of our final product
parivädaka ‘an accuser, complainer,plaintiff) and no causative meaning is given in the dictionary.. This is
also backed up by prayuktäkhyäta-maïjaré which lists parivadati in the same meaning and also has no
causative form.. I am quite sure therefore that vadibhyaù is technically more correct, but I should double
check in another edition of amåta if I want to really justify it.
The forms thus made are parikñepaka(surrounding) pariräöaka(crying/screaming)

parivädaka(accusing/complaining), paridevaka(lamenting) and äkroçaka(abusing). SK also gives the form
ädevaka(playing,, made from the normal div[u](4P) it seems) and parikroçaka(abusing). amåta points out
as does SK that the ordaining of ëaka again here when it was achieved by the previous sütra ‘ëaka-tålau’
should not be called piñöa-peñana(grinding what has already been ground.. e.g labouring uselessly). The
intention of this viçeña(of the utsarga ëaka-tålau) is that only the dhätus mentioned under the adhikära
‘täcchéla etc..’ take ëaka in the meaning ‘täcchéla etc..’, not that any generic dhätu can take ëaka here.
Therefore according to çabdenduçekhara there is no application of vä ’sarüpa-vidhi. Thus tål cannot be
applied by vä ’sarüpa-vidhi
nindakaù. kliça—kleçakaù.
1539 / calanazAbd"ATaARd"k(maRk(Ad"na: /
1539. calana-çabdärthäd akarmakäd anaù

calana-çabda-arthät—which has the meaning of calana (“motion”) or çabda (“sound”); akarmakät—after
an akarmaka dhätu; anaù—the kåt pratyaya ana.
Ana is applied after akarmaka dhätus which have the meaning of calana or çabda in kartari prayoga in
the senses of doing that as a habit, doing that as a duty, and doing that well.
calanaù, kampanaù, çabdanaù, ravaëaù.
Våtti—Ø cal → (1539) cal + ana → (440) calana → (148) calana + s[u] → (155) calanaù (“one who
moves”) <1.1>.
Ø kap[i] → (456, 230, 114) kamp → (1539) kamp + ana → (440) kampana → (148) kampana +
s[u] → (155) kampanaù (“one who shakes”) <1.1>.
Ø çabd → (1539) çabd + ana → (440) çabdana → (148) çabdana + s[u] → (155) çabdanaù (“one
who makes a sound”) <1.1>.
Ø ru → (1539) ru + ana → (440, 394) ro + ana → (65) ravana → (173) ravaëa → (148) ravaëa +
s[u] → (155) ravaëaù (“one who crys”) <1.1>.
1540 / @is$a ois$a @nae ca caiºax~: KyaAHnaeita vaAcyama, /
1540. asi usi ane ca cakñiìaù khyäï neti väcyam
asi—when as[i] follows; usi—when us[i] follows (see sütra 1580); ane—when ana follows; ca—and;
cakñiìaù—of the dhätu cakñ[iì] vyaktäyäm väci (2A, “to speak, say, tell”); khyäï—the replacement
khyä[ï] (see sütra 688); na—not; iti—thus; väcyam—it should be stated.
Cakñ[iì] isn’t replaced by khyä[ï] when as[i], us[i], or ana follows.
vicakñaëo vidvän ity arthaù, karmänapekñaëät. akarmakät kim? paöhitä gétäm.
Våtti—Thus, since there is no desire to express a karma, we get vicakñaëaù which means vidvän (“one
who knows, a clever / wise person”).
Ø vi + cakñ → (1539) vi + cakñ + ana → (440, 1540) vicakñana → (173) vicakñaëa → (148)
vicakñaëa + s[u] → (155) vicakñaëaù (“one who knows, a clever / wise person”) <1.1>.
Why do we say akarmakät? Consider paöhitä gétäm (“One who recites Bhagavad-gétä”).
Ø paöh → (1520) paöh + tå[n] → (424) paöhitå → (148) paöhitå + s[u] → (188) paöhitå + ä[c] →
(185) paöhitä (“one who does, a doer”) <1.1>.
Bäla—Ana is applied in vicakñaëaù because the dhätu cakñ[iì] has the meaning of çabda.
Amåta—This sütra prohibits the change to khyä[ï] where it would have otherwise been applicable when
as[i], us[i], and ana follow since these pratyayas are räma-dhätukas. Nå-cakñäù was already given as an
example of when the pratyaya as[i] follows (see våtti 1494), and cakñuù will be made by cakñ-äder usiù
(1580). The example of when ana follows is vicakñaëaù. Someone may argue, “Since the dhätu cakñ[iì]
has the meaning of kathana (“narrating”), how can it be used as an example of an akarmaka dhätu?” In
answer to this, Jéva Gosvämé says karmänapekñaëät which means karmaëaù avivakñaëät (“since there is
no desire to express a karma”). Things should be understood in the same way for other dhätus that have
the meaning of çabda also.
1541 / ivaSNAujanaAâAtmapaid"naêAna: /
1541. viñëujanädy-ätmapadinaç cänaù
viñëujana-ädi-ätmapadinaù—after an ätmapadé dhätu which begins in a viñëujana; ca—also; anaù—ana.
Ana is also applied after ätmapadé dhätus which begin in a viñëujana in kartari prayoga in the senses of
doing that as a habit, doing that as a duty, and doing that well.
vartanaù. akarmakäd ity eva. vasitä pétämbaram.
Våtti—Ø våt → (1541) våt + ana → (440, 443) vartana → (148) vartana + s[u] → (155) vartanaù (“one
who exists”) <1.1>.
But only if the ätmapadé dhätu that begins in a viñëujana is akarmaka. Thus we get vasitä pétämbaram
(“one who wears yellow cloth”).
Ø vas → (1520) vas + tå[n] → (424) vasitå → (148) vasitå + s[u] → (188) vasitå + ä[c] → (185)
vasitä (“one who wears”) <1.1>.
Amåta—Vasitä is made from the dhätu vas[a] äcchädane (2A, “to cover, dress”). Because this dhätu is sa-
karmaka, it cannot take ana. The word ca is used in the sense of anukta-samuccaya (“conjunction with
something that was not stated”). Thus we also get jugupsanaù (“one who hates”) mémäàsanaù (“one who
investigates”), bhéñaëaù (“one who terrifies”), and so on.
1542(SK 3130). ju-caìkramya-dandramya-så-gådhi-jvala-çuca-laña-pata-padaç cänaù

The affix ana is also applied after the dhätus ju(a sautra-dhätu which means gatau vege ca(SK) i.e to go or
to be quick), caìkramya(yaì-anta of kram[u]), dandramya(yaì-anta of dram[a]), så, gådh[u], jval[a],
çuc[a], lañ[a], pat[ÿ] and pad[a](that the GM edition lists våñ in this sütra is a mistake as none of the
comms acknowledge it and it is not in the SK sütra.. probably they mixed up våñ from 342 as it is only 3
sütras away). amåta and SK both comment that the mention of ju, caìkramya, dandramya, så, pat[ÿ] and
pad[a] in this sütra is for the sake of applying ‘ana’ to these dhätus when they are sa-karmaka, otherwise
ana was already achieved because these dhätus have the meaning of calana(see 336). The forms thus
made are javana, caìkramaëa, dandramaëa, saraëa, gardhana, jvalana, çocana, lañaëa, patana, padana. In
caìkramaëa and dandramaëa there is viñëujanät sä-räma-yasya haro räma-dhätuke
javanaù, caìkramaëaù.
1543 / ‚(AeDaBaUSaATaeRByaêAna: /
1543. krodha-bhüñärthebhyaç cänaù
krodha-bhüñä-arthebhyaù—after dhätus which have the meaning of krodha (“anger”) or bhüñä

(“decoration”); ca—also; anaù—ana.
Ana is also applied after dhätus which have the meaning of krodha or bhüñä in kartari prayoga in the
senses of doing that as a habit, doing that as a duty, and doing that well.
krodhanaù, kopanaù, bhüñaëaù, maëòanaù.

Våtti—Ø krudh → (1543) krudh + ana → (440, 443) krodhana → (148) krodhana + s[u] → (155)
krodhanaù (“one who is angry”) <1.1>.
Ø kup → (1543) kup + ana → (440, 443) kopana → (148) kopana + s[u] → (155) kopanaù (“one
who is angry”) <1.1>.
Ø bhüñ → (1543) bhüñ + ana → (440, 173) bhüñaëa → (148) bhüñaëa + s[u] → (155) bhüñaëaù
(“one who decorates”) <1.1>.
Ø maò[i] → (456, 230, 114) maëò → (1543) maëò + ana → (440) maëòaëa → (148) maëòaëa +
s[u] → (155) maëòaëaù (“one who decorates”) <1.1>.
1544(SK 3132,33). ya-räma-süda-dépa-dékñebhyo nänaù

The affix ‘ana’ is not applied after ‘y’(e.g after dhätus that end in ‘y’), and after the dhätus ñüd[a](1A
only), dép[é], and dékñ[a]. This sütra is a pratiñedha-sütra(a forbidding sütra). E.g the dhätus in the
example below are ä+[o]pyäy[é], kñmäy[é] and ñüd[a]. They all would normally take ana by 338 but this
sütra checks that. tån is applied instead.. Well then how do we get the forms madhu-südana, ripu-südana
etc..?? by nandy-äder ana
äpyäyitä, kñmäyitä, süditä.
1545(SK 3134). laña-hana-pata-pada-sthä-bhü-våña-kama-gama-çèbhya ukaë

The affix uka[ë] is applied in the 3 senses after the dhätus lañ[a], han[a], pat[ÿ], ñöhä, bhü, våñ[u],
kam[u], gam[ÿ] and çè. The forms thus made are läñuka(uddhävä-rämasya våñëéndro nåsimhe), ghätuka,
pätuka, päduka, sthäyuka, bhävuka, varñuka,(the rest of the forms are in examples:) gopénäà kämukaù
kåñëaù ‘kåñëa loves the gopés’(here the karma is ñañöùé by “ukasyäpi yoge karmaëi na ñañöhé kamià
vinä”), vrajaà gämukaù ‘Hari goes to vraja’, daityaà çäruko hariù ‘Hari destroys the demon’. Examples
with upendras are also seen e.g amåta gives: apaläñukaù(same meanings as apaläñin in 329 according to
apte(look under apaläñin)) asädhu-saìgaù, pravarñuka payodharaù, äghätuka khaòga
läñukaù, ghätukaù.
1546(SK 3135). jalpa-bhikña-kuööa-luëöha-våìa äkaö

The affix äka[ö] is applied in the 3 senses after the dhätus jalp[a], bhikñ[a], kuöö[a](10P, chedane... both
amåta and bala wrongly list this as a sautra dhätu when it is right there in JG’s DP, SK also uses the dhätu
in this meaning and doesn’t refer to it as a sautra dhätu), luëöh[a](10P, steye.. amåta gives the wrong
dhätu here(e.g not in JG’s DP and wrong meaning anyway) bala spells it wrong as luöh[a] steye)) and
vå[ì]. The ‘ö’ in äkaö makes for ép in the feminine forms. Pänini calls äka[ö] by the name [ñ]äka[n]. The
forms thus made are: jalpäka ‘talkative’, bhikñäka ‘beggar’ , kuööäka ‘cutter’ , luëöhäka ‘robber’, varäka
‘low/miserable’. Female froms are bhikñäké, varäké etc..
“ñäkan” päëiniù (3.2.155). jalpäkaù.
1547 / s$pa{ih"gA{ih"paitak{(ipad"iyaina‰"Atan‰"A™aÜ"AzAIBya @Alau: /
1547. spåhi-gåhi-pati-kåpi-dayi-nidrä-tandrä-çraddhä-çébhya äluù
spåhi-gåhi-pati-kåpi-dayi-nidrä-tandrä-çraddhä-çébhyaù—after the dhätus listed below; äluù—the kåt

pratyaya älu.
Älu is applied after the following dhätus in kartari prayoga in the senses of doing that as a habit, doing
that as a duty, and doing that well.
spåha épsäyäm 10P to desire

gåha grahaëe 10A to take, accept
pata gatau 10P to fall, fly
krap[a] kåpäyäà gatau ca1 1A to be merciful; to go, move
day[a] rakñaëe däna-gati-hiàsädäneñu 1A to protect; to give; to go, move; to
ca destroy; to accept
ni + drä kutsäyäà gatau 2P to sleep
tat + drä kutsäyäà gatau 2P to be lazy
çrad + [òu]dhä[ï] dhäraëa-poñaëayoù 3U to be faithful
çé[ì] svapne 2A to sleep, lie down
spåhayäluù. gåha grahaëe—gåhayäluù. patayäluù. ete trayaç cur-ädäv a-rämäntäù. kåpäluù, dayäluù. ni-
pürvo drä—nidräluù. tat-pürvo drä, na-käro nipätät—tandräluù. çrat-pürvo dhä—çraddhäluù.
Våtti—Ø spåha → (781) spåha + [ë]i → (511) spåh + [ë]i → (551) spåhi → (1547) spåhi + älu → (440,
593, 394) spåhe + älu → (63) spåhayälu → (148) spåhayälu + s[u] → (155) spåhayäluù (“one who
desires”) <1.1>.
From gåha grahaëe (10A, “to take, accept”) we get gåhayäluù.
Ø gåha → (781) gåha + [ë]i → (511) gåh + [ë]i → (551) gåhi → (1547) gåhi + älu → (440, 593,
394) gåhe + älu → (63) gåhayälu → (148) gåhayälu + s[u] → (155) gåhayäluù (“one who takes”) <1.1>.
Ø pata → (781) pata + [ë]i → (511) pat + [ë]i → (551) pati → (1547) pati + älu → (440, 593,
394) pate + älu → (63) patayälu → (148) patayälu + s[u] → (155) patayäluù (“one who falls”) <1.1>.
These three dhätus (spåha, gåha, and pata) are cur-ädi-dhätus that end in a-räma.
Ø krap → (1547) krap + älu → (440, krapeù saàprasäraëaà ca) kåpälu → (148) kåpälu + s[u] →
(155) kåpäluù (“one who is merciful”) <1.1>.
Ø day → (1547) day + älu → (440) dayälu → (148) dayälu + s[u] → (155) dayäluù (“one who is
merciful”) <1.1>.
From ni + drä kutsäyäà gatau we get nidräluù.
Ø ni + drä → (1547) ni + drä + älu → (drä is aniö by verse 1, 46) nidrälu → (148) nidrälu + s[u] →
(155) nidräluù (“one who sleeps”) <1.1>.
From tat + drä kutsäyäà gatau we get tandräluù <1.1> by doing an irregular change to n.
Ø tat + drä → (1547) tat + drä + älu → (drä is aniö by verse 1, irregular change to n, 46) tandrälu
→ (148) tandrälu + s[u] → (155) tandräluù (“one who is lazy”) <1.1>.
From çrad + [òu]dhä[ï] dhäraëa-poñaëayoù we get çraddhäluù.
1
This dhätu is not listed in Jéva Gosvämé’s Dhätu-päöha, but it is listed in the Päëinian Dhätu-päöha. Although kåpi is mentioned
in this sütra, it is not mentioned in the equivalent Päëinian sütra spåhi-gåhi-pati-dayi-nidrä-tandrä-çraddhäbhya äluc
(Añöädhyäyé 3.2.158) and Jéva Gosvämé and Amåta don’t explain the derivation of kåpäluù <1.1>. Bäla, however, says that
kåpäluù <1.1> is made from kåp[ü] sämarthye (1A, “to be able, fit for”) and that the change to ÿ by kåper å ÿ (610) is blocked by
kåpädau ÿtvaà neñyate (1661) and that govinda is blocked since kåp[ü] is a kuö-ädi (see sütra 748). The problem with this is that
kåp[ü] is not actually a kuö-ädi and if kåpädau ÿtvaà neñyate (1661) were needed here it should have been given right now and
not later. A better explanation is that kåpäluù <1.1> is derived from the dhätu krap[a] kåpäyäà gatau ca (1A, “to be merciful; to
go, move”), a dhätu which actually means “to be merciful” rather than “to be able.” Kåpäluù <1.1> can be derived from this
dhätu by doing saìkarñaëa as is done in the formation of the word kåpä (“mercy”). For example, while commenting on ñid-
bhidäbhyo ’ì (Añöädhyäyé 3.3.104), Siddhänta-kaumudé says krapeù saàprasäraëaà ca, kåpä (“Krap[a] undergoes saàprasäraëa
(saìkarñaëa) and we get the word kåpä”).
Ø çrad + dhä → (1547) çrad + dhä + älu → (dhä is aniö by verse 1, 46) çraddhälu → (148)
çraddhälu + s[u] → (155) çraddhäluù (“one who is faithful”) <1.1>.
Amåta—From çé[ì] svapne (2A, “to sleep, lie down”) we get çayäluù (“one who sleeps”).
1548(SK 3140). så-ghasy-adibhyaù kmaraù

The affix [k]mara is applied in the 3 senses after the dhätus så, ghas[ÿ] and ad[a]. The forms thus made
are såmara(going.. also means a kind of deer), ghasmara(gluttinous/voracious) and
admara(gluttinous/voracious)
såmaraù.
1549(SK 3141). bhanj-bhäsa-midibhyo ghuraù, bhanjeù karma-kartari ca

The affix [gh]ura is applied in the 3 senses after the dhätus bhanj[o], bhäs[å], and [ïi]mid[ä]. [gh]ura is
also applied in the 3 senses after the dhätus bhanj[o] in karma-kartari-väcya. The forms thus made are
bhaìgura(first there is ta-vargasya ca-vargaç.. then ca-joù ka-gau.. then ca-vargasya ka-varga), bhäsura
and medura. JG examples mean ‘one whose habit is to break the pride of cupid’ etc.., The second
examples shows [gh]ura in karma-kartari-prayoga. E.g ‘the wood which naturally breaks of itself’ etc..
anaìga-mäna-bhaìguram. tathä—bhaìguraà käñöham.
1550(SK 3142). vetti-bhidi-chidibhyaù kuraù

The affix [k]ura is applied in the 3 senses after the dhätus vid[a], bhid[ir] and chid[ir]. vidura is the form
made from vid, the forms from bhid and chid are in the next sütra
viduraù.
1551(SK 3142). bhidi-chidibhyäà karma-kartari ca

The affix [k]ura is also applied in the 3 senses after the dhätus bhid[ir] and chid[ir] in karma-kartari-
prayoga. First JG gives kartari-prayoga examples e.g ‘jïäna whose natural tendency is to destroy the
darkness of ignorance’etc.., ‘The lion whose tendency is to destroy the pride of the king of the
elephants’etc... Next JG gives karma-kartari-prayoga examples: e.g ‘The wood whose tendency is to split
itself’etc.., ‘The rope whose tendency is to split itself’
doñändhakära-bhiduraà jïänam. karéndra-darpa-cchiduro mågendraù. tathä-bhiduraà käñöham. chidurä
rajjuù.
1552(SK 3143). iëa-naça-ji-sartibhyaù kvarap

The affix [k]vara[p] is applied in the 3 senses after the dhätus i[ë], ëaç[a], ji and så. The forms thus made
are itvara, naçvara, jitvara, såtvara. Here there is vämanät tuk påthau and there is no iò in näçvara by neò
van-ti-trädau.. while the other dhätus are aniö.. JG then says that ép is applied in the feminine due to the
gaurädi-hood(an akåti-gaëa mentioned in taddhita prakaraëam) of [k]vara[p]. The comms say that ép is
ordained by the sütra ‘nåsiàha-na-snäbhyäà kvarapaç ca’. Thus the feminine forms are itvaré, naçvaré
etc..
itvaraù. kvarapo gauräditväl lakñmyäm ép (7.207) itvaré, naçvaré.
1553(SK 3156). yaì-antäd api kvacit

sometimes kvarap is also applied in the 3 senses after a yaì-anta-dhätu.. E.g JG shows the example
yäyävara ‘a vagrant mendicant lit. one who wanders frequently’ made from yäyäya(yaì-anta of
yä)+kvarap. here there is a-räma-haro räma-dhätuke and ya-vayor haro bale.(no possibility of viñëujanäd
sä-räma-yasya as yaì doesn’t come after a viñëujana here)
“ya-vayor haro bale” (3.503) iti yasya haraù—yäyävaraù.
1554(SK 3144). gatvaraù sädhuù

The irregular form gatvara is valid. E.g kvarap is applied in the 3 senses after the dhätu gam.. and the
irregularity is the hariveëu-hara where there is no vaiñëavädi-kaàsäri.. after that there is vämanät tuk
påthau
1555(SK 3145). jägarter ükaù
The affix üka is applied in the 3 senses?? after the dhätu jägå.(here I wonder if 3 senses is correct, because
both comms and SK say jagaraëa-çila and SK leaves out the &c... in ‘the agent having such a habit’ but
this would thwart the adhikära// .. I just noticed that SK 3149 in a similar situation includes &c.. so
better keep 3 senses). The form thus made is jägarüka
jägarükaù.
1556(SK 3146). yaja-japa-dança-vadibhyo yaì-antebhyaù ükaù

The affix üka is applied in the 3 senses after the yaì-anta forms of the dhätus yaj[a], jap[a], danç[a] and
vad[a]. E.g after the dhätus yäyajya ‘to sacrifice frequently’ , jaïjapya ‘to chant frequently’ , dandaçya ‘to
bite frequently’ and vävadya ‘to talk frequently’ üka is applied. The forms thus made are yäyajükaù,
jaïjapükaù, dandaçükaù, vävadükaù
“viñëujanät säräma-yasya haro rämadhätuke” (3.480)—yäyajükaù, jaïjapükaù, dandaçükaù, vävadükaù.
1557 / naimak(impaismak(imaihM"is$ad"IpaAid"ByaAe r": /
1557. nami-kampi-smi-kami-hiàsi-dépädibhyo raù
nami-kampi-smi-kami-hiàsi-dépädibhyaù—after the dhätus ëam[a] prahvatve çabde ca (1P, “to bend, bow
down; to sound”), kap[i] calane (1A, “to tremble, shake”), smi[ì] éñad-dhasane (1A, “to smile, laugh”),
kam[u] käntau (1A, “to desire”), his[i] hiàsäyäm (7P, “to hurt, kill”), dép[é] déptau (4A, “to shine, blaze”),
and so on; raù—the kåt pratyaya ra.
Ra is applied after ëam[a], kap[i], smi[ì], kam[u], his[i], and dép[é] in kartari prayoga in the senses of
doing that as a habit, doing that as a duty, and doing that well.
namraù.
Våtti—Ø ëam → (478) nam → (1557) nam + ra → (nam is aniö by verse 6) namra → (148) namra + s[u]
→ (155) namraù (“one who is bent / humble”) <1.1>.
Amåta—I[ö] is not applied due to the prohibition neò van-ti-trädau (1484). Other examples are kamprä
çäkhä (“the branch which is shaking”), smeraà vadanam (“the face which is smiling”), kamrä gopé (“the
gopé who is desirous”), hiàsraà rakñaù (“the räkñaña who kills”), dépraù kaustubhaù (“the Kaustubha
jewel which shines”). Indraù (“Indra”), candraù (“the moon”), mandraù (“a low tone”), vajraù (“a
thunderbolt”), gådhraù (“a vulture”), suraù (“a demigod”), süraù (“the sun”), néram (“water”), and so on1
are not covered by the word ädi since they are proper names.
Saàçodhiné—Neither the equivalent Päëinian sütra nami-kampi-smy-ajasa-kama-hiàsa-dépo raù

(Añöädhyäyé 3.2.167) nor the equivalent Mugdha-bodha sütra hiàsa-dépa-kampäjasa-smiì-kama-namo raù
(Mugdha-bodha-vyäkaraëa 1122) has the word ädi, and the Kåñëadäsa edition of Hari-nämämåta-
vyäkaraëa lists the current sütra as nami-kampi-smi-kami-hiàsi-dépebhyo raù. But Amåta does recognize
the existence of the word ädi in the current sütra and explains what it doesn’t refer to. The question then
is what does it refer to? It would seem that the word ädi refers to the dhätu jas[u] mokñaëe (6P, “to
liberate”) which is preceded by the negative particle na[ï] because this is the only extra item mentioned
in the equivalent Päëinian sütra nami-kampi-smy-ajasa-kama-hiàsa-dépo raù (Añöädhyäyé 3.2.167).
According to Siddhänta-kaumudé, the dhätu jas[a], when preceded by na[ï], is used in the sense of kriyä-
sätatya (“continuity of the action”) and ajasram (na[ï] + jas[a] + ra) is a kriyä-viçeñaëa which means
satatam (“constantly, perpetually”). An example of this is found in Bhagavad-gétä 16.19:
1
The dhätus here are id[i] paramaiçvarye (1P, “to be most powerful”), cad[i] ählädane déptau ca (1P, “to be glad; to shine”),
mad[i] stuti-moda-mada-svapna-känti-gatiñu (1P, “to praise; to be delighted / cause to be delighted; to be mad; to sleep; to
shine; to go, move”), vaj[a] gatau (1P, “to go, move”), gådh[u] abhikäìkñäyäm (4P, “to covet, be greedy for”), ñu[ï] abhiñave
(5U, “to extract, distil; to do ablutions”), and ñü preraëe (6P, “to impel”) respectively.
tän ahaà dviñataù krürän
saàsäreñu narädhamän
kñipämy ajasram açubhän
äsuréñv eva yoniñu
“Those who are envious and mischievous, who are the lowest among men, I perpetually cast into the
ocean of material existence, into various demoniac species of life.”
1558 / s$anantaAzAMs$aiBaiºaBya o: /
1558. san-antäçaàsa-bhikñibhya uù
san-anta—after a san-anta-dhätu; äçaàsa-bhikñibhyaù—and after the dhätus ä[ì] + ças[i] icchäyäm (1A, “to
hope, desire”)1 and bhikñ[a] yäcïäyäm (1A, “to beg”); uù—the kåt pratyaya u.
U is applied after ä + ças[i], bhikñ[a], and san-anta-dhätus in kartari prayoga in the senses of doing that
as a habit, doing that as a duty, and doing that well.
hari-bhaktià cikérñuù.
Våtti—For example, hari-bhaktià cikérñuù (“One who desires to perform devotional service”).
Ø kå → (807) kå + sa[n] → (811) kè + sa[n] → (580, 399, 572) kir + sa[n] → (262) kér + sa[n] →
(432, 433) ké + kér + sa[n] → (457) cé + kér + sa[n] → (491) ci + kér + sa[n] → (170) cikérña → (365,
1558) cikérña + u → (440, 511) cikérñu → (148) cikérñu + s[u] → (155) cikérñuù (“one who desires to do”)
<1.1>.
Amåta—Regarding hari-bhaktim <2.1>, since the karma was forbidden to take a ñañöhé viñëubhakti by
acyutäbha-viñëuniñöhädhokñajäbha-khal-arthävyayo-rämänta-tèëäà yoge na ñañöhé (960), it takes a dvitéyä
viñëubhakti instead by karmaëi dvitéyä (937). Similarly, we get hari-bhaktim äçaàsuù (“one who desires
devotional service”) and hari-prema bhikñuù (“one who begs for love of Hari”).
1559(SK 3149). vindur icchuç ca sädhü

The irregular forms vindu and icchu are valid. E.g the affix ‘u’ is applied in the 3 senses after the dhätus
vid[a] and iñ[u], the irregularity being that in vindu num is added and in icchu the ‘ñ’ of iñ[u] is changed
to ‘ch’(then there is dviù sarveçvara-mäträc ca as usual). Thus vindu = ‘one who habit is to know’ etc.. (JG
gives the gloss jïätä(nom sing of jïätå)
vedana-çélo vinduù, jïätety-ädi.
1560(SK 3151vart). dhäï-kå-så-jani-gami-namibhyaù kiù

The affix ki(one of the adhokñajäbhas previously mentioned) is applied in the 3 senses after the dhätus
[òu]dhä[ï], [òu]kå[ï], så, jan[é], gam[ÿ] and ëam[a]. Because of being an adhokñajäbha the affix ki
causes dvir-vacana etc.. The forms thus made are: dadhiù, cakriù, sasriù, jajïiù, jagmiù, nemiù. In dadhi
there is ä-räma-haraù kaàsäri-sarveçvara.. in jajïi and jagmi there is gama-hana-jana and in nemi there is
ädeça-héna-narädy-akñarasya.. The affix ki was not described in the earlier section dealing with the
adhokñajäbhas(kådanta prakaraëam 19-23) due to it’s being used in the 3 senses, thus it is being
described now under the current adhikära.It is very clear from the våtti and comm of “parokñätéte kvasu-
ki-känäù’(in käraka-prakaraëam) that ‘ki’ is used to denote a past action which was not witnessed by the
1
In this regard Käçikä, commenting on the equivalent Päëinian sütra san-äçaàsa-bhikña uù (Añöädhyäyé 3.2.168), says äìaù çasi
icchäyäm ity asya grahaëaà, na çaàseù stuty-arthasya (“Only ä[ì] + ças[i] icchäyäm is accepted here, and not the dhätu çans[u]
which has the meaning of stuti”).
speaker. The example in that våtti is kåñëaù kréòäà cakriù e.g by the 3 senses either ‘kåñëa who
performed pastimes as his natural tendency’, ‘kåñëa, who performed pastimes as a duty/function’, kåñëa,
who performed pastimes excellently’. Of course some of these meanings may not fit the context of this
example, but the potential for all 3 meanings is there because of ki being ordained under this adhikära.
Check out the link between this and the future ghaëë-al-athu-kayaù puàsi
adhokñajäbhatväd dvir-vacanädi—dadhiù, cakriù, sasriù, jajïiù, jagmiù, nemiù.
1561((SK 3151vart). säsahi-mukhä yaì-antä kau sädhavaù

The irregular forms säsahi etc.., which are yaì-anta-dhätus followed by ‘ki’ , are valid. E.g the affix ki is
applied in the 3 senses after the yaì-anta-dhätus säsahya(made from sah[a]), cäcalya(made from cal[a])
vävahya(made from vah[a]) and päpatya(made from pat[ÿ]). The forms thus mad are shown in the våtti. In all
cases there is viñëujanäd sä-räma-yasya..
säsahiù, cäcaliù, vävahiù, päpatiù.
1562(SK 3152+ vart). svapi-tåñi-dhåñibhyo najiì

The affix naj[iì] is applied in the 3 senses after the dhätus [ëi]ñvap[a], [ëi]tåñ[ä] and [ïi]dhåñ[ä]. The
forms thus made are svapnak, tåñëak and dhåñëak.. there is no iö by neò-van-ti-trädau
i-ìäv itau. svapnak.
1563(SK 3153). çè-vandibhyäm äruù

The affix äru is applied in the 3 senses after the dhätus çè and vad[i].. The forms thus made are çaräru
and vandäru
çaräruù.
1564(SK 3154+vart). bhéru-bhéruka-bhélukäù sädhavaù

The irregular forms bhéru, bhéruka and bhéluka are valid.. E.g the affixes ru, ruka or luka are applied in
the 3 senses after the dhätu [ïi]bhé.. The irregularity in all cases is the absence of govinda. They are all
translatable as ‘timid’ etc..(e.g one whose inclination is to fear etc..) Here again SK has no ‘&c’ and amåta
says çéla.
1565 / sTaAwRzABaAs$aipas$ak(is$aByaAe var": /
1565. sthä-éça-bhäsa-pisa-kasibhyo varaù
sthä-éça-bhäsa-pisa-kasibhyaù—after the dhätus ñöhä gati-nivåttau (1P, to stand, remain”), éç[a] aiçvarye
(2A, “to be master of, to be able”), bhäs[å] déptau (1A, “to shine”), pis[å] gatau (1P, “to go, move”), and
kas[a] gatau (1P, “to go, move”); varaù—the kåt pratyaya vara.
Vara is applied after ñöhä, éç[a], bhäs[å], pis[å], and kas[a] in kartari prayoga in the senses of doing that
as a habit, doing that as a duty, and doing that well.
sthävaraù, éçvaraù. piså kasa gatau—pesvaraù, vikasvaraù.
Våtti—Ø ñöhä → (458) sthä → (1565) sthä + vara → (sthä is aniö by verse 1) sthävara → (148) sthävara +
s[u] → (155) sthävaraù (“one who stands still”) <1.1>.
Ø éç → (1565) éç + vara → (1484) éçvara → (148) éçvara + s[u] → (155) éçvaraù (“a master,
Lord”) <1.1>.
From the dhätus pis[å] gatau (1P, “to go, move”) and kas[a] gatau (1P, “to go, move”) we get pesvaraù
and vikasvaraù.
Ø pis → (1565) pis + vara → (1484, 443) pesvara → (148) pesvara + s[u] → (155) pesvaraù (“one
who goes”) <1.1>.
Ø vi + kas → (1565) vi + kas + vara → (1484) vikasvara → (148) vikasvara + s[u] → (155)
vikasvaraù (“one who opens / expands”) <1.1>.
1566(SK 3157). bhräjädibhyaù kvip

kvip is applied in the 3 senses after the bhräjädis .. The bhräjädis are [öu]bhräj[å], bhäj[a], bhäs[å], ürj[a],
dhurv[é], dyut[a], pè and ñü[ì]. The nom sing forms are shown in the våtti.. e.g vi+[öu]bhräj[å] by chasya
ço räj.. and ñañya òo etc.. becomes vibhräö, in dhüù (from dhurv[é]) there is first räc cha-vayor(not ya-
vayor haro bale as amåta claims.. räc cha-vayor is needed to block chasya ço vasya üöh) and then ir-ur-
anta-dhätor. In püù there is oñöhyoddhavasya and then ir-ur-anta-dhätor. Bala says here that the words
‘ity-ädayaù’ mean that other words ending in kvip are also to be known in accordance with the usage of
learned men.
vibhräö, bhräk, bhäù, ürk, dhüù, vidyut, püù, sür ity-ädayaù.
1567(SK 3158). anyebhyo ’pi

kvip is also applied in the 3 senses after other dhätus. Here gräva-stut(praising stones)= grävan+stu+kvip
by nämantasya nasya haro and vämanät tuk påthau. It means the particular priest in the soma sacrifice
who praises the stones used for crushing the soma(he praises them using the gräva-strotriyä hymn from
the åg-veda). JG also shows kvip being applied after the dhätur bhid[ir] and chid[ir]
gräva-stut, bhit, chit.
1568(SK 3158vart). pracchädénäà trivikramo, na ca saìkarñaëaù

The dhätus pracch etc.. take trivikrama when kvip follows and they don’t undergo saìkarñaëa(which
would usually take place due to kvip being kapila). präö in the våtti is pracch+kvip--> präcch by this
sütra, then for the nom sing: cha-ço räh, ñasya òo etc.. kaöa-prüù(a worm lit that which forms a web from
straw??) is from kaöa+pru+kvip. The form jüù is formed from the sautra dhätu ju(to move quickly) with
kvip thus jüù= ‘one whose habit is to move quickly’(i.e swift, to say it simply). bala-toñani out of
ignorance has changed JG’s original våtti to jvarati jåù which is crazy and doesn’t even fit the na ca
saìkarñaëa part of this sütra. çréh is the dhätu çri[ï] with kvip.. çré is used in the feminine thus the
mention of the nom sing and genitive plural in the våtti.
präö, kaöa-prüù. javati—jüù, çrayate—çréù striyäm.
1569 / iva‘as$amByaAe Bauva ocas$aMÁaAyaAma, /
1569. vi-pra-sambhyo bhuva uc asaàjïäyäm
vi-pra-sambhyaù—which comes after the upendras vi, pra, and sam; bhuvaù—after the dhätu bhü sattäyäm
(1P, “to be, become, exist”); uc—the kåt pratyaya u[c]; asaàjïäyäm—when the sense is not that of a
name.
U[c] is applied after vi + bhü, pra + bhü, and sam + bhü in kartari prayoga, provided the sense is not
that of a name.
vibhur ity-ädi. samäptas tac-chélädy-adhikäraù.
Våtti—Thus we vibhuù and so on. The adhikära sütra beginning tac-chéla (sütra 1519) has already expired
[and thus it doesn’t apply here].
Ø vi + bhü → (1569) vi + bhü + u[c] → (440, 185) vibhu → (148) vibhu + s[u] → (155) vibhuù
(“one who pervades”) <1.1>.
Amåta—Vibhuù means vyäpakaù (“one who pervades”), prabhuù means svämé (“a master”), and sambhuù
means janitä (“a parent / creator”). Why do we say “when the sense is not that of a name”? Consider
vibhüù (“a person named Vibhü”). It should be stated that mita-druù, çata-druù, çambhuù, and so on end
in u[c] even though the sense is that of a name. Mita-druù <1.1> refers to the ocean and means mitaà
dravati (“that which moves in a regulated fashion”), çata-druù (“that which flows in a hundred
branches”) is the name of a particular river, and çambhuù refers to Çiva and means çam maìgalaà
bhävayati (“one who creates auspiciousness (çam=maìgalam)”). Here the dhätu bhü has an innate
causative sense. Or else the meaning is maìgala-svarüpo bhavati (“One who is auspicious by nature”).
1570 / d"A«aIzAsyauyauijastauRtaud"is$aiHs$acaiìimah"patañ: k(r"NAe , C$d"Aid"Byaê , gAAeê naAi°a ,

@itaRlaUDaUs$aUKanas$ah"car" w‡a: /
1570. däp-né-ças-yu-yujir-stu-tuda-siï-sica-çvi-miha-patas traù karaëe, chad-ädibhyaç ca, goç ca nämni,

arti-lü-dhü-sü-khana-saha-cara itraù
däp-né-ças-yu-yujir-stu-tuda-siï-sica-çvi-miha-pataù—after the dhätus dä[p] lavane (2P, “to cut”), ëé[ï]

präpaëe (1U, “to lead”), ças[u] hiàsäyäm (1P, “to kill”), yu miçraëämiçraëayoù (2P, “to mix; to
separate”), yuj[ir] yoge (7U, “to join, use”), ñöu[ï] stutau (1U, “to praise”), tud[a] vyathane (6U, “to
strike, wound”), ñi[ï] bandhane (5U, “to bind”), ñic[a] kñaraëe (6U, “to sprinkle, discharge”), [öuo]çvi
gati-våddhyoù (1P, “to go, move; to grow”), mih[a] secane (1P, “to pass urine or semen”), and pat[ÿ] gatau
(1P, “to fall, fly”); traù—the kåt pratyaya tra; karaëe—when the karaëa is to be expressed; chad-
ädibhyaù—after the chad-ädis (see våtti and Amåta below); ca—also; goù—after the dhätu gu puréñotsarge
(6P, “to evacuate, pass stool”); ca—also; nämni—when a näma (“name, family name”) is to be expressed;
arti-lü-dhü-sü-khana-saha-caraù—after the dhätus å gatau präpaëe ca (1P, “to go, move; to obtain”), å
gatau (3P, “to go, move”), lü[ï] chedane (9U, “to cut, destroy”), dhü vidhünane (6P, “to shake, agitate”),
ñü preraëe (6P, “to impel”), khan[u] avadäraëe (1U, “to dig”), ñah[a] marñaëe (1A, “to tolerate,
conquer”), and car[a] gatau (1P, “to go, move”). itraù—the kåt pratyaya itra.
Tra is applied in karaëe prayoga after dä[p], ëé[ï], ças[u], yu, yuj[ir], ñöu[ï], tud[a], ñi[ï], ñic[a], [öuo]çvi,
mih[a] and pat[ÿ], and also after the chad-ädis. Tra is also applied after gu when a name is to be
expressed. Itra is applied in karaëe prayoga after å, lü[ï], dhü, ñü, khan[u], ñah[a] and car[a].
dätraà, netram ity-ädi. tathä—chattraà, daàñöraà, naddhraà, çästraà, vastram. gotram. aritraà, lavitraà,
dhü vidhünane kuö-ädiù—dhuvitraà, sü preraëe—savitram ity-ädi.
Våtti—Examples are dätram (“that with which one cuts, a sickle”), netram (“that by which one is led, the
eye”), and so on.
Ø dä → (1570) dä + tra → (dä is aniö by verse 1) dätra → (148) dätra + s[u] → (222) dätra + am
→ (156) dätram (“that with which one cuts, a sickle”) <1.1>.
Ø ëé → (478) né → (1570) né + tra → (né is aniö by verse 1, 394) netra → (148) netra + s[u] →
(222) netra + am → (156) netram (“that by which one is led, the eye”) <1.1>.
Examples of the chad-ädis are chattram (“that with which one covers, an umbrella”), daàñöram (“that
with which one bites, a tooth, fang, tusk”), naddhram (“that with which one ties, a shoelace”), çästram
(“that by which one is instructed, a book”), and vastram (“that with which one covers oneself, cloth”).
Ø chad → (1570) chad + tra → (1484, 98) chattra → (148) chattra + s[u] → (222) chattra + am →
(156) chattram (“that with which one covers, an umbrella”) <1.1>.
Ø danç → (230) daàç → (1570) daàç + tra → (daàç is aniö by verse 7, 249) daàñ + tra → (280)
daàñöra → (148) daàñöra + s[u] → (222) daàñöra + am → (156) daàñöram (“that with which one bites, a
tooth, fang, tusk”) <1.1>.
Ø ëah → (438) nah → (1570) nah + tra → (nah is aniö by verse 8, 290) nadh + tra → (466) nadh +
dhra → (96) naddhra → (148) naddhra + s[u] → (222) naddhra + am → (156) naddhram (“that with
which one ties, a shoelace”) <1.1>.
Ø çäs → (1570) çäs + tra → (1484) çästra → (148) çästra + s[u] → (222) çästra + am → (156)
çästram (“that by which one is instructed, a book”) <1.1>.
Ø vas → (1570) vas + tra → (1484) vastra → (148) vastra + s[u] → (222) vastra + am → (156)
vastram (“that with which one covers oneself, cloth”) <1.1>.
Examples of the rest are gotram (“a name, family name”), aritram (“that by which one propels, an oar”),
lavitram (“that with which one cuts, a sickle”), dhuvitram (“that with which one fans, a fan”) from the
dhätu dhü vidhünane (6P, “to shake, agitate”) which is a kuö-ädi, savitram (“that by which one is impelled
[to rise and perform one’s activities], the sun”) from the dhätu ñü preraëe (6P, “to impel”), and so on.
Ø gu → (1570) gu + tra → (gu is aniö by verse 1, 394) gotra → (148) gotra + s[u] → (222) gotra +
am → (156) gotram (“a name, family name”) <1.1>.
Ø å → (1570) å + itra → (å is aniö by verse 1, 394) aritra → (222) aritra + am → (156) aritram
(“that by which one propels, an oar”) <1.1>.
Ø lü → (1570) lü + itra → (440, 394) lo + itra → (65) lavitra → (148) lavitra + s[u] → (222)
lavitra + am → (156) lavitram (“that with which one cuts, a sickle”) <1.1>.
Ø dhü → (1570) dhü + itra → (440, 748, 499) dhuvitra → (148) dhuvitra + s[u] → (222) dhuvitra
+ am → (156) dhuvitram (“that with which one fans, a fan”) <1.1>.
Ø ñü → (458) sü → (1570) sü + itra → (440, 394) so + itra → (65) savitra → (148) savitra + s[u]
→ (222) savitra + am → (156) savitram (“that by which one is impelled [to rise and perform one’s
activities], the sun”) <1.1>.
Bäla—The analysis of dätram <1.1> is däti yena tad dätram (“A dätra is that with which one cuts (däti)”).
Things should be understood in the same way in the other examples too.1 By the words “and so on” in
the våtti we get çastram (“that with which one kills, a weapon”), yotram and yoktram (both mean: “that
with which one joins, the cord that fastens the yoke of a plough to the neck of an ox”), stotram (“that
with which one praises, a hymn of praise”), tottram (“that with which one strikes, a goad”), setram (“that
by which the binding is done, a ligament”), sektram (“that with which one sprinkles, a watercan”),
çvitram (“white leprosy”) with the irregularity that govinda is not done, meòhraù (“that with which one
Comment [91]: is that what it’s called?
passes urine / semen, the penis”), and pattram (“that with which one flies, a wing, a vehicle, a leaf”). In
the våtti only five of the chad-ädis were mentioned. However, the words vaktra (“that with which one
speaks, the mouth”), çrotra (“that with which one hears, the ear”), mätra (“that by which one measures, a
unit of measurement”), pätra (“that with which one drinks, a cup”), gätra (“that by which one moves, a
limb of the body, the body itself”), and so on should also be known as words ending in tra that are
among the chad-ädis. By the words “and so on” in the våtti we also get khanitram (“that with which one
digs, a spade”), sahitram (“that by which one tolerates, patience”), and caritram (“that with which one
1
Usually the analysis is actually given in the following fashion—däty aneneti dätram (“A dätra is so named because one cuts
(däti) with it”). For example, Çrédhära Svämé explains the word jaya in tato jayam udérayet (Bhägavatam 1.2.4) to mean jayaty
anena saàsäram iti jayo granthaù (“The word jaya refers to this book (Çrémad-Bhägavatam). This book is called jaya because by
means of this book one conquers (jayati) the cycle of repeated birth and death”). The word jaya is formed by apply the kåt
pratyaya a[l] after the dhätu ji jaye (“to conquer, be glorious”) in karaëe prayoga.
goes, a foot, leg ... but more commonly it means deeds, activities”). It should be understood that the
words pavitra (“that by which there is purification, a mantra, sacred thread, kuça grass, ghee, a strainer
etc.”), vahitra (“that by which there is conveying, a boat”), and so on also end in itra.
1571 / dM"í)"A naä,"‹aI ca s$aADaU /
1571. daàñörä naddhré ca sädhü
daàñörä—daàñörä (“that with which one bites, a tooth, fang, tusk”); naddhré—naddhré (“that with which
one ties, a shoelace”); ca—and; sädhü—are valid.
Daàñörä and naddhré are also valid forms.
Amåta—The result of the nipäta is the femininity and also é[p] in the case of naddhré.
1572 / oNAAd"yaAe baò"lama, /
1572. uëädayo bahulam
uë-ädayaù—the uëädis (the pratyayas u[ë] and so on); bahulam—variously applied.
U[ë] and so on are variously applied after dhätus.
karotéti käruù. sädhnotéti sädhuù.
Våtti—For example, käruù which means karoti (“one who does, an artisan”) and sädhuù which means
sädhnoti (“one who succeeds, a saintly person”).
Ø kå → (1572) kå + u[ë] → (kå is aniö by verse 1, 422) käru → (148) käru + s[u] → (155) käruù
(“one who does, an artisan”) <1.1>.
Ø sädh → (1572) sädh + u[ë] → (sädh is aniö by verse 5) sädhu → (148) sädhu + s[u] → (155)
sädhuù (“one who succeeds, a saintly person, a creditor”) <1.1>.
Amåta—Since the word kartari is being carried forward from sütra 1393, the uëädis are generally only
applied in kartari prayoga, however the word bahula is included here so that they may also sometimes be
applied in karmaëi prayoga and so on. Furthermore, it should be understood that the word bahula is
included to indicate that the proper names that are made by means of the uëädis are derived in a loose
fashion and that the uëädi pratyayas themselves are many in number. Käruù means a çilpin (“an artisan”)
or a kartä (“doer”) and sädhuù means dharma-çélaù (“one whose behavior is virtuous”) or uttamarëa (“a
creditor”). Similarly, from vä gati-gandhanayoù (2P, “to blow; to strike, kill, point out the faults of
others”) we get väyuù (“wind”), from pä rakñaëe (2P, “to protect”) we get päyuù (“a guard, the anus”),
from rah[a] tyäge (1P, “to abandon”) we get rähuù (“the planet Rähu which eclipses the sun and moon”),
from svad[a] äsvädane (1A, “to taste, please”) we get sväduù (“sweet, tasty”), from car[a] gatau (1P, “to
go, move”) we get cäru (“beautiful, pleasing”), and from aç[üì] vyäptau (5A, “to pervade, obtain”) we get
äçuù (“quick”). In this way others should also be inferred.1
1
All the words mentioned here are formed by applying the uëädi pratyaya u[ë] by kå-vä-pä-ji-mi-svadi-sädhy-açübhya uë
(Uëädi-sütra 1.1).
Saàçodhiné—The uëädi pratyayas are a set of pratyayas that are applied after dhätus to form proper
names (saàjïä-çabdas). They are treated in detail in the five chaptered1 grammatical treatise called the
Uëädi-sütras. Basically the uëädi pratyayas are the missing kåt pratyayas that are supplied to support the
theory that all nämas are derived from dhätus. For example, Kramadéçvara, the author of Saìkñipta-sära-
vyäkaraëa, entitles his chapter on uëädis the kåc-cheñoëädi-pädaù (“the chapter on the uëädi pratyayas,
which are the missing kåt pratyayas”). Most Sanskrit grammars dedicate at least a few sütras to the topic
of the uëädi pratyayas, and some even incorporate the whole set of Uëädi-sütras into their sütra-päöha.
Päëini, however, though diffuse in other respects, stops short when treating of the uë-ädis and simply
says uëädayo bahulam (“they are too many”). Jéva Gosvämé himself only dedicates ten sütras to the topic.
This is because the derivation of uëädi words is often fanciful or even ridiculous and more often than not
the meaning of the dhätu is utterly lost in the derivative word formed from it. For example, according to
the Uëädi-sütra sapy-açübhyäm tuö ca (1.158), the words saptan (“seven”) and añöan (“eight”) are formed
by applying the uëädi pratyaya [k]an[in] after the dhätus ñap[a] samaväye (1P, “to connect; to understand
completely”)2 and aç[üì] vyäptau (5A, “to pervade, obtain”) and then adding the ägama t[uö].
The Uëädi-sütras are a blend of vyäkaraëa (“grammar”) and nirukti (“etymology, tracing a word back to
the verbal root from which it was formed”). The earliest attempts at etymology are found in the
Brähmaëa portions of the Vedas and the most prominent etymological treatise, Yäska’s Nirukta, draws
heavily on them. From a comparison of the Uëädi-sütras with Yäska’s Nirukta it seems that the Uëädi-
sütras are, for the most part, just a systematic grammatical adaptation of Yäska’s etymological
explanations. There is a long standing controversy that Yäska alludes to in his Nirukta (1.12): tatra
nämäni äkhyäta-jäni iti çäkaöäyano nairukta-samayaç ca, na sarväëi iti gärgyo vaiyäkaraëänäà caike
(“Grammarian Çäkaöäyana and the etymologists say that all nämas are derived from dhätus, while
etymologist Gärgya and some grammarians says that not all nämas are derived from dhätus”). Yäska
himself concludes that all nämas are derived from dhätus. Pataïjali, however, in several places says
uëädayo hy avyutpannäni prätipadikäni (“The uëädi words are words for which there is no derivation”)
and Nägeça Bhaööa, in his Båhac-chabdendu-çekhara, says präyaù uëädi-pratyayäntä rüòhi-çabdäù,
avayavärtha-çünyäù, asantam api avayavärtham äçritya vyutpädyante (“Generally, words which end in an
uëädi pratyaya are rüòhi words (“words that have a conventional meaning”). They are not made up of the
meaning of their constituent parts. Still they are forcibly derived by referring to a meaning of the parts
that has no basis in reality”). In this way the uëädi words are denied status as yaugika words but are
rather accepted as rüòhi words, and there can be no derivation for rüòhi words.
The authorship of the Uëädi-sütras is also shrouded in mystery. Some attribute them to Çäkaöäyana since
he is the strongest proponent of the theory that all nämas are derived form dhätus. For example, Nägeça
Bhaööa, commenting on Kaiyata’s remarks on Mahä-bhäñya 3.3.1, says evaà ca kåväpeti uëädi-süträëi
çäkaöäyanasyeti sücitam. Others, however, suggest Vararuci (Kätyäyana) as the author since Durga Siàha,
in the beginning of his commentary to the kåt section of Kätantra-vyäkaraëa, says uëädi-sphuöé-karaëäya
vararucinä påthag eva süträëi praëétäni. Still others suggest that Päëini himself is the author since the
Uëädi-sütras use the same technical terms, grammatical devices, and indicatory letters that Päëini himself
used in the Añöädhyäyé. For further discussion on this point, see Uëädi-sütras in the Sanskrit grammatical
tradition, Kanshi Ram, Shivalik Prakashan, 2001.
1573 / is$aHaAde"stau: /
1573. siï-ädes tuù
siï-ädeù—after the dhätus ñi[ï] bandhane (5U, “to bind”) and so on; tuù—the uëädi pratyaya tu.
Tu is applied after ñi[ï] and so on.
1
There are also some recensions of the Uëädi-sütras that arrange the sütras in ten chapters.
2
This dhätu is not listed in our Dhätu-päöha, but it is listed in the Päëinian Dhätu-päöha. Siddhänta-kaumudé says that samaväya
here means sambandha (“connection”) or samyag-avabodha (“compele understanding”).
setuù.
Våtti—Ø ñi → (458) si → (1573) si + tu → (si is aniö by verse 1, 394) setu → (148) setu + s[u] → (155)
setuù (“a bridge, a ridge of earth that divides fields”) <1.1>.
Amåta—Similarly, from å gatau präpaëe ca (1P, “to go, move; to obtain”) we get åtuù (“a season”), from hi
gatau våddhau ca (5P, “to go, move, send, shoot; to promote”) we get hetuù (“a cause”), from [òu]dhä[ï]
dhäraëa-poñaëayoù (3U, “to hold, make; to support, bestow”) we get dhätuù (see definition at the
beginning of the Kådanta-prakaraëa), from tan[u] vistäre (8U, “to spread”) we get tantuù (“a thread”),
from jan[é] prädur-bhäve (4A, “to be born, produced, to occur, happen”) we get jantuù (“a living entity”),
and so on.
Saàçodhiné—Whatever is presented above is taken from Uëädi-sütras 1.69 to 1.72. Regarding tantuù
<1.1> and so on, the uëädi pratyaya tu (sometimes listed as tu[n] in the Uëädi-sütras) is included by the
word ädi in neò van-ti-trädau (1484), and thus i[ö] is not applied.
1574 / @ivata|sta{tain‡aBya wRlaRºmyaAma, /
1574. avi-tè-stå-tantribhya ér lakñmyäm
avi-tè-stå-tantribhyaù—after the dhätus av[a] pälane (1P, “to protect”), tè plavana-taraëayoù (1P, “to float,
swim; to cross over”), stå[ï] äcchädane (5U, “to cover”), and tatr[i] vistäraëe (10A, “to spread”); éù—the
uëädi pratyaya é; lakñmyäm—in the feminine gender.
É is applied after av[a], tè, stå[ï], and tatr[i] in the feminine gender.
avér ity-ädi.
Våtti—Thus we get avéù and so on.
Ø av → (1574) av + é → (440) avé → (148) avé + s[u] → (219, 155) avéù (“a woman in her
courses”) <1.1>.
Saàçodhiné—By the words “and so on” we also get taréù (“a boat”), staréù (“smoke”), and tantréù (“the
string of a véëä”). This sütra is based on the Uëädi-sütra avi-tè-stå-tantribhya éù (3.158).
1575 / laºaemauRq%. ca /
1575. lakñer muö ca
lakñeù—after the dhätu lakñ[a] darçanäìkayoù (10P, “to see, perceive; to mark, denote”); muö—the ägama
m[uö]; ca—and.
É is applied after lakñ[a] in the feminine gender and m[uö] is inserted.
lakñméù.
Våtti—Ø lakñ → (781) lakñi → (1575) lakñi + m[uö] + é → (586) lakñmé → (148) lakñmé + s[u] → (219,
155) lakñméù (“prosperity, beauty, the goddess of fortune”) <1.1>.
Saàçodhiné—This sütra is based on the Uëädi-sütra lakñer muö ca (3.160).

1576 / styaAyataer"IbantaA ñI /
1576. styäyater éb-antä stré
styäyateù—of the dhätu ñöyai çabda-saìghätayoù (1P, “to sound; to accumulate”); ép-antä—the form
which ends in é[p]; stré—stré (“a woman”).
Stré is the nipäta of ñöyai + é[p].
Amåta—The result of the nipäta is that ñöyai becomes stra.1 Because stré ends in é[p], s[u] is deleted after it
by rädhä-viñëujanäbhyäm épaç ca trivikramät sor haraù (202).
Comment [92]: reference footnote
Saàçodhiné—This sütra is based on the Uëädi-sütra styäyater òraö (4.165).
1577. maëòi-jani-nander antaù

The affix anta is applied after the dhätus maò[i](10P), ëy-anta of jan[é], and ëy-anta of [öu]nad[i](e.g
these don’t take våñëéndra because the ‘a’ is not uddhava, and in the case of jan[é] by jani-vadhyor). The
forms thus made are maëòayanta= an actor or an ornament, janayanta= producing, and
nandayanta=gladdening(e.g a son etc..). The ëi is not deleted by ëer na hara äm-anta-äyya-älu..
maëòayantaù.
1578. spåhy-äder äyyaù

The affix äyya is applied after the dhätus headed by spåha(10P).. By the word ädi we have gåha(10A) and
ji. The forms thus made are spåhayäyya= ‘one who desires’, gåhayäyya= a householder, jayäyya= ‘one who
conquers’. Again ëi(by curäder ëiù) is not deleted by ëer na hara äm-anta-äyya.. in amåta the phrase
curädy-ad-antaù means a dhätu that is a curädi and ends in ‘a’
spåhayäyyaù, gåhayäyyaù.
1579. stany-äder itnuù

The affix itnu is applied after the dhätus headed by stana(curädi ending in ‘a’). By the word ädi we have
düñi(ëy-anta of duñ[a], düñ is the ädeça of duñ[a] before ëi by sphäyaù sphäv..), gada(curädi ending in
‘a’), madi(ëy-anta of mad[é], no våñëéndra as it is a ghaö-ädi), harñi(ëy-anta of håñ[a]), poñi(ëy-anta of
puñ[a]). The forms thus made are stanayitnu= a thundering cloud(lit that which roars), düñayitnu= ‘a
corrupter’, gadayitnu= talkative or cupid, madayitnu= intoxicating, harñayitnu= gold, poñayitnu= a
maintainer or a cuckoo. Again ëi is not deleted by ëer na hara äm-anta-äyya
stanayitnuù, düñayitnuù, gadayitnuù, madayitnuù. ete ëy-antäù.
1580 / caºaAde"ç&is$a: /
1580. cakñ-äder usiù
cakñ-ädeù—after the dhätus cakñ[iì] vyaktäyäm väci (2A, “to speak, say, tell”) and so on; usiù—the uëädi
pratyaya us[i].
Us[i] is applied after cakñ[iì] and so on.
cakñuù.
1
The a of stra is then deleted when é[p] follows, in accordance with the sütra a-i-dvayasya haraù ().
Våtti—Ø cakñ → (1580) cakñ + us[i] → (440, 1540) cakñus → (148) cakñus + s[u] → (231) cakñus →
(155) cakñuù (“the eye”) <1.1>.
Amåta—By the word ädi we get vapuù (“the body”) from [òu]vap[a] béja-tantu-santäne (1U, “to sow”),
dhanuù (“a bow, a particular astrological house”) from dhan[a] dhänye (3P, “to bear fruit”)1, januù
(“birth”) from jan[é] prädur-bhäve (4A, “to be born, produced, to occur, happen”), yajuù (“the Yajur-
veda”) from yaj[a] deva-püja-saìgati-karaëa-däneñu (1U, “to worship, sacrifice; to meet; to give”), and so
on.
Saàçodhiné—Whatever is presented above is taken from Uëädi-sütras 2.115 to 2.119.
1581 / gAma @Aeca, /
1581. gama oc
gamaù—after the dhätu gam[ÿ] gatau (1P, “to go, move”); oc—the uëädi pratyaya o[c].
O[c] is applied after gam[ÿ].
saàsära-haraù—gauù. ity-ädikä uëädayaù.
Våtti—Saàsärasya haraç citi (185) is applied and we get gauù <1.1>.
Ø gam → (1581) gam + o[c] → (440, 185) go → (148) go + s[u] → (206) gaus → (155) gauù
<1.1>.
There are many other uëädi pratyayas besides those mentioned here.
Comment [93]: more literally:
Amåta—Haläyudha lists the meanings of the word go as follows: These (the pratyayas from u[ë] to o[c]) and others
constitute the uëädi pratyayas.
dig-dåñöi-dédhiti-svarga-
vajra-väg-bäëa-väriñu
bhümau paçau ca go-çabdo
vidvadbhir daçasu småtaù
“Learned persons say that the word go has ten meanings: diç (“direction”), dåñöi (“the eye”), dédhiti (“a ray
of light”), svarga (“heaven”), vajra (“thunderbolt”), väc (“speech or the goddess of speech, Sarasvaté”),
bäëa (“an arrow”), väri (“water”), bhümi (“the earth”), and paçu (“a cow”).
The intention behind the statement ity-ädikä uëädayaù is that the proper names (saàjïä-çabdas) which
are formed from the uëädi pratyayas have to be learnt from dictionaries and so on, otherwise the book
would become too large. Thus a mere sample is given here.
Saàçodhiné—This sütra is based on the Uëädi-sütra gamer òoù (2.67). Amara-koña states the meanings of
the word go in the following way:
svargeñu-paçu-väg-vajra-
diì-netra-dhåñëi-bhü-jale
lakñya-dåñöyä striyäà puàsi
gaur liìgaà cihna-çephasoù
1
This dhätu is not listed in Jéva Gosvämé’s Dhätu-päöha, but it is listed in the Päëinian Dhätu-päöha.
“The word go has the following meanings: svarga (“heaven”), iñu (“arrow”), paçu (“a cow”), väc (“speech
or the goddess of speech, Sarasvaté”), vajra (“thunderbolt”), diç (“direction”), netra (“eye”), dhåñëi (“a ray
of light”), bhü (“the earth”), and jala (“water”). The word go is used either in the masculine gender or in
the feminine gender or in both, depending on the object it refers to. The word liìga means cihna (“a
sign”) or çephas (“the penis”).
Moreover, as an extrapolation on the meanings of väc and netra, sometimes it is said that the word go also
means indriya (“an organ of sense perception”). For example, Çrédhara Svämé explains the word adänta-
gobhiù in Bhägavatam 7.5.30 to mean adäntair indriyaiù (“because of uncontrolled senses”).
While specifying the genders in which the word go is used, Keçava also gives other meanings of the word
go:
gaur nr äditye balévarde

kiraëa-kratu-bhedayoù
stré tu syäd diçi bhäratyäà
bhümau ca surabhäv api
nå-striyoù svarga-vajrämbu-
raçmi-dåg-bäëa-lomasu
The word go is masculine when it means äditya (“the sun”), balévarda (“a bull”), kiraëa (“a ray of light”),
and kratu-bheda (“a particular kind of sacrifice called go or go-ñöoma”), but it is feminine when it means
diç (“direction”), bhäraté (“speech or the goddess of speech, Sarasvaté”), bhümi (“the earth”), and surabhi
(“a cow”). The word go is both masculine and feminine when it means svarga (“heaven”), vajra
(“thunderbolt”), ambu (“water”), raçmi (“a ray”), dåç (“eye”), bäëa (“an arrow”), and loman (“the hair of
the body”).
1582 / GaNA, /
1582. ghaë
ghaë—the kåt pratyaya [gh]a[ë].
The word ghaë is to be supplied in the subsequent sütras.
vibhur ayam. “ghaï” päëiniù.
Våtti—This is a vibhu adhikära. Päëini called it [gh]a[ï].
Saàçodhiné—This adhikära ceases with the words iti ghaëë-antaù in våtti 1625.
1583 / GaNNAlaTauk(ya: pauMis$a /
1583. ghaëë-al-athu-kayaù puàsi
ghaëë-al-athu-kayaù—the kåt pratyayas [gh]a[ë], a[l], athu, and [k]i; puàsi—in the masculine gender.
[Gh]a[ë], a[l], athu, and [k]i are only applied in the masculine gender.
ghaë al athu ki—ete puàsy eva syuù.
Våtti—[Gh]a[ë], a[l], athu, and [k]i are only applied in the masculine gender.
Saàçodhiné—This rule is an apaväda of bhäva-kåd brahmaëi (1192).
1584 / pad"ç&jaivazA: /
1584. pada-ruja-viçaù
pada-ruja-viçaù—after the dhätus pad[a] gatau (4A, “to go, move”), ruj[o] bhaìge (6P, “to break, afflict”),
and viç[a] praveçane (6P, “to enter”).
[Gh]a[ë] is applied after pad[a], ruj[o], and viç[a] in kartari prayoga.
padyate pädaù, rujati rogaù, viçati veçaù.
Våtti—Thus in the sense of padyate (“that which goes”) we get pädaù (“a foot”), in the sense of rujati
(“that which afflicts”) we get rogaù (“a disease”), and in the sense of viçati (“one who settles”) we get
veçaù (“a settler”).
Ø pad → (1584) pad + [gh]a[ë] → (pad is aniö by verse 4, 470) päda → (1583, 148) päda + s[u]
→ (155) pädaù (“a foot”) <1.1>.
Ø ruj → (1584) ruj + [gh]a[ë] → (440, 443) roj + [gh]a[ë] → (1362) roga → (1583, 148) roga +
s[u] → (155) rogaù (“a disease”) <1.1>.
Ø viç → (1584) viç + [gh]a[ë] → (viç is aniö by verse 7, 443) veça → (1583, 148) veça + s[u] →
(155) veçaù (“a settler”) <1.1>.
Amåta—The word kartari is still being carried forward from sütra 1393. In regard to rogaù and veçaù,
[gh]a[ë] is an apaväda of the kåt pratyaya [k]a that would have been obtained by éçoddhava-kirati-préëäti-
gè-jïäbhyaù kaù (1404).
Saàçodhiné—It is seen that [gh]a[ë] is sometimes also applied after other dhätus in kartari prayoga. For
example, by applying [gh]a[ë] after vi + as[u] kñepaëe (4P, “to throw”) in the sense of vyasyati (“one who
divides”) we get vyäsaù (“Vyäsadeva, the incarnation of the Lord who divides the one original Veda into
four”), by applying [gh]a[ë] after ava + tè plavana-taraëayoù (1P, “to float, swim; to cross over”) in the
sense of avatarati we get avatäraù (“one who descends, an incarnation”), and so on.
1585 / s$pazAR opataæair" , s$aAr": isTare" balae ca , @itas$aAr"Ae vyaADaAE , ivas$aAr"Ae matsyae , ‘aAs$aAr"Ae balae , d"Are"d"ARr"A
BaAyaARyaAM , jaAre"jaARr" opapataAE s$aADava: /
1585. sparça upataptari, säraù sthire bale ca, atisäro vyädhau, visäro matsye, präsäro bale, därer därä
bhäryäyäà, järer jära upapatau sädhavaù
sparçaù—sparça; upataptari—in the meaning of upataptå (“a disease”); sära—säraù; sthire—in the
meaning of sthira1 (“the solid part, the cream, essence”); bale—in the meaning of bala (“strength”); ca—
and; atisäraù—atisära; vyädhau—in the meaning of vyädhi (“disease, particularly dysentery”); visäraù—
1
Amara-koña say Amara-koña say säro bale sthiräàçe ca nyäyye klébaà vare triñu (“The word sära means bala (“strength”) and
sthiräàça (“the solid part, the fixed part”) when used in the masculine and nyäyya (“fit, proper”) when used in the neuter
gender. But it can also mean vara (“best”) when used in any of the three genders”). Commenting on the equivalent Päëinian
sütra så sthire (Añöädhyäyé 3.3.17), Siddhänta-kaumudé says sarati käläntaram iti säraù (“sära is that which remains steady
throughout a period of time”).
visära; matsye—in the meaning of matsya (“a fish”); präsäraù—präsära; bale—in the meaning of bala
(“strength”); däreù—of the ëy-anta-dhätu däri (made from dè vidäraëe (9P, “to tear, split”) + [ë]i);
däräù—dära; bhäryäyäm—in the meaning of bhäryä (“a wife”); järeù—of the ëy-anta-dhätu järi (made
from jè[ñ] vayo-hänau (1P, “to grow old”) + [ë]i); järaù—jära; upapatau—in the meaning of upapati (“a
paramour”); sädhavaù—are the proper forms.
Sparça is the nipäta of spåç[a] + [gh]a[ë] in the meaning of upataptå, sära is the nipäta of så + [gh]a[ë]
in the meanings of sthira and bala, atisära is the nipäta of ati + så + [gh]a[ë] in the meaning of vyädhi,
visära is the nipäta of vi + så + [gh]a[ë] in the meaning of matsya, präsära is the nipäta of pra + så +
[gh]a[ë] in the meaning of bala, dära is the nipäta of däri + [gh]a[ë] in the meaning of bharyä, and jära
is the nipäta of järi + [gh]a[ë] in the meaning of upapati.
Amåta—In all cases the result of the nipäta is that [gh]a[ë] is applied in a particular meaning. When the
meaning is something other than upataptå, a[t] is applied by pacäder at (1400) and we get sparça which
means praëidhi or, in other words, cara (“a spy”).1 In the case of atisära, the dhätu has an innate causative
sense. Thus atisära (“dysentery”) means atiçayena rudhirädikaà särayati (“that which makes blood and
so on flow profusely”). In the case of präsära, the a of the upendra pra takes trivikrama by the future rule
upendrasya trivikramo ghaëi bahulam (1621). The word dära (“a wife”) is declined in the masculine
gender and always takes a bahu-vacana viñëubhakti.2
1586 / BaAvae , k(ta{RvaijaRtae ca k(Ar"ke( s$aMÁaAyaAma, /
1586. bhäve, kartå-varjite ca kärake saàjïäyäm
bhäve—in bhäve prayoga; kartå-varjite—apart from a kartä; ca—and; kärake—when a käraka is to be

expressed; saàjïäyäm—when a name is understood.
[Gh]a[ë] is applied after a dhätu in bhäve prayoga. [Gh]a[ë] is also applied after a dhätu in the prayoga
of any käraka except a kartä, provided a name is understood.3
prabhü cemau yathä-svam. päkaù, tyägaù, bhogaù. tathä präsyate präsa ity-ädi. präsaù çastra-viçeñaù.
Våtti—Both of these are also4 prabhu adhikäras that are applied according to what best fits. Examples of
the first part are päkaù (“[the act of] cooking”), tyägaù (“[the act of] giving up”), and bhogaù (“[the act
of] enjoying”), and examples of the second part are präsaù (“a spear”) and so on. Präsaù refers to a
particular weapon (a spear) and means präsyate (“that which is thrown”).
Ø pac → (1586) pac + [gh]a[ë] → (pac is aniö by verse 2, 470) päc + [gh]a[ë] → (1362) päka →
(1583, 148) päka + s[u] → (1583, 155) päkaù (“[the act of] cooking”) <1.1 bhäve>.
Ø tyaj → (1586) tyaj + [gh]a[ë] → (tyaj is aniö by verse 3, 470) tyäj + [gh]a[ë] → (1362) tyäga →
(1583, 148) tyäga + s[u] → (1583, 155) tyägaù (“[the act of] giving up”) <1.1 bhäve>.
1
Commenting of pada-ruja-viça-spåçaù (3.3.16), Käçikä says spåça upatäpa iti vaktavyam. spåçati iti sparça upatäpaù. tato ’nyatra
pacädy-ac bhavati. sparço devadattaù. svare viçeñaù. (“It should be stated that [gh]a[ï] ([gh]a[ë]) is only applied after spåç[a]
when the meaning is upatäpa (“a disease”). Thus in the sense of spåçati we get sparça which means upatäpa (“a disease”).
When the meaning is something other than upatäpa, pacädi a[c] (a[t]) is applied, and we get sparço devadattaù (“Devadatta
who touches”). There is a difference in accent between these two”).
2
Siddhänta-kaumudé explains the word dära as follows: därayanti bhrätèn iti däräù (“a wife is so named because she divides
brothers”).
3
The second part of this sütra means [gh]a[ë] is also applied after a dhätu in karmaëi prayoga, in karaëe prayoga, in
sampradäne prayoga, in apädäne prayoga, or in adhikaraëe prayoga, but not in kartari prayoga.
4
In this regard, Amåta says ca-käräd anayor vidhi-sütratvaà ca (“Due to the word ca (“also”), both of these are also vidhi-
sütras”).
Ø bhuj → (1586) bhuj + [gh]a[ë] → (bhuj is aniö by verse 3, 443) bhoj + [gh]a[ë] → (1362) bhoga
→ (1583, 148) bhoga + s[u] → (1583, 155) bhogaù (“[the act of] enjoying”) <1.1 bhäve>.
Ø pra + as → (1586) pra + as + [gh]a[ë] → (440, 470) pra + äsa → (46) präsa → (1583, 148)
präsa + s[u] → (1583, 155) präsaù (“that which is thrown, a spear”) <1.1 karmaëi>.
Saàçodhiné—The two prabhu adhikäras are “bhäve” and “kartå-varjite ca kärake.” Käçikä, commenting on
the equivalent Päëinian sütra akartari ca kärake saàjïäyäm (Añöädhyäyé 3.3.19), confirms this by saying
ita uttaraà bhäve, akartari ca kärake ity dvayam anuvartate (“From now on both bhäve and akartari ca
kärake are carried forward”). Thus the word saàjïäyäm is not considered part of the second prabhu
adhikära, especially since the next sütra makes it non-compulsory. These two adhikäras cease with the
words iti ghaëë-antaù in våtti 1625 and then the adhikära for a[l] which is applied in the meaning of
[gh]a[ë] starts. The meaning of [gh]a[ë] is bhäve, kartå-varjite ca kärake.
In all the printed editions of Hari-nämämåta-vyäkaraëa the second part of this sütra reads präsädeù kartå-
varjite ca kärake saàjïäyäm, but Amåta doesn’t support this reading and the equivalent Päëinian sütra
akartari ca kärake saàjïäyäm (Añöädhyäyé 3.3.19) doesn’t have the word präsädeù either. Thus it should
be taken as an interpolation. Präsaù and so on are given as examples in the våtti, but [gh]a[ë] is in no way
limited to such an undefined exclusive group of dhätus, rather [gh]a[ë] can be applied after any dhätu as
confirmed by Amåta. Präsaù is an example of when [gh]a[ë] is applied in karmaëi prayoga and thus Jéva
Gosvämé says präsyate (“that which is thrown”). Similarly, rägaù which means rajaty anena (“that with
which something is colored, dye”) is an example of when [gh]a[ë] is applied in karaëe prayoga (see våtti
1619), däçaù which means däçyate yasmai saù (“one unto whom things are given, a worthy recipient”) is
an example of when [gh]a[ë] is applied in sampradäne prayoga (see next våtti), ähäraù which means
ähriyate rasaù asmät (“that from which taste is gotten, food”) is an example of when [gh]a[ë] is applied
in apädäne prayoga (see Käçikä 3.3.19), and raìgaù which means rajaty asmin (“the place where one
delights, a theater, stage, arena, battlefield”) is an example of when [gh]a[ë] is applied in adhikaraëe
prayoga (see våtti 1619).
1587 / ¸(icad"s$aMÁaAyaAmaipa /
1587. kvacid asaàjïäyäm api
kvacit—sometimes; a-saàjïäyäm—when a name is not understood; api—even
Sometimes [gh]a[ë] is still applied after a dhätu in the prayoga of any käraka except a kartä, even
though a name isn’t understood.
däçå däne. däçyate yasmai sa däçaù. “guëa-jïo brähmaëo däçaù” iti hi dåçyate. atha vakñyamäëäl-bädhakäni
lakñaëäni.
Våtti—From the dhätu däç[å] däne (1U, “to give”) we get däçaù which means däçyate yasmai saù (“one
unto whom things are given, a worthy recipient”), because we see usage such as guëa-jïo brähmaëo däçaù
(“The brähmaëa who appreciates good qualities is a worthy recipient”).
Ø däç → (1587) däç + [gh]a[ë] → (440) däça → (1583, 148) däça + s[u] → (155) däçaù (“one
unto whom things are given, a worthy recipient”) <1.1 adhikaraëe>.
Now the rules which block the soon to be mentioned kåt pratyaya a[l] will be spoken.
Amåta—Däçaù is formed by applying [gh]a[ë] in sampradäne prayoga and means yogya-pätram (“a
worthy recipient”). Jéva Gosvämé backs this up by quoting the usage of the learned. Similarly, the
examples ko bhavatä däyo dattaù (“what gift was given by you”), ko bhavatä läbho labdhaù (“what gain
was gained by you”), and so on are also quoted often. The sentence atha vakñyamäëäl-bädhakäni
lakñaëäni means atha vakñyamäëo yo ’l-pratyayas tasya bädhakäni lakñaëäni apaväda-süträëi and the word
kathyante has to be added. Thus the meaning is “Now the apaväda-sütras of the soon to be mentioned kåt
pratyaya a[l] will be spoken.” Since both [gh]a[ë] and a[l] have the same remainder form the rule of
väsarüpa (sütra 1346) doesn’t apply here. Therefore [gh]a[ë] and a[l] are apavädas of each other.
1588(SK 3190). saìkhyä-parimäëäkhyäyäà ca

The affix ghaë is applied after a dhätu provided there is mention of a saìkhyä(number) or a
parimäëa(measure). JG gives the example ‘One heap of rice’ Here ghaë is added in karma-väcya to
ni+ci[ï] because the word ‘eka’(a saìkhyä) was used. nicäya is not a measure as MW says, but is a generic
collection/pile(e.g nicäya=nicaya). ‘al’ would usually be ordained for ni+ci[ï] by sütra 419, but the
current sütra blocks that. The second example is “two çürpas(çürpa=a winnowing basket= 2 dronas) of
winnowed corn. This translation is from MW.. Here ghaë is applied in karma-väcya to the dhätu
nir+pü[ï](to winnow) because the word ‘çürpa’(a parimäëa) was used. At this point 2 doubts may be
raised (i) niñpäva is made by sütra 394 so wouldn’t it be proper to uses another example?? (ii) The word
‘dvau’ is used here, so why don’t we say that this is an example showing a mention of saìkhyä??
Here are the answers: (i) Although the form made by this sütra looks the same as that made by 394, still
there is a special ordaining of it here because of their being mention of a parimäëa (ii) Even though a
saìkyä is essentially a parimäëa(this is proven by the taddhita sütra “parimäëäd asaìkhyä-käla-vistäcita-
kambalyät” e.g after a measure which is not a number, time etc..) still JG treats them separately in this
sütra for clarity(following Saàkñipta-sära-vyäkaraëa kåd-sütra 276). But even when there is a
simultaneous mention of a saìkhyä and a parimäëa ghaë is applied, therefore JG has used ‘ca’ in this
sütra to indicate that. Thus this example as well as being an example showing a parimäëa also shows
when there is mention of both saìkhyä and parimäëa. In this way JG has used one example to illustrate
both scenarios.
But the following examples are also seen: ‘The term tiì is used to denote The 18 suffixes’, ‘five
calamities’and ‘you don’t even have one opinion’. E.g although ghaë should be applied in these cases by
this sütra, still because of the kåt suffixes being applied variously ‘al’ was applied instead.
pratyaya=prati+i[ë]+al, upadrava= upa+dru+al, niçcaya=nir+ci[ï]+al. The first two examples in the våtti
are straight from päëini thus the spelling of ‘nicäya’ is correct.. The english translation of SK here seems
wrong in saying ‘when the word so formed is the name of a measure’ e.g. niñpäva is not the name of a
measure and nicäya is not a standard measurement word.
ekas taëòula-nicäyaù, dvau çürpa-niñpävau, kintu “tiìo ’ñöädaça-pratyayäù,” “païcopadraväù,” “naiko ’pi
tava niçcayaù” iti ca dåçyate.
1589 / wx~êAk(taRir" /
1589. iìaç cäkartari
iìaù—after the dhätu i[ì] adhyayane (2A, “to study”); ca—also; a-kartari—when a käraka other than the
kartä is to be expressed.
[Gh]a[ë] is also applied after i[ì] in the prayoga of any käraka except a kartä.
adhéyate adhyäyaù. upa samépe adhéyate yasmäd upädhyäyaù.
Våtti—Thus we get adhyäyaù which means adhéyate (“that which is learnt / studied, a lesson, chapter”)
and upädhyäyaù which means upa samépe adhéyate yasmät saù (“he from whom one learns [by studying]
in his presence (upa=samépe), a teacher”).
Ø adhi + i → (1589) adhi + i + [gh]a[ë] → (i is aniö by verse 1, 422) adhi + ai + a → (64) adhi +
äya → (59) adhyäya → (1583, 148) adhyäya + s[u] → (155) adhyäyaù (“that which is learnt / studied, a
lesson, chapter”) <1.1 karmaëi>.
Ø upa + adhi + i → (1589) upa + adhi + i + [gh]a[ë] → (i is aniö by verse 1, 422) upa + adhi + ai + a
→ (64) upa + adhi + äya → (59) upa + adhyäya → (46) upädhyäya → (1583, 148) upädhyäya + s[u] →
(155) upädhyäyaù (“he from whom one learns, a teacher”) <1.1 apädäne>.
Amåta—Here also [gh]a[ë] is an apaväda of the kåt pratyaya a[l] that would have been obtained by the
rule éçät (1627). Even though it is already being carried forward from the prabhu adhikära kartå-varjite ca
kärake (1586), the word akartari is mentioned again here just to remove the prabhu adhikära bhäve
(1586). Adhyäyaù is formed by applying [gh]a[ë] in karmaëi prayoga and upädhyäyaù is formed by
applying [gh]a[ë] in apädäna prayoga.
1590(SK 3191vartika). çäro väyu-karburayoù, néçäraù prävaraëe, çåëäteù sädhuù

The word çära(çè+ghaë) is valid when meaning wind(väyu) or variegated colour(karbura,, SK says green
here??). néçära(ni+çè+ghaë) is valid when meaning a cover(prävaraëe) e.g a cloth used to block cold, sun,
mosquitos etc.. The irregularity in both cases is the specific meaning.. The trivikrama of ni in néçära is by
the future sütra upendrasya trivikramo ghaëi bahulam.
1591(SK 3194). samo yu-du-drubhyaù

ghaë is applied after the dhätus sam+yu, sam+[öu]du, and sam+dru. saàyäva= a sort of sweet cake(see
MW for details) literally: saàyüyate guòädibhir iti saàyäva ‘that which is mixed with sugar etc’.. JG
quotes durga singh, the author of durga-våtti(the main commentary on kätantra-vyäkaraëa) by saying
that here du means 5th class du only,, thus 1st class du is thrown out. Both saàdäva and saàdräva mean
retreat. 1st class du however makes the form saàdava as there is nothing to block the application of ‘al’ by
sütra 419(the meaning is not listed in the comms in MW or in amara-koña,, but likely it also means
retreat).. These words have anusväras in all the editions and the comms which is unusual.. so better to
keep them like that as that is likely the conventional way of writing them.
saàyävaù. “atra dunoter eva grahaëam” iti durgaù. saàdävaù, saàdrävaù. davates tu saàdavaù.
1592 / @naupaen‰"i™anaIBaUBya: /
1592. anupendra-çri-né-bhübhyaù
an-upendra—which are without an upendra; çri-né-bhübhyaù—after the dhätus çri[ï] seväyäm (1U, “to
serve, worship, dwell, depend on”), ëé[ï] präpaëe (1U, “to lead”), and bhü sattäyäm (1P, “to be, become,
exist”).
If çri[ï], ëé[ï], and bhü are without an upendra, then [gh]a[ë] is applied after them in bhäve prayoga or
in the prayoga of any käraka except a kartä.
çräyaù, nayanaà näyaù. prabhävas tu paçcät-samäsena.
Våtti—For example, çräyaù (“shelter”) and näyaù which means nayanam (“leading, guiding”).
Ø çri → (1592) çri + [gh]a[ë] → (440, 422) çrai + a → (64) çräya → (1583, 148) çräya + s[u] →
(155) çräyaù (“shelter”) <1.1 karmaëi>.
Ø ëi → (478) ni → (1592) ni + [gh]a[ë] → (440, 422) nai + a → (64) näya → (1583, 148) näya +
s[u] → (155) näyaù (“leading, guiding”) <1.1 bhäve>.
Prabhävaù (“power”), however, is valid by paçcät-samäsa1.
Bäla—Nayanam is mentioned here to indicate that näyaù is formed by applying [gh]a[ë] in bhäve
prayoga.
Amåta—Why do we say anupendra? Consider praçrayaù (“love”), praëayaù (“love”), and prabhavaù
(“source”) which are formed by applying the a[l]. Why do we get räjïo ’yaà nayaù (“this is the King’s
guide”)? Here nayaù ends in the kåt pratyaya a[t] that is applied in kartari prayoga by prädes tv at, bhü-
du-nébhyaç ca (1407). Regarding prabhävaù being valid by paçcät-samäsa, prabhävaù was originally
pragataù bhävaù2, but then samäsa and deletion of the intermediate word (gataù / kåñöaù) was done by the
future rule ku-prädayo madhya-pada-lopaç ca (1721). Likewise, anubhävaù is also valid by paçcät-samäsa.
Saàçodhiné—As confirmed by Käçikä 3.3.24, the example of bhü is bhävaù which is formed by applying
[gh]a[ë] in bhäve prayoga.
Ø bhü → (1592) bhü + [gh]a[ë] → (440, 422) bhau + a → (66) bhäva → (1583, 148) bhäva + s[u]
→ (155) bhävaù <1.1 bhäve>.
Amara-koña lists the meanings of the word bhäva in three separate statements: bhävaù sattä-
svabhäväbhipräya-ceñöätma-janmasu, bhävo vidvän, and vikäro mänaso bhävaù. The collective
understanding of this is that the word bhäva has the following meanings: sattä (“being, state of being”),
sva-bhäva (“nature”), abhipräya (“sense, meaning”), ceñöä (“activity, behavior”), ätmä (“the heart, soul,
mind”), janma (“birth”), vidvän (“a learned man”), and mänasa-vikära (“feeling, emotion, love”). In this
regard, it should be understood that the word bhäva which means bhüta (“that which exists, a thing, a
living being”) is made by applying [ë]a after the dhätu bhü in kartari prayoga by bhü-du-nébhyaç ca
(1407).
Similarly, Amara-koña lists the meanings of the word anubhäva in two separate statements: anubhävo
bhäva-bodhakaù and anubhävaù prabhäve ca satäà ca mati-niçcaye. The collective understanding of this is
that the word anubhäva has the following meanings: bhäva-bodhaka (“indication of a feeling [by look or
gesture]”), prabhäva (“power”), and satäà mati-niçcaya (“the firm opinion of the wise”).
1593(SK 3196). veù kñu-çrubhyäm

The affix ghaë is applied after vi+[öu]kñu and vi+çru. E.g vikñäva= sneezing or a cough, viçruva= flowing
forth or celebrated.
vikñävaù.
1594(SK 3197). avodbhyäm niyaù

The affix ghaë is applied after ava+ëé and ud+ëé. The forms thus made are avanäya(placing down) and
unnäya(elevating).. But because of the kåd-pratyayas being applied diversely we also get the form avanaya
and unnaya made by al. The meaning is the same.
avanäyaù. avanayonnayau bähulyät.
1595(SK 3198). prät stu-dru-srubhyaù

The affix ghaë is applied after pra+stu, pra+dru and pra+sru. E.g prastäva(introducing/beginning or the
introduction of a säman(sung by the prastotå) or the prologue of a drama), pradräva(running away),
prasräva(flowing, or urine or the overflowing scum of boiling rice). amåta reminds us that ghaë can be
used either in ‘bhäve’ or kartå-varjita-kärake’.. In these definitions the first is bhäva, and others are
kärakas(we just have to judge according to the context what fits best). JG then raises the question why do
1
Paçcät-samäsa is samäsa that is done after a sv-ädi viñëubhakti has been applied to the kådanta in contrast to kåt-samäsa where
samäsa is done before a sv-ädi viñëubhakti is applied to the kådanta (see Amåta 1274).
2
Käçikä, commenting on the equivalent Päëinian sütra çri-ëé-bhuvo ’nupasarge (Añöädhyäyé 3.3.24), says that prabhävaù was
originally prakåñöaù bhävaù. See discussion under sütra 1721.
we see the form sräva(flow) and garbha-sräva(miscarriage/abortion) e.g they are not coming after the
upendra ‘pra’).. He says ghaë is applied in those cases due to the krd-pratyayas being applied variously.
prastävaù. kathaà “srävo, garbha-srävaù”? bähulyät.
1596(SK 3199). niraù puvaù, abher luvaù

Thaffix ghaë is applied after nir+pü(both pü[ì] and pü[ï] are allowed) and abhi+lü[ï]. The forms thus
made are niñpäva(corn, the pulse Dolichos Sinensis etc.. lit that which is winnowed) and
abhiläva(cutting/reaping/mowing).
niñpävaù, abhilävaù.
1597(SK 3200). un-nibhyäà graù

The affix ghaë is applied after ud+gè and ni+gè.. The gè here can be either 6th class, to swallow, or 9th class
to sound. E.g udgära= spitting/vomiting/ejecting(from the mouth) by 6th class gè, or roaring/hissing by 9th
class gè.. nigära= swallowing(seems like only 6th class gè combines with ni in reality)
udgäraù.
1598(SK 3201). utkära-nikärau dhänya-kñepe sädhü

The forms utkära and nikära are valid provided they are used in the sense of moving grain. E.g utkäro
dhänyasya ‘the winnowing or piling up of grain’, nikäro dhänyasya ‘the winnowing or piling up of grain’.
But in puñpäëäà nikara ‘The piling up of flowers’ al was applied because there was no moving of grain,
but of flowers. We could also translate as ‘pile’ by using the adhikära kartå-varjita-kärake.
neha—puñpäëäà nikaraù.
1599(SK 3202). samaù stuvo yajïa-viñaye

The affix ghaë is applied after sam+stu only in reference to yajïa. saàstäva means the sacrficial
brahmanas’(plural) place for offering prayers. The literal breakup is: sametya stuvanti yasmin deçe sa
saàstäva ‘A saàstäva is that place in which having assembled they offer prayers’. Here ghaë has been
used in adhikaraëa-väcya. JG example is from Päëini it means ‘The saàstäva of the chando-gas(plural,
chando-ga is another name for the udgätå priest who chant the säma-veda). But when there is no
reference to yajïa then al is used and the form is saàstava(mutual praising/ becoming acquainted with
each other)
saàstävaç chando-gänäm. anyatra “saàstavaù.”
1600(SK 3203). prät ståëäter ayajïe

The affix ghaë is applied after the dhätu pra+stå[ï] provided there is no reference to yajïa. E.g ‘a layer of
flowers’. But in ‘The layer of kuça of the chando-gas(plural)’ al was used as there is reference to a yajïä..
barhiñ-prastara is a ñañöhé-tat-puruña
puñpa-prastäraù. neha—barhiñ-prastaraç chando-gänäm.
1601(SK 3204). ver açabda-prathane

The affix ghaë is applied to the dhätu stå[ï] which comes after the upendra vi, provided that there is
spreading of something other than sound. E.g ‘the spreading of bhakti’, but when there is spreading of the
vedas etc... then vistara, which is made with al, is used. väco vistara ‘the spreading of speech’ is another
example where ghaë is not used because of their being spreading of sound. Those were counterexamples
of açabda, a counterexample of prathana is tåëa-vistara ‘a collection of grass’. Here al was used as there is
no spreading(prathana)
vistäro ’çabdasya—bhakter vistäraù. vedädi-çabdasya tu—vistaraù.
1602(SK 3207, 3208). udgräha-muñöi-saìgrähau sädhü

The form udgräha is valid, The form saìgräha is valid provided it expresses a fist/ clenching of a fist. This
sütra is an apaväda of 420. amåta quotes the commentary on amara(by bharata??) which says that
udgräha=vidyä-vicära. It seems this is translated as ‘replying in argument’ or ‘objection’ by MW and Apte.
Amåta says here that muñöi-saìgräha is madhya-pada-lopi-samäsa of muñöi-väcakaù saìgrähaù. JG makes
it clear that here muñöi means a fist, and not the particular parimäëa called a muñöi, he does this by
defining it as däròhyam(being tightly closed). The example given by earlier grammarians in this regard is:
“aho mallasya saìgräha” O! the clenching of the fist of the wrestler. However in other meanings the form
is saìgraha made with al.. e.g saìgraho dhänyasya ‘A collection of grain’.. amåta says that the irregularity
of both forms is the specific meanings.. however it may be noted that JG, SK and Samkñipta-sära etc..
have not stated a specific meaning for udgräha in their sütras(as they did for saìgräha),, and MW,SK and
Apte also translate it primarily as ‘lifting up’(which is not a special meaning, but just the meaning of the
dhätu)... so amåta’s explanation is not bulletproof in this regard
muñöir däròhyam.
1603(SK 3209). pariëäyaù çäréëäà samantän nayane, nyäyaù sthity-anatikrame sädhü

The word pariëäya(pari+ëé+ghaë) is valid when meaning the moving of chess pieces on all sides(around
may be better translation of samantät). The word nyäya(ni+i[ë]+ghaë) is valid when meaning non-
deviation/propriety (lit the non-transgression of rules/laws/customs). An example with pariëäya from SK
is pariëäyena çärän hanti ‘he kills(takes) many pieces by moving a chessman’. There are many other
meanings of nyäya in the dictionary(me). Amåta says that word änäya is valid when meaning a net.. This
is from SK 3303. In all of these words the irregularity is the specific meaning. In other senses we cannot
apply ghaë and thus we get pariëaya(marriage), nyaya(decay), änaya(bringing or =upanayana)
1604 / payaARyaAe'naupaAtyayae /
1604. paryäyo ’nupätyaye
paryäyaù—paryäya; anupätyaye—in the meaning of anupätyaya (“a regular order, turn”)
Paryäya is the nipäta of pari + i[ë] + [gh]a[ë] in the meaning of anupätyaya.
paréëaù sädhur ayam. neha—viparyayaù.
Våtti—This is the proper form of pari + i[ë] gatau. But [gh]a[ë] is not applied in viparyayaù (“opposite”).
Amåta—Upätyaya means vyatikrama (“transgressing”) and anupätyaya means krama or, in other words
paripäöé (“a regular order, turn”). The result of the nipäta is the conventional meaning. In viparyayaù,
[gh]a[ë] is not applied since the meaning is vyatikrama, rather a[l] is applied instead by éçät (1627).
Saàçodhiné—While commenting on the equivalent Päëinian sütra paräv anupätyaya iëaù (Añöädhyäyé
3.3.38), Siddhänta-kaumudé explains that the word anupätyaya, which is made from na[ï] + upa + ati +
i[ë] gatau, means krama-präptasyänatipätaù (“not transgressing the regular order”). Siddhänta-kaumudé
also gives the examples tava paryäyaù (“your turn”) and mama paryäyaù (“my turn”) and the
counterexample anupätyaye kim? kälasya paryayaù. atipäta ity arthaù (“Why do we say “in the meaning
of anupätyaya”? Consider kälasya paryayaù (“a lapse of time”) where paryaya means atipäta (“a lapse”)”).
1605(SK 3211). upaçäya-viçäyau paryäyeëa çayanäçayanayoù sädhü

The words upaçäya and viçäya are valid when the sense is 2 people sleeping and staying awake(keeping
watch) in turns. From amåta: Thus when one person sleeps the other keeps watch/stays awake.
Furthermore both words(upaçäya and viçäya) each have the meaning of sleeping and staying awake(here
bala says that their quality of expressing sleeping is well-known, but their quality of expressing staying
awake is uncommon/not well-known, thus SK seeming different). In the example below satyäyäù means
satyabhämäyäù. When the word upaçäya means sleeping then the example means: ‘today is rukmiëé’s
turn to sleep and satyabhämä’s turn to keep watch/stay awake’. Similarly when the word upaçäya means
staying awake the example means: ‘today is rukmiëé’s turn to stay awake and satyabhämä’s turn to sleep’
rukmiëyä adyopaçäyaù, satyäyä viçäyaù.
1606(SK 3212). cer hastädäne, na tu steye

The affix ghaë is applied after the dhätu ci[ï] when the sense is taking with the hand, but not when
stealing is understood. JG gives the example tulasé-cäyaù ‘gathering tulasé by hand’.. then he gives another
example: hastena tulasé-cäyaù, which also means ‘gathering tulasé by hand’. At this point amåta raises a
prospective doubt: if taking by the hand is only expressed by the affix ghaë, how then are such
statements as “hastena tulasé-cäya” being used?? JG anwers this with the words “spañöärtham eva” e.g
even if the sense of taking by the hand is innate in the affix ghaë, still for sake of a clear understanding
the use of the word hasta is no fault. Why do we day ‘taking by the hand’. witness ‘gathering the ämalaka
fruits with a stick(yañöi)’.. here al was used to make uccaya, not ghaë. But even when there is ‘taking with
the hand’ if stealing is understood al is used e.g ‘the gathering of tulasé by theft’. SK gives pracäya in their
examples instead of cäya
tulasé-cäyaù. “hastena tulasé-cäyaù” iti spañöärtham eva. “hastädäne” kim? yañöyämalakoccayaù. steye tu
tulasé-cayaù.
1607(SK 3213 and 3214). nikäyo gåhe räçau ca, tathä sadharma-präëinäà bahutve, na tu saìgame
sädhuù
The word nikäya(ni+ci[ï]+ghaë) is valid when it means a house or a pile/group. It is also valid when
meaning an association(the word used for both bahutve and saìgame in the päëini sütra and in
saàkñipta-sära(259) is saìghe) of living beings who have a common practice(bala and samskipta-sära say
that dharma=äcära-vacana). But not when the meaning is a mere collection/multitude of living beings.
Here according to Ssära 259(vivaraëé) and päëini’s counterexample etc.. I would say that bahutve and
saìgame should swap places in this sütra.. pount this out e.g due to saìgha being of two kinds.. we take
the first kind, but not the second.
In all cases here the irregularity is the specific meanings, and the change of c to k of the dhätu ciï(me). I
have taken out nicite from the sütra as I believe it to be another bala interpolation crept into JG’s sütra:
my reasons are that the word is not there in the amåta comm, nor in päëini or SS’s sütras, if it refers to
the citä/citi described in the päëini sütra then the form made is äkäya not nikäya, and if it an adjective of
räçau then it is useless e.g a pile(räçi) means that which is collected.. so to say a nicita räçi is to say that
which is collected which is collected, this of course is absurd. When nikäya means a house, then ghaë
has been used in adhikaraëa-väcya e.g nicéyate ’sminn, literally there is collecting in this. When nikäya
means a pile, then ghaë has been used in karma-väcya(lit that which is collected). e.g go-maya-nikäya= a
pile of cow-dung. amåta gives a counterexample of this with käñöha-nicaya ‘a multitude of wood’. Here
mere plurality is intended and not a pile, thus al is applied not ghaë. An example of an assembly of
persons having the same conduct: is vaiñëava-nikäya ‘the association of devotees’.. SK gives bhikñu-
nikäyaù, vaiyäkaraëa-nikäyaù. The counterexample in this regard is sükara-nicaya ‘a herd of hogs’, here a
mere group of living entities is expressed, thus al is used instead of ghaë.. although ghaë would have
been obtained by this example fitting into the category of räçi, still due to the specific forbidding in the
last part of this sütra it is not so.(saàskipta-sära-vyäkaraëa(259) explains this counterexample well)
Pulling from SK 3123, amåta also explains that the form äkäya(ä[ì]+ci[ï]+ghaë)is valid when meaning
the fire used for burning a corpse.. similarly käya(ci[ï]+ghaë) is valid when meaning the body. Same
irregularities as before.
präëinäà saìgamas tu “nicayaù.”
1608(SK 3220). avagräha-nigrähäv äkroçe sädhü

The forms avagräha(ava+grah+ghaë) and nigräha(ni+grah+ghaë) are valid provided a curse is
understood. Here the irregularity is the sense of these words being conventional. ghaë here is an apaväda
of 420. E.g May there be impediment for the non-devotee(The SK translation is not good as cursing is
only understood, avagräha itself doesn’t mean cursed). Or if you make the same example with nigräha
‘May there be chastisement for the non-devotee’.. As far as I can see, here avagräha and nigräha are in
bhäva-väcya and avaiñëavasya is the anukta-karma, thus ñañöhé(though when we translate it in english it
sounds liks sambandha-ñañöhé).. counterexamples are pädasyävagrahaù ‘an obstacle for the foot’ caurasya
nigrahaù ‘punishment for the thief’. Here there is no cursing involved.
avaiñëavasyävagräho bhüyät.
1609(SK 3221 and 3222). pragräho lipsu-kartåke, parigräho yajïäìga-grahaëe sädhü

The form pragräha(pra+grah+ghaë) is valid when it is understood that the performer of the action(kartå)
desires to gain something. Similarly the form parigräha(pari+grah+ghaë) is valid provided it
refers(grahaëe means viñaye according to amåta) to a sacrificial article. Again here the irregularity is the
sense of these words being conventional. Examples are pätra-pragräheëa bhikñuç carati ‘The beggar
wanders carrying a begging bowl’. Here it is understood that the beggar desires alms. I say that pätra-
pragräheëa is a kriyä-viçeñaëam here(yathä syät). The desire to gain is more explicit in the SK examples
e.g pätra-pragräheëa bhikñuç carati piëòärthé ‘The beggar, desirous of alms, wanders carrying a begging
bowl’. sruva-pragräheëa carati dvijo dakñiëärthé ‘The brähmaëa walks about carrying a sacrificial ladle,
desirous of remuneration. parigräha specifically means the fencing of the sacrificial altar(vedi). The
example is: uttaraù parigrähaù. The northern fencing of the sacrificial altar.
1610(SK 3224). udaù çri-yauti-pü-drubhyaù

The affix ghaë is applied after the dhätus çri[ï], yu, pü(both püï and püì are taken) and dru, provided
they come after the upendra ‘ud’. The forms thus made are ucchräya(rising upwards), udyäva(mixing),
utpäva(purifying ghee etc..), uddräva(retreat). I have not included ‘né’ here even though it is in all the
editions as I suspect it to be another bala-interpolation. Amåta doesn’t include ‘né’ in the sütra, nor does
the päëini sütra have it.. but Ssära 281 says that ut+çri and ud+ëé optionally take ghaë.. so it is probably
an interpolation from bala öéka which usually follows Ssära.. but to add it here is faulty as the form
unnäya is already achieved by 391.. to add it here again makes JG look like a repetitive fool.
ucchräyaù.
1611(SK 3299). avatärävastärau sädhü

The forms avatära(ava+tè+ghaë) and avastära(ava+stè[ï]+ghaë) are valid. In avatära ghaë has been
applied in karma-väcya according to amåta(but seems like kartå-väcya in the amara quote.. and the
dhätus seems akarmaka.. look up kaçika/mahäbhäñya), the irregularity being the special meaning of
“Incarnation”. avatära can also be ghaë in bhäva-väcya e.g ‘descent’, in which case there is no irregularity.
avastära is ghaë in karaëa-väcya. It means a curtain, or a screen around a tent.
1612(part of SK 3225). vibhäñä

A prabhu adhikära is made stating that from now on ghaë is only optionally applied.
prabhur ayam.
1613(SK 3225 til 3230). äìo ru-plubhyäm
1614. aväd graho varña-pratibandhe

1615. prät tulä-sütre haya-rajjau ca
1616. präd våëoter äcchädane
1617. parer bhuvo ’vajïäne
These should be separate sütras(though given as one big sütra in all editions) as they are in päëini
otherwise where is the use of making the adhikära ‘vibhäña’ for just one sütra, you could just append it at
the end and there would be no need for 409. That they are separate sütras is also indicated by the phrase
sütra-païcakam in amåta.
The affix ghaë is optionally applied after ä[ì]+ru and ä[ì]+plu. The affix ghaë is optionally applied after
ava+grah[a] when a drought(the absence of rain, for whatever reason, when the season has arrived). The
affix ghaë is optionally applied after pra+grah[a] when the cord of scales(by which the scales are held) or
a bridle(the rope by which horses etc.. which are yoked to the chariot etc.. are held under control) is to
be expressed. The affix ghaë is optionally applied after pra+vå[ï] when a cloak is to expressed. The affix
ghaë is optionally applied after pari+bhü provided disrespect/contempt is meant. In the case that ghaë is
not applied, al is applied instead. amåta adds that the form névära meaning ‘wild rice’ is made by
ni+vå[ï](or vå[ì])+ghaë by SK 3223.. Here ghaë is not optional.
The forms thus made are äräva or ärava(crying/noise), äpläva or äplava(bathing),

avagräha or avagraha, pragräha or pragraha, prävära or pravara(or pravära also according to Ssära e.g
prävära when 414 is taken otherwise pravära both are in dicts..) and paribhäva or paribhava.
When the meaning is different than those above, Forms can be made in bhäva-väcya with the affix al by
future sütras. E.g avagraha ‘impediment’, pragraha ‘taking’, pravara ‘best’. paribhava
‘surrounding’(sarvato-bhavana.. from SK 3230 and amåta).
Now the adhikära ‘vibhäñä’ is finished.. and JG gosvämi’s announcement ‘atha vakñyamänasya bädhakäni
lakñaëäni’ is also finished. Thus from now on ghaë is ordained in a general sense(no longer as an apaväda
of al), and there the adhikära bhäve and kartå-varjite kärake are to be supplied. Thus what JG the form JG
will now describe in the våtti take ghaë in the general sense by the sütra bhäve kartå-varjite...
JG then shows the effect of the sütra jani-vadhyor in preventing the våñëéndra cause by ghaë.. e.g çam
and vi+çram don’t take våñëéndra, thus çama and viçrama The dhätus headed by ä[ì]+cam do however
take våñëéndra because of being excluded in that sütra, thus äcäma and käma. According to käçikä the
word ‘viçräma’ is an improperly formed word. But according to the sütra previously given in äkhyäta-
prakaraëam, namely ‘ama-cama-viçramäm vety eke’(here the kecid here and the eke there refer to the
same people), the form viçräma can be made, as well as viçrama.. similarly they optionally make cama
and ama, although they are usually forbidden in jani-vadhyor.. JG then show the application of the sütra
‘upendräl labher num khal-ghaëor..’ by showing pralambha,, he shows the second part of the sütra,
namely ‘na su-durbhyäm anyopendra-rahitäbhyäm’ by showing suläbha and durläbha
ärävaù, ärava ity-ädi. vibhäñä nivåttä. “jani-vadhyor mäntänäà ca” (3.157) iti na våñëéndraù—çamaù,
viçramaù. äcamädes tu äcämaù, kämaù. “viçräma ity apaçabdaù” iti käçikä. kecit tu “camaù,” “amaù”
apécchanti. “upendräl labheù” (143) iti pralambhaù. neha—suläbhaù, durläbhaù.
1618(SK 3185, Ssära 275). sphurateù sphäraù sädhuù

The form sphära made from sphur[a] and ghaë is valid. The irregularity here is the change of sphur
to sphär before ghaë.. The meaning of sphära is throbbing/glittering
1619 / r"njaenaRsya h"r"Ae BaAvak(r"NAGaiNA /
1619. ranjer nasya haro bhäva-karaëa-ghaëi
ranjeù—of the dhätu ranj[a] räge (1U or 4U, “to be colored, delighted, to love, be attached”); nasya—of
the na-räma; haraù—deletion; bhäva-karaëa-ghaëi—when [gh]a[ë] which is applied in bhäve prayoga or
karaëe prayoga follows.
The n of ranj[a] is deleted when [gh]a[ë] which is applied in bhäve prayoga or karaëe prayoga follows.
raïjanaà, tat-sädhanaà vä rägaù. neha—rajaty asmin “raìgaù.”
Våtti—Thus we get rägaù which means raïjanam (“the act of being colored, love, attachment”) or tat-
sädhanam (“the means of becoming colored, dye”). But this rule doesn’t apply in the case of raìgaù where
the sense is rajaty asmin (“the place where one delights, a theater, stage, arena, battlefield”).
Ø ranj → (1587) ranj + [gh]a[ë] → (ranj is aniö by verse 3, 1619) raj + [gh]a[ë] → (470) räj +
[gh]a[ë] → (1362) räga → (1583, 148) räga + s[u] → (1583, 155) rägaù (“the act of being colored, love,
attachment”) <1.1 bhäve>.
Ø ranj → (1587) ranj + [gh]a[ë] → (ranj is aniö by verse 3, 1619) raj + [gh]a[ë] → (470) räj +
[gh]a[ë] → (1362) räga → (1583, 148) räga + s[u] → (155) rägaù (“that with which something is
colored, dye”) <1.1 karaëe>.
Ø ranj → (1587) ranj + [gh]a[ë] → (ranj is aniö by verse 3, 1362) ranga → (230, 114) raìga →
(1583, 148) raìga + s[u] → (155) raìgaù (“the place where one delights, a theater, stage, arena,
battlefield”) <1.1 adhikaraëe>.
Amåta—Raïjanam is used here to indicate bhäve prayoga and tat-sädhanam is used to indicate karaëe
prayoga such that rägaù means rajaty anena (“that with which something is colored”) and refers to
haridrä (“turmeric”) and so on. Raìgaù is formed by applying [gh]a[ë] in adhikaraëe prayoga and thus
the n of ranj[a] doesn’t get deleted. The word raìga means raìga-bhümi (“the place where one delights, a
theater, stage, arena, battlefield”).
1620(these two areSK 3186 and 3187). syandeù syado jave, avonder avodaù, pra-himäbhyäà çrantheù
praçratha-himaçrathau sädhü
The form syada(syand[ü]+ghaë) is valid when the meaning is rapid motion/speed. The forms gopala dasa 29/11/06 13:53
Comment [94]: seems like this is vibhakti-
avoda(ava+und[é]+ghaë), praçratha(pra+çranth[a]+ghaë) and hima-çratha(the word hima+çranth+ghaë) pariëämaù
are also valid.The irregularity in all the forms but avoda is the deletion of ‘n’ and the absence of
våñëéndra.. The irregularity in avoda is the deletion of ‘n’ and the absence of govinda. avoda=
‘dripping/wet’, praçratha= ‘looseness/relaxation’, hima-çratha= ‘melting snow’
1621(SK 1044). upendrasya trivikramo ghaëi bahulam
1622 (SK 1045). tatreçasya käçe

An upendra becomes trivikrama variously(sometimes, sometimes not)when there is ghaë. In that regard
an upendra that ends in an éça always becomes trivikrama before käça(a word made from käç[å]+ghaë).
Amåta says that tatreçasya käçe is an apaväda/viçeña of the first part of this sütra.. JG gives example with
käça below.. e.g because the upendras there were éçänta therefore they became trivikrama before käça. But
in the case of prakäça because of the upendra not being éçänta it doesn’t fit the bill and thus there is no
trivikrama
nékäçaù, anükäçaù.
1623(SK 1044 note). präsädo gåhe, präkäraù präcére

JG’ speaks some more viçeñas: The pra+säda becomes präsäda when a palace is to be expressed, and
pra+kära becomes präkära when a wall/fence is to be expressed. In other meanings though, there is no
trivikrama of the upendra.. e.g prasäda(kindness) and prakära(similarity or difference..(other meanings
in dict also))
1624(SK 1044 note). kvacid vä

JG now elaborates on the word bahulam in 414.. Sometimes an upendra optionally becomes trivikrama
before a word ending in ghaë. Thus prativeça or pratéveça(both mean a neighbour), pratihara or
pratéhara(both mean a door-keeper)
prativeçaù, pratéveçaù. pratihäraù, pratéhäraù.
1625. kvacin na
JG further elaborates on the word bahulam in 414. Sometimes an upendra doesn’t become trivikrama
before a word ending in ghaë. E.g praväha, prahära, praväda. JG then shows the effect of the sütra ‘avasya
taàse’ e.g we get either avataàsa or vataàsa.. iti ghaëë-antäh should be part of this våtti.. Thus we have
finished dealing with the ghaë-anta words.
pravähaù, prahäraù, pravädaù. aper ädi-hara ity-ädi, avasya taàse—avataàso, vataàsaù. iti ghaëë-antäù
Thus ends the section dealing with words that end in [gh]a[ë].
1626 / @Ta GaNAAe'pavaAd"Ae'lGaNNATaeR /
1626. atha ghaëo ’pavädo ’l ghaëë-arthe
atha—now; ghaëaù—of the kåt pratyaya [gh]a[ë]; apavädaù—which is an apaväda; al—the kåt pratyaya
a[l]; ghaëë-arthe—in the meaning of the kåt pratyaya [gh]a[ë] (the meaning of [gh]a[ë] is bhäve, kartå-
varjite ca kärake).
Now the word al is to be supplied in the subseqent sütras. A[l] is an apaväda of [gh]a[ë] applied in the
meaning of [gh]a[ë].
vibhur ayam.
Våtti—This is a vibhu adhikära.
Amåta—[Gh]a[ë] and a[l] are apavädas of each other, because the rule of väsarüpa (sütra 1346) isn’t
applicable since both [gh]a[ë] and a[l] have the same remainder form.
Saàçodhiné—In this regard, the kåt pratyaya a[l] that is ordained in the following sütras is an apaväda of
the kåt pratyaya [gh]a[ë] that is ordained in sütras 1586 and 1587. But then the roles are reversed,
because the kåt pratyaya [gh]a[ë] that is ordained in sütras 1588 to 1617 is an apaväda of the kåt pratyaya
a[l] that is ordained in the following sütras.
1627 / wRzAAta, /
1627. éçät
éçät—after a dhätu which end in an éça.
A[l] is applied after a dhätu which ends in an éça.
cayanaà cayaù, niçcayaù, çiloccayaù, praçrayaù. mi-mé-liyäm iti jïäpakäd al ca—nimayaù, vilayaù. déìas tu
ménätéty-ädinä ä-rämänta-päöhatväd ghaëë eva—upadäyaù.
Våtti—For example, cayaù which means cayanam (“[the act of] collecting”). Similarly, we get niçcayaù,
çiloccayaù, and praçrayaù.
Ø ci → (1627) ci + a[l] → (ci is aniö by verse 1, 394) ce + a → (63) caya → (1583, 148) caya +
s[u] → (1583, 155) cayaù (“[the act of] collecting, a collection, heap, pile1”) <1.1 bhäve>.
Ø nir + ci → (1627) nir + ci + a[l] → (ci is aniö by verse 1, 394) nir + ce + a → (63) nir + caya →
(155) niù + caya → (134) niçcaya → (1583, 148) niçcaya + s[u] → (1583, 155) niçcayaù (“ascertainment,
certainty, decision”) <1.1 bhäve>.
Ø ud + ci → (1627) ud + ci + a[l] → (ci is aniö by verse 1, 394) ud + ce + a → (63) ud + caya →

(102) uccaya → (102) uccaya → (1583, 148) uccaya + s[u] → (1583, 155) uccayaù (“[the act of] heaping
up, a collection, heap, pile”) <1.1 bhäve>.
Ø pra + çri → (1627) pra + çri + a[l] → (440, 394) pra + çre + a → (63) praçraya → (1583, 148)
praçraya + s[u] → (1583, 155) praçrayaù (“love”) <1.1 bhäve>.
Due to the jïäpaka2 mi-mé-liyäà khal-alor ätva-niñedhaù (1338), it is also understood that a[l] is applied.
Thus we get nimayaù and vilayaù. But, because dé[ì] becomes a dhätu that ends in ä-räma by ménäti-
minoti-déìäm (732), only [gh]a[ë] is applied and we get upadäyaù.
Saàçodhiné—Commenting on the equivalent Päëinian sütra er ac (Añöädhyäyé 3.3.56), Käçikä gives jayaù
(“victory, glory”) and kñayaù (“destruction, dimunition”) as further examples and also says aj-vidhau
bhayädénäm upasaìkhyänaà napuàsake ... bhayam, varñam (“Even though the words bhaya and so on are
1
In this regard, one should remember the maxim kåd-abhihito bhävo dravya-vat prakäçate (våtti 1420).
2
Indicator; An expression or rule that implies something more than what is directly said by the rule itself.
used in the neuter gender, they should also be counted as words formed by applying a[c] (a[l]) by the
current rule. Thus we get bhayam (“fear”) <1.1> and varñam (“rain”) <1.1>”).
Amåta—Cayanam is given as the meaning here to indicate that cayaù is formed by applying a[l] in bhäve
prayoga. Niçcaya means nirëaya (“ascertainment, decision”).1 Uccaya means räçi (“a collection, heap,
pile”)2 and çiloccayaù refers to a mountain and means çilänäà prastaräëäm uccayo yatra saù (“the place
where rocks (çilä=prastara) are heaped up”). Praçraya means praëaya (“love”).3
Someone may argue, “When the viñaya is [gh]a[ë] why don’t the dhätus mentioned in ménäti-minoti-
déìäm ä-rämänta-päöhaç caturvyüha-vidhi-sthäne yapi ca (732) immediately become dhätus that end in ä-
räma before the apaväda of [gh]a[ë], namely a[l], has a chance to be applied by the current sütra?” In
answer to this, Jéva Gosvämé says jïäpakäd al ca. The sütra mi-mé-liyäà khal-alor ätva-niñedhaù (1338)
indicates that a[l] is also applied after these dhätus, otherwise there would have been no need of the
prohibition. Nimayaù is a form of both mé[ï] hiàsäyäm (9U, “to desroy, diminish”) and [òu]mi[ï]
prakñepaëe (5U, “to throw, scatter”), and vilayaù is a form of lé[ì] çleñaëe (4A, “to stick, adhere to”).
1628 / ƒah"va{ä{"gAmavazAr"NAeBya: /
1628. graha-vå-då-gama-vaça-raëebhyaù
graha-vå-då-gama-vaça-raëebhyaù—after the dhätus grah[a] upädäne (9U, “to accept, take”), vå[ï] varaëe
(5U, “to choose, ask for”), då[ì] ädare (6A, “to respect”), gam[ÿ] gatau (1P, “to go, move”), vaç[a] käntau
(2P, “to desire”), and raë[a] çabde (1P, “to sound, ring”).
A[l] is applied after grah[a], vå[ï], då[ì], gam[ÿ], vaç[a], and raë[a].
grahaù. bähulyät svayaì-grähaù. varaù, ädaraù. vå-dror eveti niyamät na å-rämäntarät—häraù käraù.
dérgha-è-rämät tu kéryate ’neneti karaù.
Våtti—Thus we get grahaù (“taking, mentally grasping”). But, because the kåt pratyayas are applied
variously, we get svayaì-grähaù (“taking by oneself”).
Ø grah → (1628) grah + a[l] → (440) graha → (1583, 148) graha + s[u] → (1583, 155) grahaù
(“taking, mentally grasping”) <1.1 bhäve>.
Futher examples are varaù (“choosing or that which is chosen, a boon”) and ädaraù (“respect”).
Ø vå → (1628) vå + a[l] → (440, 394) vara → (1583, 148) vara + s[u] → (1583, 155) varaù
(“choosing”) <1.1 bhäve>.
Ø vå → (1628) vå + a[l] → (440, 394) vara → (1583, 148) vara + s[u] → (155) varaù (“that
which is chosen, a boon”) <1.1 karmaëi>.
Ø ä[ì] + då → (1628) ä[ì] + då + a[l] → (då is aniö by verse 1, 394) ädara → (1583, 148) ädara +
s[u] → (1583, 155) ädaraù (“respect”) <1.1 bhäve>.
Since only vå[ï] and då[ì] are included here, a[l] isn’t applied after any other dhätu that ends in å-räma.
Thus we get häraù (“taking, stealing”) and käraù (“doing, making”).
Ø hå → (1586) hå + [gh]a[ë] → (hå is aniö by verse 1, 422) hära → (1583, 148) hära + s[u] →
(1583, 155) häraù (“taking, stealing”) <1.1 bhäve>.
1
Amara-koña says samau nirëaya-niçcayau (“nirëaya and niçcaya have the same meaning”).
2
Bäla says uccaya means uccayana (“[the act of] heaping up”).
3
Amara-koña says samau praçraya-praëayau (“praçraya and praëaya have the same meaning”).
Ø kå → (1586) kå + [gh]a[ë] → (kå is aniö by verse 1, 422) kära → (1583, 148) kära + s[u] →
(1583, 155) käraù (“doing, making”) <1.1 bhäve>.
But a[l] is applied after dhätus that end in è-räma. Thus we get karaù where the sense is kéryate ’nena
(“that with which one throws, the hand”).
Ø kè → (1628) kè + a[l] → (440, 394) kara → (1583, 148) kara + s[u] → (155) karaù (“that with
which one throws, the hand”) <1.1 karaëe>.
Amåta—Svayaì-grähaù <1.1> means svayaà grahaëam (“taking by oneself”). [Gh]a[ë] is applied in bhäve
prayoga here because the kåt pratyayas are applied variously. Karaù is made from the dhätu kè vikñepe (6P,
“to scatter, throw”) and it means hastaù (“the hand”). It should be known that the words a-kära (“the
sound a”), ka-kära (“the sound ka”), oà-kära (“the sound oà”), phut-kära (“the sound phut”), cét-kära
(“the sound cét”), and so on are made by paçcät-samäsa with the word kära. Therefore others say the
värttika varëät käraù (“the pratyaya kära is applied after a varëa”) is pointless.
1629(SK 3235,36,37). upendräd adaù, ner ëaç ca, ado ghasÿ ghaëë-aloù
The affix al is applied after the dhätu ad[a] provided it comes after an upendra, when ad[a] comes after
the upendra ni then the affix ëa as well as the affix al can be applied. The dhätu ad[a] becomes ghas[ÿ]
before ghaë or al. E.g vi+ad[a]+al becomes vighasa ‘remnants of an offering of food(to guests, guru, god
etc.) or food in general’. similarly nighasa ‘eating or food’, or when ëa is applied then nyäda ‘eating’.. Why
do we say after an upendra? witness ghäsa(ad[a]+ghaë) ‘food or grass’
vighasaù, nighasaù, nyädaù.
1630(SK 3238,39,40,41). anupendräd vyadhi-japibhyäà, vä svana-hasäbhyäà, sam-upa-vi-nibhyaç ca

yamaù, ner gada-nada-paöha-svanebhyaù
The affix al is applied after the dhätus vyadh[a] and jap[a] provided they are without upendras. The affix
al is optionally applied after the dhätus svan[a] and has[a], al is optionally applied after the dhätu yam[u]
provided it comes after the upendra sam, upa, vi or ni or when it is without an upendra(this part is by the
word ca). The affix al is optionally applied after the dhätus gad[a], ëad[a], paöh[a], svan[a] provided they
come after the upendra ni.
In the case that al is not applied ghaë is applied.. Thus we get vyadha, japa, svana or sväna, hasa or häsa,
saàyama or saàyäma, upayama or upayäma, viyama or viyäma, niyama or niyäma. By the word ‘ca’ we
also get yama or yäma. And finally we get nigada or nigäda, ninada or ninäda, nipaöha or nipäöha, nisvana
or nisväna
vyadhaù, svanaù, svänaù. saàyamaù, saàyämaù. ca-kärät yamaù, yämaù. nigadaù, nigädaù.
1631(SK 3242). kväëa-kvaëa-nikväëa-nikvaëäù, véëä-çabde tu prakväëa-prakvaëädayaù sädhavaù.

The forms kväëa, kvaëa, nikväëa and nikvaëa, made from the dhätu kvaë[a]+ghaë or al are valid.(They
all mean sound) The forms headed by prakväëa and prakvaëa are valid when meaning the sound of the
véëä.
1632(SK 3243). paëaù parimäëe.

The affix al is applied after the dhätu paë[a] provided a measure is meant. JG gives the example a paëa of
vegetable. JG then asks what is the meaning of paëa. He answers by saying that paëa= a measure equal to
a handful. According to amåta JG then quotes bhaööi to show how al is applied after paë[a] in meanings
other than a measure due to the kåd affixes being applied variously.. amåta says that here paëa has the
meaning of wealth. Amara-koça says: paëo dyutädiñütsåñöe bhåtau mülye dhane ’pi ca. E.g paëa means
stake(in gambling), wages, price and wealth. Here JG is following the päëini sütra verbatim.
çäkasya paëaù. “paëaù” kim? parimitä muñöiù. “naräù kñéëa-paëä iva” iti bhaööiù (7.58).
1633(SK 3244). anupendrän madaù

The affix al is applied after the dhätu mad[é] provided it is without an upendra. E.g vidyä-mada ‘pride of
knowledge’ .. similarly dhana-mada ‘pride of wealth’, kula-mada ‘pride of family’. Why do we say without
an upendra?? witness pramäda ‘error or carelessness’, unmäda ‘madness/intoxication’.. Because of the kåd
affixes being applied variously we also have unmada made with al.. same meaning as unmäda
vidyä-madaù. bähulyäd unmadaù.
1634(SK 3245,46.. Ssära 320). pramada-sammadau harñe, samajaù paçu-saìghe, udajaù paçu-saìgha-
preraëe sädhavaù
The forms pramada and sammada are valid when meaning joy/delight. Samaja is valid when meaning a
herd of animals, udaja is valid when meaning driving forth cattle. Here the dhätus are mad[é] and aj[a]
with the affix al. The irregularity is the conventional usage of each, and also the absence of the change of
aj--> vé by ajer vé ghaëaà vinä räma-dhätuke. In other meanings the forms are samäja and udäja, made
with ghaë e.g samäjo vaiñëavänäm ‘the assembly of vaiñëavas’ or udäjo ’nékänäm ‘the marching forth of
the soldiers’. amåta comments that the reading paçu-saìgha-preraëayor(still to be found in all the
editions) is a printing error. bala backs this up.
anyatra—samäjaù, udäjaù.
1635(SK 3247,48). glaho ’kñasya paëe, upasaro garbhädhäne sädhü

The form glaha is valid when meaning the stake in playing of dice. The form upasara is valid when
meaning impregnation. glaha= grah[a]+al, the irregularity being the change of ‘r’ to ‘l’. upasara=
upa+så+al, the irregularity being the use of al when it was otherwise unobtained by the restriciton vå-dror
in 420.
1636(SK 3249-52, Ssära 318,325,344).

hvayater nihaväbhihavopahava-vihaväù sädhavaù
1637. hava ähväne, ähavo yuddhe, ähävas tu nipäne

gopala dasa 14/1/07 10:56
havo bhäve, sopendratve tu prahväyaù
Comment [95]: see comment to 1627 why this
The forms nihava ‘invocation’ , abhihava ‘calling near’, upahava ‘invitation’ and vihava ‘invocation’, which is separate
are forms of hve[ï] irregularly made with the affix al, are valid. hava is valid when meaning ‘calling’.
ähava is valid when meaning war, ähäva is valid when meaning a trough near a well for watering cattle.
The irregularities in ähäva are the saìkarñaëa of hve[ï] and after that the våñëéndra, the irregularities in
all the other forms are the saìkarñaëa of hve[ï] and after that the govinda. according to amåta ähava is al
being using in adhikaraëa-väcya e.g warriors challenge each other in this. amara-koça says: “havo hutau”
hava means a sacrifice.. What amara-koça is describing however is the word hava, regularly made from
the dhätu hu with al by the sütra “éçäd”. Thus there are two forms of hava, one from the dhätu hve[ï] by
this sütra and one from the dhätu hu.
JG also further informs us that hava, which was described in the sütra as hava ähväne, is made in bhäva-
väcya, but when hveï is with upendras then it takes ghaë instead in bhäva-väcya.. thus the form
prahväyaù(no saìkarñaëa, but äto yuk as usual) Here I have made havo bhäve etc.. into våtti as I believe
JG is further qualifying the statement hava ähväne.. Both päëini and kätantra, the two main systems of
grammar, have the same sütra in this regard “bhäve ’nupasargasya”, SK translation: “The affix ‘ap’ comes
after the verb ‘hve’ and there is the change of the semi-vowel to its corresponding vowel, when the root is
upasarga-less, and mere action(bhäva) is denoted”
I believe JG is following the sütra just quoted, thus he makes it easy for us in the sütra by ordaining hava
as meaning ähväna(which is the bhäva(dhätv-artha) of the dhätu hve[ï] anyway, it is not an additional
meaning). Then in the våtti he brings in the other points from the quoted sütra, e.g that hava is in bhäva-
väcya, and that it can only be made when there are no upendras, thus he gives a counterexample with an
upendra.. This counterexample must be prahväya and not prahäva as in all the editions for the following
reasons: It is not to be found in any dictionary, including çabda-kalpadruma and väcaspätyam, nor in the
3 main grammars used by JG, viz päëini, Ssära, or kätantra. Rather SK3252 has the counterexample
ähväyah and SK3249 directly gives the counterexample prahväyaù. Thus amåta’s explanation for prahäva
seems false, bala doesn’t even mention prahäva. Another point is that sopendratve tu should be våtti as
the same phrase appears in the next våtti
1638 / h"naAe vaDaê BaAvae /
1638. hano vadhaç ca bhäve
hanaù—after the dhätu han[a] hiàsä-gatyoù (2P, “to strike, kill; to go, move”); vadhaù—the change to
vadha; ca—also; bhäve—in bhäve prayoga.
A[l] is applied after han[a] in bhäve prayoga and then han[a] is replaced by vadha.
ca-käräd ghaëë apéñyate—ghätaù. sopendratve tu—praghätaù, vighätaù.
Våtti—Ø han → (1638) han + a[l] → vadha + a[l] → (440, 511) vadha → (1583, 148) vadha + s[u] →
(1583, 155) vadhaù (“killing”) <1.1 bhäve>.
Due to the word ca, [gh]a[ë] is also applied. Thus we also get ghätaù (“killing”).
Ø han → (1586) han + [gh]a[ë] → (han is aniö by verse 5, 267) ghan + [gh]a[ë] → (470) ghän +
[gh]a[ë] → (806) ghäta → (1583, 148) ghäta + s[u] → (1583, 155) ghätaù (“killing”) <1.1 bhäve>.
But when han[a] has an upendra, only [gh]a[ë] is applied, and we get praghätaù and vighätaù.
1639(SK 3254, by this våtti make hava ähväne a separate sütra.). ghanaù käöhinya-kaöhinayoù
The form ghana(han[a]+al) is valid when meaning hardness/stiffness or hard/stiff. The irregularity here is
that the ‘h’ of han[a] has become ‘gh’. An example when ghana means käöhinya is: payaso ghanaù ‘the
stiffness of the milk’. An example when ghana means kaöhina is: ghanaà dadhi ‘the stiff yoghurt’.. JG says
in the våtti that ‘these forms are valid’, this statement means the forms from hava up til ghana are
valid(e.g up until now he didn’t use the word sädhu for them)
ete sädhavaù.
1640(SK 3255, Ssara 321). antar-ghaëo deçe

The form antarghaëa(antar+han[a]+al) is valid when meaning a country/area. The irregularities here are
the change of the h of han[a] to gh and the change of ‘n’ to ‘ë’(this is irregular because ‘antar’ is only
considered an upendra when there is ‘dhäïo ìäp-ki-vidhau tathä’). antarghaëa can mean either mean the
country balkh(variously named as balhi, bälhi, bahli, bähli, bälhéka, bähéka or bähléka... balkh is the MW
english name) or it can mean a courtyard(the area between the entrance door and the house). The bhaööi
example quoted by JG uses antar-ghaëa in this second sense(which is more common).. thus JG has given
the gloss ‘anta-sthita’(e.g ‘antaù-sthita’(antar+sthä+[k]ta) is generally written as anta-sthita according to
MW). The example is ‘in that area situated in the middle’. In contrast to JG, SK and Ssära first ordain
antar-ghana, which is without ëatvam, then they say that the reading antar-ghaëa is also valid.. Thus one
may encounter either form and they are both valid.
ëatvena sädhuù. “tasminn antar-ghaëe deçe” iti bhaööiù (7.63). anta-sthita ity arthaù.
1641(SK 3256, 59,60,65). ayoghana-praghaëa-vighana-drughaëäù karaëe, ayo-hanané dru-hanané ca

striyäà, stambaghana-stambaghnau ca, nighas tu parimite sädhavaù
The irregular forms ayo-ghana, praghaëa, vighana and dru-ghaëa are valid in karaëa-väcya, The irregular
forms ayo-hanané and dru-hanané, made with [ö]aëa(461) in the feminine gender, are also valid in
karaëa-väcya. The forms stamba-ghana and stamba-ghna are also valid in karaëa-väcya. The form nigha is
valid when meaning ‘measured all around’(being as high as broad).
In all cases the change of the ‘h’ of han to ‘gh’ is an irregularity and the ëatvam in dru-ghaëa and deletion
of the saàsära of han in nigha are also irregular. ayo-ghana= ‘a forge hammer’(literally that by which iron
is beaten), praghaëa= ‘a porch’(lit that by which there is going, i.e according to amåta here han has the
sense of gati thus the gloss of gamyate. The ëatvam is by upendräd dhanter), vighana= ‘a
mallet/hammer’(literally that by which there is striking.. here I cannot find any justification for amåta’s
saying vighana=moon.. it seems false), dru-ghaëa= ‘an axe’(literally that by which a tree a cut). Some
other grammarians make the form as dru-ghana.
The forms ayo-hanané and dru-hanané have taken ép in the feminine due to the anubandha ‘ö’ in [ö]ana.
They mean ‘forge hammer’ and ‘axe’ respectively. stamba-ghana and stamba-ghna mean ‘a small
hoe’(literally that by which clumps of grass are destroyed). according to amåta/päëini stamba-ghna is
formed by the affix ka, in which case there is no irregularity in formation,, according to Ssära(332) and
bala,, it is formed with al and the irregularity is the deletion of the ‘a’ of han. Nigha means ‘as high as
broad’ e.g nighä våkñäù ‘trees which are high as they are broad’. amåta says that parigha ‘an iron
bludgeon, or an iron beam used for locking a gate’ is similarly formed
1642 / gAAecar"s$aÂar"vah"ãjavyajaApaNAinagAmaAd"yaAe GaAntaA: k(r"NAAiDak(r"NAyaAe: s$aMÁaAyaAM s$aADava: /

1642. gocara-saïcara-vaha-vraja-vyajäpaëa-nigamädayo ghäntäù karaëädhikaraëayoù saàjïäyäà
sädhavaù
gocara-saïcara-vaha-vraja-vyaja-äpaëa-nigama-ädayaù—gocara, saïcara, vaha, vraja, vyaja, äpaëa,

nigama, and so on; gha-antäù—which end in [gh]a; karaëa-adhikaraëayoù—in karaëe prayoga and
adhikaraëe prayoga; saàjïäyäm—in the sense of a saàjïä (“name”); sädhavaù—are the proper forms.
The words gocara, saïcara, vaha, vraja1, vyaja, äpaëa, nigama, and so on, which end in the pratyaya
[gh]a, are valid as names in karaëe prayoga and adhikaraëe prayoga.
gävaç caranty atra—gocaro viñayaù. pratyäsattir atra lakñyate. saïcaranty anena—saïcara ity-ädi. anye ca
saàjïä-çabdä amara-koñädau jïeyäù.
Våtti—In the sense of gävaç caranty atra (“where the senses wander”) we get gocara which means viñaya
(“the range of the senses or an object of the senses”). Pratyäsatti (“proximity / being within range”) is
what is intended in this regard. Similarly, in the sense of saïcaranty anena (“that by which people go”) we
get saïcara (“a path”) and so on. There are also other saàjïä-çabdas (“names”) that end in [gh]a, but
they have to be learnt from Amara-koña and other books.
Amåta—Gocara is formed by applying [gh]a in adhikaraëe prayoga and saïcara is formed by applying
[gh]a in karaëe prayoga. In gävas caranty atra, gävaù means indriyäëi (“the senses”). The viñayas (“objects
of the senses”) are rüpa (“form”), rasa (“taste”), and so on. Jéva Gosvämé explains the meaning of caranti
in this regard by saying pratyäsatti. Thus caranti here means samépé-bhavanti (“are near”). Due to the
words “and so on,” in the sense of vahanty anena (“that by which people are conveyed”) we get vaha (“a
vehicle, horse, ass, etc.”), in the sense of vrajanty asmin (“where the [cows] move about”) we get vraja
which means goñöha (“a cow shed”)2, in the sense of vyajanty anena (“that with which they move the air”)
we get vyaja which means vyajana (“a fan”)3, in the sense of äpaëyante ’smin (“where people barter”) we
get äpaëa which means kraya-vikraya-sthäna (“a place for buying and selling, a market, shop”), and in
the sense of nigacchanti jänanti bhagavantam anena (“that through which people know
(nigacchanti=jänanti) the Lord”) we get nigama which means veda (“the Vedas”).4 By the word ädi in
1
Even though [gh]a has the indicatory letter gh, the change to g doesn’t happen in vraja and vyaja, because they were
excluded in ca-joù ka-gau ghië-ëyator aja-vaja-vraja-ka-vargädi-varjam (1362).
2
Amara-koña says goñöhädhva-nivahä vrajäù (“The word vraja means goñöha (“a cow shed”), adhvan (“a path”), and nivaha (“a
host, multitude”)”).
3
The result of the nipäta here is that the dhätu aj[a] is not replaced with vé by ajer vé ghaëaà vinä räma-dhätuke (495).
4
Käçikä gives a different explanation of nigama: nigacchanti tasmin iti nigamaù (“A nigama (“marketplace, town, city”) is so
named because people wander in it”).
gocara-saïcara-vaha-vraja-vyajäpaëa-nigamädayaù, words like nikaña and so on should be known. Nikaña
is formed by applying [gh]a in the sense of nikañanty asmin (“people rub on this”) and means su-varëa-
parékñaëa-prastara (“a stone for testing gold, i.e a touchstone”).
1643(both these are SK 3296, 97). ghaù präyeëa karaëädhikaraëayoù
1644. ekopendrasya chäder vämano ghe

Generally the affix [gh]a is applied after a dhätu in karaëa-väcya or adhikaraëa-väcya. chädi(chad[a] 10P
samvaraëe), that has one upendra, becomes vämana before the affix [gh]a. According to SK 3296 this
happens only when an appelation is understood(e.g they have saàjïäyäm in their sütra). amåta in the
next comm also says saàjïäyäm iti kim?? so perhaps saàjïäyäm was originally part of this sütra, or
maybe amåta refers to the saàjïäyäm in the last sütra??.. All the editions except janmasthan list ‘chäder’
as the beginning.. but I think this is another bala interpolation as gha comes after many other roots than
chad[a],, as is seen in amåta/päëini. The word präyeëa here lets us know that sometimes other pratyayas,
like ghaë etc(al, öana etc..).., are also applied in karaëa-väcya and adhikaraëa-väcyas. The examples of
chädi becoming vämana are upacchada and pracchada, amåta also gives paricchada. They all means
cloth(that by which one is covered). There is deletion of the ëi of chädi as usual by ëer haro aëid-ädau..
The counterexample is samupäcchäda.. e.g there is no vämana because there is more than one upendra..
likely this should be samupacchäda as in the päëini counterexample.
upacchadaù, pracchadaù. anekopendratve—samupäcchädaù.
1645(SK 3297). uraç-chadädayaç ca vämanena sädhavaù

The forms uraç-chada etc.., which irregularly take vämana when gha follows, are also valid. E.g in the last
sütra vämana was only ordained when chädi had an upendra, thus the separate mention here. uraç-
chada= ‘a breast plate’(that by which the chest is covered), danta-chada= ‘the lip’(that by which teeth are
covered), ghaöa(karaëa-väcya,check in käçikä for intended meaning), äkara= ‘a mine’(so named because
men work(äkurvanti) in it), älaya= ‘a house’(that in which men settle down). amåta then gives the
counterexample: why do we say saàjïäyäm??(evidence that saàjïäyäm in this sütra or the last one)
witness praharaëa daëòaù ‘the stick by which there is beating’ here öana has been used instead.
1646(SK 3215-3219). vyavädi-pürväë ëaù kriyä-vyatéhäre lakñmyäà, sam-pürväd inaë kriyäbhivyäptau

brahmaëi, ädi-sarveçvarasya ca våñëéndras tayoù
The affix [ë]a is applied in the feminine after a dhätu that has the upendras vi+ava or other combinations
of upendras before it provided there is reciprocity of action(kriyä-vyatéhära). The affix ina[ë] is applied
in the neutur gender after a dhätu that has the upendra sam before it provided that there is complete
inclusion of the action(kriyäbhivyäpti.. I say indicates a group of kartäs doing the action simultaneously).
And the first sarveçvara becomes våñëéndra when either of these 2 pratyayas([ë]a or ina[ë]) follow. amåta
says that both pratyayas are applied in bhäva-väcya. Here bala’s reading of ‘in na’ in the sütra is crazy, out
of line with päëini and meaningless.. However I doubt it was an intentional thing of bala, but a spelling
mistake in the bengali as the two n’s look the same. JG makes it clear in the våtti that the govinda or
våñëéndra of the dhätu is not blocked by ordaining the våñëéndra of the first sarveçvara, rather by the
word ‘ca’ in the sütra they should also be applied as normal. JG then says that the affix ëa takes ép on
account of being a gaurädi(see taddhita sütra aë-keçava-gaurädibhya). E.g
vyävahäsé(vi+ava+has[a]+ëa+ép+våñëéndra of the first vowel)= ‘mutual laughter’, vyävakroçé= ‘mutual
abuse’, vyävahäré= ‘interchange’, vyätyukñé(vi+ati+ukñ[a]+ëa+ép+våñëéndra of the first vowel)= ‘mutual
sprinkling’(I say this is an example of the ‘ädi’ in vy-avädi-pürväë e,g the group vy-ava etc.. so here the
etc.. is vy-ati). Here the dhätu is not laghüddavasya thus no govinda. Because of the kåd affixes being
applied variously we get vyavakruñöi etc.. in the kätantra grammar.(e.g usually their could be no vä
’sarüpa-vidhi because of the phrase “astriyäm”.. e.g ëa is ordained in the feminine thus the kti in
vyavakruñöi would usually be against the rules). säàräviëam(sam+ru+ina[ë]+ våñëéndra of the first
vowel)= ‘a general uproar’. Similarly säìküöiëam(sam+küö[a]+ina[ë] + våñëéndra of the first vowel)=
‘general confusion’. säàsräviëäm(sam+sru+ina[ë]+ + våñëéndra of the first vowel)= ‘general flow’
ca-käräd dhätos tu yathä-präptaà syäd eva, gauräditväd ép (7.207), mitho hasanam ity arthe—vyävahäsé.
vyävakroçé, vyävahäré, vyätyukñé. bähulyäd vyavakruñöir ity-ädi kaläpe. sarvato-rava ity arthe sam-pürväd
rauteù—säàräviëam.
1647(SK 3266). òu-rämetaù ktrimaù kriyä-nivåtte

The affix [k]trima is applied after dhätus that have the anubandha ‘òu’ provided there is being brought
about by an action(kriyä-nivåtta). According to amåta there is carrying forward of the adhikäras bhäve
and kartå-varjite kärake by maëòüka-pluti.. I say that by that [k]trima is ordained in bhäva-väcya thus
they are all declined in the neuter E.g kåtrima= artificial(literally being brought about by making),
paktrima= ripe/cooked(literally being brought about by cooking/ripening). Similarly
uptrima([òu]vap[a])= sown/cultivated(literally being brought about by sowing)
karaëena nirvåttam—kåtrimam. evaà päkena nirvåttam—paktrimam.
1648(SK 3267). öu-rämeto ’thur bhäve puàsi

The affix athu is applied in bhäva-väcya in the masculine gender after a dhätu that has the anubandha
‘öu’. The mention of puàsi here is a repetition of what was already ordained in “ghaëë-al-athu-kayaù
puàsi”. vepathu([öu]vep[å]+athu)= ‘shaking’, çvayathu([öuo]çvi+athu)= ‘swelling(as a tumour)’,
davathu([öu]du+athu)=burning, kñavathu([öu]kñu+athu)= ‘sneezing’ etc..
vepathuù, çvayathuù.
1649 / yaÁaya¥aivaá‘aásva«aA BaAvae pauMis$a , yaA¿aA laºmyaAM na‘atyayaena s$aADava: /
1649. yajïa-yatna-viçna-praçna-svapnä bhäve puàsi, yäcïä lakñmyäà na-pratyayena sädhavaù
yajïa-yatna-viçna-praçna-svapnäù—yajïa (“sacrifice”), yatna (“effort”), viçna (“lustre”), praçna

(“question”), and svapna (“sleep”); bhäve—in bhäve prayoga; puàsi—in the masculine gender; yäcïä—
yäcïä (“begging”); lakñmyäm—in the feminine gender; na-pratyayena—with the kåt pratyaya na;
sädhavaù—are the proper forms.
By applying na in bhäve prayoga in the masculine gender we get yajïa from yaj[a], yatna from yat[é],
viçna from vicch[a]1, praçna from pracch[a], and svapna from [ïi]ñvap[a], and by applying na in bhäve
prayoga in the feminine gender we get yäcïä from [öu]yäc[å].
Amåta—In yatna, viçna, and yäcïä, the result of the nipäta is the absence of i[ö], and in viçna and praçna,
the result of the nipäta is that ch changes to ç.2
1650 / s$aAepaen‰"d"AmaAed"r"Aitk(BaARvaAd"AE /
1650. sopendra-dämodarät kir bhävädau gopala dasa 29/11/06 13:53

Comment [96]: make a note in the book that
this is not the [k]I of the adhokñajäbhas .. etc..
sa-upendra-dämodarät—after a dämodara which has an upendra; kiù—the kåt pratyaya [k]i; bhäva-ädau—
in bhäve prayoga and so on.
[K]i is applied in bhäve prayoga and so on after a dämodara which has an upendra.
antardhiù, ädiù, ädhiù.
1
This is the dhätu vicch[a] bhäñäyäà déptau ca (10P, “to speak, shine”) which is listed in the Päëinian Dhätu-päöha but not in
our Dhätu-päöha
2
When ch disappears, the c of pracch[a] and vicch[a] also disappears since it is just a product of dviù sarveçvara-mäträc chaù
(116).
Våtti—For example, antardhiù (“disappearance”), ädiù (“beginning”), and ädhiù (“mental agony,
anxiety”).
Ø antar + dhä → (1650) antar + dhä + [k]i → (dhä is aniö by verse 1, 542) antar + dhi → (155,
145) antardhi → (1583, 148) antardhi + s[u] → (1583, 155) antardhiù (“disappearance”) <1.1 bhäve>.
Ø ä[ì] + dä → (1650) ä[ì] + dä + [k]i → (dä is aniö by verse 1, 542) ädi → (1583, 148) ädi + s[u]
→ (1583, 155) ädiù (“beginning”) <1.1 bhäve>.
Ø ä[ì] + dhä → (1650) ä[ì] + dhä + [k]i → (dhä is aniö by verse 1, 542) ädhi → (1583, 148) ädhi
+ s[u] → (1583, 155) ädhiù (“mental agony, anxiety”) <1.1 bhäve>.
Amåta—Kartå-varjite ca kärake is included by the word ädi in bhavädau. There is no reduplication here,
because this [k]i is not the adhokñajäbha [k]i1 because the adhokñajäbha [k]i is only used in kartari
prayoga since it is only functions as a parapada pratyaya, in accordance with kvasu-ké parapade (våtti
961), whereas this [k]i is used in bhäve prayoga and in any other prayoga except kartari prayoga. Antar is
considered an upendra by antaù-çabdo ëatva-vidhau dhäïo ìäp-ki-vidhau tathä (907). Futher examples are
vidhiù (“a rule / a method, means”), nidhiù (“placing, storing / treasure / a place for storing, a
receptacle”), paridhiù (“a fence, garment”) and so on.
Saàçodhiné—Siddhänta-kaumudé also gives the examples pradiù (“a gift”), pradhiù (“the rim of a wheel”),
sandhiù (“combination / peace negotiation”), avadhiù (“a limit”), and upädhiù (“a false identification / a
title / a limitation / deception”), and says that upädhiù is made in the sense of upädhéyate ’nena which
means that [k]i is applied in karaëe prayoga. Similarly, it should be known that vidhiù is formed either by
applying [k]i in bhäve prayoga or in karaëe prayoga, nidhiù is formed either by applying [k]i in bhäve
prayoga, karmaëi prayoga, or adhikaraëe prayoga, paridhiù is formed by applying [k]i in karaëe prayoga,
and pradiù is formed by applying [k]i in karmaëi prayoga.
1651 / od"DyaAd"yaê s$aADava: /
1651. udadhy-ädayaç ca sädhavaù
uda-dhi-ädayaù—uda-dhi (“the place where water is held, an ocean”) and so on; ca—also; sädhavaù—
valid.
Uda-dhi and so on are also valid.
Amåta—The words uda-dhi and so on are formed by applying [k]i after the dhätu [òu]dhä[ï] when the
words udaka and so on are the karma-pürva-padas. The result of the nipäta here is that [k]i is applied in
adhikaraëa prayoga in the sense of a name when something other than an upendra is the pürva-pada. The
word uda-dhi refers to an ocean and means udakaà dhéyate ’smin (“the place where water (udaka) is
held”). Here udaka is replaced by uda, in accordance with the future sütra dhi-peña-väsa-vähaneñu (1961).
Similarly, we get jala-dhi (“the place where water (jala) is held, an ocean”), väri-dhi (“the place where
water (väri) is held, an ocean”), vär-dhi (“the place where water (vär) is held, an ocean”), ab-dhi (“the
place where water (ap) is held, an ocean”), iñu-dhi (“the place where arrows (iñu) are kept, a quiver”),
çara-dhi (“the place where arrows (çara) are kept, a quiver”), and so on.
1652 / i·(laRºmyaAM BaAvae /
1652. ktir lakñmyäà bhäve
ktiù—the kåt pratyaya [k]ti; lakñmyäm—in the feminine gender; bhäve—in bhäve prayoga.
1
The adhokñajäbha [k]i is ordained in dhäï-kå-så-jani-gami-namibhyaù kiù (1560).
[K]ti is applied after a dhätu in bhäve prayoga in the feminine gender.
kåtiù. neò van-téti bhütiù. cara-phalayor asya us te—cürtiù. hläder vämanaù kti-viñëuniñöhayoù—prahlattiù.
aviñëupadäntatvän na öa-vargatva-niñedhaù—ghaööiù.
Våtti—Ø kå → (1652) kå + [k]ti → (kå is aniö by verse 1, 399) kåti → (148) kåti + s[u] → (155) kåtiù
(“doing / making, activity”) <1.1>.
Neò van-ti-trädau (1484) and we get bhütiù (“existence, opulence, power”).
Ø bhü → (1652) bhü + [k]ti → (1484, 399) bhüti → (148) bhüti + s[u] → (155) bhütiù
(“existence, opulence, power”) <1.1>.
Cara-phalayor asya us te (1227) is applied and we get cürtiù (“going”).
Ø car → (1652) car + [k]ti → (1484, 1227) cur + ti → (262) cürti → (148) cürti + s[u] → (155)
cürtiù (“going”) <1.1>.
Hläder vämanaù kti-viñëuniñöhayoù (1252) is applied and we get prahlattiù (“pleasure”).
Ø pra + hläd → (1652) pra + hläd + [k]ti → (1484, 1252) pra + hlad + ti → (98) prahlatti → (262)
prahlatti → (148) prahlatti + s[u] → (155) prahlattiù (“pleasure”) <1.1>.
The change to öa-varga by sütra 280 isn’t forbidden here because the öa-varga isn’t at the end of a
viñëupada. Thus we get ghaööiù (“endeavor”).
Ø ghaö → (1652) ghaö + [k]ti → (1484, 280) ghaööi → (148) ghaööi + s[u] → (155) ghaööiù
(“endeavor”) <1.1>.
Amåta—In the sütra beginning ñät parasya (sütra 280), the prohibition na tu viñëupadäntäö öa-vargäd
anäm-navati-nagaréëäm was mentioned. But, since the ö of the dhätu ghaö[a] is not at the end of a
viñëupada, there is nothing stopping the ta-varga [in [k]ti] from changing to öa-varga.
1653(SK3272vart). cäyateç ciù ktau, apacitiù püjä, vanater vatiù, daridräter daridrätiù, kaëòüyateù
kaëòütiù sädhavaù
The dhätu cäy[å](find in DP!!) becomes ‘ci’ when the affix [k]ti follows. The form
apaciti(apa+cäy[å]+[k]ti) is valid when meaning worship. The forms vati(van[a]+[k]ti),
daridräti(daridrä+[k]ti) and kaëòüti(kaëòüya+k[ti]) are also valid.
The irregularity in apaciti is the specific meaning, the irregularity in vati is the deletion of the ‘n’ of
van[a](E.g in the sütra hariveëv-anta-sahajäniöäm.. only 8th class van[u] is taken due to being read
alongside with tan[u]). In daridräti the absence of the deletion of ‘ä’(which would usually take place by
daridräter ä-räma-haro..) is an irregularity. According to bala the näma-dhätu kaëòüya(kaëòü+yak) is not
irregularly formed, rather it is regularly formed by a-räma-haro räma-dhätuke then ya-vayor haro bale..
bala-toñaëé says that JG has listed it as a nipäta just to remove the doubts of the less intelligent who may
think that ya-vayor haro bale shouldn’t be applied here. At any rate I agree that kaëòüti is not irregularly
formed, the proof is how JG himself makes the form yäyävara in 350. Thus the comment of amåta seems
false, e.g amåta said ‘bala-paratväbhäve ’pi ya-räma-haro nipäta-phalam’(the irregularity is the deletion of
‘y’ even though there is the absence of a bala being subsequent)
In the våtti JG points out that according to the followers of the rasavat the dhätu daridrä should undergo
deletion of it’s ‘ä’ only when ‘y’ or a sarveçvara(ac) follows, but in the form
‘dadaridrvän’(daridrä+[k]vas[u], nominative singular)the deletion of the ‘ä’ is seen even when ‘v’ follows.
The words ‘dadaridrvän ity atra’ mean ‘here in dadaridrvän’.
The word räsavatäù is explained thus: rasavat is another name for the saàkñipta-sära-vyäkaraëa, which
was re-vamped by jumara-nandé who improved upon the sütras of kramadéçvara and added a våtti of his
own composition to accompany them. The taddhita-pratyaya ‘a[ë]’ is added to the word rasavat by the
sütra “tad adhéte veda vä”. The word thus formed is räsavata ‘one who studies or knows rasavat’.
räsavatäù is the nominative plural form of räsavata. E.g ‘The students/knowers of rasavat’. The word ‘iti
vat’ in amåta means the word räsavata is made in the way as the word käläpa(one who studies or knows
kätantra grammar), not that räsavata=käläpa
“daridräter ä-lopo yäcor eveti räsavatäù. va-käre ’pi dåçyate dadaridrvän ity atra.
1654(SK 3313,14. hariveëv-anta-sahajäniöädénäm äçér-viñaye kartari ktir hariveëu-haraç ca na

When the scope of äçiñ is understood(e.g when the topic of benediction is understood) the dhätus headed
by those which end in a hariveëu and which are naturally aniö apply the affix [k]ti in kartå-väcya.
Additionally there should be no deletion of the hariveëu of these dhätus.
By the word ‘ca’ in this the sütra the trivikrama made by the sütra “hariveëvatoddhavasya” is also
forbidden. The hariveëv-anta-sahajäniö dhätus are han, man, yam, ram, nam, gam. By the word ädi we
have tanu-ñaëu-kñaëu-kñinu-åëu-tåëu-ghåëu-vanu-manünaà
E.g hanti= ‘may he kill’, vanti= ‘may he beg’(check this out again), tanti= ‘may he stretch’ etc..
JG then shows the import of the phrase “bhaëädi-varjam” in “neò-van-ti-trädau bhaëädi-varjam”. E.g
bhaëiti(bhaë[a]+i[ö]+[k]ti)= ‘discourse’. The other forms shown in the våtti are from the dhätus
ni+paöh[a], ni+grah[a], upa+snih[a], ni+kuc[a] and prath[a] respectively. The word ity-ädi indicates that
other dhätus are also included in the bhaëädis. In the form nigåhéti ‘restraining’ there was saìkarñaëa of
grah[a] by grahi-jyä, then i[ö] became trivikrama by graher iöas trivikramo ’nadhokñaje.
vadhyät hantiù, vanyät vantiù, tanyät tantiù. bhaëädes tu bhaëitiù, nipaöhitiù, nigåhétiù, upasnihitiù,
nikucitiù, prathitir ity-ädi.
1655 / \#r"AmaAntalvaAid"ByaAM ·e(inaR: glaAh"AjyaAmlaAtvair"Byaê , na tau pa{NAAtae: /
1655. è-rämänta-lv-ädibhyäà kter niù glä-hä-jyä-mlä-tvaribhyaç ca, na tu påëäteù
è-räma-anta-lv-ädibhyäm—after dhätus ending in è-räma and after the lv-ädis (a sub-group of 19 kry-ädi-
dhätus beginning with lü[ï] chedane (9U, “to cut, destroy”)); kteù—of [k]ti; niù—the replacement ni; glä-
hä-jyä-mlä-tvaribhyaù—after the dhätus glai harña-kñaye (1P, “to be dejected, tired”), [o]hä[k] tyäge (3P,
“to abandon”), jyä vayo-hänau (9P, “to grow old”), mlai gätra-vinäme (1P, “to fade, wither”), and
[ïi]tvar[ä] sambhrame (1A, “to hurry”); ca—also; na—not; tu—but; påëäteù—after the dhätu pè pälana-
püraëayoù (9P, “to nourish; to fill, fulfill”).
[K]ti is replaced by ni when it comes after dhätus ending in è-räma, after the lv-ädis, and after the
dhätus glai, [o]hä[k], jyä, mlai, and [ïi]tvar[ä]. However, [k]ti isn’t replaced by ni when it comes after
pè.1
kè vikñepe—kérëiù, lüniù, gläniù. chasya ça ity-ädau jvara-tvara ity-ädi—türëiù. påëätes tu pürtiù.
Våtti—Thus from kè vikñepe (6P, “to scatter, throw”), we get kérëiù (“scattering”).
Ø kè → (1652) kè + [k]ti → (1484, 399, 1655) kè + ni → (572) kir + ni → (262) kérni → (173)
kérëi → (148) kérëi + s[u] → (155) kérëiù (“scattering”) <1.1>.
1
Pè ends in è-räma and it is also a lv-ädi. Thus the change of [k]ti to ni would have applied after pè, but that is prohibited here.
Examples of the others are lüniù (“cutting”) and gläniù (“fatigue”).
Ø lü → (1652) lü + [k]ti → (1484, 399, 1655) lüni → (148) lüni + s[u] → (155) lüniù (“cutting”)
<1.1>.
Ø glai → (539) glä → (1652) glä + [k]ti → (glä is aniö by verse 1, 1655) gläni → (148) gläni +
s[u] → (155) gläniù (“fatigue”) <1.1>.
In connection with the sütra beginning chasya ço (sütra 779) there is the sütra beginning jvara-tvara
(sütra 780). This sütra is applied and we get türëiù (“haste”).
Ø tvar → (1652) tvar + [k]ti → (1484, 1655) tvar + ni → (780) tur + ni → (262) türni → (173)
türëi → (148) türëi + s[u] → (155) türëiù (“haste”) <1.1>.
But the form of pè is pürtiù (“satisfaction, filling”).
Ø pè → (1652) pè + [k]ti → (1484, 399, 706) pur + ti → (262) pürti → (173) pürti → (148) pürti
+ s[u] → (155) pürtiù (“satisfaction, filling”) <1.1>.
Amåta—The examples of [o]hä[k] and so on are häniù (“loss”), jéniù (“old age”) where saìkarñaëa is
done by grahi-jyä (626), and mläniù (“fading, withering”). The fact that the dhätu jyä was mentioned
again in glä-hä-jyä-mlä-tvaribhyaù, even though it was already covered by è-rämänta-lv-ädibhyäm since it
is a lv-ädi, indicates that the grammatical operations related to the lv-ädis are not always done. Thus the
absence of saìkarñaëa is also indicated, and thus we also get jyäniù (“old age”).
1656 / s$ampad"Ade": i¸(p·(L BaAvae laºmyaAma, /
1656. sampad-ädeù kvip-kté bhäve lakñmyäm
sampad-ädeù—after sam + pad[a] gatau (4A, “to go, move”) and so on; kvip-kté—the kåt pratyayas
[k]vi[p] and [k]ti; bhäve—in bhäve prayoga; lakñmyäm—in the feminine gender.
[K]vi[p] and [k]ti are applied after sam + pad[a] and so on in bhäve prayoga in the feminine gender.
sampat, vipat, pratipat. pakñe sampattir ity-ädi. äkåti-gaëo ’yam.
Våtti—Thus we get sampat (“prosperity”), vipat (“misfortune”), and pratipat (“access”) in the case that
[k]vi[p] is applied and sampattiù (“prosperity”), vipattiù (“misfortune”), and pratipattiù (“access”) in the
case that [k]ti is applied. The sampad-ädis are an äkåti-gaëa.1
Ø sam + pad → (1656) sam + pad + [k]vi[p] → (876) sampad → (148) sampad + s[u] → (202)
sampad → (252) sampat (“prosperity”) <1.1>.
Ø sam + pad → (1656) sam + pad + [k]ti → (1484, 98) sampatti → (148) sampatti + s[u] → (155)
sampattiù (“prosperity”) <1.1>.
Amåta—Since the sampad-ädis are an äkåti-gaëa, we also get saàvit (“knowledge”) and saàvittiù
(“knowledge”) and so on.2
1
2
Other examples are äpat (“misfortune”) <1.1> from ä[ì] + pad[a], bhüù (“existence”) <1.1> from bhü, pariñat (“an assembly”)
<1.1> from pari + ñad[ÿ], kñut (“hunger”) <1.1> from kñudh[a], tåö (“thirst”) <1.1> from [ïi]tåñ[ä], bhéù (“fear”) <1.1> from
1657(SK 3274). üty-ädayaù sädhavaù
The words beginning with üti, which are irregularly formed with the affix [k]ti, are valid. In the våtti JG
shows his own opinion by saying that üti is formed from the dhätu ve[ï] on the strength of the following
statement found in puruñottama’s bhäñä-våtti: “veïädeù ñaò ime nipätyante” (bhäñä-våttiù 3.3.97).
However there is disunity between this statement and the statement of käçikä, “avater eva üöhi ütir”,
which says that üti is formed from the dhätu av[a]. Factually only when üti is made from veï can we call
it an irregular form(nipäta). When it is made from av[a] it is regularly accomplished and thus it is not a
nipäta. E.g by vaci-svapi-yajädinäm ve[ï] takes saìkarñana when [k]ti is following, then after that the
resultant ‘u’ irregularly becomes trivikrama. Whereas av[a] regularly becomes ü[öh] by chasya ço vasya
üöh and by jvara-tvara-sriv. The irregularity in yüti and jüti, which are made from the dhätus yu and ju, is
the ‘u’ becoming trivikrama. The form säti is irregularly made from either ño or ñi[ï]. the ‘o’ of ño
becomes ‘i’ by dyati-syati-mä-sthäm, then that ‘i’ irregularly becomes ‘ä’, when we make säti from the
dhätu ñi[ï] the ‘i’ of ñi[ï] also irregularly becomes ‘ä’. JG points out in the end of the våtti that säti can
also be regularly made from ñaë[u] by jhana-khana-sanäm and vaiñëavädi-kaàsäri-sanor. In this case säti
would not be a nipäta.
The form heti is irregularly made either from hi or han[a]. If it is made from hi the irregularity is the
govinda, if it is made from han[a] the irregularity is the ‘a’ of han[a] becoming ‘e’. After that the ‘n’ of
han[a] is regularly deleted by hariveëv-anta-sahajäniöäm
veï—ütir iti puruñottamaù (bhäñä-våttiù 3.3.97). yu—yütiù, ju—jütiù, ño ñiïa vä—sätiù, hi han vä—hetiù.
ava “jvara-tvara” (3.422) ity üöh—ütiù. “jana-khana-sanäm” (3.256) ity ätvam, ñaëu—sätiù.
1658 / wjyaAd"InaAM i·(naeRita vaAcyama, /
1658. ijyädénäà ktir neti väcyam
ijyä-ädénäm—in the case of ijyä (“sacrifice, worship”) and so on; ktiù—[k]ti; na—not; iti—thus;
väcyam—it should be stated.
[K]ti cannot be applied in the case of ijyä and so on.
ijyä-vrajyä-kriyä-kåtyä-icchä-paricaryä-caryä-parisaryä-mågayä-aöäöyädayaù. ete lakñmyäà kyab-antä

jïeyäù. ädi-grahaëäd bähulyäc ca—samajanty asyäà samajyä sabhä, niñadyä äpaëaù, nipatyä picchila-
bhümiù, vidanty anayä—vidyä, süyate ’syäà somaù—sutyä, çayyate ’syäm—çayyä, bharaëaà bhåtyä,
ayanam ety anayä vä ityä, jägaraëaà jägaryä, äsanam upaveçanam äsyä. iñöiù ity-ädayo ’pi dåçyante.
Våtti—It should be known that the words ijyä (“sacrifice, worship”), vrajyä (“going, roaming”), kriyä
(“work, activity”), kåtyä (“work, activity”), icchä (“desire”), paricaryä (“wandering”), caryä
(“wandering”), parisaryä (“moving about”), mågayä (“searching, hunting”), and aöäöyä (“moving
crookedly”) end in [k]ya[p] which is applied in the feminine gender.
Ø yaj → (1658) yaj + [k]ya[p] → (440, 622) ijya → (2229) ijya + [ì]ä[p] → (2093) ijyä → (148)
ijyä + s[u] → (202) ijyä (“sacrifice, worship”) <1.1>.
Due to the words “and so on” and because the kåt pratyayas are applied variously we also get samajyä
which refers to a sabhä (“an assembly”) and means samajanty asyäm (“the place where people meet”),
niñadyä which refers to an äpaëa (“a shop”), nipatyä which refers to picchila-bhümi (“slippery ground”),
[ïi]bhé, saàyuk <1.1> from sam + yuj[ir], and so on. An example of this last one is na päraye ’ham niravadya-saàyujäm
(Bhägavatam 10.32.22) where saàyuj is explained to mean saàyoga (“union”).
vidyä (“knowledge”) which means vidanty anayä (“that by which people know”), sutyä (“name of a
particular oblation”) which means süyate ’syäà somaù (“that in which soma is crushed”), çayyä (“a bed”)
which means çayyate ’syäm (“that on which one sleeps”), bhåtyä which means bharaëa (“maintenance,
wages”), ityä which means ayana (“going”) or ety anayä (“that by which one goes, a palanquin”), jägaryä
which means jägaraëa (“staying awake”), and äsyä which means äsana or, in other words, upaveçana
(“sitting”).
Iñöiù (“sacrifice, worship”) and so on are also seen.1
Amåta—Ijyä and so on are given as nipätas of yaj[a] and so on + [k]ya[p] in bhäve prayoga in the
feminine gender. The result of the nipäta here is that [k]ya[p] is ordained as an apaväda of [k]ti. This is
an extension of the viñëukåtyas. Thus ijyä and so on are valid only in bhäve prayoga. In kriyä the result of
the nipäta is that å-räma changes to ri and t[uk] isn’t applied. Icchä doesn’t end in [k]ya[p] but rather only
ends in [ì]ä[p]. In icchä the result of the nipäta is the change to ch.2 In parisaryä, which is formed from
the dhätu så gatau (1P or 3P, “to go, move, run, flow”), the result of the nipäta is that t[uk] isn’t applied
and there is govinda. In mågayä, which is formed from the dhätu måga anveñaëe (10A, “to seek, search”),
the result of the nipäta is that, even though the a of måga is deleted, it again returns.3 [Ë]i is then deleted
by sütra 586. Aöäöyä is formed by applying [k]ya[p] after the yaì-anta-dhätu aöäöya (see våtti 831). The ya
of this dhätu is deleted by viñëujanät sä-räma-yasya haro räma-dhätuke (829).
The implied meaning of the words ädi-grahaëäd bähulyäc ca is “Due to the words “and so on”, samajyä
and so on are also valid in the feminine gender, and because the kåt pratyayas are applied variously, they
are made in karaëe prayoga and other prayogas in the sense of a name (saàjïä).” In samajyä, which is
formed from the dhätu aj[a] gatau kñepaëe ca (1P, “to go, move; to drive”), the result of the nipäta is that
[k]ya[p] is applied in adhikaraëe prayoga and that the change to vé by sütra 495 is not done. In niñadyä
and nipatyä, which are made from the dhätus ñad[ÿ] and pat[ÿ], the result of the nipäta is that [k]ya[p] is
applied in adhikaraëe prayoga. In ityä, which is formed from the dhätu i[ë] gatau (2P, “to go, move”),
[k]ya[p] is applied in bhäve prayoga or karaëe prayoga and t[uk] is inserted. In bhåtyä, jägaryä, and äsyä,
which are formed from the dhätus [òu]bhå[ï], jägå, and äs[a], [k]ya[p] is applied in bhäve prayoga. The
implied meaning of the sentence “Iñöiù and so on are also seen” is that, because the kåt pratyayas are
applied variously, iñöiù and so on violate the apaväda. Due to the words “and so on”, we also get kåtiù
(“work, activity”), bhåtiù (“maintenance, wages”), and so on.
Saàçodhiné—Regarding how [k]ya[p] is applied in adhikaraëe prayoga in niñadyä and nipatyä, Siddhänta-
kaumudé as well as giving the definitions äpaëa (“a shop”) and picchilä-bhümi (“slippery ground”), gives
the meanings niñédanty asyäm (“that on which one sits”) and nipatanty asyäm (“that on which one falls
down / slips”). Sometimes niñadyä is said to refer to a small bed or couch. In this case the meaning of
niñédanty asyäm seems more relevant. In vidyä, which is formed from the dhätu vid[a] jïäne (2P, “to
know”), [k]ya[p] is applied in karaëe prayoga. In sutyä, which is formed from the dhätu ñu[ï] abhiñave
(5U, “to extract, distil; to do ablutions”), [k]ya[p] is applied in adhikaraëe prayoga and t[uk] is inserted.
In çayyä, which is formed from the dhätu çé[ì] svapne (2A, “to sleep, lie down”), [k]ya[p] is applied in
adhikaraëe prayoga and çeteù çay kaàsäri-ye (694) is applied.
1659 / ivaSNAuinaï"As$aeq%.k(gAuç&maiã"SNAujanaAntaAt‘atyayaAntaA»a BaAvae laºmyaAM x~Apa, , na tau i·(: /
1659. viñëuniñöhä-seöka-gurumad-viñëujanäntät pratyayäntäc ca bhäve lakñmyäà ìäp, na tu ktiù
1
Iñöiù could also be the form of iñ[u] icchäyäm (6P, “to desire, want”) + [k]ti. In this regard, Amara-koña says iñöir yägecchayoù
(“Iñöi means yäga (“sacrifice”) or icchä (“desire”)”).
2
In Päëinian grammar, the changes to ri and ch in kriyä and icchä are regularly achieved due to the ordainment of [ç]a in the
sütras kåïaù ça ca (Añöädhyäyé 3.3.100) and icchä (Añöädhyäyé 3.3.101). By yoga-vibhäga (“the division of one rule into two
separate rules”), kåïaù ça ca (Añöädhyäyé 3.3.100) is divided into the two seperate rules kåïaù and ça ca. By the first
rule[k]ya[p] is applied after [òu]kå[ï] and we get kåtyä, and by the second rule [ç]a is applied and we get kriyä, and, due to
the word ca in the second rule, [k]ti can also be applied and we get kåtiù (“work, activity”).
3
Siddhänta-kaumudé keeps it more simple and says that the result of the nipäta is that the a of måga isn’t deleted.
viñëuniñöhä-sa-iöka-gurumat-viñëujana-antät—after a dhätu that ends in a viñëujana, has a heavy syllable
(guru) and takes i[ö] when there is a viñëuniñöhä; pratyaya-antät—after a dhätu that ends in a pratyaya;
ca—and; bhäve—in bhäve prayoga; lakñmyäm—in the feminine gender; ìäp—the kåt pratyaya [ì]ä[p];
na—not; tu—but; ktiù—the kåt pratyaya [k]ti.
After dhätus that end in a viñëujana, have a heavy syllable, and take i[ö] when there is a viñëuniñöhä,
and after dhätus that end in a pratyaya, [ì]ä[p] is applied instead of [k]ti in bhäve prayoga in the
feminine gender.
“aì” päëiniù (3.3.102). éhä, ühä, indä, çikñä. vyatéhä, vyatékñä ity api. bähulyän na tu ëaù. cikérñä, aöäöä,
kaëòüyä. viñëuniñöhä-seöka iti kim? déptiù, äptiù, räddhiù. guru-mad iti kim? gåhétiù. viñëujanäntäd iti kim?
çétiù. bähulyäd ühaù rädhaù, üòhir ity-ädayaù. äçaàsä, praçaàsety api dåçyate.
Våtti—Päëini called it a[ì] (see Añöädhyäyé 3.3.102).
Ø éh → (1659) éh + [ì]ä[p] → (440) éhä → (148) éhä + s[u] → (202) éhä (“endeavor”) <1.1>.
Ø üh → (1659) üh + [ì]ä[p] → (440) ühä → (148) ühä + s[u] → (202) ühä (“conjecture”) <1.1>.
Ø id[i] → (456, 230, 114) ind → ind → (1659) ind + [ì]ä[p] → (440) indä → (148) indä + s[u] →
(202) indä (“being most powerful”) <1.1>.
Ø çikñ → (1659) çikñ + [ì]ä[p] → (440) çikñä → (148) çikñä + s[u] → (202) çikñä (“learning /
teaching”) <1.1>.
We also get vyatéhä (“mutual endeavor”) and vyatékñä (“looking at each other”). But [ë]a cannot be
applied in these cases because the kåt pratyayas are applied variously.
Ø kå → (807) kå + sa[n] → (811) kè + sa[n] → (580, 399, 572) kir + sa[n] → (262) kér + sa[n] →
(432, 433) ké + kér + sa[n] → (457) cé + kér + sa[n] → (491) ci + kér + sa[n] → (170) cikérña → (365,
1659) cikérña + [ì]ä[p] → (440, 511) cikérñä → (148) cikérñä + s[u] → (202) cikérñä (“desire to do”)
<1.1>.
Ø aö → (828, 831) aö + ya[ì] → (440, 432, 435) a + öya + ö + ya[ì] → (452) a + öa + ö + ya[ì] →
(826) aöäöya → (365, 1659) aöäöya + [ì]ä[p] → (440, 829) aöäöä → (148) aöäöä + s[u] → (202) aöäöä
(“moving crookedly”) <1.1>.
Økaëòü → (904) kaëòü + ya[k] → (399) kaëòüya → (365, 1659) kaëòüya + [ì]ä[p] → (440, 511)
kaëòüyä → (148) kaëòüyä + s[u] → (202) kaëòüyä (“itching, scratching”) <1.1>.
Why do we say “which takes iö when there is a viñëuniñöhä”? Consider déptiù (“light”), äptiù
(“obtainment”), and räddhiù (“accomplishment”).
Ø dép → (1652) dép + [k]ti → (1484) dépti → (148) dépti + s[u] → (155) déptiù (“light”) <1.1>.
Ø äp → (1652) äp + [k]ti → (äp is aniö by verse 6) äpti → (148) äpti + s[u] → (155) äptiù
(“obtainment”) <1.1>.
Ø rädh → (1652) rädh + [k]ti → (rädh is aniö by verse 5, 466) rädh + dhi → (96) räddhi → (148)
räddhi + s[u] → (155) räddhiù (“accomplishment”) <1.1>.
Why do we say “which has a heavy syllable”? Consider gåhétiù (“taking”).

Ø grah → (1652) grah + [k]ti → (4241) grah + i[ö] + [k]ti → (626) gåh + i[ö] + [k]ti → (774) gåhéti
→ (148) gåhéti + s[u] → (155) gåhétiù (“taking”) <1.1>.
Why do we say “which ends in a viñëujana”? Consider çétiù (“çleeping”).
Ø çé → (1652) çé + [k]ti → (1484) çéti → (148) çéti + s[u] → (155) çétiù (“sleeping”) <1.1>.
Because the kåt pratyayas are applied variously we also get ühaù (“conjecture”), rädhaù
(“accomplishment”), üòhiù (“conjecture”), and so on.
Äçaàçä (“desire”) and praçaàsä (“praise”) are also seen.
Ø ä[ì] + çans[u] → (230) ä[ì] + çaàs → (1659) ä[ì] + çaàs + [ì]ä[p] → (440) äçaàsä → (148)
äçaàsä + s[u] → (202) äçaàsä (“desire”) <1.1>.
Ø pra + çans[u] → (230) pra + çaàs → (1659) pra + çaàs + [ì]ä[p] → (440) praçaàsä → (148)
praçaàsä + s[u] → (202) praçaàsä (“praise”) <1.1>.
Amåta—The word viñëuniñöhä-seöka here means viñëuniñöhäyäm iöä saha vartamaëaù (“existing along with
i[ö] when there is a viñëuniñöhä”). The phrase na tu ktiù means that [ì]ä[p] is an apaväda of [k]ti.
Regarding éhä, the dhätu éh[a] ceñöä-väïchayoù (1A, “to endeavor; to desire”) ends in a viñëujana, has a
heavy syllable (guru) and takes iö when there is a viñëuniñöhä. Likewise with the dhätus üh[a] vitarke (1A,
“to speculate, reason”) and so on. Çikñä is formed from the dhätu çikñ[a] vidyopädäne (1A, “to learn”).
Regarding vyatéhä, only [ì]ä[p] should be applied after the dhätus éh[a] and so on, even if they are
preceded by vi + ati, and [ë]a should not be applied by vy-avädi-pürväë ëaù kriyä-vyatéhäre lakñmyäm
(1646). The reason Jéva Gosvämé gives for this is that the kåt pratyayas are applied variously. However,
this reason is just for the sake of easy understanding. The actual situation is that, even when dhätus
covered by the current sütra are preceded by vi + ati, still only [ì]ä[p] is applied, because [ì]ä[p] is an
apaväda of [ë]a. Thus [ë]a is only applied after dhätus which are not covered by this sütra.
Cikérñä and so on are examples of the phrase pratyayäntät. Cikérñä is formed by applying [ì]ä[p] after the
dhätu cikérña which ends in the pratyaya sa[n], aöäöä is formed by applying [ì]ä[p] after the dhätu aöäöya
which ends in the pratyaya ya[ì], and kaëdüyä is formed by applying [ì]ä[p] after the dhätu kaëòüya
which ends in the pratyaya ya[k]. Regarding the counterexamples déptiù and so on, even though the
dhätu dép[é] déptau (1A, “to shine, blaze”) ends in a viñëujana and has a heavy syllable, it doesn’t take
[ì]ä[p] because it is prohibited from taking i[ö] when a viñëuniñöhä follows since it has the indicatory
letter é (see sütra 1220). Similarly, the dhätus äp[ÿ] vyäptau (5P, “to pervade, obtain”) and rädh[a]
saàsiddhau (4P or 5P, “to succeed, accomplish”) also don’t take [ì]ä[p], since they don’t take i[ö] when a
viñëuniñöhä follows since are sahajäniö (see aniò-gaëa). Because the rule of [ì]ä[p] is more specific, dhätus
covered by it cannot take other pratyayas in bhäve prayoga. Nonetheless, [gh]a[ë] is seen in ühaù, rädhaù,
and so on. Similarly, [k]ti is seen in üòhiù and so on, despite the fact that [k]ti was specifically prohibited
by the phrase na tu ktiù. All of this takes place because the kåt pratyayas are applied variously. This is the
purport. In äçaàsä and so on, [ì]ä[p] is applied even though the dhätu çans[u] is prohibited from taking
i[ö] when a viñëuniñöhä follows since it is vikalpiteö (see sütra 1220) since it has the indicatory letter u (see
sütra 1270). Again the reason for the irregular application of [ì]ä[p] is that the kåt pratyayas are applied
variously.
1660 / iSaià"d"Aid"Byaê /
1660. ñid-bhid-ädibhyaç ca
1
I[ö] is not prohibited by sütra 1484 here because grah[a] is a bhaëädi, as evidenced by the example nigåhétiù in våtti 1653.
ñit—after dhätus which have the indicatory letter ñ; bhid-ädibhyaù—and after the bhid-ädis (see next våtti);
ca—also.
[Ì]ä[p] is also applied in bhäve prayoga in the feminine gender after dhätus which have the indicatory
letter ñ and after the bhid-ädis.
ñit—trapüñ lajjäyäà, trapä. kñamä.
Våtti—Examples of dhätus which have the indicatory letter ñ are trapä (“shame, embarassment, shyness”)
from trap[üñ] lajjäyäm (1A, “to be ashamed, shy”) and kñamä (“tolerance, forgiveness”) from kñam[üñ]
sahane (1A, “to tolerate, forgive”).
Ø trap[üñ] → (1660) trap + [ì]ä[p] → (440) trapä → (148) trapä + s[u] → (202) trapä (“shame,
embarassment, shyness”) <1.1>
Ø kñam[üñ] → (1660) kñam + [ì]ä[p] → (440) kñamä → (148) kñamä + s[u] → (202) kñamä
(“tolerance, forgiveness”) <1.1>
1661 / jaAgA{zAuBaja|SaAM gAAeivand"ê /
1661. jägå-çubha-jèñäà govindaç ca
jägå-çubha-jèñäm—of the dhätus jägå nidrä-kñaye (2P, “to be awake”), çubh[a] déptau (1A, “to shine, look
beautiful”), and jè[ñ] vayo-hänau (4P, “to grow old”); govindaù—govinda; ca—also.
[Ì]ä[p] is also applied in bhäve prayoga in the feminine gender after jägå, çubh[a], and jè[ñ], and these
dhätus take govinda.
jägarä, çobhä, jarä. bhid-ädiù—bhidä, chidä, tåñä, péòä, cintä, püjä, kathä, arcä, carcä, kåpädau ÿtvaà
neñyate—kåpä. “pacä” ity api puruñottamaù, “paktiù” ity tv anye.
Våtti—Ø jägå → (1661) jägå + [ì]ä[p] → (440, 1661) jägarä → (148) jägarä + s[u] → (202) jägarä
(“staying awake”) <1.1>
Ø çubh → (1661) çubh + [ì]ä[p] → (440, 1661) çobhä → (148) çobhä + s[u] → (202) çobhä
(“lustre, beauty”) <1.1>
Ø jè → (1661) jè + [ì]ä[p] → (440, 1661) jarä → (148) jarä + s[u] → (202) jarä (“old age”)
<1.1>
Examples of the bhid-ädis are bhidä (“breaking, destroying”), chidä (“cutting”), tåñä (“thirst”), péòä
(“pain”), cintä (“thought, consideration”), püjä (“worship”), kathä (“narration”), arcä (“worship”), and
carcä (“discussion”). The change to ÿ doesn’t take place in kåpä and so on1, and thus we get kåpä
(“mercy”).
Ø bhid → (1660) bhid + [ì]ä[p] → (bhid is aniö by verse 5, 399) bhidä → (148) bhidä + s[u] →
(202) bhidä (“breaking, destroying”) <1.1>
Ø cit[i] → (456) cint → (781) cint + [ë]i → cinti → (1660) cinti + [ì]ä[p] → (440, 586) cintä →
(148) cintä + s[u] → (202) cintä (“thought, consideration”) <1.1>
1
Kåpälu, kåpaëa, and so on are included by the words “and so on.”
Ø katha → (781) katha + [ë]i → (511) kath + [ë]i → (551) kathi → (1660) kathi + [ì]ä[p] →
(440, 586) kathä → (148) kathä + s[u] → (202) kathä (“narration”) <1.1>
Puruñottama says that we also get pacä (“cooking”). Others, however, disagree with this and instead
make paktiù (“cooking”).
Amåta—In the case of jè[ñ], [ì]ä[p] was already obtained by the previous sütra since jè[ñ] has the
indicatory letter ñ, but jägå and çubh[a] don’t have the indicatory letter ñ and they are not bhid-ädis. Thus
the word ca ordains [ì]ä[p] for them and it also ordains govinda where it would have been unobtained
since [ì]ä[p] is a nirguëa pratyaya. With the sentence beginning bhid-ädiù, Jéva Gosvämé intimates that
the group of dhätus called the bhid-ädis cannot be found in one place in the Dhätu-päöha. All the examples
from péòä to carcä are made from cur-ädi-dhätus and there is deletion of [ë]i by ëer haro ’niò-ädau räma-
dhätuke (586). These ëy-anta-dhätus are included among the bhid-ädis to block the kåt pratyaya ana that
would have been obtained by the future rule ëy-antäd äsaù çranthädeç cäno bhäve lakñmyäà, na tu kèteù
(1664). The statement kåpädau ÿtvaà neñyate means the change to ÿ by kåper å ÿ (610) is prohibited when
[ì]ä[p] is applied after kåp[ü]. Kåp[ü] is also included among the bhid-ädis.1 Regarding pacä (“cooking”),
Puruñottama says that [ì]ä[p] should be applied after [òu]pac[añ] päke (1U, “to cook, ripen”), since it has
the indicatory letter ñ, whereas others say that [ì]ä[p] shouldn’t be applied, rather [k]ti should be applied
instead and thus they make paktiù (“cooking”).
Saàçodhiné—Another explanation of kåpä (“mercy”) is that it comes from the dhätu krap[a] kåpäyäà
gatau ca (1A, “to be merciful; to go, move”)2 + [ì]a[p]. For example, while commenting on ñid-bhidäbhyo
’ì (Añöädhyäyé 3.3.104), Siddhänta-kaumudé says krapeù saàprasäraëaà ca, kåpä (“Krap[a] undergoes
samprasäraëa (saìkarñaëa) and we get the word kåpä”). The advantage of this explanation is that the
dhätu from which kåpä is derived actually means “to be merciful” rather than “to be able.”
1662 / gAuh"Ad"yaAe'iDak(r"NAAd"AE s$aADava: /
1662. guhädayo ’dhikaraëädau sädhavaù
guhä-ädayaù—guhä and so on; adhikaraëa-ädau—in adhikaraëa prayoga and so on; sädhavaù—are the
proper forms.
Guhä and so on are valid in adhikaraëe prayoga and so on.
Amåta—Guhä and so on are counted among the bhid-ädis and are formed by applying [ì]ä[p] in the
feminine gender in adhikaraëe prayoga and so on. The word guhä, which is formed by applying [ì]ä[p]
after guh[ü] saàvaraëe (1U, “to cover, hide”), refers to a cave and means guhyate ’smin (“a place where
hiding is done”). The result of the nipäta is that [ì]ä[p] is applied in adhikaraëe prayoga in the sense of a
name. Similarly, from å gatau präpaëe ca (1P, “to go, move; to obtain”) we get ärä (“a knife”), from
[òu]kå[ï] karaëe (8U, “to do, make”) we get kärä (“a prison”), and from dhå[ï] dhäraëe (1U, “to hold,
support”) we get dhärä (“a stream, current, flood”). The result of the nipäta here is the våñëéndra and that
[ì]ä[p] is applied in the sense of a name. It should be known that påcchä (“inquiry”), spåhä (“desire”),
lekhä (“a scratch, line, handwriting”), cüòä (“a crest”), vasä (“marrow, fat, brain”) and others words
ending in [ì]ä[p] are also counted among the bhid-ädis.
1663 / s$aAepaen‰"Ar"AmaA»a /
1
For example, the Päëinian Gaëa-päöha lists the bhid-ädis as follows: bhidä, chidä, vidä, kñipä, guhä, çraddhä, medhä, godhä, ärä,
härä, kärä, kñiyä, tärä, dhärä, lekhä, rekhä, cüòä, péòä, vapä, vasä, måjä, and kåpä.
2
This dhätu is not listed in Jéva Gosvämé’s Dhätu-päöha, but it is listed in the Päëinian Dhätu-päöha.
1663. sopendrä-rämäc ca
sa-upendra-ä-rämät—after a dhätu that ends in ä-räma and has an upendra; ca—and.
[Ì]ä[p] is also applied in bhäve prayoga in the feminine gender after dhätus that end in ä-räma and
have an upendra.
upadhä, çraddhä, antardhä, avasthä, saàsthä, vyavasthä, ästhä. saàsthitiù, prasthitiù, saìgétiù ity-ädau tu na,
bähulyät.
Våtti—Ø upa + dhä → (1663) upa + dhä + [ì]ä[p] → (dhä is aniö by verse 1, 542) upadhä → (148) upadhä
+ s[u] → (202) upadhä (“imposition, fraud”) <1.1>
Ø çrad + dhä → (1663) çrad + dhä + [ì]ä[p] → (dhä is aniö by verse 1, 542) çraddhä → (148)
çraddhä + s[u] → (202) çraddhä (“faith”) <1.1>
Ø antar + dhä → (1663) antar + dhä + [ì]ä[p] → (dhä is aniö by verse 1, 542, 155, 145) antardhä
→ (148) antardhä + s[u] → (202) antardhä (“disappearance”) <1.1>
Similarly, we get avasthä (“situation, stage”), saàsthä (“completion, a shape, a rule”), vyavasthä
(“steadiness, state, a rule”), and ästhä (“care, an assembly”). But [ì]ä[p] isn’t applied in saàsthitiù
(“completion, a shape, a rule”), prasthitiù (“departure”), saìgétiù (“concert”), and so on, because the kåt
pratyayas are applied variously.
Amåta—Çrad is an upendra by çrad ity avyayam upendra-vad dhäïi (716) and antar is an upendra by antaù-
çabdo ëatva-vidhau dhäïo ìäp-ki-vidhau tathä (907). Other examples are prabhä (“effulgence”), pratibhä
(“intelligence”), pramä (“measure, correct knowledge”), pratimä (“an image, statue”), and so on.
Regarding the sentence beginning saàsthitiù, the meaning is that, even though [ì]ä[p] is an apaväda of
[k]ti, [k]ti is still applied instead of [ì]ä[p] because the kåt pratyayas are applied variously.
1664 / NyantaAd"As$a: ™anTaAde"êAnaAe BaAvae laºmyaAM , na tau k|(tae: /
1664. ëy-antäd äsaù çranthädeç cäno bhäve lakñmyäà, na tu kèteù
ëi-antät—after ëy-anta-dhätus; äsaù—after the dhätu äs[a] upaveçane vidyamänatäyäà ca (2A, “to sit; to
be, exist”); çrantha-ädeù—after the dhätus çranth[a] mocane (9P, “to loosen”) and so on; ca—and; anaù—
the kåt pratyaya ana; bhäve—in bhäve prayoga; lakñmyäm—in the feminine gender; na—not; tu—but;
kèteù—after the dhätu kèt[a] saàçabdane (10P, “to mention, name, glorify”).
Ana is applied in bhäve prayoga in the feminine gender after ëy-anta-dhätus, after äs[a], and after the
çranthädis, but not after kèt[a].
kåñëäd äp lakñmyäm—käraëä, bhävanä, ghaööanä, märgaëä, äsanä, çranthanä, granthanä, vandanä, vedanä,
anveñaëä, paryeñaëä, eñaëä. paréñöiç ca dåçyate. kètes tu kértiù.
Våtti—Kåñëäd äp lakñmyäm () is applied and we get the following forms:

Comment [97]: reference this: kåñëäd äp
Ø kå → (787) kå + [ë]i → (422) käri → (1664) käri + ana → (440, 586) kärana → (173) käraëa
→ () käraëa + ä[p] → () käraëä → (148) käraëä + s[u] → (202) käraëä (“causing to do”) <1.1>.
haraù
Ø bhü → (787) bhü + [ë]i → (422) bhau + i → (66) bhävi → (1664) bhävi + ana → (440, 586)
bhävana → () bhävana + ä[p] → () bhävanä → (148) bhävanä + s[u] → (202) bhävanä (“causing to be,
producing, imagination, thought, meditation1”) <1.1>.
Ø ghaöö → (781) ghaöö + [ë]i → ghaööi → (1664) ghaööi + ana → (440, 586) ghaööana → () Comment [101]: reference this: a-i-dvayasya
ghaööana + ä[p] → () ghaööanä → (148) ghaööanä + s[u] → (202) ghaööanä (“moving, shaking”) <1.1>. haraù
Ø märg → (781) märg + [ë]i → märgi → (1664) märgi + ana → (440, 586) märgana → (173)
märgaëa → () märgaëa + ä[p] → () märgaëä → (148) märgaëä + s[u] → (202) märgaëä (“seeking,
searching for”) <1.1>. haraù
Ø äs → (1664) äs + ana → (440) äsana → () äsana + ä[p] → () äsanä → (148) äsanä + s[u] → Comment [104]: reference this: kåñëäd äp
(202) äsanä (“sitting”) <1.1>. Matsya Avatara dasa 29/12/06 12:12
haraù
Ø çranth → (1664) çranth + ana → (440) çranthana → () çranthana + ä[p] → () çranthanä → Matsya Avatara dasa 29/12/06 12:14
(148) çranthanä + s[u] → (202) çranthanä (“loosening”) <1.1>. Comment [106]: reference this: kåñëäd äp
Ø granth → (1664) granth + ana → (440) granthana → () granthana + ä[p] → () granthanä → Comment [107]: reference this: a-i-dvayasya
haraù
(148) granthanä + s[u] → (202) granthanä (“arranging, composing”) <1.1>.
Ø vad[i] → (456, 230, 114) vand → (1664) vand + ana → (440) vandana → () vandana + ä[p] → Matsya Avatara dasa 29/12/06 12:17
() vandanä → (148) vandanä + s[u] → (202) vandanä (“salutation, glorification”) <1.1>. Comment [109]: reference this: a-i-dvayasya
haraù
Ø vid → (1664) vid + ana → (440, 443) vedana → () vedana + ä[p] → () vedanä → (148) vedanä + Matsya Avatara dasa 29/12/06 12:23
s[u] → (202) vedanä (“knowledge, feeling, pain”) <1.1>.
Ø anu + iñ → (1664) anu + iñ + ana → (440, 443) anu + eñana → (173) anu + eñaëa → (60) haraù
anveñaëa → () anveñaëa + ä[p] → () anveñaëä → (148) anveñaëä + s[u] → (202) anveñaëä (“searching Matsya Avatara dasa 29/12/06 12:27
for”) <1.1>. Comment [112]: reference this: kåñëäd äp
Ø pari + iñ → (1664) pari + iñ + ana → (440, 443) pari + eñana → (173) pari + eñaëa → (59) haraù
paryeñaëa → () paryeñaëa + ä[p] → () paryeñaëä → (148) paryeñaëä + s[u] → (202) paryeñaëä Matsya Avatara dasa 29/12/06 12:28
(“investigation”) <1.1>. Comment [114]: reference this: kåñëäd äp
Ø iñ → (1664) iñ + ana → (440, 443) eñana → (173) eñaëa → () eñaëa + ä[p] → () eñaëä → (148) Comment [115]: reference this: a-i-dvayasya
haraù
eñaëä + s[u] → (202) eñaëä (“throwing”) <1.1>.
Paréñöiù (“investigation”) <1.1> is also seen. Matsya Avatara dasa 29/12/06 12:42
Ø pari + iñ → (1652) pari + iñ + [k]ti → (1484, 399, 280) pari + iñöi → (46) paréñöi → (148) paréñöi haraù
+ s[u] → (155) paréñöiù (“investigation”) <1.1>. Matsya Avatara dasa 29/12/06 12:30
But from kèt[a] we get kértiù (“fame, glorification”) <1.1>. Comment [119]: reference this: a-i-dvayasya
haraù
Ø kèt → (781) kèt + [ë]i → (783) kirt + [ë]i → (201) kérti → (1652) kérti + [k]ti → (1484, 399, Matsya Avatara dasa 29/12/06 12:40
586) kért + ti → (125) kérti → (148) kérti + s[u] → (155) kértiù (“fame, glorification”) <1.1>. Comment [120]: reference this: kåñëäd äp
Amåta—Kåñëäd äp lakñmyäm () is a sütra from the Taddhita-prakaraëa. It means “In the feminine gender, haraù
ä[p] is applied after a word ending in a-räma.” The intention here is that, although ana is ordained in the Matsya Avatara dasa 29/12/06 7:37
feminine gender, it is not used alone, rather it requires another feminine pratyaya. Comment [122]: reference this: kåñëäd äp
1
When bhävanä means “imagination, thought, meditation” it comes from the dhätu bhü avakalpane (10P, “to consider, think
of, meditate”).
Saàçodhiné—The examples from käraëä to märgaëä are examples of ëy-anta-dhätus and the examples
from çranthanä to eñanä embody the full group of çranthädis. Ghaööanä and märgaëä are made from the
dhätus ghaöö[a] calane (10P, “to shake, disturb”) and märg[a] anveñaëe (10P, “to seek, search for”), and
çranthanä and granthanä are made from the dhätus çranth[a] mocane (9P, “to loosen”) and granth[a]
sandarbhe (9P, “to string together, arrange”). Anveñaëä, paryeñaëä, and eñaëä are made from the dhätu
iñ[a] gatau (4P, “to go, move”) as confirmed by Bäla and by Kätyäyana’s Värttika (3.3.107) which says
iñer anicchärthasya yuj vaktavyaù (“It should be stated that the dhätu iñ which doesn’t have the meaning of
icchä also takes yu[c] (ana)”). The reason why paréñöiù is also seen is because Kätyäyana’s Värttika
(3.3.107) says parer vä (“yu[c] (ana) is only optionally applied after pari + iñ”). Another example of a ëy-
anta-dhätu is paridevanä in Bhagavad-gétä 2.28. Here the dhätu is div[u] pariküjane (10A, “to lament,
cry”). Sometimes the form kértanä (“fame, glorification”) is also seen, because not all grammarians are of
the opinion that ana is forbidden after kèt[a].
1665(SK3285vartika). ëako lakñmyäà bhäve

The affix [ë]aka is applied in the feminine gender in bhäva-väcya. The change to i-räma will be described
later. Both comms says that väcyaù here means vakñyate.. E.g we get ëaka by this sütra then we apply
“kåñëäd äp lakñmyäm” and then by the taddhita sütra “pratyaya-sthät kät pürvasyä-rämasye-räma äpi..” the
previous a-räma in the pratyaya ëaka becomes i-räma when äp follows. Thus äsikä(äs[a]+ëaka+äp)=
‘sitting’, çayikä(çé[ì]+ëaka+äp)= ‘sleeping’. According to amåta this is an apaväda of kti..(e.g The roots
which are seen to take ëaka don’t also take kti.. thus there is no ästi, çéti etc.. this sütra seems to be
mainly to cover these 2 roots, I cannot find any other cases of this in the dictionary)
i-rämo väcyaù. äsikä, çäyikä.
Comment [123]: if it is an apaväda then why
1666(SK3285). pracchardikädayo roge do we get çétiù
The words headed by pracchardikä are valid when a disease is to be expressed.
In all cases the irregularity is the specific meaning. Here ëaka is applied in the feminine gender and the
two taddhita sütras “kåñëäd äp lakñmyäm” and “pratyaya-sthät kät pürvasyä-rämasye-räma äpi..” are also
applied. E.g pracchardikä(pra+chard[a]+ëaka+äp)= ‘vomiting’(e.g that amåta says the dhätu is pracch[a]
is not correct as the meaning of cur-ädi chard[a] is very appropriately vamane= vomiting),
pravähikä(pra+vah[a]+ëaka+äp)= ‘diarrhoea’, vicarcikä(vi+carc[a]+ëaka+äp)= ‘itch, scab’ and
vipädikä(vi+pad[a]+ëaka+äp)= ‘a sore or ulcer on the foot’
1667 / wifztapaAE DaAtauinadeR"zAe /
1667. ik-çtipau dhätu-nirdeçe
ik-çtipau—the kåt pratyayas i[k] and [ç]ti[p]; dhätu-nirdeçe—when referring to a particular dhätu.
I[k] and [ç]ti[p] are applied after a dhätu to specify the dhätu.
paciù paca-dhätuù. evaà bhavatiù. kartå-prayogäbhäve ’py atra çap-pratyayaù, ühater ity-ädi-jïäpakät.
kvacin na dåçyate ca—arter åccha ity-ädau.
Våtti—For example, paciù refers to the dhätu [òu]pac[añ] päke (1U, “to cook, ripen”) and bhavatiù refers
to the dhätu bhü sattäyäm (1P, “to be, become, exist”).
Ø pac → (1667) pac + i[k] → (pac is aniö by verse 2) paci → (148) paci + s[u] → (155) paciù
<1.1>.
Ø bhü → (1667) bhü + [ç]ti[p] → (393) bhü + [ç]a[p] + [ç]ti[p] → (394) bho + a + ti → (65)
bhavati → (148) bhavati + s[u] → (155) bhavatiù <1.1>.
[Ç]a[p] is applied here even though this is not kartari prayoga, because ühateù (see sütra 613 and
Añöädhyäyé 7.4.23) and so on indicate that this is allowable. And sometimes [ç]a[p] is not seen, like in the
case of arter åcchaù (550) and so on.
Amåta—Dhätu-nirdeçe means dhätoù svarüpa-nirdeçe (“when pointing out the form of a dhätu”) or, in
other words, dhätoù anukaraëe (“when imitating a dhätu”). The indicatory letter k in i[k] is so that
govinda will be blocked by éçasya na govinda-våñëéndrau kaàsäriñu (399). The indicatory letter ç in [ç]ti[p]
is so that the kåñëa-dhätuka rules such as çap kåñëa-dhätuke (393) will be applied and the indicatory letter
p in [ç]ti[p] is to prevent it from being nirguëa by apåthu-kåñëa-dhätuka nirguëaù (395). Someone may
argue, “In the Äkhyäta-prakaraëa it was shown that [ç]a[p] is a pratyaya or a vikaraëa, and that it is
applied in kartari prayoga. Why then, in bhavatiù, is [ç]a[p] applied when [ç]ti[p] follows, even though it
is not kartari prayoga?” In answer to this doubt, Jéva Gosvämé speaks the sentence beginning kartå-
prayogäbhäve ’pi. It was previously indicated in upendräd ühater vämanaù kapila-ye (613) that [ç]a[p] is
also applied in bhäve prayoga and karmaëi prayoga and so on, Indeed the ya in that sütra refers to the
pratyaya ya[k] that is applied in bhäve prayoga and karmaëi prayoga by yak kåñëa-dhätuke bhäva-
karmaëoù (398). Thus, since the word ühateù in that sütra is made with [ç]a[p] and [ç]ti[p], it is
indicated that [ç]a[p] is also applied in bhäve prayoga and karmaëi prayoga when a kåñëa-dhätuka follows.
The word çap-pratyayaù has to be added in the sentence kvacin na dåçyate ca. The reason why [ç]a[p] is
sometimes not seen is that the kåt pratyayas are applied variously. For example, even though [ç]ti[p] was
applied in arteù, only govinda was done, but [ç]a[p] wasn’t applied for, if it were, the change to åccha
would have had to have been done by sütra 550.
Saàçodhiné—As explained previously, i[k] is often used to show a dhätu’s well-known form, rather than
its elementary form as listed in the Dhätu-päöha whereas [ç]ti[p] is used to distinguish a particular dhätu
when there are two or more dhätus that have the same form but belong to different gaëas (see sütras 448
and 416). When [ç]ti[p] is applied after a dhätu, the resultant word looks like the acyuta parapada
prathama-puruña eka-vacana form of that dhätu, even if that dhätu is an ätmapadé dhätu. Examples of this
are süti and süyati in sütra 463. I[k] is frequently used throughout the sütras and in the aniò-gaëa, but it
seems that, although govinda is blocked by the indicatory letter k, ani-rämetäà viñëujanäntänäm uddhava-
na-räma-haraù kaàsärau (454) doesn’t apply and saìkarñaëa is done only arbitrarily. For example, in
bhaji-bhaïji-yaji-tyaji-raïji-rujo, the n of the dhätus bhanj[o] and ranj[a] isn’t deleted and yaj[a] doesn’t
undergo saìkarñaëa, but in yuji-bhåjji-nijir-vijiraç ca tathä, bhrasj[a] does undergo saìkarñaëa.
Besides the use of i[k] and [ç]ti[p], the dhätus themselves are often mentioned in the sütras in their
original forms along with the indicatory letters, or sometimes they are mentioned without their
indicatory letters or with a final a replacing their indicatory letter. Examples of this are iëo gä bhüteçe
(655), kå-så-bhå-vå-stu-dru-sru-çrubhya evädhokñaja-mätre neö (468), and gama-hana-jana-khana-ghasäm
uddhavädarçanaà kaàsäri-sarveçvare ìaà vinä (570) respectively.
1668(SK 3287). ië ca bhäve lakñmyäà praçnottarayoù

The affix i[ë] is also applied in the feminine gender in bhäva-väcya when a question and answer is
understood. By the word ‘ca’ in this sütra other pratyayas of the same kind(those applied in the feminine
gender in bhäva-väcya) are also applied when question and answer is understood. Both comms explain
that the word ‘sva’ here is expressive of a relative(jïäti). Bala says the meaning of yathä here is
anatikrame(one of yathä’s meanings in the avyaya list).. Thus svam anatikramya ‘not transgressing the
relatives’ is the meaning of yathä-svam. amåta glosses “yathä-svam anye” as “svajätéya-pratyayäù” –
‘pratyayas of the same kind’
In the example the question is “what work did you do?”, and the answer is “I did kåñëa’s work” Here käri
is the form made with òukåï and the affix ië. akärñéù and akärñam are aorists of òukåï.. JG personally
gives the alternatives which come by the word ‘ca’ in this sütra. They are all forms of the dhätu òukåï.
kärikä is made by ëaka and äp. kriyä is irregularly made by kyap and ìäp and kåtyä is regularly made with
kyap and ìäp. kåti is made with kti
cäd yathä-svam anye ’pi. käà kärim akärñéù? kåñëasya kärim akärñam. evaà kärikäà, kriyäà, kåtyäà kåtim
iti ca.
1669(SK 3289). naïy anir äkroçe bhäve lakñmyäm

The affix ani is applied in the feminine gender in bhäva-väcya when naï is a pürva-pada and cursing is
understood. E.g “May death befall kaàsa!”. Here the dhätu is jév[a] and the form made when naï is the
pürva-pada is ajévani. Why do we say when cursing is understood: witness akåtir bhikñäyäù ‘not doing
begging’. In both the example and counterexample the anukta-karma is in ñañöhi by “kartå-karmaëor
ñañöhi kåd-yoge”
kaàsasyäjévanir bhüyät.
1670 / @naAe BaAvae /
1670. ano bhäve
anaù—the kåt pratyaya ana; bhäve—in bhäve prayoga.
Ana is applied after a dhätu in bhäve prayoga.
jïänaà, bhavanaà, kértanaà, ëatvam—båàhaëam. likha-miläv ity-ädi—likhanaà, lekhanam. likhanéyaà,

lekhanéyam, nityaà lekhané, milanaà, melanam.
Våtti—Ø jïä → (1670) jïä + ana → (jïä is aniö by verse 1, 46) jïäna → (148, 1192) jïäna + s[u] →
(220) jïäna + am → (156) jïänam (“knowledge”) <1.1>.
Ø bhü → (1670) bhü + ana → (440, 394) bho + ana → (65) bhavana → (148, 1192) bhavana +
s[u] → (220) bhavana + am → (156) bhavanam (“existence”) <1.1>.
Ø kèt → (781) kèt + [ë]i → (783) kirt + [ë]i → (201) kérti → (1670) kérti + ana → (440, 586)
kértana (148, 1192) kértana + s[u] → (220) kértana + am → (156) kértanam (“glorification”) <1.1>.
The change to ë is done and we get båàhaëam <1.1>.
Ø båh[i] → (456, 225) bå + n[um] + h → (230) båàh → (1670) båàh + ana → (440, 173) båàhaëa
→ (148, 1192) båàhaëa + s[u] → (220) båàhaëa + am → (156) båàhaëam (“increase”) <1.1>.
Likha-milau kuöädé bahulam (750) is applied and we get likhanam or lekhanam (“writing”), likhanéyam or
lekhanéyam (“[the act of] writing should be [done]), but always lekhané (“a pen”). Similarly, we get
milanam or melanam (“meeting”), and so on.
Amåta—The mention of just the word bhäve is to remove the anuvåtti of the word lakñmyäm (“in the
feminine gender”). Thus, since there is no special rule, the general rule bhäva-kåd brahmaëi (1192) is
applied. Even though the viñëucakra intervenes in båàhaëam, the change to ë still takes place by
considering the viñëucakra a sarveçvara (see våtti 285). Lekhané is formed by applying [ö]ana in the sense
of likhyate ’nayä (“that with which one writes”). É[p] is added in the feminine gender due to the
indicatory letter ö. Here likh[a] is not considered a kuö-ädi due to the word bahula in sütra 750.
1671 / q%na: k(r"NAAiDak(r"NAyaAe: /
1671. öanaù karaëädhikaraëayoù
öanaù—the kåt pratyaya [ö]ana; karaëa-adhikaraëayoù—in karaëe prayoga and adhikaraëe prayoga.
[Ö]ana is applied after a dhätu in karaëe prayoga and adhikaraëe prayoga.

daitya-vraçcanaà cakram. vyäkriyante vyutpädyante artha-paryavasänäù kriyante çabdä aneneti
vyäkaraëaà çabdänuçäsanaà çästram. adhikaraëe—go-dohané, çayané, ramaëé.
Våtti—For example, daitya-vraçcanaà cakram (“The cakra with which the demons are cut down”),
Similarly, we get vyäkaraëam which refers to grammar and means vyäkriyante vyutpädyante artha-
paryavasänäù kriyante çabdä anena (“that by which words (çabdäù) are derived
(vyäkriyante=vyutpädyante) back to their roots. That is to say, that by which words (çabdäù) are made
(kriyante) to result in meaning (artha-paryavasänäù)”).
Ø vraçc → (1671) vraçc + [ö]ana → (440) vraçcana → (148) vraçcana + s[u] → (220) vraçcana +
am → (156) vraçcanam <1.1, karaëe>.
Ø vi + ä[ì] + kå → (1671) vi + ä[ì] + kå + [ö]ana → (kå is aniö by verse 1, 394) vi + ä[ì] + karana
→ (173) vi + ä[ì] + karaëa → (59) vyäkaraëa → (148) vyäkaraëa + s[u] → (220) vyäkaraëa + am →
(156) vyäkaraëam <1.1, karaëe>.
Examples of when [ö]ana is applied in adhikaraëe prayoga are go-dohané (“that into which the cow’s milk
is milked, a milk pail”), çayané (“that on which one sleeps, a bed”), and ramaëé (“she in whom one takes
pleasure, a wife”).
Ø duh → (1671) duh + [ö]ana → (duh is aniö by verse 8, 443) dohana → () dohana + é[p] → ()
dohané → (148) dohané + s[u] → (202) dohané <1.1, adhikaraëe>.
Ø çé → (1671) çé + [ö]ana → (440, 394) çe + ana → (63) çayana → () çayana + é[p] → () çayané →
(148) çayané + s[u] → (202) çayané <1.1, adhikaraëe>.
haraù
Ø ram → (1671) ram + [ö]ana → (440, 173) ramaëa → () ramaëa + é[p] → () ramaëé → (148) Matsya Avatara dasa 28/12/06 20:47
ramaëé + s[u] → (202) ramaëé <1.1, adhikaraëe>. Comment [126]: reference this é[p] by
Amåta—The indicatory letter ö is so that é[p] will be applied in the feminine. Matsya Avatara dasa 28/12/06 20:47
Bäla—Jéva Gosvämé speaks the meaning of vyäkriyante by saying vyutpädyante, and he speaks the haraù
meaning of vyutpädyante by saying artha-paryavasänäù kriyante. Jéva Gosvämé then speaks the meaning of Matsya Avatara dasa 28/12/06 20:50
the word vyäkaraëa by saying çabdänuçäsanaà çästram (“a book by which word are derived back to their
roots”). Indirectly this serves as another example of this sütra in that çabdänuçäsanam means çabdä aë-keçava-gaurädibhyaù
anuçiñyante anena (“that by which words (çabdäù) are derived (anuçiñyante) back to their roots”). Matsya Avatara dasa 28/12/06 20:50
haraù
1672. apädäne ca
The affix öana is also applied in apädäna-väcya. E.g ‘The cliff from which one falls’. bhågu means cliff/top
of a mountain. amåta says in the same way the word praskandana can also be used. e.g ‘The cliff from
which one leaps’
prapatano bhåguù.
1673(SK 1007vartika). uñëaìkaraëa-bhadraìkaraëe

The two forms uñëaì-karaëa ‘something by which something is made hot’ and bhadraì-karaëa ‘something
by which something is made auspicious’ are irregularly made with [ö]ana in karaëa-väcya. Here the first
‘something’ is the karaëa and the second is the karma. The irregularity is that m[um] is applied after the
pürva-padas uñëa and bhadra.
ete karaëe nipätyete.
1674(SK 3292). ajer vé vä öane

The dhätu aj[a] only optionally becomes vé when the affix [ö]ana follows.
This rule ordains an option where aj[a] would have always become vé by “ajer vé ghanaà vinä räma-
dhätuke”. E.g when we exercise that option we get pravayaëa and when we don’t we get präjana. Here
both are from pra+aj[a]+[ö]ana. SK gives the example pravayaëo daëòaù or präjano daëòaù e.g ‘the stick
by which there is driving’. JG then shows an example of “kuöäder anåsimho nirguëaù”. E.g
sphuraëa(sphur[a]+[ö]ana)= “something by which there is trembling”. Here öana, which is not a nåsimha-
pratyaya, is nirguëa because it comes after the dhätu sphur[a] which is a kuöädi
pravayaëaà, präjanam. kuöäditvät—sphuraëam.
1675. daçano dante sädhuù

The word daçana, irregularly made from danç[a]+ana, is valid when meaning a tooth. Here the
irregularities are the deletion of ‘n’, and the pratyaya ‘ana’ being used both in the masculine gender and in
karaëa-väcya.
1676. ñöhévana-sévane vä nipätyete

The forms ñöhévana(spitting) and sévana(sewing) are optionally irregularly made from the dhätus ñöhiv[u]
and ñiv[u] with the pratyaya ana in bhäva-väcya. The irregularity here is the dhätu’s taking trivikrama
instead of the usual govinda. In the case that this option is not exercised then the forms are ñöhevana and
sevana as usual. E.g there is “dhätor antasya govindaù pratyaye”, “nämadhätu-ñöyai-ñvaska-ñöhiväm satva-
natva-niñedhaù” and “bhäva-kåt brahmaëi”
pakñe—ñöhevanädi.
1677 / q%na: k(maARd"AE ca /
1677. öanaù karmädau ca
öanaù—[ö]ana; karma-ädau—in karmaëi prayoga and so on; ca—also.
[Ö]ana is also applied after a dhätu in karmaëi prayoga and so on.
kåñëena bhujyante—kåñëa-bhojanäù çälayaù. kåñëam äcchädayati—kåñëäcchädanaà väsaù.
Våtti—Examples are kåñëa-bhojanäù çälayaù (“The rice which is eaten by Kåñëa”) where kåñëa-bhojanäù
means kåñëena bhujyante (“which is eaten by Kåñëa”) and kåñëäcchädanaà väsaù (“The cloth which
covers Kåñëa”) where kåñëäcchädanam means kåñëam äcchädayati (“which covers Kåñëa”).
Ø bhuj → (1677) bhuj + [ö]ana → (bhuj is aniö by verse 3, 443) bhojana → (148) bhojana + s[u] →
(155) bhojanaù <1.1, karmaëi>.
Ø ä[ì] + chad → (781) ä[ì] + chad + [ë]i → (470) ä[ì] + chädi → (1677) ä[ì] + chädi + [ö]ana →
(440, 586) ä[ì] + chädana → (118, 98) äcchädana → (148) äcchädana + s[u] → (155) äcchädanaù <1.1,
kartari>.
Amåta—Kåñëa-bhojanäù is formed by applying [ö]ana in karmaëi prayoga and kåñëäcchädanam is formed

by applying [ö]ana in kartari prayoga. The word väsas means vastra (“cloth”).
Athätra ñatväni
Now the changes to ñ that are relevant to the Kådanta-prakaraëa will be described.
1678 / @mbaï"Ad"ya: Satvaena s$aADava: /

1678. ambañöhädayaù ñatvena sädhavaù
ambañöhädayaù—amba-ñöha and so on; ñatvena—with a change to ñ; sädhavaù—are irregularly formed.
Amba-ñöha and so on are irregularly formed with a change to ñ.
amba-ñöhaù, ämba-ñöhaù, bhümi-ñöhaù, savye-ñöhaù, parame-ñöhé, barhi-ñöhaù, divi-ñöhaù ity-ädi. su-vi-nir-

duù-pürva-süti-samayor iti—su-ñuptaà, duù-ñuptaà, viñütiù, niñütiù, su-ñamaà, duù-ñamam.
Våtti—Thus we get amba-ñöhaù (“The offspring born from the union of a brähmaëa man with a vaiçya
woman”), ämba-ñöhaù (same meaning), bhümi-ñöhaù (“one who is situated on the ground”), savye-ñöhaù
(“one who stands to the left”), parame-ñöhé (“one who is situated on the topmost planet, name of
Brahmä”), barhi-ñöhaù (“one who is situated on a layer of kuça grass”), divi-ñöhaù (“one who is situated in
heaven”), and so on.
The examples of su-vi-nir-duù-pürva-süti-samayoù ñatvam iñyate / tat-pürvatve narasyäpi kåta-saìkarñaëa

svapeù (915) are su-ñuptam (“good sleep, deep sleep”), duù-ñuptam (“bad sleep, having bad dreams”),
viñütiù, niñütiù, su-ñamam (“the time when the year is good”), and duù-ñamam (“the time when the year is
bad”).
Amåta—This nipäta is ordained where the change to ñ would have otherwise been unapplicable since the
s doesn’t belong to a pratyaya or viriïci. Amba-ñöhaù is formed by applying [k]a in kartari prayoga or
bhäve prayoga by akarmaëy ä-rämät kaù stho bhäve tu puàsi (1420) and means either ambäyäm tiñöhati
(“one who is situated in a mother”) or ambäyäm sthéyate (“situation in a mother”). Here the pürva-pada
ambä has undergone the change to vämana by the future samäsa rule éb-äpoù saàjïäyäà bahulam ().
Amba-ñöhaù refers to one who is born from the union of a brähmaëa man with a vaiçya woman. Ämba-
ñöhaù is just the word amba-ñöha with trivikrama done because of being a påñodarädi (see sütra). There is
no pürva-nimitta (präì-nimitta) here. Bhümi-ñöhaù and savye-ñöhaù are formed by akarmaëy ä-rämät kaù
(1420) and mean bhümau tiñöhati (“one who is situated on the ground”) and savye väme tiñöhati (“one
who stands to the left (savya=väma)”) respectively. In savye-ñöhaù, the saptamé viñëubhakti isn’t deleted in påñodarädayaù
accordance with samäse ìer na mahäharaù kåti bahulam (1510). Likewise in the case of parame-ñöhé which
is formed by the uëädi pratyaya [k]in and which means parame tiñöhati (“one who is situated on the
topmost planet”). The word parame-söùé refers to Brahmä. Barhi-ñöhaù and divi-ñöhaù are formed by
akarmaëy ä-rämät kaù (1420) and mean barhiñi tiñöhati (“one who is situated on a layer of kuça grass
(barhis)”) and divi tiñöhati (“one who is situated in heaven (div)”) respectively. In barhi-ñöhaù the
viñëusarga (that comes when barhis undergoes sütra 155) undergoes deletion by sätvata-paratve lopyaç ca
(139) and in divi-ñöhaù the saptamé viñëubhakti isn’t deleted in accordance with samäse ìer na mahäharaù
kåti bahulam (1510). By the words “and so on” we get dvi-ñöhaù (“situated in two places”), kuñöhaù
(“leprosy”), aìguñöhaù (“the thumb”), and others (see Añöädhyäyé 8.3.97).
Due to the word api in narasyäpi (915), the näräyaëa of [ïi]ñvap[a] also undergoes the change to ñ. Su-
ñuptam is formed by applying [k]ta after [ïi]ñvap[a] in bhäve prayoga. Saìkarñaëa is done and the change
to ñ is done. Duù-ñuptam is made in the same way. With viñütiù and so on, Jéva Gosvämé shows what he
promised to show when he said süti-samau samäsa-kärye vakñyete (see våtti 917). Viñütiù and niñütiù are
formed by applying [k]ti after the dhätu ñü preraëe (6P, “to impel”) in bhäve prayoga in the feminine
gender and then doing the change to ñ.1 Su-ñamam is analyzed as su çobhanä samä samvatsarä yatra tat
(“the time when the year (samä=samvatsaraù) is good (su=çobhanaù)”).2 The word samä (“year”) is
analyzed as saha mäti vartante åtavo yasyäù sä (“that whose seasons exist (mäti=vartante) together (saha
becomes sa in a bahuvréhi-samäsa)”) and it is formed by applying [k]a after the dhätu mä mäne (2P, “to
measure”) and then applying ä[p] in the feminine gender. Similarly,
duù-ñamam is analyzed as duñöä samä yatra tat (“the time when the year is bad”).
1
In niñütiù, the viñëusarga that comes when nir undergoes sa-ra-rämayor viñëusargo viñëupadänte (155) then gets deleted by
sätvata-paratve lopyaç ca (139)
2
For further details, see våtti 1855.
1679(SK 2918,3082,3083,3193,3205,3206,3233+ possible 1830vartika(goñöha), agni-ñöut is 924).
goñöhaà vraje, niñëäta-nadéñëau kauçale, pratiñëätaà sütre, agniñöud-ädayo yajïe, viñöäraç chandasi,
abhiniñöäno viñëusarge, viñöaro våkñäsanayoù
The word goñöha is valid with ñatvam when meaning a cow-pen, the words niñëäta and nadé-ñëa are valid
with ñatvam when they mean being expert. The word pratiñëäta is valid with ñatvam when meaning a
sütra, The words headed by agni-ñöut are valid with ñatvam when meaning a sacrifice, The word viñöära is
valid with ñatvam when meaning the particular meter called viñöära-paìkti(here bala has a good
comment), The word abhiniñöäna is valid with ñatvam when meaning a viñëusarga. The word viñöara is
valid with ñatvam when meaning a tree or sitting place.
According to the comms the affix ka is applied after the dhätu ñöhä in either adhikaraëa-väcya(e.g gävas
tiñöhanty atra) or bhäva väcya(e.g gaväà sthänam). niñëä= ni+ñëä+[k]ta in kartå-väcya. nadé-ñëa=the
pürva-pada nadé(river)+ñëä+[k]a by akarmaëy ä-rämäd kaù. An example is veda-niñëätaù(which= vedeñu
kuçalaù)= ‘expert in the vedas’(re: äyukta-kuçala-yoge ñañöhi-saptamyau tät-parye). SK gives the example
niñëätaù çästreñu ‘expert in the scriptures’. pratiñëäta=prati+ñëä+kta. In meaning other than ‘sütra’ the
form will be pratisnäta. E.g pratisnäto vipraù ‘the bathed vipra’. agni-ñöut= The pürva-pada
‘agni’+ñöu[ï]+kvip. Here there is vämanät tuk påthau. By the word ädi we have agni-ñöoma e.g
agni+ñöu[ï]+the uëädi affix ma[p]. viñöära=vi+stå[ï]+ghaë. abhiniñöäna= abhi+ni+ñöan[a](çabde)+ghaë.
viñöara=vi+stå[ï]+al. In other meanings the form is vistara e.g väkyasya vistaraù ‘the elaboration of the
sentence’. In all cases the irregularities here are the specific meanings and the ñatvam which was
otherwise unobtained by ra-ña-å-dvayebhyo because the ‘s’ in these word is not of a pratyaya or viriïci. I
have changed the counterexample in amåta from “väkyasya vistäraù” to “väkyasya vistaraù” as it is in
bala, because this is in conformance with the päëini sütra SK3204 which says ‘açabde’. I have changed the
stè[ï] mentioned twice in amåta to stå[ï] in accordance with bala and SK3204,3205
________________________________________
gaëa-päöhaù (päëini-sammataù)
ury-ädi (87): uré uraré tanthé tälé ätälé vetälé dhülé dhüsé çakalä çaàsakalä dhvaàsakalä bhraàsakalä
gulagudhä sajuñ phala phalé viklé äklé äloñöhé kevälé keväsé seväsé paryälé çevälé varñälé atyümaçä vaçmaçä
masmasä masamasä auñaö prauñaö vauñaö vañaö svähä svadhä bandhä pämpé prädus çrat ävis.
gämy-ädi (199): gämé ägämé(I have made ä in gämy-ädi and the first two by the logic that JG quote
gämyädi and SK has ä in both forms) bhävé prasthäyé pratirodhé pratiyodhé pratibodhé pratiyäyé pratiyogé.
grahy-ädi (198): grähé utsähé uddäsé udbhäsé sthäyé mantré sammardé, rakña-çruva-paçäà nau(when there
is the upendra ni), nirakñé niçrävé niväpé niçäyé, yäcå-vyähå-saàvyähå-vraja-vada-vasäà
pratiñiddhänäm(that are negated with naï), ayäcé avyähäré asaàvyähäré avräjé avädé aväsé, acäm acitta-
kartåkäëäm(dhätus ending in a vowel(ac) whose kartä’s are without consciousness), akäré ahäré avinäyé
(vinäçé viñäyé), viçayé viñayé deçe, viçayé viñayé deçaù(SK has a bit different round here), abhibhävé
bhüte(used in a past sense), aparädhé uparodhé paribhavé paribhävé.
nandy-ädi (197): nandanaù väçanaù madanaù düñaëaù sädhanaù vardhanaù çobhanaù rocanaù, sahita-
pidamaù saàjïäyäm—sahanaù tapanaù damanaù, jalpanaù ramaëaù darpaëaù saìkrandanaù
saìkarñaëaù saàharñaëaù janärdanaù yavanaù madhusüdanaù vibhéñaëaù lavaëaù citta-vinäçanaù kula-
damanaù (çatru-damanaù).
pacädi (200): (check for spelling mistakes, the ö anubandha indicates that the feminine will be made
with ép, some of these live div and those beginning with jära are mentioned to counteract other päëini
affixes like ka and aë) paca vaca vapa vada cala pata nadaö bhañaö plavaö caraö garaö taraö coraö gähaö
süraö devaö (doñaö) jara (raja) mara (mada) kñama (kñapa) seva meña kopa (koña) medha narta vraëa
darça sarpa (dambha darpa) jära-bhara çva-paca. äkåti-gaëo ’yam.
pärçvädi (233): pärçva udara påñöha uttäna avamürdhana.
bhidädi (446-47): bhidä chidä vidä kñipä guhä çraddhä medhä godhä ärä härä kärä kñiyä tärä dhärä lekhä
rekhä cüòä péòä vapä vasä måjä kåpä.
bhémädi (48): bhéma bhéñma bhayänaka vaha cara (vaha caru) praskandana prapatana (pratapana)
samudra sruva sruk våñöi (dåñöi) rakñaù saìkasuka (çaìkusuka) mürkha khalati. äkåti-gaëo ’yam.
müla-vibhujädi (221): müla-vibhuja nakha-muca käka-guha kumuda mahédhra kudhra gridhra??(check
if this is supposed to be here). äkåti-gaëo ’yam.
sampad-ädi (442): sampad vipad äpad pratipad pariñad.
säkñät-prabhåti (87): säkñät mithyä cintä bhadrä rocanä ästhä amä addhä präjaryä präjaruhä béjaryä
béjaruhä saàsaryä arthe lavaëam uñëam çétam udakam ärdram, agnau vaçe vikasane vihasane pratapane,
prädus namas. äkåti-gaëo ’yam.

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green means still has to be translated

DaAtauM s$avaRmaupaAd"Aya s$ava< è&paM k(r"Aeita ya: /

dhätuà sarvam upädäya

According to Amara-koña, the word dhätu has the following meanings:

1185 / DaAtaAe: k{(ß""ò"laM k(taRir" /

1185. dhätoù kåd bahulaà kartari

1186 / vataRmaAnaAd"AE zAta{zAAnaAvacyautaABaAE P(laAntar"‘ayaAegAe par"pad"Atmapad"yaAe: /

1186. vartamänädau çatå-çänäv acyutäbhau phaläntara-prayoge parapadätmapadayoù

Ø kå → (1186) kå + [ç]at[å] → (758) kå + u + [ç]at[å] → (394) kar + u + [ç]at[å] → (395, 399,

sambodhane—in the sense of sambodhana (“addressing, calling”); ca—also.

[Ç]at[å] and [ç]äna are also applied when there is sambodhana.

he kurvan. pä päne—piban. bhauvädikasyaiva pibädeço ghrädénäà sähacaryät. pä rakñaëe—pän, päntau.

Ø pä → (1186) pä + [ç]at[å] → (393) pä + [ç]a[p] + [ç]at[å] → (550) piba + [ç]a[p] + [ç]at[å] →

Ø pä → (1186) pä + [ç]at[å] → (393) pä + [ç]a[p] + [ç]at[å] → (638) pä + [ç]at[å] → (46) pät[å]

Ø as → (1186) as + [ç]at[å] → (393) as + [ç]a[p] + [ç]at[å] → (638) as + [ç]at[å] → (395, 664)

1188 / @taAe maugAAnae /

1188. ato mug äne

ataù—after a-räma; muk—the ägama m[uk]; äne—when [ç]äna follows.1

pacamänaà vaiñëavaà paçya.

1189. mä-yuktäc chatå-çänäv äkroçe

mä pacann avaiñëavo viñëor naivedyam, mä pacatv ity arthaù.

1190 / i‚(yaAyaAiê¶e" he"taAE ca zAta{zAAnaAE /

1190. kriyäyäç cihne hetau ca çatå-çänau

ekadä nirgatäà gehäd

1191. ätmapada-sthänéyatväd bähulyäc ca çäna-känau bhäva-karmaëoç ca

1192 / BaAvak{(ä," “aöiNA /

1192. bhäva-kåd brahmaëi

A kåt pratyaya ordained in bhäve prayoga is used in the neuter gender.

1193 / opaen‰"Atk{(ªasya s$avaeRìr"Atpar"sya NAtvaM , BaABaUpaunaAk(imagAimapyaAiyavaepavajaRma, /

1193. upendrät kån-nasya sarveçvarät parasya ëatvaà, bhä-bhü-punä-kami-gami-pyäyi-vepa-varjam

upendrät—after an upendra; kåt-nasya—of the na-räma of a kåt pratyaya; sarveçvarät—a sarveçvara;

1194 / NAevaAR KyaAtaeê /

1194. ëer vä khyäteç ca

1195. na-rämoddhaväd éçvaräder eva

na-räma-uddhavät—after a dhätu whose uddhava is na-räma; éçvara-ädeù—if it begins with an éçvara;

1196. viñëujanäder éçvaroddhaväd vä

viñëujana-ädeù—after a dhätu which begins in a viñëujana; éçvara-uddhavät—and has an éçvara as its

vaiñëavena pragéyamäëaà vartate. vaiñëavena pragéyamäëo hariù préëäti. bhädi-niñedhaù kim?

ëi-ante—when they end in [ë]i; ca—also; na—not.

Våtti—Thus we get prabhäpyamänam <1.1>.

An example of ëer vä (1194) is pragäpyamäëaù <1.1> or pragäpyamänaù <1.1>.

1198 / @As$a: zAAnasya wRna: /

1198. äsaù çänasya énaù

After äs[a], [ç]äna is replaced by éna.

1199 / par"paid"naê zAAnastaAcC$Ilyavaya:zAi·(Sau /

1199. parapadinaç ca çänas täcchélya-vayaù-çaktiñu

parapadinaù—after a parapadé dhätu; ca—also; çänaù—[ç]äna; täcchélya-vayaù-çaktiñu—when täcchélya

bhaktaà bhajamänaù. kavacaà bibhräëaù. rävaëaà nighnänaù.

1200 / vaeÔae: zAtauvaRs$auvaAR /

1200. vetteù çatur vasur vä

After vid[a], [ç]at[å] is optionally replaced by vas[u].

vidan, vidvän kåñëam. akarmakatve ’pi—vidvän paëòitaù.

Ø vid → (1186) vid + [ç]at[å] → (two options by 1200):

1201 / zAta{zAAnaAE BaivaSyaita ca , tatpaUva< syaê /

1201. çatå-çänau bhaviñyati ca, tat-pürvaà syaç ca

1202 / @hR": zAta{ paUjyae /

1202. arhaù çatå püjye

[Ç]at[å] is applied after arh[a] in the meaning of püjya.