903132

research-article2020
JIVXXX10.1177/0886260520903132Journal of Interpersonal ViolenceMiranda et al.

Original Research
Journal of Interpersonal Violence

A Qualitative Account of
1­–27
© The Author(s) 2020
Article reuse guidelines:
Children’s Perspectives sagepub.com/journals-permissions
DOI: 10.1177/0886260520903132
https://doi.org/10.1177/0886260520903132
and Responses to journals.sagepub.com/home/jiv

Intimate Partner
Violence in Chile

Jenniffer K. Miranda, PhD,1 Catalina León, BS,1

and Marcelo A. Crockett, MRes1

Abstract
The literature has shown that including children’s perspectives in intimate
partner violence (IPV) field research will improve our understanding of
this violence and its impact on the well-being of victims. Furthermore, the
literature suggests that children are not passive witnesses. Rather, they
use a variety of strategies to cope with IPV. The aim of this research is to
understand the experiences and coping strategies of children who have lived
through IPV between their parents/caregivers. The participants of this study
were nine children between the ages of 8 and 12 years (five girls and four
boys). These participants were recruited from a specialized program in Chile
focused on the maltreatment of children. Semi-structured interviews were
conducted, and a thematic narrative analysis was used to identify recurring
themes from the interviews. The results showed that children used a variety
of coping strategies when an episode of violence was occurring. The aim of
these coping strategies included the following: (a) emotional and behavioral
self-regulation, (b) seeking social support, (c) avoiding emotional reactions
related to IPV episodes, (d) escaping violent episodes, and (e) intervening to
stop the IPV and protect their mothers. Along with these coping mechanisms,

1
Universidad de Chile, Santiago, Chile

Corresponding Author:
Jenniffer K. Miranda, Department of Psychology, Universidad de Chile, Avda. Capitán Ignacio
Carrera Pinto 1045, 7800284, Ñuñoa, Santiago, Chile.
Email: jmimirand@uchile.cl
2 Journal of Interpersonal Violence 00(0)

the results reveal that children often not only have to confront IPV when it
is present in their families but are also potentially subjected to other types
of victimization. The findings of this study highlight that children are active
subjects with agency in response to episodes of IPV and respond through
a range of actions and coping mechanisms. The researchers emphasize the
relevance of integrating and validating the voices of children in research,
given that children are direct victims of IPV and a high-risk group for other
types of child victimization.

Keywords
intimate partner violence, children’s perspectives, coping strategies, child
victimization

Introduction
After a decade of investigations, there is a great deal of research indicating
that intimate partner violence (IPV) is a risk factor for psychopathological
problems in childhood (Holt et al., 2008; Vu et al., 2016). Several authors
have proposed that IPV constitutes a form of child abuse (Artz et al., 2014;
Gilbert et al., 2009). The literature also shows that IPV is associated with
other forms of child maltreatment, including physical and sexual abuse
(Holden, 2003). However, research has also demonstrated that IPV survivors
often try to shield their children from IPV in line with their understanding of
what it means to be a good mother and to protect their children from harm
(Bentley, 2017; Levendosky et al., 2000). In this attempt to protect children
from harm, it has been found that IPV survivors may try to compensate for
the episodes of violence with warm and nurturing parenting (Bentley, 2017;
Levendosky et al., 2000).
The impacts on children relating to IPV span from emotional and behavioral
problems (Evans et al., 2008; Holt et al., 2008; Vu et al., 2016; Wolfe et al.,
2003), to alterations in the development of brain architecture, organic systems,
and regulatory functions (Shonkoff et al., 2012). The international literature has
predominantly addressed the consequences and psychopathological problems
suffered by children and adolescents who have experienced IPV, generating
evidence of these children as being irremediably damaged due to their experi-
ence with IPV (Callaghan et al., 2015a). However, some findings suggest that
not all children are affected in the same way (Graham-Bermann et al., 2009;
Kitzmann et al., 2003; Vu et al., 2016). A recent review of the literature outlined
some protective factors relating to the child (e.g., coping skills, self-esteem,
and temperament), their peers (e.g., supportive peer relationships), and their
Miranda et al. 3

family (e.g., positive and supportive parenting practices) that promote resil-
ience and better outcomes for children that have experienced IPV at home
(Carlson et al., 2019). As Graham-Bermann et al. (2009) pointed out, the com-
bination of a variety of protective and risk factors creates diverse profiles of
adjustment among children who have been affected by IPV. In their study, resil-
ient children were characterized as having less violence exposure, less fear and
worries, and mothers with better mental health and parenting skills, in compari-
son with children that showed adjustment problems.
Over the last two decades, a growing number of researchers have empha-
sized the usefulness of qualitative research methodologies in directly explor-
ing the perspectives of children and adolescents with respect to their
experiences of IPV, considering them as competent social agents and infor-
mants of their own experiences (Buckley et al., 2007; Callaghan et al., 2015a;
DeBoard-Lucas & Grych, 2011). Such research reflects an evolution in how
IPV is understood, particularly in how the position of children and adoles-
cents is recognized and made visible in the context of IPV (Øverlien, 2010).
Consequently, the terminology associated with IPV has evolved in the last
decade. Researchers from qualitative studies have put forward the term
“experiences” (Øverlien, 2010, p. 82) or “children and adolescents who expe-
rience violence” (Callaghan et al., 2015a, p. 2), to emphasize the position of
children as individuals experiencing violence in their homes “with all their
senses” as opposed to their being referred to as passive witnesses to IPV
(Øverlien & Hydén, 2009, p. 480). This qualitative research seeks to include
children as part of the problem, rethinking the adult-centric vision that has
characterized the traditional studies on childhood (Vergara et al., 2015), con-
sidering children and adolescents as agents of their own subjectivity, promot-
ing their participation, and validating the diverse forms through which they
communicate their experiences (Miranda et al., 2017).
Until two decades ago, their strengths, resilience, and coping strategies
had rarely been analyzed (Goldblatt, 2003; McGee, 1997; Øverlien & Hydén,
2009). Some authors have proposed that to understand and resolve such trau-
matic events, children actively give meaning to the violence, ask questions,
and seek information and solutions (Goldblatt, 2003). Recent meta-synthesis
from qualitative studies of children’s experiences of IPV showed that chil-
dren perceived IPV as a complex, isolating, and chronic experience, that
made them feel fear, worry, powerlessness, and sadness (Noble-Carr et al.,
2019). Furthermore, these experiences often made children experiencing IPV
feel like they are living a childhood that is not normal (Arai et al., 2019).
Children and adolescents who experience IPV use different coping strate-
gies to respond to such episodes of violence (Buckley et al., 2007; Ravi &
Casolaro, 2018). This is important because the responses of children and
4 Journal of Interpersonal Violence 00(0)

adolescents to stressful situations are an indication of their adjustment to such

violence, given that coping strategies can serve as either protective or risk
factors of their mental health (Kerig, 2003). In this sense, coping can be
understood as a set of cognitive, emotional, and behavioral strategies that a
person uses in response to a stressful event. Central to coping is the evalua-
tion that an individual makes as to the demands of the environment, and the
resources that he or she has at their disposal to confront such a situation
(Folkman et al., 1986). Many factors will affect the response and coping
strategy the child or adolescent employs in any given situation of IPV, includ-
ing their age, gender, number of siblings, level of education, and the socio-
economic status of the family (Ahmad et al., 2017). Their capacity to respond
is also affected by their particular context, which determines the presence and
nature of stressors, influencing to some extent the child’s repertoire of coping
responses and also influencing the coping strategy that will be used in a given
situation (Tolan & Grant, 2009).
Internationally, few qualitative studies have explored the coping strategies
from the perspectives of the children experiencing IPV. The researchers of
the present study only identified five investigations that focused exclusively
on children’s reports of coping strategies. These studies report that children
face IPV in different ways, including by intervening directly (DeBoard-Lucas
& Grych, 2011; Ericksen & Henderson, 1992; Georgsson et al., 2011); with-
drawing from the place where IPV occurs (DeBoard-Lucas & Grych, 2011;
Ericksen & Henderson, 1992; Georgsson et al., 2011); seeking outside help
such as calling a neighbor, a relative, or the police (DeBoard-Lucas & Grych,
2011; Ericksen & Henderson, 1992; Nair et al., 2001); looking for ways to
protect the mother, siblings, and themselves (Callaghan et al., 2015b; Nair
et al., 2001); seeking support and/or company from relatives, friends, or close
family (DeBoard-Lucas & Grych, 2011); physically distancing themselves
from violence and engaging in another activity, such as reading, watching
television, or sleeping (DeBoard-Lucas & Grych, 2011; Ericksen &
Henderson, 1992; Georgsson et al., 2011); or staying in the room without
intervening (Georgsson et al., 2011). Ravi and Casolaro (2018) proposed that
the coping strategies of children and adolescents could be conceptualized as
ranging along a spectrum, from a healthy integration of the experience of
IPV, to an unhealthy response which involved distancing themselves from it.
These authors agreed that more research is needed to understand more about
how children experience and cope with IPV.

The Present Study

Although research related to this topic has allowed progress in this field,
there is still a shortage of qualitative studies that explore coping strategies
Miranda et al. 5

from the perspective of the children. Furthermore, no such studies yet exist in
Chile, despite the high prevalence of IPV exposure reported by children and
adolescents in national surveys, which range from 12.8% (Ministerio del
Interior y Seguridad Pública, 2017) to 29.8% (Ministerio del Interior y
Seguridad Pública, 2013). Considering this gap in the available literature, the
aim of this study is to understand the experiences and coping strategies of
children who have lived through IPV between their parents/caregivers.

Method
The project U-Inicia 19/16 “Intimate Partner Violence and Mental Health
Problems of Children and Adolescents” is a pioneer research project in Chile,
funded by the Vice Rectory of Research and Development of the University
of Chile, which aims to comprehensively integrate the perspectives of chil-
dren and adolescents on IPV. As no other study of these characteristics has
been conducted in our country, this article presents the preliminary results
from this research project, focusing exclusively on the experiences and
responses of the younger participants.

Participants
The present study included nine children (five girls and four boys) between
the ages of 8 and 12 years old. All participants were admitted to specialized
programs for children and adolescents who have been victims of child abuse
in Chile. These programs included psychosocial and therapeutic interven-
tions for child victims. The description of each participant’s characteristics
and IPV exposure is shown in Table 1. All participants in the present study
shared that the aggressor of the IPV was their biological father and the IPV
experienced by the mother was chronic.
Following the international ethical recommendations to investigate IPV
with children (Eriksson & Näsman, 2012; Morris et al., 2012), the inclusion
criteria were the following: (a) lived experiences of IPV (psychological,
physical, and/or sexual) during the last year, (b) children with a court referral
certificate stipulating “Witness of Domestic Violence” or have a documented
history of living with IPV according to the program that he or she is assisting,
(c) aged between 8 and 12 years old, (d) currently living with their mothers
and have lived with her for at least 6 months during the previous year, and (e)
undergoing diagnostic assessment in the program, to safeguard that children
are not consulted more than once about their IPV experiences, in addition to
being able to contribute to their treatment. Based on the literature on child
and adolescent populations that have been through IPV (Morris et al., 2012),
three criteria were formulated to identify and exclude high-risk cases to
6 Journal of Interpersonal Violence 00(0)

Table 1.  Participants’ Characteristics and Type of IPV Exposure.

Mothers’
Casea Age Gender Type of Exposureb Other Victimizationsc Agec Type of IPVc

Sara 10 Female Exposed prenatally, Violence between 42 Psychological,

intervenes, eyewitness, other family physical, and
experiences the members, sexual
aftermath psychological and
physical abuse
Diana 9 Female Exposed prenatally, Violence between 38 Psychological
eyewitness, experiences other family and physical
the aftermath members,
psychological and
physical abuse, peer
violence
Luis 9 Male Exposed prenatally, Psychological and 38 Psychological,
eyewitness, observes the physical abuse, peer physical, and
initial effects, experiences violence sexual
the aftermath
Ana 11 Female Eyewitness, observes the Psychological and 42 Psychological
initial effects, experiences physical abuse, peer and physical
the aftermath violence
Lucas 8 Male Exposed prenatally, Sexual abuse, 31 Psychological,
eyewitness, observes the psychological and physical, and
initial effects, experiences physical abuse, peer sexual
the aftermath violence
Pablo 12 Male Exposed prenatally, Sexual abuse, 30 Psychological
eyewitness, observes the psychological and and physical
initial effects, experiences physical abuse, peer
the aftermath, intervenes, violence
victimized
Raúl 10 Male Exposed prenatally, Psychological and 30 Psychological
eyewitness, observes the physical abuse, peer and physical
initial effects, experiences violence
the aftermath
Lucía 11 Female Exposed prenatally, Psychological abuse 37 Psychological,
eyewitness, experiences physical, and
the aftermath sexual
Sol 11 Female Exposed prenatally, Psychological and 36 Psychological
eyewitness, observes the physical abuse, peer and physical
initial effects, experiences violence
the aftermath

Note. IPV = intimate partner violence.

a
The names of the participants were changed to maintain anonymity. bClassification based on the taxonomy
proposed by Holden (2003). cInformation extracted from the mothers’ interview.

protect the integral welfare of the participants: (a) children and mothers with
a protected name and/or address, (b) cases with a court order indicating that
children are currently living in a situation assessed as high risk, and (c) chil-
dren who do not live with their mother.
Miranda et al. 7

Production Techniques and Data Collection

Semi-structured interviews were conducted using the interview developed by
Callaghan et al. (2015a), which was adapted by the research team following
the guidelines of the International Testing Commission (Muñiz et al., 2013).
The interview topics included the following: children’s experiences of IPV,
the emotional impact related to this type of violence, and the coping strate-
gies utilized. Some examples of the interview questions used are as follows:

This project is about children growing up with domestic violence—with lots of

fighting and maybe hitting in their home. Do you think of yourself as growing
up in that kind of situation? What is that like for you? When there are bad times
at home, when people are fighting or getting angry with each other, what is that
like for you? How do you cope with those kinds of situations? Is there anything
you do that makes you feel better, when bad things are happening at home?
What do you do/say? How does it help?

Procedure
The research project was approved by the Ethics Committee of the Faculty of
Social Sciences of University of Chile. Professionals of the program referred
the cases that fulfilled the inclusion criteria to the research team through a
Case Selection File. The team members contacted each participant’s mother
by telephone, and provided information about the project, asking about the
willingness of both the mother and their children in participating in the
research. If both the mother and the child agreed to participate, the research
team requested the written consent of the mother and then the written assent
of the child. Then, the professionals of the program proceeded to interview
the children and to administer two instruments to assess mental health prob-
lems which were not used in this study. Within the framework of the research
project, the mothers were given a semi-structured interview for victims of
IPV (the data obtained from which can be found in Table 1) as well as two
instruments to assess their own mental health and that of their children, the
results of which were not used in the present study.

Data Analysis
Thematic narrative analysis was used with the semi-structured interviews, to
achieve a deep interpretation of the participants’ responses and to better
understand the ways in which people give meaning of their experiences
(Riessman, 2008). The interviews were audio recorded, transcribed, and
8 Journal of Interpersonal Violence 00(0)

analyzed by three research team members using the ATLAS.ti software

(Version 7.5.4). Text extracts from the transcripts of interviews that were
used to support the findings alongside interpretations given were then pre-
sented in the results. The analysis was performed by three members of the
research team. First, each member of the research team conducted an intra-
case analysis, in which each interview was coded separately. Then, the codes
of each interview were compared, disagreements discussed, and re-codifica-
tion completed as necessary. Second, an inter-case analysis was carried out,
which consisted of an integrated analysis of all interviews. In this process,
themes and subthemes were organized by the same three members of the
research team separately, and then discussed by all members of the research
team. Thus, the three researchers of this study performed the coding and anal-
ysis separately, and then they were compared, contrasted, and discussed the
results, strengthening rigor and quality in the process through the triangula-
tion of the data (Martínez-Salgado, 2012). Records were kept of the analysis
made by each investigator in case it was necessary to re-evaluate the analyti-
cal process (Korstjens & Moser, 2018). This procedure was used in the intra-
case and the inter-case analysis, as well as to discuss the organization of the
themes and subthemes. Data were systematically checked, and the fit of data
and the conceptual work of analysis and interpretation were monitored
throughout the process (Morse et al., 2002). Subsequently, the results were
discussed with all members of the research team, each of whom specializes
in the study of child clinical psychology and child victimization, consensus
was continually sought, providing greater conceptual rigor (Riessman, 2008).
Following Mayan’s (2009) approach, we considered the saturation criterion
the point at which the findings showed something novel about the phenome-
non in study, specifically with respect to children’s responses to IPV.

Ethical Considerations
Due to the ethical complexity involved in working with children who have
experienced IPV, measures were taken to safeguard their rights. Following
the recommendations indicated in the specialized literature (Eriksson &
Näsman, 2012; Morris et al., 2012), several steps were taken to protect chil-
dren involved in the study. First, before starting the interview, the research
team carried out a risk assessment utilizing the background data of the chil-
dren that professionals had provided according to the exclusion criteria, to
ensure that children who were considered to be in a high-risk situation did not
participate in the study (Morris et al., 2012). Thus, children were only inter-
viewed if professionals working with them assessed that it was safe for them
to participate. Second, the interviews were conducted by child psychologists,
Miranda et al. 9

who were therapists from a program specialized in child abuse. Third, the
therapists were trained prior to the interview in how to conduct said interview
according to a protocol of assessment that had been designed by research
team. This protocol contained guidelines to respond timely to any adverse
emotional reaction from the children, to protect their well-being. In case of
any adverse emotional reaction, counseling was also made available for every
participant. This counseling did not have economic costs for the participants
and was to be provided by the specialized maltreatment programs. It should
be noted that in this study no adverse emotional reactions were presented by
the participating children.

Results
The children’s narratives were organized into categories and subcategories
by themes. The first theme addresses the experiences of IPV that participants
refer to, which includes the recognition of the IPV, the child’s evaluation of
this experience, and the child’s relationship with their parental figures. The
second theme explores children’s coping responses to IPV in their homes,
and five subthemes are proposed to organize the information: (a) emotional
and behavioral self-regulation, (b) seeking social support, (c) avoiding emo-
tional reactions related to IPV episodes, (d) escaping from violent episodes,
and (e) intervening to stop the IPV and defending/protecting the mother.
Finally, as an emerging theme, other forms of victimization experienced by
the participants were included as a topic. Verbatim quotes from the partici-
pants were included in all categories and subcategories.

Experiences of IPV
Recognition of IPV.  The ability of the children to describe their experiences of
IPV was varied. With the exception of one participant, all the participants
confirmed the occurrence of IPV toward their mothers. Some could describe
their experiences, while others avoided describing the violence through the
use of different types of narrative techniques in the interviews. The narratives
were expressed in the form of stories with a lot of details, silences, attention to
elements outside the interview, abrupt answers, and short and tense responses
to questions from interviewers. An account from Luis reads as follows:

When the fight between my mom and my dad began, my dad broke the two doors
of my house . . . and my mom called the police and the firefighters, well with
firefighters I mean builders and well the fireman began to fix the doors and the
police began to ask my mom things . . . and that’s what the police do. (9 years old)
10 Journal of Interpersonal Violence 00(0)

Evaluation of the IPV experience. All the children who recognized the IPV
toward their mothers expressed that it was a bad experience, referring to a
series of negative feelings associated with it. The children mentioned that it
was a difficult situation, producing sadness, worry, anger, and hatred, stating
that, in accordance with their age, it is not a situation that should occur. For
example, Ana reported,

For me it was very hard, since I was tiny, I had to see how my parents fought
when they got angry. When I saw my dad hit my mom and leave her eye and
arms bruised. It left me in a bad shape when I was little. I became more distant
to my dad, for that reason, that he had hit my mom. (11 years old)

Relationship with parental figures.  There is a polarization in the children’s rep-

resentations of their parental figures and their relationship with them. With
respect to the maternal figure, most of the participants described their rela-
tionship as “good,” “loving,” “cheerful,” “nice,” “strong,” and “quiet.” In
addition, they expressed having a close and reciprocal relationship, with their
mother being the most important source of support. Some children referred to
their maternal figure by describing the activities that they tended to do with
them, recounting specific activities such as playing or doing crafts. Others
focused on their mother’s role as a worker or her ability to cook . Another
reflection children made about their maternal figures was that their mother is
the one who educates them and who is responsible for setting rules.

[In response to the question about how is your mom] She is like her sister and
mom and her mom, they are generous, she is generous, very loving, they treat
us well and when we misbehave there, sometimes, they challenge us [. . .]
Uhhh, not in other words, not in a strong tone [. . .] She is more relaxed, she has
me, she is very fond of us [. . .] she treats us with affection [. . .] She says that
we are always going to be first and she respects us, she respects us and we
respect her. (Sara, 10 years old)

Regarding the father figure, there is a strong tendency among the partici-
pants to describe their father in negative terms, with a predominance of com-
plex imagery associated with violence. The prevailing image that emerges is
that of a father who, in the children’s terms, is “authoritarian,” “aggressive,”
“angry,” “emotionally distant,” and “liar.”

[Referring to his father] he is like his parents, he always says bad words when
he asks you something, like for example, if he wants to go to the fair and we
say no, he forces us and punishes us horribly [. . .] and he forces us to do
everything he wants. (Sara, 10 years old)
Miranda et al. 11

Some described their parents through more or less disconnected imagery

based on changing and sometimes incongruous versions and feelings.

My dad . . . is very annoying a lot of the time . . . angry . . . he is hot-headed,

but when he has none of those days of anger, he is very nice . . . in several ways
[. . .] he helps me in the tasks, he does not yell at me and speaks to me, he does
not treat me badly, but most of the time it is very intense, he yells a lot and he
gets very angry with me and he scolds me a lot. (Ana, 11 years old)

Coping Skills
Five subthemes emerged in relation to the coping skills that children used
when faced with IPV in their homes: (a) emotional and behavioral self-regu-
lation, (b) seeking social support, (c) avoiding emotional reactions related to
IPV episodes, (d) escaping from violent episodes, and (e) intervening to stop
the IPV and to protect their mother.

Emotional and behavioral self-regulation.  Children reported that in the face of

IPV situations, they made efforts to regulate their own feelings, due to the
anguish and fear that arose as a result of the IPV. Children sought to control
their emotional and/or behavioral states through alternative actions, for exam-
ple, using drawing and engaging other activities. Particularly related to this
subtopic, it was found that most of the participants reported using this type of
coping skills before the episodes of IPV and described that, to calm down,
they ate candies, they tried to sleep, and they painted. On the contrary, one of
the participants indicated that she often cried because of her situation:

[When asked if there is something that makes her feel better when bad things
happen in the home] . . . Sleeping [. . .] calms me down. (Diana, 9 years old)

In this regard, some children could recognize that their attempts to calm
down failed to fulfill this function. For example, Sara explained that she tries to
eat candies, because, according to her, sugar was a substance that enabled her
to relax in a variety of stressful situations. However, because of the intensity of
her feelings, she was not able to regulate her emotions. Through her own evalu-
ation, she has failed in her attempt at self-regulation, because, according to her,
she was unable to meet her goal of calming herself and relaxing:

When he arrived [Reference to father], he took out a book and slammed it shut,
and I began to cry and cry, and you know, like candy, it makes you happy, it
calms you down, I ate one, and it didn’t work, I mean, I had the candy all the
time so the pain would go away, so the sugar would calm me and no, I did not
get better. (Sara, 10 years old)
12 Journal of Interpersonal Violence 00(0)

Seeking social support.  Social support was an important aspect for children in
the face of IPV experiences. Through their narratives, children expressed
having sought the help and/or support of different people they trust, such as
family members, peers, and/or professionals. This help was sought either
during or after the IPV incidents. The majority of participants responded to
the question: “Is there someone you can talk to about the things that happen
or have happened in your house?” that they can talk to their mother about
these experiences. Raúl points out,

[Regarding of the IPV] I start crying [do you cry alone, or do you share it with
someone?] With my mom [. . .] she fusses over me and asks me what happened.
(10 years old)

In addition, some of the interviewees indicated that they saw therapy as a

form of support and help for them and their mothers. One of the participants
indicated that, as a result of the psychological mistreatment of which they
were victims by their father’s family (father, grandfather, and grandmother),
a way for them to change was through psychological help, perceiving the
therapy as a learning space and allowing change. Sara reports,

[When asked if you think someone could do something so that they—their

paternal family—would change] Hmm, yes, that they go to therapy [. . .]
Therapy helps them [. . .] with psychologists, where they learn to be kind and
to be people, to be a normal person, normal people. (10 years old)

Raúl indicated that when the incidents of IPV happened, a way to face
them was to look for the help of a trusted adult, someone who gives him the
security and protection to tell him what happened and that could intervene in
the situation.

I call my grandmother [. . .] she lives below me [. . .] What she says is “Stop!

Look at what you are doing to the kids!” [referring to father and mother during
IPV episode]. (Raúl, 10 years old)

Avoiding emotional reactions related to IPV episodes.  This subtheme is related to

the coping skills used by children to avoid and actively ignore the situation of
IPV, seeking to block sounds and distract themselves, due to the fear, anguish,
discomfort, and anxiety they experienced. Some strategies used included try-
ing to shut out the sounds of the incidents through talking with a stuffed ani-
mal or pillow, watching television, listening to music, or trying to concentrate
on another idea. Such strategies can be understood as emotionally oriented
actions that aimed to block out, and minimize exposure to the IPV.
Miranda et al. 13

Erm when things happen in the house of my dad or my mom, I start listening to
music, my favorite group is BTS because a lot of the time their lyrics are very
inspiring for me, very beautiful and I focus on listening music instead of the
fighting or other things that are happening in the house. (Ana, 11 years old)

Escaping from violent episodes.  This subtopic includes the concrete actions taken
by children to escape the situation of IPV. The strategy most commonly used by
participants was to abandon the situation where the violence was occurring.
Some strategies used included going to a safe space inside or outside the house
when violent episodes occurred. Others described how they hid in their rooms,
or that they left the home to go to see someone nearby or perform a recreational
or sports activity. For example, one of the participants commented,

I go out on the street [. . .] I play soccer, I play basketball. (Raúl, 10 years old)

As previously mentioned, most of the interviewees pointed out that IPV

was an experience that caused them anguish, anxiety, and fear, with some
participants reporting that they feared for their safety, due to the danger they
perceived. Luis recognizes that when he perceived such a threat to his safety,
he sought shelter and often decided to hide, noting that the strategy he used
most was to seek safety in his room:

What I do . . . well when my mom gets hit, when my mom calls the police, err,
the only thing I say there is like “oh I’m going to hide! Oh, oh I better go up!”
Because if not, bad things are going to happen and I do not want that to happen,
so I’m going “up.” (9 years old)

Intervening to stop the IPV and protect the mother. In addition to worrying
about their own protection and safety, children feared for the welfare of their
mothers. This subtheme is related to coping skills as with the protection of
the mother and is characterized by actions that aim to intervene, stop, or pre-
vent the mother from being a victim of episodes of IPV. The participants refer
to a range of actions and plans they have thought out to protect their mother,
according to their personal circumstances. Such a scope in their capacity to
assess the applicability of a plan depending on the situation points to their
recognizing the establishment of a dynamic of violence in the family relation-
ship. Some children indicated that intervention plans depended on factors
such as the magnitude of the IPV. Another factor in the intervention plan they
chose to deploy depended on how they perceived their own role in the family.
One of the interviewees said that he intervened verbally and physically to
stop the attacks and to defend the mother, assuming a protective role, because
he was the eldest son:
14 Journal of Interpersonal Violence 00(0)

Mmm, one time I almost hit my dad, where he was arguing with my mom [. . .]
I pushed him against the wall [. . .] And then stopped [. . .] it is because I’m the
oldest, so I defended my mom. (Pablo, 12 years old)

However, the participant’s perception of their role in preventing IPV in the

family was not always determined by age. In Sara’s account of the strategies
she employed to protect her mother, she described how despite being the
youngest of three siblings, she was often directly involved to prevent her
father’s aggressions. She states that her involvement was because she was
aware of the threat of danger and harm that the IPV caused the mother:

When he was going to leave me [referring to father], he shouts me, and I always
put myself behind my mother [. . .] like that [. . .] because I did not want to be
outside because he was shouting her [. . .] [And why did you put yourself
behind your mom?] To protect her. (Sara, 10 years old)

For Luis, helping his mother served to temporarily alleviate some of his
own feelings of distress and despair. He describes how, when faced with
the IPV, seeing his mother was well helped to combat the negative emo-
tions generated by the IPV. In his account, his mother’s well-being was
central:

Well, nothing makes me feel better when it happens, when something bad
happens . . . the only thing that makes me feel better is when I help my mother
and I see that she’s okay, that’s the only thing that makes me feel better. (Luis,
9 years old)

Luis also commented that he recognizes his inability to control this type of
external events and that he has a limited number of strategies available to him
to face them, as the IPV exceeds his capabilities and resources, leading to
feelings of helplessness and impotence in these situations: “Ayyy! I’m just a
child, there’s hardly anything I can change.” However, he pointed out that he
carries out assessments of the episodes of IPV as they occur and asserts that
according to his own assessments of the risk of harm to his mother involved
in each episode, he dials the emergency number on the telephone in prepara-
tion for the need to use it in an abusive episode. In this way, he is also assert-
ing some control of his environment.

I say in my head . . . if something is really full on for me, I do not get involved
or, well, if it is really bad, I get involved too, because maybe, for example, I
don’t know, if my mom is fighting with my dad, just in case I take the phone
and put in the emergency number . . . if anything happens, 133 . . . that’s what
I do. (Luis, 9 years old)
Miranda et al. 15

Other Forms of Victimization

Although this topic was not the objective of this study, it was considered an
important emergent theme to be highlighted. We believe it is relevant to men-
tion that in the descriptions that children made about their experiences of IPV,
it was difficult to distinguish if they referred to this specific type of violence
or to another type of violence of which they were victims. The narratives of
participants reveal that there were multiple types of violence in the children’s
daily lives. These experiences are associated with a climate of generalized
violence in their homes, which occur in a wide range of family relationships
and which do not only involve the parental figures.
Some of the participants reported on the violence operating among rela-
tives, which included disputes between the parental figures and extended
family (grandparents or uncles) as well as violence among members of their
extended families.

[Referring to her grandparents] That my grandpa doesn’t need to be so jealous,

because one time my grandmother was on her cell phone she opened Facebook
and had a request, then my grandfather went and almost hit her because
someone sent it to her, because she had a group of women there [. . .] Then he
almost hit her. (Diana, 9 years old)

Some of the children described other forms of direct abuse they suffered
in addition to IPV, such as psychological and/or physical abuse toward them
or their brothers and sisters. For example, Sara said she and her brothers
experienced psychological and physical abuse by the father, after the separa-
tion of the parents, referring to violent dynamics, authoritarianism, and hos-
tility exerted by him. Sara’s narratives included situations of insults and
shouts, as well as attacks and other aggressions in the sphere of corporality:

He punished us by making us face the wall [referring to the father] [. . .] he hurt

us [. . .] when we had pimples, he began to pop them with cologne, and we
didn’t want to [. . .] And we were forced to everything he wants. (10 years old)

Luis, for his part, stated that he suffered physical abuse from his father,
showing ambivalence in this situation, as, although he recognized the negative
aspect of this experience, he justified and minimized this in his narrative:

[Responding to the question as to what things are bad for you] That my dad hit
me [how is that for you?]. Sometimes good sometimes bad, sometimes good
because we were boxing, and he did not hit me, like “AH,” but he hit me more
like “ah” [. . .] It was more . . . loving and also the best thing is that I wore boxing
gloves . . . and that’s where I learned to defend, to defend myself. (9 years old)
16 Journal of Interpersonal Violence 00(0)

Sara also referred to violent dynamics imposed by paternal grandparents,

pointing out episodes of psychological violence by them:

They [referring to grandparents] left me locked in the room, at the beach they
left me in the darkest and most closed room [. . .] all day. (10 years old)

These situations of violence were associated with several reactions and

emotions in children, indicating in their narratives a range of emotional
responses, which reflects the complexity of their feelings as to their experi-
ences of victimization. The descriptions included depressive emotions includ-
ing that of hopelessness, fear, helplessness, and anger, among others. An
example of this is Luis, who faced the physical abuse of the father. He said,

I felt sad and angry, scared . . . nervous and ashamed . . . and also surprised.
(Luis, 9 years old)

It is important to mention that the interviews of all the mothers refer to this
aspect as something they perceived to be significant in the development of
the child given that their children were not only victims of the IPV but also
victims of other forms of victimization, such as family violence (different
from IPV), violence by peers, psychological and/or physical abuse, and one
reported case of sexual abuse toward a child by a kindergarten teacher.

Discussion
According to our literature review, this investigation is the first study in Chile
and Latin America that incorporates the perspectives of children who have
lived in IPV contexts and their responses to this form of violence. From an
in-depth and comprehensive analysis of children’s narratives, the following
three main issues emerged: (a) experiences of IPV, (b) coping skills, and (c)
other forms of victimization. This study illustrates a broad range of narratives
in which children attempt to understand what was happening in their homes
and articulate their thoughts about their experiences of violent situations in
the family context.

Experiences of IPV
The children in the current study have a wide range of perspectives with
respect to the IPV they have experienced at home. However, some children
have difficulties in constructing narratives about these violent experiences.
This raises the question as to the complexity and challenge of articulating
Miranda et al. 17

stories about growing up in an IPV context. We agree with Callaghan et al.

(2016) that pain can sometimes be difficult to express and verbally share but
may help to minimize these adverse experiences. In our study, some of the
participants explicitly and directly acknowledged that IPV was not some-
thing that children should go through. Furthermore, all the children in this
study recognized the harmful burden of this type of violence. The findings of
our study provide support to the proposal of other researchers who have
found that such violence can lead to extensive damage throughout life
(Callaghan et al., 2016; Øverlien & Hydén, 2009), to consider children as
direct victims of IPV, because they always experience the violence in some
way. However, just as importantly, our findings support the results of studies
of older children aged 11 to 19 (Åkerlund & Sandberg, 2017), that children
are not simply victims but subjects who actively seek out solutions for the
well-being of themselves and others. In line with Åkerlund and Sandberg’s
(2017) investigation, our study supports the efforts of previous researchers to
champion the perspectives of children, particularly by raising awareness in
the professional, academic, and political spheres. It is important to continue
making advances in this field of research, as well as in investigations that
seek to assess interventions, through building spaces to receive and under-
stand the perspectives of children on the IPV (Eriksson & Näsman, 2012).

Coping Skills
The findings of this study coincide with that of previous research that sug-
gests that children respond in different ways to IPV (Øverlien & Hydén,
2009). In all of the children’s narratives in the present study, participants
showed initiative and creativity in addressing their violent situations and
anticipating the risks to protect themselves, their mother, and siblings. Our
findings suggest that children used five different strategies to face the IPV:
(a) emotional and behavioral self-regulation, (b) seeking social support,
(c) avoiding emotional reactions related to IPV episodes, (d) escaping
from violent episodes, and (e) intervening to stop the IPV and defending/
protecting the mother.
In accordance with the international literature (DeBoard-Lucas & Grych,
2011; Ericksen & Henderson, 1992; Georgsson et al., 2011), our findings
indicate that children who have lived through IPV episodes at home seek
emotional and/or behavioral self-regulation through alternative and creative
ways, such as drawing or listening to music. In addition, some children
reported having required support from close relatives or friends when epi-
sodes of violence occur or following their occurrence, as has been identified
in previous studies (DeBoard-Lucas & Grych, 2011; Nair et al., 2001). These
18 Journal of Interpersonal Violence 00(0)

actions were aimed at reducing the child’s levels of stress and anxiety, or to
intervene in the situation of violence indirectly through a third person who
fulfilled a support function.
With respect to the subtheme of escaping and avoidance, our findings are
consistent with what was found by Pelled (1998) and Georgsson et al. (2011),
who found children often trying to escape conflict, through establishing a
physical distance or through finding distractions when faced with abusive
episodes. According to Ornduff and Monahan (1999), the decision to use
these types of strategies as opposed to strategies involving direct intervention
may depend in part on a child’s evaluation of their parents’ behavior. Viewing
a parent as a dangerous individual over which they have no control could
encourage the child to look for a way to seek shelter and distance from the
violent parent instead of using direct or confrontational strategies in response.
In the current study, children also described various actions intended to
defend or protect the mother from IPV, which provides some evidence that
confirms the proposal of McGee (1997). McGee found that when their moth-
er’s health and safety is threatened, one of the strategies used by children
against IPV is to intervene physically between parents, as a way of protecting
their mother. This is consistent with Pelled’s (1998) and Georgsson et al.’s
(2011) findings that indicate that children often express concern for the vul-
nerability of their mothers, and express a desire to protect them and to show
their support. Furthermore, the finding that many children believe that they
can stop the threat of violence if they intervene in the situation also supports
that of previous research (DeBoard-Lucas & Grych, 2011). It is noteworthy
that, contrary to the findings of investigations that reported some children
respond to IPV by staying in the room and observing the IPV in silence or
without intervening (DeBoard-Lucas & Grych, 2011; Georgsson et al., 2011),
in our study, all participants reported responding in some way when faced
with IPV. Øverlien and Hydén (2009) argue that all children who experience
IPV oppose and confront the violence in some way, given that their response
to the violence never includes accepting violence or considering it normal.
This is likely in part influenced by the cultural and social milieu in which
they are living.
Historically, the literature has proposed classifications of the different
coping strategies. These classifications include problem-centered and emo-
tion-centered; active versus passive; and strategies of primary versus second-
ary control (Folkman et al., 1986). The first group of coping strategies
(problem-centered, active, and primary control) is characterized by efforts to
change the situation by acting on the source of stress, whereas the second
group of coping strategies (emotion-centered, passive, and secondary con-
trol) refers to efforts to reduce emotional distress, and escape or avoid the
Miranda et al. 19

source of stress. In the literature on coping strategies, the use of the first
group of coping strategies is associated with indicators of better mental health
(Rafnsson et al., 2006). However, we agree with Øverlien and Hydén (2009)
on the complexity of evaluating coping strategies in this way and advocate
that coping strategies be evaluated based on their effectiveness in addressing
IPV faced by a particular child, in a particular context. The findings of the
present study suggest that children select a particular strategy from among a
range of possible strategies when confronted with an episode of IPV, taking
into account their available resources, the risk of harm involved for them-
selves and others in employing each strategy, and a number of factors relating
to the context in which they are living. Strategies were often assessed by the
children as inappropriate or dangerous depending on the situation. For
instance, the use of an active coping strategy, such as intervening between
parents, can put at risk the physical integrity of the child. In our study, most
of the participants reported the choice of a strategy focused on emotion. This
indicates that children assessed the IPV episodes they describe as situations
that put their own safety at risk, as well as being an experience that generates
suffering and fear. As such, alternative strategies that aimed to minimize the
risk of their being hurt and reduce their negative emotional state were often
employed. From the accounts of children interviewed in this investigation, it
is clear that in their assessments of the risk involved in episodes of IPV, chil-
dren often conclude that utilizing coping strategies focused on the problem,
such as intervening directly in the situation of IPV, places them at greater risk
of harm, even potentially placing their lives at risk. As such, it would be dan-
gerous and irresponsible to value strategies focused on the physical interven-
tion above those of emotion focused coping strategies for children confronting
IPV in the home.
Given the risks involved in children confronting and responding to IPV,
this investigation highlights the importance of qualitative research on IPV in
which children are positioned as informants and where their experiences can
serve as a starting point for the analysis of appropriate interventions. As
asserted by Øverlien and Hydén (2009), only by listening to the children
themselves can we better understand their lives amid violence. In seeing chil-
dren as agents, it is also important to have an integrative view of the child as
part of a specific context and a relational framework.

Other Forms of Victimization

An emergent theme, which appeared frequently in the narrative of the partici-
pants, reveals that children not only face IPV but also experience other types
of victimization, such as psychological, physical, and sexual abuse, and that
20 Journal of Interpersonal Violence 00(0)

this violence occurs inside and outside of the family, such as violence between
relatives (not IPV) and violence by peers. These violent experiences may
have a profound impact on the expected development of the children, because
they expressed several negative emotions associated with their victimiza-
tions, such as fear, anxiety, terror, confusion, and hopelessness. From the
developmental psychopathology perspective, Cicchetti and Toth (2005)
assert that development failures, such as experiencing episodes of violence
and abuse in childhood, increase the vulnerability of the child and the likeli-
hood of their being diagnosed with a psychopathology. Moreover, there is a
large body of research supporting the cumulative risk factor hypothesis: The
more risk factors that are present (i.e., child maltreatment, inter-parental vio-
lence, and family disruption), the worse the mental health outcomes are for
the child (Appleyard et al., 2005; Miranda et al., 2011). Given such research,
our findings highlight the need to expand our current understanding about
how growing up in IPV contexts and the concurrence of other childhood vic-
timizations might lead to either short- or long-term maladaptive or adaptive
adjustments to these experiences.
In relation to the recognition of the adjustment children make when con-
fronted with IPV, the findings of our study also provide some evidence that
points toward the capacity of agency and the persistent efforts of children to
respond to violence. Following Øverlien and Hydén (2009), it is important to
recognize that living through this type of experience does not doom children
to a life full of difficulties. Along these lines, Grych et al. (2015) recommend
moving toward a more comprehensive understanding of how people who
have lived through violent events overcome the effects of having done so and
go on to live productive and successful lives. These authors point out that as
the number or strength of protective factors available increases, people tend
to exhibit healthier functioning. This is particularly relevant given that in this
study, most of the participants identify their mothers as their main support
figure and, according to the literature, most of the protective factors available
to children are external resources, such as their caregivers (Grych et al.,
2015). As such, therapeutic work that aims to bolster and strengthen the
mother–child relationship is essential. Mothers should be supported by pro-
fessionals for both overcoming their own history of violence and raising a
nurturing home where they and their children can live free of violence.

Implications for Research and Practice

The findings of this study have several implications for practice, both in
research and intervention. First, this study constitutes a novel contribution
because it is the first study on IPV in Chile that incorporates the perspectives
Miranda et al. 21

of children. Our investigation serves to add to the scarce international litera-

ture on how children respond to this form of violence, contributing to our
broader understanding of the phenomenon. At the methodological level, this
study endorses the active participation of children in the construction of new
knowledge, safeguarding their right to protection and support. Given the nar-
ratives of courage and creativity elicited through such an approach, we sug-
gest that therapeutic work that positions the child as informant and agent in
response to IPV could be beneficial for this population. Thus, the findings of
this study can be useful for professionals working with children and families
who have experienced IPV. It is important that professionals consider the
needs of children and families, and that children are positioned as actors who
are socially competent, where their right to participate and be heard is
respected. In this position, we are supported by the work of Callaghan et al.
(2017) who proposed the need to recognize, understand, and respect the strat-
egies that children have used to manage their emotions in difficult situations.
These authors emphasized the importance of developing an approach that
considers and promotes the different relational/emotional competences and
resources used by children to face adversity, instead of establishing a single
universal and correct way of handling emotions. This approach requires help-
ing children make connections between their emotional experiences and their
relational context as well as validating their skills and productions.
Our investigation also indicates that it is necessary to recognize that children
often suffer from a variety of experiences of victimization in different areas of
their lives, so it is essential that assessment and therapeutic interventions be
designed in a way that not only distinguishes the particularities of the IPV but
also considers the variety of victimizations that children could have experi-
enced in different contexts and in different moments of their lives. Although, in
general, there is a fairly large body of research on polyvictimization and adverse
childhood events (Finkelhor et al., 2007; Pereda et al., 2014), more qualitative
research that includes children’s perspectives is needed. Such research in the
IPV field would allow for a better understanding of the interconnections
between this form of violence and other childhood victimizations. In this way,
more research is needed to develop a more comprehensive knowledge on the
situations faced by children who experience IPV and that may also experience
multiple other forms of violence, as is the case of the children of this study.
Finally, for the best interests of the children to be recognized, it is crucial that
public policies be reviewed and modified, with a focus on children as direct
victims of IPV, and increased protection and promotion of their well-being as
such. It is essential that those working in the public sphere, in office and in the
administration of state powers, along with other stakeholders, strengthen their
awareness and their capacity for the prevention of and assistance in actions
22 Journal of Interpersonal Violence 00(0)

against violence inflicted on children and adolescents growing in an IPV con-

text. We agree with the argument developed by Callaghan et al. (2015a) and
support the assertion that the justice system should incorporate the conceptual-
ization of children as victims of IPV who require intervention orders and pro-
tection rather than viewing them as merely passive witnesses to it. In addition,
we emphasize the importance of creating spaces for the participation of the
child and youth population in addressing issues related to IPV, where their
capacity of agency in the construction of meaning on their experiences of IPV
is recognized. In this way, this study is in line with a cultural appreciation of
children as subjects in possession of their thoughts and actions and with the
right to have their voices heard (Lee, 2005). Furthermore, our findings high-
light the relevance of considering the diversity of violence experienced by chil-
dren growing up in situations of IPV, according their age, as well as their social
contexts. Consequently, the present research incorporates diversity as a core
value embodying inclusiveness and respect for children’s perspectives, and
attempts to make visible their complex subjectivities, to include the experi-
ences of children into a broader understanding of the human experiences and
responses to IPV.

Limitations of the Study and Future Lines of Research

Although our study provides insights about children’s perspectives on IPV
and highlights the different ways in which they face violence at home, there
are limitations that should be recognized. To begin with, the small number of
participants is acknowledged. This small number of participants means that
generalizability and representativity of our findings are limited. Nevertheless,
the aim of this study is not the generalization of the data but rather to approach
the children’s perspectives on IPV through the in-depth and comprehensive
analyses. Therefore, the results should be interpreted as preliminary findings
in a study that is exploratory in nature. Future research with a larger number
of participants would allow comparisons between children, for example, con-
sidering gender, biographical and contextual differences (i.e., history of child
and mother victimization; relationship with father/aggressor), and so on.
Second, although a significant finding was the frequent report of other vic-
timizations that children have suffered, this study did not include a specific
instrument to explore these experiences. Future research could incorporate
data collection techniques that examine different types of child victimization
and potential associated factors. Finally, maintaining consistency throughout
such investigations with respect to the quality of the interviews, given the
variation in the children’s capacity to describe their experiences of violence,
serves as a warning as to the complexity of studying this sensitive issue. In
Miranda et al. 23

expanding the investigations in this field certain aspects stand out as particu-
larly challenging. Challenges include developing innovative research designs
that integrate different methodologies (i.e., mixed design), recognizing the
rights of children to participate in such studies, and ensuring that all partici-
pants are protected from re-traumatization in the interviewing process.

Author’s Note
Marcelo A. Crockett is also affiliated with Millennium Nucleus to Improve the Mental
Health of Adolescents and Youths (Imhay), Santiago, Chile.

Acknowledgments
We thank all the children who participated in this study, as well as their mothers, and
the professionals from the Opción Foundation. Also thanks to Kitty Thatcher and
Susan McCann for their support in the revision of the article.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research,
authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding
The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research,
authorship, and/or publication of this article: This work was supported by Proyecto
U-Inicia UI-19/16, Vicerrectoría de Investigación y Desarrollo, Programa de Estímulo
a la Excelencia Institucional (PEEI) de la Facultad de Ciencias Sociales mediante su
Concurso de Fortalecimiento de Productividad y Continuidad en Investigación (FPCI)
2019-II, University of Chile.

ORCID iDs
Jenniffer K. Miranda   https://orcid.org/0000-0002-2565-3177
Marcelo A. Crockett   https://orcid.org/0000-0002-8327-7261

References
Ahmad, S., Ishtiaq, S. M., & Mustafa, M. (2017). The role of socio-economic status
in adoption of coping strategies among adolescents against domestic violence.
Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 32(18), 2862–2881.
Åkerlund, N., & Sandberg, L. (2017). Children and violence interactions: Exploring
intimate partner violence and children’s experiences of responses. Child Abuse
Review, 26(26), 51–62.
Appleyard, K., Egeland, B., van Dulmen, M., & Sroufe, A. (2005). When more is not
better: The role of cumulative risk in child behavior outcomes. Journal of Child
Psychology and Psychiatry, 46(3), 235–245.
24 Journal of Interpersonal Violence 00(0)

Arai, L., Heawood, A., Feder, G., Howarth, E., MacMillan, H., Moore, T. H., . . .
Gregory, A. (2019). Hope, agency, and the lived experience of violence: A qualita-
tive systematic review of children’s perspectives on domestic violence and abuse.
Trauma, Violence, & Abuse. 1–12. https://doi.org/10.1177/1524838019849582
Artz, S., Jackson, M., Rossieter, K., Nijdam-Jones, A., Géczy, I., & Porteus, S. (2014).
A comprehensive review of the literature on the impact of exposure to intimate
partner violence for children and youth. International Journal of Child, Youth
and Family Studies, 5(4), 493–587.
ATLAS.ti (version 7.5.4) (2015) [Software]. Scientific Software Development
GmbH.
Bentley, K. (2017). Attentive surveillance: A preliminary study of prioritizing
mothering standards in the face of intimate partner violence. Journal of Family
Violence, 32(32), 39–46.
Buckley, H., Whelan, S., & Holt, S. (2007). Listen to me! Children’s experiences of
domestic violence. Child Abuse Review, 16, 296–310.
Callaghan, J. E. M., Alexander, J. H., & Fellin, L. C. (2016). Children’s embodied
experience of living with domestic violence: “I’d go into my panic, and shake,
really bad.” Subjectivity, 9(4), 399–419.
Callaghan, J. E. M., Alexander, J. H., Sixsmith, J., & Fellin, L. C. (2015a). Beyond
“witnessing”: Children’s experiences of coercive control in domestic violence
and abuse. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 33, 1551–1581.
Callaghan, J. E. M., Alexander, J. H., Sixsmith, J., & Fellin, L. C. (2015b). Children’s
experiences of domestic violence and abuse: Siblings’ accounts of relational cop-
ing. Clinical Child Psychology and Psychiatry, 21, 649–668.
Callaghan, J. E. M., Fellin, L. C., Alexander, J. H., Mavrou, S., & Papathanasiou, M.
(2017). Children and domestic violence: Emotional competencies in embodied
and relational contexts. Psychology of Violence, 7(3), 333–342.
Carlson, J., Voith, L., Brown, J. C., & Holmes, M. (2019). Viewing children’s expo-
sure to intimate partner violence through a developmental, social-ecological, and
survivor lens: The current state of the field, challenges, and future directions.
Violence Against Women, 25(1), 6–28.
Cicchetti, D., & Toth, S. L. (2005). Child maltreatment. Annual Review of Clinical
Psychology, 1(1), 409–438.
DeBoard-Lucas, R. L., & Grych, J. H. (2011). Children’s perceptions of intimate
partner violence: Causes, consequences, and coping. Journal of Family Violence,
26, 343–354.
Ericksen, J. R., & Henderson, A. D. (1992). Witnessing family violence: The chil-
dren’s experience. Journal of Advanced Nursing, 17(10), 1200–1209.
Eriksson, M., & Näsman, E. (2012). Interviews with children exposed to violence.
Children and Society, 26, 63–73.
Evans, S., Davies, C., & DiLillo, D. (2008). Exposure to domestic violence: A meta-
analysis of child and adolescent outcomes. Aggression and Violent Behavior, 13,
131–140.
Finkelhor, D., Ormrod, R. K., & Turner, H. A. (2007). Poly-victimization: A neglected
component in child victimization. Child Abuse and Neglect, 31(1), 7–26.
Miranda et al. 25

Folkman, S., Lazarus, R., Dunkel-Schetter, C., DeLongis, A., & Gruen, R. (1986).
The dynamics of a stressful encounter: Cognitive appraisal, coping and encounter
outcomes. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 50(50), 992–1003.
Georgsson, A., Almqvist, K., & Broberg, A. G. (2011). Naming the unmentionable:
How children exposed to intimate partner violence articulate their experiences.
Journal of Family Violence, 26(2), 117–129.
Gilbert, R., Widom, C. S., Browne, K., Fergusson, D., Webb, E., & Janson, S. (2009).
Burden and consequences of child maltreatment in high-income countries. The
Lancet, 373(9657), 68–81.
Goldblatt, H. (2003). Strategies of coping among adolescents experiencing interpa-
rental violence. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 18(5), 532–552.
Graham-Bermann, S. A., Gruber, G., Howell, K. H., & Girz, L. (2009). Factors dis-
criminating among profiles of resilience and psychopathology in children exposed
to intimate partner violence (IPV). Child Abuse and Neglect, 33(9), 648–660.
Grych, J., Hamby, S., & Banyard, V. (2015). The resilience portfolio model:
Understanding healthy adaptation in victims of violence. Psychology of Violence,
5(4), 343–354.
Holden, G. W. (2003). Children exposed to domestic violence and child abuse:
Terminology and taxonomy. Clinical Child and Family Psychology Review, 6(3),
151–159.
Holt, S., Buckley, H., & Whelan, S. (2008). The impact of exposure to domestic vio-
lence on children and young people: A review of the literature. Child Abuse and
Neglect, 32(8), 797–810.
Kerig, P. (2003). In search of protective processes for children exposed to interparen-
tal violence. Journal of Emotional Abuse, 3(3–4), 148–181.
Kitzmann, K. M., Gaylord, N. K., Holt, A. R., & Kenny, E. D. (2003). Child witnesses
to domestic violence: A meta-analytic review. Journal of Consulting and Clinical
Psychology, 71(2), 339–352.
Korstjens, I., & Moser, A. (2018). Series: Practical guidance to qualitative research.
Part 4: Trustworthiness and publishing. European Journal of General Practice,
24(1), 120–124.
Lee, N. (2005). Childhood and human value: Development, separation and separabil-
ity. Open University Press.
Levendosky, A., Lynch, S., & Graham-Bermann, S. (2000). Mothers’ perceptions
of the impact of woman abuse on their parenting. Violence Against Women, 6,
247–270.
Martínez-Salgado, C. (2012). El muestreo en investigación cualitativa. Principios
básicos y algunas controversias. [Participants in qualitative investigations.
Basic Principles and some controversies]. Ciência & saúde coletiva, 17(3),
613–619.
Mayan, M. J. (2009). Essentials of qualitative inquiry. Left Coast Press.
McGee, C. (1997). Children’s experiences of domestic violence. Child & Family
Social Work, 2(1), 13–23.
Ministerio del Interior y Seguridad Pública. (2013). Encuesta nacional de victim-
ización por violencia intrafamiliar y delitos sexuales [National inquest into
26 Journal of Interpersonal Violence 00(0)

victimization through interfamily violence and sexual abuse]. GfK Adimark.

http://www.seguridadpublica.gov.cl/filesapp/Presentacion%20VIF_adimark_
final.pdf
Ministerio del Interior y Seguridad Pública. (2017). Primera encuesta nacional de
polivictimización en niñas, niños y adolescentes [First national inquest into vic-
timization through interfamily violence and sexual abuse] http://www.seguridad-
publica.gov.cl/media/2018/02/PPT-Primera-Encuesta-de-Polivictimizacion.pdf
Miranda, J., Cortés, C., & Vera, J. (2017). Infancia, palabra y silencio: Aproximación
desde una perspectiva constructivista [Infancy, the word and silence: An
approach from a constructivist perspective]. Psicoperspectivas. Individuo y
Sociedad, 16(1), 91–104.
Miranda, J., de la Osa, N., Granero, R., & Ezpeleta, L. (2011). Maternal Experiences
of Childhood Abuse and Intimate Partner Violence: Psychopathology and
Functional Impairment in Clinical Children and Adolescents. Child Abuse and
Neglect, 35(9), 700-711.
Morris, A., Hegarty, K., & Humphreys, C. (2012). Ethical and safe: Research with
children about domestic violence. Research Ethics, 8(2), 125–139.
Morse, J., Barret, M., Mayan, M., Olson, K., & Spiers, J. (2002). Verification strate-
gies for establishing reliability and validity in qualitative research. International
Journal of Qualitative Methods, 1(2), 13–22.
Muñiz, J., Elosua, P., & Hambleton, R. K. (2013). Directrices para la traducción y
adaptación de los tests: Segunda edición [Guides for translation and application
of tests: Second edition]. Psicothema, 25, 151–157.
Nair, S., Tai, P. K., & Fong, S. S. (2001). Children’s resilience in living violent fami-
lies. Asia Pacific Journal of Social Work and Development, 11(1), 63–77.
Noble-Carr, D., Moore, T., & McArthur, M. (2019). Children’s experiences and needs
in relation to domestic and family violence: Findings from a meta-synthesis.
Child & Family Social Work, 25, 182–191.
Ornduff, S. R., & Monahan, K. (1999). Children’s understanding of parental violence.
Child & Youth Care Forum, 28(5), 351–364.
Øverlien, C. (2010). Children exposed to domestic violence. Conclusion from the
literature and challenges ahead. Journal of Social Work, 10(1), 80–97.
Øverlien, C., & Hydén, M. (2009). Children’s actions when experiencing domestic
violence. Childhood, 16(4), 479–496.
Pelled, E. (1998). The experience of living with violence for preadolescent children of
battered women. Youth & Society, 29, 395–430.
Pereda, N., Guilera, G., & Abad, J. (2014). Victimization and polyvictimization of
Spanish children and youth: Results from a community sample. Child Abuse &
Neglect, 38(4), 640–649.
Rafnsson, F. D., Jonsson, F. H., & Windle, M. (2006). Coping strategies, stressful life
events, problem behaviors, and depressed affect. Anxiety, Stress & Coping: An
International Journal, 19(3), 241–257.
Ravi, K. E., & Casolaro, T. E. (2018). Children’s exposure to intimate partner vio-
lence: A qualitative interpretive meta-synthesis. Child and Adolescent Social
Work Journal, 35(3), 283–295.
Miranda et al. 27

Riessman, C. K. (2008). Narrative methods for the human sciences. SAGE.

Shonkoff, J., Garner, A., Siegel, B., Dobbins, M. I., Earls, M. F., McGuinn, L.,
Pascoe, J., & Wood, D. (2012). The lifelong effects of early childhood adversity
and toxic stress. Pediatrics, 129, 232–246.
Tolan, P. H., & Grant, K. (2009). How social and cultural contexts shape the develop-
ment of coping: Youth in the inner city as an example. In E. A. Skinner & M. J.
Zimmer-Gembeck (Eds.), Coping and the development of regulation: New direc-
tions for child and adolescent development (pp. 61–74). Jossey-Bass.
Vergara, A., Peña, M., Chávez, P., & Vergara, E. (2015). Los niños como sujetos
sociales: El aporte de los nuevos estudios sociales de la infancia en el análisis
crítico del discurso [Children as social subjects: Insights from current social stud-
ies of infancy that draw upon a critical analysis of their words]. Psicoperspectivas,
14(1), 55–65.
Vu, N. L., Jouriles, E. N., McDonald, R., & Rosenfield, D. (2016). Children’ s expo-
sure to intimate partner violence: A meta-analysis of longitudinal associations
with child adjustment problems. Clinical Psychology Review, 46, 25–33.
Wolfe, D. A., Crooks, C. V., Lee, V., McIntyre-Smith, A., & Jaffe, P. G. (2003). The
effects of children’s exposure to domestic violence: A meta-analysis and critique.
Clinical Child and Family Psychology Review, 6(3), 171–187.

Author Biographies
Jenniffer K. Miranda, PhD, is an assistant professor in the Department of Psychology
at the University of Chile. She received her master’s and doctoral degrees in clinical
and health psychology from Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona. Her research area of
interest is focused on children and adolescents who have experienced sexual abuse,
family violence, and other forms of violence.
Catalina León, BS, is a clinical child and youth psychologist. She has worked in
research projects related to intimate partner violence and child abuse, and programs
that seek to promote and protect children’s and adolescents’ rights. Her major research
interests are related to resilience and the experiences of children who have suffered
diverse forms of violence.
Marcelo A. Crockett, MRes, is a psychologist who has worked in clinical and
research fields with children and adolescents. He is currently studying a PhD in public
health at the Universidad de Chile. His research interests are related to mental health
issues of children and adolescents who have lived through adverse childhood experi-
ences and other forms of victimization.