Alauddin Khalji

Alaud-Dīn Khaljī (r. 1296–1316), also

called Alauddin Khilji, born Ali Gurshasp,
was a ruler from the Khalji dynasty that
ruled the Delhi Sultanate in the Indian
subcontinent. Alauddin instituted a
number of significant administrative
changes, related to revenues, price
controls, and society. He also successfully
fended off several Mongol invasions of
India.
 Alauddin Khalji
‫عالءالدین ِخ لجی‬
Sultan
Sikander-e-Sani (Alexander the Second)

A 17th century portrait of Alauddin Khalji

13th Sultan of Delhi
Reign 19 July 1296–4
January 1316
Coronation 21 October 1296

Predecessor Jalaluddin Firuz Khalji

Successor Shihabuddin Omar

Governor of Awadh
Tenure c. 1296–19 July 1296
Governor of Kara
Tenure c. 1266–1316

Predecessor Malik Chajju

Successor ʿAlāʾ ul-Mulk

Amir-i-Tuzuk (equivalent to Master of
ceremonies)
Tenure c. 1290–1291

Born Ali Gurshasp

c. 1266
Qalati Ghilji (present-
 day Zabul,
Afghanistan)[1]

Died 4 January 1316

(aged 49–50)
Delhi (present-day
India)

Burial Madrasa and tomb of

Alauddin Khalji,
Delhi[2]

Spouse Malika-i-Jahan
(daughter of
Jalaluddin)
Mahru (sister of Alp
Khan)
Jhatyapali (daughter
of Ramachandra)
Issue Khizr Khan
Shadi Khan
Qutb ud din Mubarak
Shah
Shihab-ud-din Omar

Regnal name

Alauddunya wad Din Muhammad Shah-us

Sultan

House Khalji dynasty

Father Shihabuddin Mas'ud

(brother of Jalaluddin
Khalji)

Religion Sunni Islam

Alauddin was a nephew and a son-in-law
of his predecessor Jalaluddin. When
Jalaluddin became the Sultan of Delhi
after deposing the Mamluks, Alauddin was
given the position of Amir-i-Tuzuk
(equivalent to master of ceremonies).
After suppressing a revolt against
Jalaluddin, Alauddin obtained the
governorship of Kara in 1291, and the
governorship of Awadh in 1296, after a
profitable raid on Bhilsa. In 1296, Alauddin
raided Devagiri, and acquired loot to stage
a successful revolt against Jalaluddin.
After killing Jalaluddin, he consolidated his
power in Delhi, and subjugated
Jalaluddin's sons in Multan.
Over the next few years, Alauddin
successfully fended off the Mongol
invasions from the Chagatai Khanate, at
Jaran-Manjur (1297–1298), Sivistan
(1298), Kili (1299), Delhi (1303), and
Amroha (1305). In 1306, his forces
achieved a decisive victory against the
Mongols near the Ravi riverbank, and later
ransacked the Mongol territories in
present-day Afghanistan. The military
commanders that successfully led his
army against the Mongols include Zafar
Khan, Ulugh Khan, and his slave-general
Malik Kafur.
Alauddin conquered the kingdoms of
Gujarat (raided in 1299 and annexed in
1304), Jaisalmer (1299), Ranthambore
(1301), Chittor (1303), Malwa (1305),
Siwana (1308), and Jalore (1311). These
victories ended several Rajput and other
Hindu dynasties, including the Paramaras,
the Vaghelas, the Chahamanas of
Ranastambhapura and Jalore, the Rawal
branch of the Guhilas, and possibly the
Yajvapalas. His slave-general Malik Kafur
led multiple campaigns to the south of the
Vindhyas, obtaining a considerable
amount of wealth from Devagiri (1308),
Warangal (1310) and Dwarasamudra
(1311). These victories forced the Yadava
king Ramachandra, the Kakatiya king
Prataparudra, and the Hoysala king Ballala
III to become Alauddin's tributaries. Kafur
also raided the Pandya kingdom (1311),
obtaining much treasure, elephants, and
horses.

During the last years of his life, Alauddin

had an illness and relied on Malik Kafur to
handle the administration. After his death
in 1316, Malik Kafur appointed
Shihabuddin, son of Alauddin and his
Hindu wife Jhatyapali, as a puppet
monarch. His elder son Qutbuddin
Mubarak Shah seized the power shortly
after his death.
Early life
Contemporary chroniclers did not write
much about Alauddin's childhood.
According to the 16th/17th-century
chronicler Haji-ud-Dabir, Alauddin was 34
years old when he started his march to
Ranthambore (1300–1301). Assuming this
is correct, Alauddin's birth can be dated to
1266–1267.[3] His original name was Ali
Gurshasp. He was the eldest son of
Shihabuddin Mas'ud, who was the elder
brother of the Khalji dynasty's founder
Sultan Jalaluddin. He had three brothers:
Almas Beg (later Ulugh Khan), Qutlugh
Tigin, and Muhammad.[4]
Alauddin was brought up by Jalaluddin
after Shihabuddin's death.[5] Both Alauddin
and his younger brother Almas Beg
married Jalaluddin's daughters. After
Jalaluddin became the Sultan of Delhi,
Alauddin was appointed as Amir-i-Tuzuk
(equivalent to Master of ceremonies),
while Almas Beg was given the post of
Akhur-beg (equivalent to Master of the
Horse).[6]
Marriage to Jalaluddin's daughter

Gold coinage of 'Ala al-Din Muhammad (AH 695-715 / AD 1296–1316). Dar al-Islam mint. Dated AH 709 (AD 1309–10).

Alauddin married Jalaluddin's daughter,

Malika-i-Jahan, long before the Khalji
revolution of 1290. The marriage, however,
was not a happy one. Having suddenly
become a princess after Jalaluddin's rise
as a monarch, she was very arrogant and
tried to dominate Alauddin. According to
Haji-ud-Dabir, Alauddin married a second
woman, named Mahru, who was the sister
of Malik Sanjar alias Alp Khan.[7] Malika-i-
Jahan was greatly infuriated by the fact
that her husband had taken a second wife.
According to Dabir, this was the main
cause of the misunderstanding between
Alauddin and his first wife.[7] Once, while
Alauddin and Mahru were together in a
garden, Jalaluddin's daughter attacked
Mahru out of jealousy. In response,
Alauddin assaulted her. The incident was
reported to Jalaluddin, but the Sultan did
not take any action against Alauddin.[6]
Alauddin was not on good terms with his
mother-in-law either, who wielded great
influence over the Sultan. According to the
16th-century historian Firishta, she warned
Jalaluddin that Alauddin was planning to
set up an independent kingdom in a
remote part of the country. She closely
monitored Alauddin and encouraged her
daughter's arrogant behavior toward
him.[8]

Governor of Kara

In 1291, Alauddin played an important role

in crushing a revolt by the governor of Kara
Malik Chajju. As a result, Jalaluddin
appointed him as the new governor of
Kara in 1291.[6] Malik Chajju's former
Amirs (subordinate nobles) at Kara
considered Jalaluddin as a weak and
ineffective ruler and instigated Alauddin to
usurp the throne of Delhi.[7] This,
combined with his unhappy domestic life,
made Alauddin determined to dethrone
Jalaluddin.[5]

Conspiracy against Jalaluddin

The army of Alaudeen on March to Deccan, a 20th-century artist's impression

While instigating Alauddin to revolt against

Jalaluddin, Malik Chajju's supporters
emphasized that he needed a lot of money
to raise a large army and stage a
successful coup: Malik Chajju's revolt had
failed for want of resources.[7] To finance
his plan to dethrone Jalaluddin, Alauddin
decided to raid the neighboring Hindu
kingdoms. In 1293, he raided Bhilsa, a
wealthy town in the Paramara kingdom of
Malwa, which had been weakened by
multiple invasions.[5] At Bhilsa, he learned
of the immense wealth of the southern
Yadava kingdom in the Deccan region, as
well as about the routes leading to their
capital Devagiri. Therefore, he shrewdly
surrendered the loot from Bhilsa to
Jalaluddin to win Sultan's confidence,
while withholding the information on the
Yadava kingdom.[9] A pleased Jalaluddin
gave him the office of Ariz-i Mamalik
(Minister of War), and also made him the
governor of Awadh.[10] In addition, the
Sultan granted Alauddin's request to use
the revenue surplus for hiring additional
troops.[11]

After years of planning and preparation,

Alauddin successfully raided Devagiri in
1296. He left Devagiri with a huge amount
of wealth, including precious metals,
jewels, silk products, elephants, horses,
and slaves.[12] When the news of
Alauddin's success reached Jalaluddin, the
Sultan came to Gwalior, hoping that
Alauddin would present the loot to him
there. However, Alauddin marched directly
to Kara with all the wealth. Jalaluddin's
advisors such as Ahmad Chap
recommended intercepting Alauddin at
Chanderi, but Jalaluddin had faith in his
nephew. He returned to Delhi, believing
that Alauddin would carry the wealth from
Kara to Delhi. After reaching Kara,
Alauddin sent a letter of apology to the
Sultan and expressed concern that his
enemies may have poisoned Sultan's mind
against him during his absence. He
requested a letter of pardon signed by the
Sultan, which the Sultan immediately
despatched through messengers. At Kara,
Jalaluddin's messengers learned of
Alauddin's military strength and of his
plans to dethrone the Sultan. However,
Alauddin detained them and prevented
them from communicating with the
Sultan.[13]

Meanwhile, Alauddin's younger brother

Almas Beg (later Ulugh Khan), who was
married to a daughter of Jalaluddin,
assured the Sultan of Alauddin's loyalty.
He convinced Jalaluddin to visit Kara and
meet Alauddin, saying that Alauddin would
commit suicide out of guilt if the Sultan
didn't pardon him personally. A gullible
Jalaluddin set out for Kara with his army.
After reaching close to Kara, he directed
Ahmad Chap to take his main army to Kara
by land route, while he himself decided to
cross the Ganges river with a smaller body
of around 1,000 soldiers. On 20 July 1296,
Alauddin had Jalaluddin killed after
pretending to greet the Sultan and
declaring himself the new king.
Jalaluddin's companions were also killed,
while Ahmad Chap's army retreated to
Delhi.[14]
Ascension and march to Delhi

Extent of the Delhi Sultanate at the time of Jalaluddin Khalji's ascension (1290)

Alauddin, known as Ali Gurshasp until his

ascension in July 1296, was formally
proclaimed as the new king with the title
Alauddunya wad Din Muhammad Shah-us
Sultan at Kara. Meanwhile, the head of
Jalaluddin was paraded on a spear in his
camp before being sent to Awadh.[4] Over
the next two days, Alauddin formed a
provisional government at Kara. He
promoted the existing Amirs to the rank of
Maliks, and appointed his close friends as
the new Amirs.[15]

At that time, there were heavy rains, and

the Ganga and the Yamuna rivers were
flooded. But Alauddin made preparations
for a march to Delhi, and ordered his
officers to recruit as many soldiers as
possible, without fitness tests or
background checks.[15] His objective was
to cause a change in the general political
opinion, by portraying himself as someone
with huge public support.[16] To portray
himself as a generous king, he ordered 5
manns of gold pieces to be shot from a
manjaniq (catapult) at a crowd in Kara.[15]

One section of his army, led by himself and

Nusrat Khan, marched to Delhi via Badaun
and Baran (modern Bulandshahr). The
other section, led by Zafar Khan, marched
to Delhi via Koil (modern Aligarh).[15] As
Alauddin marched to Delhi, the news
spread in towns and villages that he was
recruiting soldiers while distributing gold.
Many people, from both military and non-
military backgrounds, joined him. By the
time he reached Badaun, he had a 56,000-
strong cavalry and a 60,000-strong
infantry.[15] At Baran, Alauddin was joined
by seven powerful Jalaluddin nobles who
had earlier opposed him. These nobles
were Tajul Mulk Kuchi, Malik Abaji Akhur-
bek, Malik Amir Ali Diwana, Malik Usman
Amir-akhur, Malik Amir Khan, Malik Umar
Surkha, and Malik Hiranmar. Alauddin gave
each of them 30 to 50 manns of gold, and
each of their soldiers 300 silver tankas
(hammered coins).[16]

Alauddin's march to Delhi was interrupted

by the flooding of the Yamuna river.
Meanwhile, in Delhi, Jalaluddin's widow
Malka-i-Jahan appointed her youngest son
Qadr Khan as the new king with the title
Ruknuddin Ibrahim, without consulting the
nobles. This irked Arkali Khan, her elder
son and the governor of Multan. When
Malika-i-Jahan heard that Jalaluddin's
nobles had joined Alauddin, she
apologized to Arkali and offered him the
throne, requesting him to march from
Multan to Delhi. However, Arkali refused to
come to her aid.[16]

Alauddin resumed his march to Delhi in the

second week of October 1296, when the
Yamuna river subsided. When he reached
Siri, Ruknuddin led an army against him.
However, a section of Ruknuddin's army
defected to Alauddin at midnight.[16] A
dejected Ruknuddin then retreated and
escaped to Multan with his mother and the
loyal nobles. Alauddin then entered the
city, where a number of nobles and
officials accepted his authority. On 21
October 1296, Alauddin was formally
proclaimed as the Sultan in Delhi.[17]

Consolidation of power
Initially, Alauddin consolidated power by
making generous grants and endowments
and appointing many people to
government positions.[18] He balanced the
power between the officers appointed by
the Mamluks, the ones appointed by
Jalaluddin and his own appointees.[17] He
also increased the strength of the
Sultanate's army, and gifted every soldier
the salary of a year and a half in cash. Of
Alauddin's first year as the Sultan,
chronicler Ziauddin Barani wrote that it
was the happiest year that the people of
Delhi had ever seen.[18]

At this time, Alauddin could not exercise

his authority over all of Jalaluddin's former
territories. In the Punjab region, his
authority was limited to the areas east of
the Ravi river. The region beyond Lahore
suffered from Mongol raids and Khokhar
rebellions. Multan was controlled by
Jalaluddin's son Arkali, who harbored the
fugitives from Delhi.[18] In November 1296,
Alauddin sent an army led by Ulugh Khan
and Zafar Khan to conquer Multan. On his
orders, Nusrat Khan arrested, blinded,
and/or killed the surviving members of
Jalaluddin's family.[19][20]

Shortly after the conquest of Multan,

Alauddin appointed Nusrat Khan as his
wazir (prime minister).[21] Having
strengthened his control over Delhi, the
Sultan started eliminating the officers that
were not his own appointees.[22] In
1297,[23] the aristocrats (maliks), who had
deserted Jalaluddin's family to join
Alauddin, were arrested, blinded or killed.
All their property, including the money
earlier given to them by Alauddin, was
confiscated. As a result of these
confiscations, Nusrat Khan obtained a
huge amount of cash for the royal
treasury. Only three maliks from
Jalaluddin's time were spared: Malik
Qutbuddin Alavi, Malik Nasiruddin Rana,
and Malik Amir Jamal Khalji.[24] The rest of
the older aristocrats were replaced with
the new nobles, who were extremely loyal
to Alauddin.[25]

Meanwhile, Ala-ul Mulk, who was

Alauddin's governor at Kara, came to Delhi
with all the officers, elephants, and wealth
that Alauddin had left at Kara. Alauddin
appointed Ala-ul Mulk as the kotwal of
Delhi and placed all the non-Turkic
municipal employees under his charge.[22]
Since Ala-ul Mulk had become very obese,
the governorship of Kara was entrusted to
Nusrat Khan, who had become unpopular
in Delhi because of the confiscations.[25]

Military campaigns

Mongol invasions and northern

conquests, 1297–1306

In the winter of 1297, the Mongols led by a

noyan of the Chagatai Khanate raided
Punjab, advancing as far as Kasur.
Alauddin's forces, led by Ulugh Khan,
defeated the Mongols on 6 February 1298.
According to Amir Khusrow, 20,000
Mongols were killed in the battle, and
many more were killed in Delhi after being
brought there as prisoners.[26] In 1298–99,
another Mongol army (possibly Neguderi
fugitives) invaded Sindh, and occupied the
fort of Sivistan. This time, Alauddin's
general Zafar Khan defeated the invaders
and recaptured the fort.[27][28]

In early 1299, Alauddin sent Ulugh Khan

and Nusrat Khan to invade Gujarat, where
the Vaghela king Karna offered a weak
resistance. Alauddin's army plundered
several towns including Somnath, where it
desecrated the famous Hindu temple. The
Delhi army also captured several people,
including the Vaghela queen Kamala Devi
and slave Malik Kafur, who later led
Alauddin's southern campaigns.[29][30]
During the army's return journey to Delhi,
some of its Mongol soldiers staged an
unsuccessful mutiny near Jalore, after the
generals forcibly tried to extract a share of
loot (khums) from them. Alauddin's
administration meted out brutal
punishments to the mutineers' families in
Delhi, including killings of children in front
of their mothers.[31] According to Ziauddin
Barani, the practice of punishing wives and
children for the crimes of men started with
this incident in Delhi.[32]

In 1299, the Chagatai ruler Duwa sent a

Mongol force led by Qutlugh Khwaja to
conquer Delhi.[33] In the ensuing Battle of
Kili, Alauddin personally led the Delhi
forces, but his general Zafar Khan
attacked the Mongols without waiting for
his orders. Although Zafar Khan managed
to inflict heavy casualties on the invaders,
he and other soldiers in his unit were killed
in the battle.[34] Qutlugh Khwaja was also
seriously wounded, forcing the Mongols to
retreat.[35]
Conquest of northern India

Jaisalmer Fort was captured by Alauddin Khalji in 1299 CE.

Around the same time, Alauddin turned his

attention towards the present-day state of
Rajasthan to subdue the Rajput kingdoms
for a secure base to Gujarat and Malwa
and for further expeditions in the South. In
1299 CE, Alauddin besieged the fortress of
Jaisalmer ruled by Bhatis at the time under
Jait Singh I. Following a long siege and
due to the dearth of food and resources,
eventually, the besieged Rajputs under the
command of Mularaja performed Saka
where the women committed Jauhar and
the men fought until death. Thus, Alauddin
successfully penetrated into territories of
the Bhattis. After the conquest of
Jaisalmer, it remained under the Khalji's
for few more years.[36]

In 1301, Alauddin ordered Ulugh Khan and

Nusrat Khan to invade Ranthambore,
whose king Hammiradeva had granted
asylum to the leaders of the mutiny near
Jalore. After Nusrat Khan was killed during
the siege, Alauddin personally took charge
of the siege operations, and conquered the
fort in July 1301.[37] During the
Ranthambore campaign, Alauddin faced
three unsuccessful rebellions.[38] To
suppress any future rebellions, he set up
an intelligence and surveillance system,
instituted a total prohibition in Delhi,
established laws to prevent his nobles
from networking with each other, and
confiscated wealth from the general
public.[39]

Alauddin Khalji conquered the Chittor Fort in Rajasthan, in the Siege of Chittorgarh (1303).
In the winter of 1302–1303, Alauddin
dispatched an army to ransack the
Kakatiya capital Warangal. Meanwhile, he
himself led another army to conquer
Chittor, the capital of the Guhila kingdom
ruled by Ratnasimha.[40] Alauddin captured
Chittor after an eight-month long siege.[41]
According to his courtier Amir Khusrau, he
ordered a massacre of 30,000 local
Hindus after this conquest.[42] Some later
legends state that Alauddin invaded
Chittor to capture Ratnasimha's beautiful
queen Padmini, but most modern
historians have rejected the authenticity of
these legends.[43]
While the imperial armies were busy in
Chittor and Warangal campaigns, the
Mongols launched another invasion of
Delhi around August 1303.[44] Alauddin
managed to reach Delhi before the
invaders, but did not have enough time to
prepare for a strong defence.[45][46]
Meanwhile, the Warangal campaign was
unsuccessful (because of heavy rains
according to Ziauddin Barani), and the
army had lost several men and its
baggage. Neither this army, nor the
reinforcements sent by Alauddin's
provincial governors could enter the city
because of the blockades set up by the
Mongols.[47][48] Under these difficult
circumstances, Alauddin took shelter in a
heavily guarded camp at the under-
construction Siri Fort. The Mongols
engaged his forces in some minor
conflicts, but neither army achieved a
decisive victory. The invaders ransacked
Delhi and its neighbourhoods, but
ultimately decided to retreat after being
unable to breach Siri.[49] The Mongol
invasion of 1303 was one of the most
serious invasions of India, and prompted
Alauddin to take several steps to prevent
its repeat. He strengthened the forts and
the military presence along the Mongol
routes to India.[50] He also implemented a
series of economic reforms to ensure
sufficient revenue inflows for maintaining
a strong army.[51]

Sultan Alau'd Din put to Flight; Women of Ranthambhor commit Jauhar, a Rajput painting from 1825

In 1304, Alauddin appears to have ordered

a second invasion of Gujarat, which
resulted in the annexation of the Vaghela
kingdom to the Delhi Sultanate.[52] In 1305,
he launched an invasion of Malwa in
central India, which resulted in the defeat
and death of the Paramara king
Mahalakadeva.[53][54] The Yajvapala
dynasty, which ruled the region to the
north-east of Malwa, also appears to have
fallen to Alauddin's invasion.[55]

In December 1305, the Mongols invaded

India again. Instead of attacking the
heavily guarded city of Delhi, the invaders
proceeded south-east to the Gangetic
plains along the Himalayan foothills.
Alauddin's 30,000-strong cavalry, led by
Malik Nayak, defeated the Mongols at the
Battle of Amroha.[56][57] Many Mongols
were taken captive and killed; the 16th-
century historian Firishta claims that the
heads (sir) of 8,000 Mongols were used to
build the Siri Fort commissioned by
Alauddin.[58]

In 1306, another Mongol army sent by

Duwa advanced up to the Ravi River,
ransacking the territories along the way.
Alauddin's forces, led by Malik Kafur,
decisively defeated the Mongols.[59] Duwa
died next year, and after that the Mongols
did not launch any further expeditions to
India during Alauddin's reign. On the
contrary, Alauddin's Dipalpur governor
Malik Tughluq regularly raided the Mongol
territories located in present-day
Afghanistan.[60][61]
Marwar and southern campaigns,
1307–1313

Khalji territory at its maximum extent (dark green) and territory of the Khalji tributaries (light green)

Around 1308, Alauddin sent Malik Kafur to

invade Devagiri, whose king Ramachandra
had discontinued the tribute payments
promised in 1296, and had granted asylum
to the Vaghela king Karna at Baglana.[62]
Kafur was supported by Alauddin's Gujarat
governor Alp Khan, whose forces invaded
Baglana, and captured Karna's daughter
Devaladevi (later married to Alauddin's son
Khizr Khan).[63] At Devagiri, Kafur achieved
an easy victory, and Ramachandra agreed
to become a lifelong vassal of Alauddin.[64]

Meanwhile, a section of Alauddin's army

had been besieging the fort of Siwana in
Marwar region unsuccessfully for several
years.[65] In August–September 1308,
Alauddin personally took charge of the
siege operations in Siwana.[54] The Delhi
army conquered the fort in the Siege of
Siwana, and the defending ruler Sitaladeva
was killed in November 1308.[66]

The plunder obtained from Devagiri

prompted Alauddin to plan an invasion of
the other southern kingdoms, which had
accumulated a huge amount of wealth,
having been shielded from the foreign
armies that had ransacked northern
India.[67] In late 1309, he sent Malik Kafur
to ransack the Kakatiya capital Warangal.
Helped by Ramachandra of Devagiri, Kafur
entered the Kakatiya territory in January
1310, ransacking towns and villages on his
way to Warangal.[68] After a month-long
siege of Warangal, the Kakatiya king
Prataparudra agreed to become a tributary
of Alauddin, and surrendered a large
amount of wealth (possibly including the
Koh-i-Noor diamond) to the invaders.[69]

Meanwhile, after conquering Siwana,

Alauddin had ordered his generals to
subjugate other parts of Marwar, before
returning to Delhi. The raids of his generals
in Marwar led to their confrontations with
Kanhadadeva, the Chahamana ruler of
Jalore.[70] In 1311, Alauddin's general Malik
Kamaluddin Gurg captured the Jalore fort
after defeating and killing
Kanhadadeva.[71]
During the siege of Warangal, Malik Kafur
had learned about the wealth of the
Hoysala and Pandya kingdoms located
further south. After returning to Delhi, he
took Alauddin's permission to lead an
expedition there.[72] Kafur started his
march from Delhi in November 1310,[73]
and crossed Deccan in early 1311,
supported by Alauddin's tributaries
Ramachandra and Prataparudra.[74]
Western coast of India, with the traditional Yadava capital of Diogil ("Deogiri", or Devagiri
Diogil (Deogil. Dwaigir. Daulatabad) in the Catalan Atlas (1375).jpg) at the center, in the Catalan Atlas (1375). On top of
the city of Diogil floats a peculiar flag ( Flag of Diogil, Catalan Atlas 1375.png), while coastal cities are under the black
flag of the Delhi Sultanate ( Sultan of Delhi Flag according to the Catalan Atlas (1375).png).[75][76] Devagiri was
ultimately captured by Alauddin Khalji in 1307.[77] The trading ship raises the flag of the Ilkhanate (
Flag of the Ilkhanate.svg).

At this time, the Pandya kingdom was

reeling under a war of succession between
the two brothers Vira and Sundara, and
taking advantage of this, the Hoysala king
Ballala had invaded the Pandyan territory.
When Ballala learned about Kafur's march,
he hurried back to his capital
Dwarasamudra.[78] However, he could not
put up a strong resistance, and negotiated
a truce after a short siege, agreeing to
surrender his wealth and become a
tributary of Alauddin.[79][80]
From Dwarasamudra, Malik Kafur marched
to the Pandya kingdom, where he raided
several towns reaching as far as Madurai.
Both Vira and Sundara fled their
headquarters, and thus, Kafur was unable
to make them Alauddin's tributaries.
Nevertheless, the Delhi army looted many
treasures, elephants and horses.[81] The
Delhi chronicler Ziauddin Barani described
this seizure of wealth from Dwarasamudra
and the Pandya kingdom as the greatest
one since the Muslim capture of Delhi.[82]

During this campaign, the Mongol general

Abachi had conspired to ally with the
Pandyas, and as a result, Alauddin ordered
him to be executed in Delhi. This,
combined with their general grievances
against Alauddin, led to resentment
among Mongols who had settled in India
after converting to Islam. A section of
Mongol leaders plotted to kill Alauddin, but
the conspiracy was discovered by
Alauddin's agents. Alauddin then ordered a
mass massacre of Mongols in his empire,
which according to Barani, resulted in the
death of 20,000 or 30,000 Mongols.[83]

Meanwhile, in Devagiri, after

Ramachandra's death, his son tried to
overthrow Alauddin's suzerainty. Malik
Kafur invaded Devagiri again in 1313,
defeated him, and became the governor of
Devagiri.

Administrative changes
Alauddin was the most powerful ruler of
his dynasty.[84] Unlike the previous rulers
of the Delhi Sultanate, who had largely
relied on the pre-existing administrative
set-up, Alauddin undertook large-scale
reforms.[85] After facing the Mongol
invasions and several rebellions, he
implemented several reforms to be able to
maintain a large army and to weaken
those capable of organizing a revolt
against him.[86] Barani also attributes
Alauddin's revenue reforms to the Sultan's
desire to subjugate the Hindus by
"depriving them of that wealth and
property which fosters rebellion".[87]
According to historian Satish Chandra,
Alauddin's reforms were based on his
conception of fear and control as the basis
of good government as well as his military
ambitions: the bulk of the measures were
designed to centralise power in his hands
and to support a large military.[88]

Some of Alauddin's land reforms were

continued by his successors, and formed a
basis of the agrarian reforms introduced
by the later rulers such as Sher Shah Suri
and Akbar.[89] However, his other
regulations, including price control, were
revoked by his son Qutbuddin Mubarak
Shah a few months after his death.[90]

Revenue reforms

Front and back of copper coin with raised

inscription, against a red background
Copper coin of Alauddin Khalji

The countryside and agricultural

production during Alauddin's time was
controlled by the village headmen, the
traditional Hindu authorities. He viewed
their haughtiness and their direct and
indirect resistance as the main difficulty
affecting his reign. He also had to face talk
of conspiracies at his court.[91]

After some initial conspiracies and Hindu

revolts in rural areas during the early
period of his reign, he struck the root of
the problem by introducing reforms that
also aimed at ensuring support of his army
and food supply to his capital. He took
away all landed properties of his courtiers
and nobles and cancelled revenue
assignments which were henceforth
controlled by the central authorities.
Henceforth, "everybody was busy with
earning a living so that nobody could even
think of rebellion". He also ordered "to
supply some rules and regulations for
grinding down the Hindus, and for
depriving them of that wealth and property
which fosters rebellion. The Hindu was to
be so reduced as to be unable to keep a
horse to ride on, wear fine clothes, or to
enjoy any luxuries of life."[91]

Alauddin brought a large tract of fertile

land under the directly governed crown
territory, by eliminating iqta's, land grants
and vassals in the Ganga-Yamuna Doab
region.[92] He imposed a 50% kharaj tax on
the agricultural produce in a substantial
part of northern India: this was the
maximum amount allowed by the Hanafi
school of Islam, which was dominant in
Delhi at that time.[93]

Alauddin Khalji's taxation

system was probably the one
institution from his reign that
lasted the longest, surviving
indeed into the nineteenth or
even the twentieth century.
From now on, the land tax
(kharaj or mal) became the
principal form in which the
peasant's surplus was
expropriated by the ruling class.
 — The Cambridge Economic
History of India: c.1200-
c.1750, [94]

Alauddin also eliminated the intermediary

Hindu rural chiefs, and started collecting
the kharaj directly from the cultivators.[95]
He did not levy any additional taxes on
agriculture, and abolished the cut that the
intermediaries received for collecting
revenue.[96] Alauddin's demand for tax
proportional to land area meant that the
rich and powerful villages with more land
had to pay more taxes.[97] He forced the
rural chiefs to pay same taxes as the
others, and banned them from imposing
illegal taxes on the peasants.[97] To
prevent any rebellions, his administration
deprived the rural chiefs of their wealth,
horses and arms.[98] By suppressing these
chiefs, Alauddin projected himself as the
protector of the weaker section of the rural
society.[99] However, while the cultivators
were free from the demands of the
landowners, the high taxes imposed by the
state meant a cultivator had "barely
enough for carrying on his cultivation and
his food requirements."[96]

To enforce these land and agrarian

reforms, Alauddin set up a strong and
efficient revenue administration system.
His government recruited many
accountants, collectors and agents. These
officials were well-paid but were subject to
severe punishment if found to be taking
bribes. Account books were audited and
even small discrepancies were punished.
The effect was both large landowners and
small-scale cultivators were fearful of
missing out on paying their assessed
taxes.[100]

Alauddin's government imposed the jizya

tax on its non-Muslim subjects, and his
Muslim subjects were obligated to
contribute zakat.[101] He also levied taxes
on residences (ghari) and grazing (chara'i),
which were not sanctioned by the Islamic
law.[102] In addition, Alauddin demanded
four-fifths share of the spoils of war from
his soldiers, instead of the traditional one-
fifth share (khums).[101]

Market reforms

Alauddin implemented price control

measures for a wide variety of market
goods.[89] Alauddin's courtier Amir
Khusrau and the 14th century writer Hamid
Qalandar suggest that Alauddin introduced
these changes for public welfare.[103]
However, Barani states that Alauddin
wanted to reduce the prices so that low
salaries were acceptable to his soldiers,
and thus, to maintain a large army.[104][105]
In addition, Barani suggests that the Hindu
traders indulged in profiteering, and
Alauddin's market reforms resulted from
the Sultan's desire to punish the Hindus.[97]

To ensure that the goods were sold at

regulated prices, Alauddin appointed
market supervisors and spies, and
received independent reports from them.
To prevent a black market, his
administration prohibited peasants and
traders from storing the grains, and
established government-run granaries,
where government's share of the grain was
stored. The government also forced the
transport workers to re-settle in villages at
specific distances along the Yamuna river
to enable rapid transport of grain to
Delhi.[106]

Chroniclers such as Khusrau and Barani

state that the prices were not allowed to
increase during Alauddin's lifetime, even
when the rainfall was scarce.[107] The
shopkeepers who violated the price
control regulations or tried to circumvent
them (such as, by using false weights)
were given severe punishments.[108]
Military reforms

Alauddin maintained a large standing

army, which included 475,000 horsemen
according to the 16th-century chronicler
Firishta.[109] He managed to raise such a
large army by paying relatively low salaries
to his soldiers, and introduced market
price controls to ensure that the low
salaries were acceptable to his
soldiers.[105] Although he was opposed to
granting lands to his generals and soldiers,
he generously rewarded them after
successful campaigns, especially those in
Deccan.[110]
Alauddin's government maintained a
descriptive roll of every soldier, and
occasionally conducted strict reviews of
the army to examine the horses and arms
of the soldiers. To ensure that no horse
could be presented twice or replaced by a
poor-quality horse during the review,
Alauddin established a system of branding
the horses.[111]

Social reforms

Although Islam bans alcoholic drinks,

drinking was common among the Muslim
royals and nobles of the Delhi Sultanate in
the 13th century, and Alauddin himself
was a heavy drinker. As part of his
measures to prevent rebellions, Alauddin
imposed prohibition, because he believed
that the rampant use of alcoholic drinks
enabled people to assemble, lose their
senses and think of rebellion. According to
Isami, Alauddin banned alcohol, after a
noble condemned him for merrymaking
when his subjects were suffering from a
famine. However, this account appears to
be hearsay.[112]

Subsequently, Alauddin also banned other

intoxicants, including cannabis.[112] He
also banned gambling, and
excommunicated drunkards and gamblers
from Delhi, along with vendors of
intoxicants.[113] Alauddin's administration
strictly punished the violators, and ensured
non-availability of alcohol not only in Delhi,
but also in its surrounding areas.
Nevertheless, alcohol continued to be
illegally produced in and smuggled into
Delhi.[114] Sometime later, Alauddin
relented, and allowed brewing and drinking
in private. However, public distribution and
drinking of wine remained prohibited.[115]

Alauddin also increased his level of control

over the nobility. To prevent rebellions by
the nobles, he confiscated their wealth and
removed them from their bases of power.
Even charitable lands administered by
nobles were confiscated. Severe
punishments were given for disloyalty.
Even wives and children of soldiers
rebelling for greater war spoils were
imprisoned. An efficient spy network was
set up that reached into the private
households of nobles. Marriage alliances
made between noble families had to be
approved by the king.[116]

Alauddin banned prostitution, and ordered

all existing prostitutes of Delhi to be
married.[113] Firishta states that he
classified prostitutes into three grades,
and fixed their fees accordingly. However,
historian Kishori Saran Lal dismisses this
account as inaccurate. Alauddin also took
steps to curb adultery by ordering the male
adulterer to be castrated and the female
adulterer to be stoned to death.[117]

Alauddin banned charlatans, and ordered

sorcerers (called "blood-sucking
magicians" by his courtier Amir Khusrau)
to be stoned to death.[118]

Last days
Tomb of Alauddin Khalji, Qutb complex, Delhi

During the last years of his life, Alauddin

had an illness, and became very distrustful
of his officers. He started concentrating all
the power in the hands of his family and
his slaves.[119] He became infatuated with
his slave-general Malik Kafur, who became
the de facto ruler of the Sultanate after
being promoted to the rank of viceroy
(Na'ib).[120][121]

Alauddin removed several experienced

administrators, abolished the office of
wazir (prime minister), and even executed
the minister Sharaf Qa'ini. It appears that
Malik Kafur, who considered these officers
as his rivals and a threat, convinced
Alauddin to carry out this purge.[119] Kafur
had Alauddin's eldest sons Khizr Khan and
Shadi Khan blinded. He also convinced
Alauddin to order the killing of his brother-
in-law Alp Khan, an influential noble who
could rival Malik Kafur's power. The
victims allegedly hatched a conspiracy to
overthrow Alauddin, but this might be
Kafur's propaganda.[119]

Alauddin died on the night of 4 January

1316.[122] Barani claims that according to
"some people", Kafur murdered him.[123]
Towards the end of the night, Kafur
brought the body of Alauddin from the Siri
Place and had it buried in Alauddin's
mausoleum (which had already been built
before Alauddin's death). The mausoleum
is said to have been located outside a
Jama Mosque, but neither of these
structures can be identified with certainty.
According to historian Banarsi Prasad
Saksena, the ruined foundations of these
two structures probably lie under one of
the mounds at Siri.[122]

The next day, Kafur appointed Alauddin's

young son Shihabuddin as a puppet
monarch.[122] However, Kafur was killed
shortly after, and Alauddin's elder son
Mubarak Khan seized the power.[124]

Alauddin's tomb and the madrasa

dedicated to him exist at the back of Qutb
complex, Mehrauli, in Delhi.[125]

Personal life
Alauddin's wives included Jalaluddin's
daughter, who held the title Malika-i-Jahan,
and Alp Khan's sister Mahru.[7] He also
married Jhatyapali, the daughter of Hindu
king Ramachandra of Devagiri, probably
after the 1296 Devagiri raid,[126] or after his
1308 conquest of Devagiri.[127] Alauddin
had a son with Jhatyapali, Shihabuddin
Omar, who succeeded him as the next
Khalji ruler.[126]

Alauddin also married Kamala Devi, a

Hindu woman, who was originally the chief
queen of Karna, the Vaghela king of
Gujarat.[128] She was captured by Khalji
forces during an invasion, escorted to
Delhi as part of the war booty, and taken
into Alauddin's harem.[129][130] She
eventually reconciled to her new life.[131]
According to the chronicler Firishta,
sometime between 1306 and 1307,
Kamala Devi requested Alauddin to secure
her daughter Deval Devi from the custody
of her father, Raja Karan.[131][132] Alauddin
sent an order to Raja Karan telling him to
send Deval Devi immediately.[132] Deval
Devi was eventually brought to Delhi and
lived in the royal palace with her
mother.[133]

Malik Kafur, an attractive eunuch slave

captured during the Gujarat campaign,[134]
caught the fancy of Alauddin.[135] He rose
rapidly in Alauddin's service, mainly
because of his proven ability as military
commander and wise counsellor,[120] and
eventually became the viceroy (Na'ib) of
the Sultanate.[136] A deep emotional bond
developed between Alauddin and
Kafur.[135] According to Barani, during the
last four or five years of his life, Alauddin
fell "deeply and madly in love" with Kafur,
and handed over the administration to
him.[123] Based on Barani's description,
scholars Ruth Vanita and Saleem Kidwai
believe that Alauddin and Kafur were in a
homosexual relationship.[137] Historian
Judith E. Walsh, scholar Nilanjan Sarkar
and scholar Thomas Gugler also believe
Alauddin and Kafur were lovers in a
sexually intimate relationship.[138][139][140]
Given his relationship with Kafur,
historians believe Alauddin may have been
bisexual or even homosexual.[141]
Historian Banarsi Prasad Saksena believes
that the closeness between the two was
not sexual.[121]

Architecture
In 1296, Alauddin constructed the Hauz-i-
Alai (later Hauz-i-Khas) water reservoir,
which covered an area of 70 acres, and
had a stone-masonry wall. Gradually, it
became filled with mud, and was desilted
by Firuz Shah Tughlaq around 1354. The
autobiographical memoirs of Timur, who
invaded Delhi in 1398, mention that the
reservoir was a source of water for the city
throughout the year.[142]
In the early years of the 14th century,
Alauddin built the Siri Fort. The fort walls
were mainly constructed using rubble (in
mud), although there are some traces of
ashlar masonry (in lime and lime
plaster).[142] Alauddin camped in Siri
during the 1303 Mongol invasion, and after
the Mongols left, he built the Qasr-i-Hazar
Situn palace at the site of his camp. The
fortified city of Siri existed in the time of
Timur, whose memoirs state that it had
seven gates. It was destroyed by Sher
Shah Suri in 1545, and only some of its
ruined walls now survive.[143]
 The Hauz-
i-Khas

The Hauz-i-Khas

Ruined
wall of Siri

Ruined wall of Siri

 Alai
Darwaza

Alai Darwaza

Courts
to the

Courts to the east of Quwwat ul-Islam

mosque, in Qutb complex added by Khalji in
1300 CE.
 Alauddi
n's

Alauddin's Madrasa, Qutb complex, Mehrauli,

which also has his tomb to the south.

The
unfinished

The unfinished Alai Minar

Alauddin commissioned the Alai Darwaza,

which was completed in 1311, and serves
as the southern gateway leading to the
Quwwat-ul-Islam mosque built by Qutb al-
Din Aibak.[144] He also started the
construction of the Alai Minar, which was
intended to be double to size of the Qutb
Minar, but the project was abandoned,
probably when he died.[145]

The construction of the Lal Mahal (Red

Palace) sandstone building near Chausath
Khamba has also been attributed to
Alauddin, because its architecture and
design is similar to that of the Alai
Darwaza.[146]
In 1311, Alauddin repaired the 100-acre
Hauz-i-Shamasi reservoir that had been
constructed by Shamsuddin Iltutmish in
1229, and also built a dome at its
centre.[142]

Religious policy

Views on religion

Like his predecessors, Alauddin was a

Sunni Muslim. His administration
persecuted the Ismaili (Shia) minorities,
after the orthodox Sunnis falsely accused
them of permitting incest in their "secret
assemblies". Alauddin ordered an inquiry
against them sometime before 1311. The
inquiry was conducted by the orthodox
ulama, who found several Ismailis guilty.
Alauddin ordered the convicts to be sawn
into two.[147]

Ziauddin Barani, writing half a century

after his death, mentions that Alauddin did
not patronize the Muslim ulama, and that
"his faith in Islam was firm like the faith of
the illiterate and the ignorant". He further
states that Alauddin once thought of
establishing a new religion. Just like the
Islamic prophet Muhammad's four
Rashidun caliphs helped spread Islam,
Alauddin believed that he too had four
Khans (Ulugh, Nusrat, Zafar and Alp), with
whose help he could establish a new
religion.[148] Barani's uncle Alaul Mulk
convinced him to drop this idea, stating
that a new religion could only be found
based on a revelation from God, not based
on human wisdom.[149] Alaul Mulk also
argued that even great conquerors like
Genghis Khan had not been able to
subvert Islam, and people would revolt
against Alauddin for founding a new
religion.[150] Barani's claim that Alauddin
thought of founding a religion has been
repeated by several later chroniclers as
well as later historians. Historian Banarsi
Prasad Saksena doubts the authenticity of
this claim, arguing that it is not supported
by Alauddin's contemporary writers.[148]

According to Barani, Alauddin was the first

sultan to separate religion from the state.
Barani wrote that he:[151]

came to the conclusion that

polity and government are one
thing, and the rules and decrees
of law are another. Royal
commands belong to the king,
legal decrees rest upon the
judgment of the qazis and
muftis. In accordance with this
 opinion, whatever affair of state
came before him, he only looked
to the public good, without
considering whether his mode of
dealing with it was lawful or
unlawful. He never asked for
legal opinions about political
matters, and very few learned
men visited him.

— Tarikh i Firoze Shahi by

Ziauddin Barani[151]

Historian K. S. Lal disagrees with Barani,

mentioning that Alauddin had great faith in
his religion and never permitted anything
irreligious to be said,[152] the 14th-century
Indian historian and court poet, Abdul
Malik Isami confirms this:

Allaudin realized his duties as a

king. To him, this kingly office
was divine, which carried a lot
of responsibilities with itself. For
he was very thankful to God
Almighty. Moreover, as a
Muslim, he believed in the day of
judgment & considered himself
answerable for all his deeds on
that day. Therefore he always
 tried his best to do the deeds
which were acceptable to God.
He introduced many reforms
only to remove the sufferings of
the masses, irrespective of their
color and creed so that he could
win the pleasure of his
creator[153]

Relationship with Hindus

At times, he exploited Muslim fanaticism

against Hindu chiefs and the treatment of
the zimmis.[151] Persian historian Wassaf
states that he sent an expedition against
Gujarat as a holy war and it was not
motivated by "lust of conquest".[154] The
masnavi Deval Devi—Khizr Khan by Amir
Khusrau states that Gujarat was only
annexed in the second invasion which took
place seven years after the first one,
implying the first was merely a plundering
raid.[155] At Khambhat, it is said that the
citizens were caught by surprise.[156]
Wassaf states that "The Muhammadan
forces began to kill and slaughter on the
right and on the left unmercifully,
throughout the impure land, for the sake of
Islam, and blood flowed in torrents."[157]
Alauddin and his generals destroyed
several Hindu temples during their military
campaigns. These temples included the
ones at Bhilsa (1292), Devagiri (1295),
Vijapur (1298–1310), Somnath (1299),
Jhain (1301), Chidambaram (1311) and
Madurai (1311).[158]

He compromised with the Hindu chiefs

who were willing to accept his suzerainty.
In a 1305 document, Khusrau mentions
that Alauddin treated the obedient Hindu
zamindars (feudal landlords) kindly, and
granted more favours to them than they
had expected. In his poetic style, Khusrau
states that by this time, all the insolent
Hindus in the realm of Hind had died on
the battlefield, and the other Hindus had
bowed their heads before Alauddin.
Describing a court held on 19 October
1312, Khusrau writes the ground had
become saffron-coloured from the tilaks
of the Hindu chiefs bowing before
Alauddin.[159] This policy of compromise
with Hindus was greatly criticized by a
small but vocal set of Muslim extremists,
as apparent from Barani's writings.[160]

Alauddin rarely listened to the advice of

the orthodox ulama. When he had asked
about the position of Hindus under an
Islamic state, the qazi Mughis replied that
the Hindu "should pay the taxes with
meekness and humility coupled with the
utmost respect and free from all
reluctance. Should the collector choose to
spit in his mouth, he should open the same
without hesitation, so that the official may
spit into it... The purport of this extreme
meekness and humility on his part... is to
show the extreme submissiveness
incumbent upon this race. God Almighty
Himself (in the Quran) commands their
complete degradation in as much as these
Hindus are the deadliest foes of the true
prophet. Mustafa has given orders
regarding the slaying, plundering and
imprisoning of them, ordaining that they
must either follow the true faith, or else be
slain or imprisoned, and have all their
wealth and property confiscated."[161]

Alauddin believed "that the Hindu will

never be submissive and obedient to the
Musalman unless he is reduced to abject
poverty." He undertook measures to
impoverish them and felt it was justified
because he knew that the chiefs and
muqaddams led a luxurious life but never
paid a jital in taxes. His vigorous and
extensive conquests led to him being
viewed as persecutor both at home and
abroad, including by Maulana Shamsuddin
Turk, Abdul Malik Isami and Wassaf.[162]
Barani, while summing up his
achievements, mentions that the
submission and obedience of the Hindus
during the last decade of his reign had
become an established fact. He states
that such a submission on the part of the
Hindus "has neither been seen before nor
will be witnessed hereafter".[163]

Under the Mamluk dynasty, obtaining a

membership in the higher bureaucracy
was difficult for the Indian Muslims and
impossible for Hindus. This however
seems to have changed under the Khaljis.
Khusrau states in Khazainul Futuh that
Alauddin had dispatched a 30,000 strong
army under a Hindu officer Malik Naik, the
Akhur-bek Maisarah, to repel the
Mongols.[164] During Ikat Khan's rebellion,
the Sultan's life was saved by Hindu
soldiers (paiks). Because of the large
presence of non-Muslims in the imperial
army, Alaul Mulk advised him not to leave
Delhi to repel the Mongol Qutlugh Khwaja
who had surrounded it.[165]

Relationships with Jains

Per Jain sources, Alauddin held

discussions with Jain sages and once
specially summoned Acharya Mahasena to
Delhi.[166] There was no learned
Digambracarya in North India during this
period and Mahasena was persuaded by
Jains to defend the faith. Alauddin was
impressed by his profound learning and
asceticism. A Digambara Jain
Purancandra was very close to him and
the Sultan also maintained contacts with
the Shwetambara sages. The Jain poet
Acharya Ramachandra Suri was also
honored by him.[167]

Kharataragaccha Pattavali, completed in

1336–1337, details atrocities on Jains
under his reign including destruction of a
religious fair in 1313 while capturing
Jabalipura (Jalor). The conditions seem to
have changed a year later. Banarasidas in
Ardhakathanaka mentions that Jain
Shrimala merchants spread over North
India and in 1314, the sons of a Shrimala
and others along with their cousins and a
huge congregation of pilgrims were able to
visit a temple at Phaludi despite Ajmer and
its neighbourhood being under siege by
Muslim forces.[167]

Alp Khan who was transferred to Gujarat in

1310, is praised by Jain sources for
permitting reconstruction of their
temples.[168] Kakkasuri in Nabhi-nandana-
jinoddhara-prabandha mentions Alp Khan
issuing a farman permitting the Jain
merchant Samara Shah to renovate a
damaged Shatrunjaya temple.[169] Alp
Khan is also mentioned to have made
huge donations towards repairing Jain
temples.[170][171]
Coins

Copper half
Gani

Copper half Gani

Copper half
Gani

Copper half Gani

Billion Gani

Billion Gani

Silver Tanka

Silver Tanka
 Bilingual coin

Bilingual coin

Silver Tanka
Dar al-Islam

Silver Tanka Dar al-Islam Mint

 Silver Tanka
Qila Deogir

Silver Tanka Qila Deogir Mint

Khalji minted coins using the title of

Sikander Sani. Sikander is Old Persian for
'Alexander', a title popularized by
Alexander the Great, while sani is Arabic
for 'Second'. The coin legend (Sikander-e -
Sani) translates to 'The Second Alexander'
in recognition of his military success.[172]

He had amassed wealth in his treasury

through campaigns in Deccan and South
India and issued many coins. His coins
omitted the mention of the Khalifa,
replacing it with the self-laudatory title
Sikander-us-sani Yamin-ul-Khilafat.[173] He
ceased adding Al-Musta'sim's name,
instead adding Yamin-ul-Khilafat Nāsir
Amīri 'l-Mu'minīn (The right hand of the
Caliphate, the helper of the Commander of
the Faithful).[174]

In popular culture
Alauddin Khalji is the antagonist of
Padmavat, an epic poem written by Sufi
poet Malik Muhammad Jayasi in
1540.[175]
He is also depicted as a central
character of the Medieval Bengali epic
poem Padmavati (poem) in 1648 by
Bengali-Arakani poet of medieval era
Syed Alaol.
Khalji was portrayed by M. N. Nambiar in
Chitrapu Narayana Rao's film Chittoor
Rani Padmini (1963).[176]
Om Puri portrayed Alauddin Khalji in
Doordarshan's historical drama Bharat
Ek Khoj.[177]
Khalji was portrayed by Mukesh Rishi in
Sony Entertainment Television's
historical drama Chittod Ki Rani Padmini
Ka Johur.[178]
 Ranveer Singh portrayed a fictional
version of Alauddin in Sanjay Leela
Bhansali's epic period drama film
Padmaavat.[179]

References
1. Hermann Kulke, Dietmar Rothermund:
Geschichte Indiens. Von der Induskultur bis
heute. 2. verbesserte und aktualisierte
Auflage. Beck, München 1998, ISBN 3-406-
43338-3 (Beck's historische Bibliothek).
2. Lafont, Jean-Marie & Rehana (2010). The
French & Delhi : Agra, Aligarh, and Sardhana
(1st ed.). New Delhi: India Research Press.
p. 8. ISBN 9788183860918.
3. Kishori Saran Lal 1950, pp. 40–41.
 4. Banarsi Prasad Saksena 1992, p. 326.
5. Banarsi Prasad Saksena 1992, p. 321.
6. Kishori Saran Lal 1950, p. 41.
7. Kishori Saran Lal 1950, p. 42.
8. Kishori Saran Lal 1950, p. 43.
9. A. B. M. Habibullah 1992, p. 322.
10. Kishori Saran Lal 1950, p. 45.
11. Banarsi Prasad Saksena 1992, p. 322.
12. Banarsi Prasad Saksena 1992, pp. 322–
323.
13. Banarsi Prasad Saksena 1992, p. 323.
14. Banarsi Prasad Saksena 1992, p. 324.
15. Banarsi Prasad Saksena 1992, p. 327.
16. Banarsi Prasad Saksena 1992, p. 328.
17. Banarsi Prasad Saksena 1992, p. 329.
18. Banarsi Prasad Saksena 1992, p. 330.
19. Banarsi Prasad Saksena 1992, p. 331.
20. Kishori Saran Lal 1950, p. 79.
21. Kishori Saran Lal 1950, p. 80.
22. Banarsi Prasad Saksena 1992, p. 332.
23. Peter Jackson 2003, p. 85.
24. Banarsi Prasad Saksena 1992, p. 333.
25. Kishori Saran Lal 1950, p. 81.
26. Peter Jackson 2003, p. 221.
27. Peter Jackson 2003, pp. 219–220.
28. Mohammad Habib 1981, p. 266.
29. Kishori Saran Lal 1950, pp. 84–86.
30. Banarsi Prasad Saksena 1992, pp. 334–
335.
31. Kishori Saran Lal 1950, p. 88.
32. Banarsi Prasad Saksena 1992, p. 335.
33. Banarsi Prasad Saksena 1992, p. 338.
34. Kishori Saran Lal 1950, pp. 159–161.
35. Peter Jackson 2003, pp. 221–222.
36. Rima Hooja (2006). A HISTORY OF
RAJASTHAN (PB) (https://books.google.co
m/books?id=qqd1RAAACAAJ) . p. 368.
ISBN 978-81-291-1501-0. "The attack on
Jaisalmer during Sultan Alauddin Khilji's
reign seems to have begun in AD 1299,
when its Bhati king Jait Singh I was ruling.
The besieged fort withstood the assault
and encirclement until, at long last, scarcity
of food and provisions played their
inevitable part in deciding the issue. By this
time, Jait Singh may have already lost his
life, as tradition holds, and the crown taken
up by his son, Mularaj. It was at this stage
that the women of Jaisalmer fort
performed jauhar, while the men, led by
Rawal Mularaj, and his younger brother
 Ratan Singh, flung open the gates of the
fort and rushed forth to die fighting to the
last. Some sources suggest that Mularaj
died in an earlier sortie, and that Ratan
Singh (or Ratan-Si), succeeded him as
Rawal and carried out the defence of
Jaisalmer, until the final shaka. In any event,
once Jaisalmer was invested, it is known to
have remained in Khilji hands for the next
few years"
37. Banarsi Prasad Saksena 1992, pp. 342–
347.
38. Banarsi Prasad Saksena 1992, pp. 343–
346.
39. Banarsi Prasad Saksena 1992, pp. 350–
352.
40. Banarsi Prasad Saksena 1992, p. 366.
41. Banarsi Prasad Saksena 1992, p. 367.
42. Kishori Saran Lal 1950, pp. 119–120.
43. Satish Chandra 2004, p. 89.
44. Banarsi Prasad Saksena 1992, p. 368.
45. Banarsi Prasad Saksena 1992, p. 369.
46. Mohammad Habib 1981, p. 267.
47. Kishori Saran Lal 1950, p. 164-165.
48. Banarsi Prasad Saksena 1992, p. 366-369.
49. Banarsi Prasad Saksena 1992, pp. 369–
370.
50. Banarsi Prasad Saksena 1992, p. 372.
51. Banarsi Prasad Saksena 1992, p. 373.
52. Asoke Kumar Majumdar 1956, p. 191.
53. Kishori Saran Lal 1950, pp. 133–134.
54. Peter Jackson 2003, p. 198.
55. Peter Jackson 2003, p. 145.
56. Banarsi Prasad Saksena 1992, pp. 392–
393.
57. Peter Jackson 2003, pp. 227–228.
58. Banarsi Prasad Saksena 1992, p. 393.
59. Kishori Saran Lal 1950, pp. 171–172.
60. Kishori Saran Lal 1950, p. 175.
61. Peter Jackson 2003, p. 229.
62. Kishori Saran Lal 1950, p. 189.
63. Banarsi Prasad Saksena 1992, pp. 400–
402.
64. Kishori Saran Lal 1950, pp. 192–193.
65. Banarsi Prasad Saksena 1992, p. 396.
66. Kishori Saran Lal 1950, p. 135.
67. Kishori Saran Lal 1950, p. 186.
68. Kishori Saran Lal 1950, pp. 195–197.
69. Banarsi Prasad Saksena 1992, p. 409-410.
70. Ashok Kumar Srivastava 1979, pp. 48–50.
71. Ashok Kumar Srivastava 1979, p. 52-53.
72. Kishori Saran Lal 1950, p. 201.
73. Banarsi Prasad Saksena 1992, p. 411.
74. Banarsi Prasad Saksena 1992, pp. 411–
412.
75. Antiquities from San Thomé and Mylapore
(https://archive.org/details/AntiquitiesFrom
SanThomeAndMylaporeHenriHosten1936/
page/n319/mode/2up?q=diogil) . 1936.
pp. 264–265.
76. Kadoi, Yuka (2010). "On the Timurid flag" (h
ttps://www.academia.edu/17410816) .
Beiträge zur islamischen Kunst und
Archäologie. 2: 148. "...helps identify
another curious flag found in northern India
– a brown or originally sliver flag with a
vertical black line – as the flag of the Delhi
Sultanate (602-962/1206-1555)."
77. Beaujard, Philippe (2019). The worlds of the
Indian Ocean : a global history : a revised
and updated translation. Cambrige
University Press. p. Chapter 8. ISBN 978-1-
108-42456-1. "The sultan captured the
Rajput fort of Chitor, in Rājasthān, and in
1310 he subjected most of the Deccan to
his power. He took Devagiri – the capital of
the Yādava – in 1307"
78. Banarsi Prasad Saksena 1992, p. 412.
79. Banarsi Prasad Saksena 1992, p. 413.
80. Kishori Saran Lal 1950, p. 203.
81. Banarsi Prasad Saksena 1992, p. 415-417.
82. Kishori Saran Lal 1950, p. 213.
83. Peter Jackson 2003, p. 174.
84. Habib, Irfan (2002). Essays in Indian
history : towards a Marxist perception (http
s://books.google.com/books?id=jUcu6uD5
bU4C&q=Essays+in+Indian+History:+Towar
ds+a+Marxist+Perception) . London:
Anthem Press. p. 81.
ISBN 9781843310617.
85. Kishori Saran Lal 1950, p. 241.
86. Hermann Kulke & Dietmar Rothermund
2004, p. 172.
87. Hermann Kulke & Dietmar Rothermund
2004, pp. 172–173.
88. Satish Chandra 2004, p. 76-79.
89. Satish Chandra 2007, p. 105.
90. Banarsi Prasad Saksena 1992, p. 429.
91. Hermann Kulke & Dietmar Rothermund
2004, p. 171-173.
92. Satish Chandra 2007, p. 102.
93. Peter Jackson 2003, p. 242.
94. Irfan Habib 1982, p. 62.
95. Banarsi Prasad Saksena 1992, pp. 357–
358.
96. Satish Chandra 2004, p. 78-80.
97. Satish Chandra 2007, p. 104.
 98. Banarsi Prasad Saksena 1992, pp. 358–
359.
99. Banarsi Prasad Saksena 1992, p. 361.
100. Satish Chandra 2004, p. 80.
101. Kishori Saran Lal 1950, p. 250.
102. Peter Jackson 2003, p. 243.
103. Banarsi Prasad Saksena 1992, pp. 374–
376.
104. Satish Chandra 2007, p. 103.
105. Abraham Eraly 2015, p. 166.
106. Hermann Kulke & Dietmar Rothermund
2004, p. 173.
107. Banarsi Prasad Saksena 1992, p. 379.
108. Banarsi Prasad Saksena 1992, p. 387.
109. Kishori Saran Lal 1950, p. 257.
110. Kishori Saran Lal 1950, p. 260.
111. Kishori Saran Lal 1950, pp. 256–257.
112. Kishori Saran Lal 1950, p. 261.
113. Kishori Saran Lal 1950, p. 262.
114. Kishori Saran Lal 1950, pp. 262–263.
115. Kishori Saran Lal 1950, p. 263.
116. Satish Chandra 2004, p. 76-77.
117. Kishori Saran Lal 1950, p. 264.
118. Kishori Saran Lal 1950, p. 265.
119. Peter Jackson 2003, p. 176.
120. Abraham Eraly 2015, p. 177-8.
121. Banarsi Prasad Saksena 1992, p. 421.
122. Banarsi Prasad Saksena 1992, p. 425.
123. R. Vanita & S. Kidwai 2000, p. 132.
124. Abraham Eraly 2015, pp. 178–179.
125. Qutb Complex: Ala al Din Khalji Madrasa (ht
tps://archnet.org/sites/5794) , ArchNet
126. Kishori Saran Lal 1950, pp. 56–57.
127. Satish Chandra 2004, p. 92.
128. Kishori Saran Lal 1950, p. 84.
129. Banarsi Prasad Saksena 1992, p. 334.
130. Kishori Saran Lal 1950, p. 86.
131. Kishori Saran Lal 1950, p. 190.
132. Banarsi Prasad Saksena 1992, p. 402.
133. Kishori Saran Lal 1950, p. 297.
134. S. Digby 1978, p. 419.
135. Shanti Sadiq Ali 1996, p. 35.
136. Abraham Eraly 2015, p. 177-178.
137. R. Vanita & S. Kidwai 2000, p. 113, 132.
138. Judith E. Walsh (2006). A Brief History of
India (https://archive.org/details/briefhistor
yofin0000wals/page/71) . Infobase
Publishing. p. 71 (https://archive.org/detail
s/briefhistoryofin0000wals/page/71) .
ISBN 1438108257.
139. Nilanjan Sarkar (2013). "Forbidden
Privileges and History-Writing in Medieval
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140. Gugler TK (2011). "Politics of Pleasure:
Setting South Asia Straight". South Asia
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141. Craig Lockard (2006). Societies, Networks,
and Transitions: A Global History. Cengage
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142. Kishori Saran Lal 1950, p. 375.
143. Kishori Saran Lal 1950, p. 376.
144. Kishori Saran Lal 1950, pp. 377–378.
145. Kishori Saran Lal 1950, p. 380.
146. Kishori Saran Lal 1950, pp. 376–377.
147. Banarsi Prasad Saksena 1992, p. 399.
148. Banarsi Prasad Saksena 1992, pp. 336–
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149. Kishori Saran Lal 1950, p. 90.
150. Kishori Saran Lal 1950, p. 91.
151. J. L. Mehta. Advanced Study in the History
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152. K. S. Lal , History of the Khaljis: A.D. 1290-
1320, p. 308
153. Abdul Malik Isami, Fatuh Us Salatin, p. 306
154. M.B. Deopujari (1973). "The Deccan Policy
of the Sultanate (1296–1351)". Nagpur
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155. M. Yaseen Mazhar Siddiqi. "Chronology of
the Delhi Sultanate". Islam and the Modern
Age. Islam and the Modern Age Society; Dr.
Zakir Husain Institute of Islamic Societies,
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156. Mary Boyce (2001). Zoroastrians: Their
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157. R. C. Majumdar 1967, p. 625.
158. Richard M. Eaton 2001, pp. 72–73.
159. Banarsi Prasad Saksena 1992, p. 354.
160. Banarsi Prasad Saksena 1992, pp. 355–
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161. Kishori Saran Lal. "Political conditions of
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162. Kishori Saran Lal. "Political conditions of
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163. Kishori Saran Lal. Theory and Practice of
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164. Mohammad Habib, Afsar Umar Salim Khan.
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165. Kanhaiya Lall Srivastava (1980). The
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Sultanate, 1206–1526. Munshiram
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166. Burjor Avari (April 2015). The Age of Wrath:
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172. Salma Ahmed Farooqui (2011). A
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External links
Wikimedia Commons has media related
to Alauddin Khalji.
Khazáínu-l Futúh (http://persian.packhu
m.org/main?url=pf%3Ffile%3D8020101
3%26ct%3D18) (also known as Táríkh-i
'Aláí), a book describing Alauddin's
military career by his court poet Amir
Khusrau.
English translation, as it appears in The
History of India, as Told by Its Own
Historians: The Muhammadan Period, by
 Sir H. M. Elliot. Vol III. 1866–177.
Page:67-92.

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