Pragmatism A Guide For The Perplexed
Pragmatism A Guide For The Perplexed
Pragmatism A Guide For The Perplexed
Aikin
Why Pragmatists
Cannot be Pluralists
value conflict. The important point here is that these different explanatory
approaches give rise to different prescriptive programs; these in aim form the
basis of our taxonomy of pluralism into three types: (1) shallow pluralism, (2)
deep pluralism, and (3) modus vivendi pluralism.
Shallow pluralism typically arises out of a stricdy epistemic approach to value
conflict. It is, most fundamentally, the norm and procedure of tolerating
difference. Holding that certain conflicts simply cannot be rationally adjudicated,
the shallow pluralist recommends the epistemically modest position that
tolerance should prevail. In some cases, the prescribed tolerance proceeds from
contexttialization. We can understand why physicists, painters. Native Americans,
rock-climbers, and mystics all view the Grand Canyon differently. Insofar as these
competing visions are placed in context, their inconsistency can be tolerated.
They sometimes, perhaps, can come into dialogue, criticize each other, and
inform each other.
Deep pluralism, by contrast, is generally the prescriptive outcome of a strong
ontological account of value conflict. Given that conflict is interminable and built
into the very fabric of moral reality, one must adopt a kind of agonistic attitude
toward all values, where there could be no moral reason to adopt any view over
another.'" That is, the deep pluralist lives in a world where conflicts among goods
are arational and consequendy often violent, and the only prescription could be
to secure or protect one's own values. Hence Levinas (1961) takes power to be
the only condition for decisions, not reason or rational persuasion. Further, he
denies that such a situation is ever avoidable; there can never be anything such as
a moral reason, only power.'^ In a similar vein, Carl Schmitt argues that the
outcome of deep pluralism is that, when confronted with a value conflict.
Schmitt sees no problem with the implication that value conflict involves "the
real possibility of physical killing, existential negation of the enemy" (1976, p.
33).'^
Modus vivendi pluralism is the more liberal response to an ontological
explanadon of value conflict. Unlike deep pluralism, the modus vivendi
prescription is not agonism, but tolerance. Unlike the shallow pluralist, who also
prescribes tolerance, the modus vivendi pluralist does not see tolerance as a kind
of epistemic modesty in the face of different answers to Big Questions, but rather
as a Hobbesian truce. The agenda for modus vivendi pluralism is to shape the
political and intellecttial terrain so that individuals and groups can co-exist in
common institutions they accept as legitimate (Gray 2000, p. 122). This is a
104 Robert B. Talisse & Scott F. Aikin
that new information can come to us in the experiment's outcome, but that
information must always be held conditionally — as a consequence of that
arrangement of theories and materials. That information cannot stand alone, as it
has its force and (if the meaning pragmatist is right) its content insofar as it is
derived from that arrangement.
In this hypothetical feature of experimentalism we find an additional
determinative component of inquiry pragmatism: holism. Holists reject the
standard verificationist line according to which propositions can be tested apart
from the theories of which they are a part. According to the holist, theories and
beliefs are tested together. When an experiment is am, one does not just set the
stage for the production of a new belief or the rejection of an old one.
Experiments test the coherence and cogency of theories as a whole; as Quine
would have it, "our statements about the external world face the tribunal of sense
experience not individually but as a corporate body" (1953, p. 41).
Inquiry pragmatism hence is marked by three features: fallibilism,
experimentalism, and holism. These features seem to make this form of
pragmatism amenable to shallow pluralism, since it would be hasty for any
inquirer to rule a form of the good out or infer it can be trumped by another
form of the good unqualifiedly, since all experiments occur holistically. They can
be judged only against a fallible background. Given this holist-fallibilist
requirement, competing goods and those that espouse them can more fruitfiilly
be seen as alternative experimental programs and researchers. And so, just as
scientists do not (or ought not) interfere with the experiments of their peers and
competitors, those of us pursuing the good life ought not interfere with the
experiments in living others perform.
that pracdcal value conflict is the product of a deep fact about the ontology of
value. As we have argued above, the prescripdve consequence is agonism — since
there could be no rational reladons between opposing goods, only power counts,
and one should exercise power in order to eliminate opposition.
Meaning pragmadsm is inconsistent with deep pluralism for two rea.sons.
First, the plurality of values and world-views allowed by the meaning pluralist
program are those translatable into either idendcal or coherent pracdcal
consequences. So, the Peircian and Jamesian pluralisms of free will and
determinism, or opdmism and pessimism, are possible only insofar as the two
competing programs can be translated into a set of consistent practices or
temperaments. Peirce's meaning pragmadsm tolerates no inconsistency on the level
of practical content; thus when the issue of transubstandadon comes to a head,
Peirce dismisses one of the compedng oudooks:
duties of recognition and reciprocity override the values driving the conflicts. The
only way for such a policy to have a hold on a population of competing
partisanships is for those partisanships to already agree on the value of cross-
partisan recognition. But no population of partisans has such a valuational
structure — those who espouse values in competition with the partisanship are
invariably seen as morally deficient, ignorant, or immoral. The recognitionist
version o^ modus vivendi ipXurzWsm is internally incoherent (Talisse 2000, p, 454).
Another way to maintain modus vivendi policies in the face of instability is to
promote indifference between differing camps. Instead of getting the partisans to
accept each other, the indifferentist pushes the competing groups to develop an
attitude of apathy toward one another. This is accomplished by way of skeptical
arguments that challenge the justification one has for a certain world view or
value or policy. Compelling versions may go: From the perspective of the
universe as a whole, does it matter who gets to vote and who doesn't.' Whether
some people have whiskey on Sundays.' From such an extreme perspective, the
conflicts seem miniscule and arbitrary, certainly not the kind of thing to fight
over. Once we've achieved this perspective, we can co-exist with those with
whom we disagree. It is the "don't sweat the small stuff' attitude from the
perspective where everything looks small (Rescher 1993, p. 104).
But such a solution is theoretically unappealing to the pragmatist, since it
addresses valuational conflict by deflating the values; it thus betrays moral
experience. Surely this price is too high. Nor does such a deflated set of values
actually reduce the conflict — values conflict, deflated or not. Moreover, the
solution is psychologically unstable, because the perspective of eternity is difficult
for most people to maintain. In fact, it may be positively harmflil and
detrimental. From the perspective of the universe as a whole, does it matter if I
go to work, or feed my dog, or pay rent, or even breathe? And as a consequence,
we see that we naturally return to the perspective of interested subjects. And with
that return, the conflicts will flare up again. So, it seems the indifferentist solution
to instability is itself perhaps more unstable. Moreover, it is difficult to imagine
such a solution supporting the pragmatist's meliorist program. Though meaning
pragmatism is consistent with modus vivendi pluralism, no pragmatist could be
such a pluralist,
current criterion for judgment, there is also no reason to hold that this is a
permanent condition. The shallow pluralist acknowledges that flirther inquiry,
some discovery or other, or the application of good judgment, may provide that
criterion for use. As a consequence, the prescriptive force of shallow pluralism is
that those criteria should be pursued. The shallow pluralist, then, must not only
tolerate moral inquiry but actively do it. This is precisely the aim of inquiry
pragmatism. The inquiry pragmatist is duty-bound to subject disagreement to
critical examination, and the principal direction of that research must be that of
rational adjudication. Shallow pluralism and inquiry pragmatism, then, are a good
match.
The second modest feature of shallow pluralism is its lack of any strong
ontological commitments. On the shallow view, conflicts among goods are not
taken to be clashes between existentially incommensurable entities, but rather
procedural puzzles and occasions for inquiry. Even if there are no certainly
overriding goods or failsafe decision-procedures, there are, nevertheless, decision
procedures that are on the whole better, more reliable and rational, than others.
Our obligation is to flnd and make the best ones we can.
We must ask whether such an oudook is really pluralist at all. Because
shallow pluralism's commitments are modest, it bears only a faint resemblance to
the stronger versions. Its only real similarities to stronger pluralisms are in (a)
recognizing and tolerating the prevalence of disagreement, and (b) in
acknowledging that we do not currently have the criteria for adjudicating those
disagreements. But neither of these commitments is distinctly pluralist] Consider
that Plato's dialectic proceeds from both concessions, but is recognized as a
paradigmatic monism. Similarly, Descartes' invitation to take up the meditative
method evokes the same commitments, but the method is one of unifying the
sciences. Acknowledging the persistence of moral disagreement and the epistemic
difficulty of the situation does not yet make one a pluralist, yet it seems shallow
pluralism commits to litde more than that. Thus shallow pluralism is pluralism in
name only.
Further, shallow pluralism's prescriptive component of contextualism
requires a deeper monism that explains the seeming variety. For example,
Rescher's contexuialism proceeds from the intuition that human variety is what
drives disagreement and the lack of unanimity with most objects of inquiry, but
that does not mean that the objects themselves are plural. There may be (and
often is) still a singular object, but multiple perspectives. "Nature is to some
extent a mirror: what looks out depends on who looks in" (Rescher 1993, pp.
75-6). But the important thing for Rescher's contextualism is that these different
conceptions of the world are all responses to the same world, and they are to be
understood and explained, and even adjudicated in terms of how this variety
springs from one world. We may not strive to bring that plurality of voices to
speak as one; however, we do, when the voices come together as a cacophony,
evoke a criterion based on the unity of the world to bring such anarchy to a
112 Robert B. Talisse & Scott F. Aikin
close.
In fact, this thought of the unity of the world giving rise to a plurality of
perspectives is the flip side of the very fact of conflict. If the forest for an
environmental activist and the forest for a logger were not the same forest, then
the two perspectives would not have the conflict they do. If they were two
separate objects, then the loggers could turn their trees into planks and sawdust,
and the activists could hug theirs as much as they like. But it is because these are
different conceptions of the same thing thzt there is enmity between two camps.
To go any fiarther ontologically is to make the very fact of conflict unintelligible.
of pluralism that are in currency in the present philosophical debate. That is, we
have demonstrated that the term 'pluralism' operates in the more general
philosophical arena to denote a series of posidons that are not in agreement with
pragmadsm. The stiggesdon is that, if pragmadsts want to join the current
debate, they must at the very least take careRil nodce of this fact of vocabulary.
Here we imagine our interlocutor objecdng to the very idea that pragmadsts
should try to engage in philosophical discussion with those who employ a
philosophical vocabulary that is foreign to pragmadsm. This reply is
understandable. Pragmadsm has always been in part a commitment to subjecdng
philosophical terminology to careflil philosophical scrudny; in fact, one may say
that one of the disdncdve features of pragmadst philosophy is its insight into how
philosophical vocabulades are never neutral, but actually play a role in generadng
philosophical problems. This sensidvity to the power of terms is endrely
appropdate. However, the pragmadst virtue of seeing the need to reconstruct
philosophical terminology has a corresponding vice in a semandc insularity that
insists that an antecedent pragmadst vocabulary is the only intellectually
responsible way of talking. That pragmadsm should itself become a stolid,
specialized vocabulary that on a priori grounds excludes non-pragmadst opdons
from philosophical relevance is a troubling development. That pragmadst
philosophers should spend so much dme talking about themselves to each other
consdtutes an ironic betrayal of the pragmadst tradidon, and is and-pluralist in
even the pragmadst's sense of the term.
Pragmadsts may at this point concede that the term 'pluralism' has come to
denote commitments they cannot accept. They might then conclude that the
term is not worth fighdng for, resolving to abandon the term and instead talk
about those commitments for which 'pluralism' was a blanket term:
experimentalism, toleradon, inclusion, openness, and contextualism. Hence they
will be less likely to be misunderstood by the broader philosophical community.
We endorse this tacdcal move, for nothing is lost by jetdsoning the term. Yet
the issue we have raised is not simply one of turf and vocabulary. Even if they
elect to desert the term, pragmadsts should confront the more general debates
concerning pluralism because if pluralism is true, then pragmadsm is a bankrupt
philosophical program. Pragmadsts are hence implicitly committed to tht falsity
of pluralism. Pragmadsts shotild, then, attend to pluralist arguments and devise
cridcisms of them. Proper cridcism must address the view to be cridcized in
terms that proponents of that view can recognize as, at the very least, not
quesdon-begging. Hence, it will not do to recite chapter and verse of one's
favorite pragmadst text; one must rather engage direcdy the arguments advanced
in favor of pluralist theses and demonstrate their flaws. Unless there is a cridque
of pluralism that is consistent with pragmadsm, pragmadsm is jeopardized. In
this way, our argument has not only shown that pragmadsts cannot be pluralists;
we have also demonstrated the stronger claim that pragmadsts must be acdvely
anti-pluralist.
114 Robert B. Talisse & Scott F. Aikin
Vanderbilt University
Robert.Talisse@vanderbilt.edu
scott.faikin@vanderbilt.edu
NOTES
1. Hence Stuhr, "Pragmatism's Universe is pluralistic" (2003, p. 184)
and "To make philosophy pragmatic, it is necessary to take pluralism seriously" (1999, p.
41); Shook, "Pragmatic realism ... offers a pluralistic ontological alternative to the stark
extremes of global relativistic phenomenalism and global realism" (2002, p. 115); Parker,
"James's radical empiricism thus implies a radical pluralism, and this pluralism is manifest
in all areas of his thought" (1999, p. 212); and Gouinlock, "Dewey is properly regarded
as a moral pluralist" (1999, p. 236). The classical source of this idea is William James
(1996); on James and pluralism, see O'Shea 2000. For additional instances of the claim
that pragmatism is closely allied with pluralism, see Burke 2002, p. 127; Capps 2002;
Keith 2001, p. 126; Caspary 2000, p. 15; Hoy 1998, p. 42; Seigfried 1998, pp. 197-88;
Posnock 1997, p. 335; Carlson 1997, p. 382; Wilshire 1997, p. 104; Alexander 1995, pp.
132-138; Colapietro 1995, p. 28; Rosenthal 1994, p. 126.
2. There will be significant room for variation within each type; our
taxonomy does not attempt to accurately describe in foil detail every pluralism in currency.
3. There are many forms of pragmatism in currency these days. "Ironist,"
"anti-theory," and "prophetic" versions of pragmatism will not be directly engaged here.
By "pragmatism" we mean principally the so-called "classical" versions of pragmatism and
their current incarnations.
4. Hence Galston: "moral pluralism offers the best account of the moral
universe we inhabit" (2002, p. 30); "concrete experience ... provides the most compelling
reasons for accepting some form of value pluralism" (2002, p. 33).
5. See also Rawls 1996, p. 13. Note also that we are using "pluralism" to
denote what would be more properly called "moral pluralism" or "value pluralism". One
can be a pluralist about things other than value, but since contemporary pragmatists most
often use "pluralism" to refer to a commitment about value, we restrict the extension
similarly.
6. Rawls refers to the "absolute depth" of the "irreconcilable latent
conflict" among different comprehensive views (1996, p. xxxvi); he argues that a
consensus on a single doctrine "can be maintained only by the oppressive use of state
power" (1996, p. 37). See also Mouffe 2000; Honig 1997; and Hampshire 2000. For a
criticism of Ilawlsian pluralism, see Talisse 2003.
7. For more comprehensive articulations of pluralism, see Berlin 1969,
Galston 2002, Gray 2000, Keekes 2000, Crowder 2002, Talisse 2004, and die es.says
collected in Baghramian and Ingram (eds.), and Dworkin, Lila and Silvers (eds,).
8. Rawls is followed by Joshua Cohen (1993), Thomas Nagel (1987),
Bruce Ackerman (1989), Charles Larmore (1987), and Daniel Dombrowski (2001),
among many others.
9. Dworkin expresses the point well, "values conflict even if we get all the
breaks" (2001, p. 78).
10. Brian Barry has argued that pluralism is simply another name for
relativism (2001, p. 133).
Why Pragmatists Cannot be Pluralists 115
11, Hence Levlnas's distinction between politics and ethics: "The art of
foreseeing war and winning it by every means — politics — is henceforth enjoined as the
very exercise of reason. Politics is opposed to morality, as philosophy to naivete" (1961, p,
21),
12, Schmitt goes on to claim that "When a people no longer has the
power or the will to maintain itself in the political sphere, so politics does not disappear
from the world. All that disappears is a weak people" (1976, p, 53),
13, We are of course not claiming that this difference is a strict disjunction.
Many contemporary pragmatists working in the classical idiom will insist that pragmatism
is at once a claim about inquiry and a claim about meaning. We are simply pointing to a
difference of emphasis among classical pragmatists, one that we think has clear textual
support in the literature, not to mention in the responses Peirce, James, and Dcwey had to
each other's work,
14, We follow the convention in citing Peirce's Collected Papers: (volume
number,paragraph number),
15, See especially James's "On a Certain Blindness in Human
Beings" (1977),
16, We say "perfect" because it seems to run afoul of deep pluralism to say
of one side of a dispute that it could have made its case better.
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