Sociology

Sociology is a social science that focuses

on society, human social behavior,
patterns of social relationships, social
interaction, and aspects of culture
associated with everyday life.[1][2][3] It uses
various methods of empirical investigation
and critical analysis[4]: 3–5  to develop a
body of knowledge about social order and
social change.[4]: 32–40  While some
sociologists conduct research that may be
applied directly to social policy and
welfare, others focus primarily on refining
the theoretical understanding of social
processes and phenomenological method.
Subject matter can range from micro-level
analyses of society (i.e. of individual
interaction and agency) to macro-level
analyses (i.e. of social systems and social
structure).[5]

Traditional focuses of sociology include

social stratification, social class, social
mobility, religion, secularization, law,
sexuality, gender, and deviance. As all
spheres of human activity are affected by
the interplay between social structure and
individual agency, sociology has gradually
expanded its focus to other subjects and
institutions, such as health and the
institution of medicine; economy; military;
punishment and systems of control; the
Internet; sociology of education; social
capital; and the role of social activity in the
development of scientific knowledge.

The range of social scientific methods has

also expanded, as social researchers draw
upon a variety of qualitative and
quantitative techniques. The linguistic and
cultural turns of the mid-20th century,
especially, have led to increasingly
interpretative, hermeneutic, and
philosophical approaches towards the
analysis of society. Conversely, the turn of
the 21st century has seen the rise of new
analytically, mathematically, and
computationally rigorous techniques, such
as agent-based modelling and social
network analysis.[6][7]

Social research has influence throughout

various industries and sectors of life, such
as among politicians, policy makers, and
legislators; educators; planners;
administrators; developers; business
magnates and managers; social workers;
non-governmental organizations; and non-
profit organizations, as well as individuals
interested in resolving social issues in
general. As such, there is often a great
deal of crossover between social research,
market research, and other statistical
fields.[8]

History

Ibn Khaldun statue in Tunis, Tunisia (1332–1406)

Sociological reasoning predates the
foundation of the discipline itself. Social
analysis has origins in the common stock
of universal, global knowledge and
philosophy, having been carried out from
as far back as the time of Old comic
poetry which features social and political
criticism,[9] and ancient Greek
philosophers Socrates, Plato, and Aristotle,
if not earlier. For instance, the origin of the
survey (i.e. the collection of information
from a sample of individuals) can be
traced back to at least the Domesday
Book in 1086,[10][11] while ancient
philosophers such as Confucius wrote
about the importance of social roles.
There is evidence of early sociology in
medieval Arabic writings as well. Some
sources consider Ibn Khaldun, a 14th-
century Arab-Muslim scholar from
Tunisia,[note 1] to have been the father of
sociology, although there is no reference
to his work in the writings of European
contributors to modern
sociology.[12][13][14][15] Khaldun's
Muqaddimah was perhaps the first work to
advance social-scientific reasoning on
social cohesion and social
conflict.[16][17][18][19][20][21]
Etymology

The word sociology (or sociologie) derives

part of its name from the Latin word
socius ('companion' or 'fellowship'[22]). The
suffix -logy ('the study of') comes from that
of the Greek -λογία, derived from λόγος
(lógos, 'word' or 'knowledge').

Sieyès

The term sociology was first coined in

1780 by the French essayist Emmanuel-
Joseph Sieyès in an unpublished
manuscript.[23][note 2]
Comte

Sociology was later defined independently

by French philosopher of science Auguste
Comte (1798–1857) in 1838[24] as a new
way of looking at society.[25]: 10  Comte had
earlier used the term social physics, but it
had been subsequently appropriated by
others, most notably the Belgian
statistician Adolphe Quetelet. Comte
endeavored to unify history, psychology,
and economics through the scientific
understanding of social life. Writing shortly
after the malaise of the French Revolution,
he proposed that social ills could be
remedied through sociological positivism,
an epistemological approach outlined in
the Course in Positive Philosophy (1830–
1842), later included in A General View of
Positivism (1848). Comte believed a
positivist stage would mark the final era,
after conjectural theological and
metaphysical phases, in the progression of
human understanding.[26] In observing the
circular dependence of theory and
observation in science, and having
classified the sciences, Comte may be
regarded as the first philosopher of
science in the modern sense of the
term.[27][28]
Auguste Comte (1798–1857)

Comte gave a powerful impetus

to the development of sociology,
an impetus that bore fruit in the
later decades of the nineteenth
century. To say this is certainly
not to claim that French
sociologists such as Durkheim
were devoted disciples of the
high priest of positivism. But by
insisting on the irreducibility of
each of his basic sciences to the
particular science of sciences
which it presupposed in the
hierarchy and by emphasizing
the nature of sociology as the
scientific study of social
phenomena Comte put sociology
on the map. To be sure, [its]
beginnings can be traced back
well beyond Montesquieu, for
example, and to Condorcet, not
to speak of Saint-Simon, Comte's
immediate predecessor. But
Comte's clear recognition of
sociology as a particular
science, with a character of its
own, justified Durkheim in
regarding him as the father or
founder of this science, even
though Durkheim did not accept
the idea of the three states and
criticized Comte's approach to
sociology.

— Frederick Copleston, A
History of Philosophy: IX
 Modern Philosophy (1974), p.
118

Karl Marx (1818–1883)

Marx

Both Comte and Karl Marx (1818–1883)

set out to develop scientifically justified
systems in the wake of European
industrialization and secularization,
informed by various key movements in the
philosophies of history and science. Marx
rejected Comtean positivism[29] but in
attempting to develop a "science of
society" nevertheless came to be
recognized as a founder of sociology as
the word gained wider meaning. For Isaiah
Berlin (1967), even though Marx did not
consider himself to be a sociologist, he
may be regarded as the "true father" of
modern sociology, "in so far as anyone can
claim the title."[30]: 130 

To have given clear and unified

answers in familiar empirical
terms to those theoretical
questions which most occupied
men's minds at the time, and to
have deduced from them clear
practical directives without
creating obviously artificial
links between the two, was the
principal achievement of Marx's
theory. The sociological
treatment of historical and
moral problems, which Comte
and after him, Spencer and
Taine, had discussed and
mapped, became a precise and
concrete study only when the
attack of militant Marxism
 made its conclusions a burning
issue, and so made the search
for evidence more zealous and
the attention to method more
intense.[30]: 13–14 
Spencer

Herbert Spencer (1820–1903)

Herbert Spencer (1820–1903) was one of

the most popular and influential 19th-
century sociologists. It is estimated that
he sold one million books in his lifetime,
far more than any other sociologist at the
time.

So strong was his influence that many

other 19th-century thinkers, including
Émile Durkheim, defined their ideas in
relation to his. Durkheim's Division of
Labour in Society is to a large extent an
extended debate with Spencer from whose
sociology, many commentators now agree,
Durkheim borrowed extensively.[31] Also a
notable biologist, Spencer coined the term
survival of the fittest. While Marxian ideas
defined one strand of sociology, Spencer
was a critic of socialism as well as a
strong advocate for a laissez-faire style of
government. His ideas were closely
observed by conservative political circles,
especially in the United States and
England.[32]

Positivism and antipositivism

Positivism

The overarching methodological principle

of positivism is to conduct sociology in
broadly the same manner as natural
science. An emphasis on empiricism and
the scientific method is sought to provide
a tested foundation for sociological
research based on the assumption that
the only authentic knowledge is scientific
knowledge, and that such knowledge can
only arrive by positive affirmation through
scientific methodology.

Our main goal is to extend

scientific rationalism to human
conduct.... What has been called
our positivism is but a
consequence of this
rationalism.[33]

— Émile Durkheim, The

Rules of Sociological Method
 (1895)

The term has long since ceased to carry

this meaning; there are no fewer than
twelve distinct epistemologies that are
referred to as positivism.[34][35] Many of
these approaches do not self-identify as
"positivist", some because they
themselves arose in opposition to older
forms of positivism, and some because
the label has over time become a
pejorative term[34] by being mistakenly
linked with a theoretical empiricism. The
extent of antipositivist criticism has also
diverged, with many rejecting the scientific
method and others only seeking to amend
it to reflect 20th-century developments in
the philosophy of science. However,
positivism (broadly understood as a
scientific approach to the study of society)
remains dominant in contemporary
sociology, especially in the United
States.[34]

Loïc Wacquant distinguishes three major

strains of positivism: Durkheimian, Logical,
and Instrumental.[34] None of these are the
same as that set forth by Comte, who was
unique in advocating such a rigid (and
perhaps optimistic) version.[36][4]: 94–8, 100–4 
While Émile Durkheim rejected much of
the detail of Comte's philosophy, he
retained and refined its method. Durkheim
maintained that the social sciences are a
logical continuation of the natural ones
into the realm of human activity, and
insisted that they should retain the same
objectivity, rationalism, and approach to
causality.[34] He developed the notion of
objective sui generis "social facts" to serve
as unique empirical objects for the
science of sociology to study.[34]

The variety of positivism that remains

dominant today is termed instrumental
positivism. This approach eschews
epistemological and metaphysical
concerns (such as the nature of social
facts) in favour of methodological clarity,
replicability, reliability and validity.[37] This
positivism is more or less synonymous
with quantitative research, and so only
resembles older positivism in practice.
Since it carries no explicit philosophical
commitment, its practitioners may not
belong to any particular school of thought.
Modern sociology of this type is often
credited to Paul Lazarsfeld,[34] who
pioneered large-scale survey studies and
developed statistical techniques for
analysing them. This approach lends itself
to what Robert K. Merton called middle-
range theory: abstract statements that
generalize from segregated hypotheses
and empirical regularities rather than
starting with an abstract idea of a social
whole.[38]

Anti-positivism

The German philosopher Hegel criticised

traditional empiricist epistemology, which
he rejected as uncritical, and determinism,
which he viewed as overly
mechanistic.[4]: 169  Karl Marx's
methodology borrowed from Hegelian
dialecticism but also a rejection of
positivism in favour of critical analysis,
seeking to supplement the empirical
acquisition of "facts" with the elimination
of illusions.[4]: 202–3  He maintained that
appearances need to be critiqued rather
than simply documented. Early
hermeneuticians such as Wilhelm Dilthey
pioneered the distinction between natural
and social science
('Geisteswissenschaft'). Various neo-
Kantian philosophers, phenomenologists
and human scientists further theorized
how the analysis of the social world differs
to that of the natural world due to the
irreducibly complex aspects of human
society, culture, and being.[39][40]

In the Italian context of development of

social sciences and of sociology in
particular, there are oppositions to the first
foundation of the discipline, sustained by
speculative philosophy in accordance with
the antiscientific tendencies matured by
critique of positivism and evolutionism, so
a tradition Progressist struggles to
establish itself.[41]

At the turn of the 20th century the first

generation of German sociologists
formally introduced methodological anti-
positivism, proposing that research should
concentrate on human cultural norms,
values, symbols, and social processes
viewed from a resolutely subjective
perspective. Max Weber argued that
sociology may be loosely described as a
science as it is able to identify causal
relationships of human "social action"—
especially among "ideal types", or
hypothetical simplifications of complex
social phenomena.[4]: 239–40  As a non-
positivist, however, Weber sought
relationships that are not as "historical,
invariant, or generalisable"[4]: 241  as those
pursued by natural scientists. Fellow
German sociologist, Ferdinand Tönnies,
theorised on two crucial abstract concepts
with his work on "gemeinschaft and
gesellschaft" (lit. 'community' and 'society').
Tönnies marked a sharp line between the
realm of concepts and the reality of social
action: the first must be treated
axiomatically and in a deductive way
("pure sociology"), whereas the second
empirically and inductively ("applied
sociology").[42]

Max Weber

[Sociology is] ... the science

whose object is to interpret the
meaning of social action and
thereby give a causal
explanation of the way in which
the action proceeds and the
effects which it produces. By
'action' in this definition is
meant the human behaviour
when and to the extent that the
agent or agents see it as
subjectively meaningful ... the
meaning to which we refer may
be either (a) the meaning
actually intended either by an
individual agent on a particular
historical occasion or by a
number of agents on an
approximate average in a given
set of cases, or (b) the meaning
attributed to the agent or
agents, as types, in a pure type
constructed in the abstract. In
neither case is the 'meaning' to
be thought of as somehow
objectively 'correct' or 'true' by
some metaphysical criterion.
This is the difference between
the empirical sciences of action,
such as sociology and history,
and any kind of prior discipline,
 such as jurisprudence, logic,
ethics, or aesthetics whose aim
is to extract from their subject-
matter 'correct' or 'valid'
meaning.[43]

— Max Weber, The Nature of

Social Action (1922), p. 7

Both Weber and Georg Simmel pioneered

the "Verstehen" (or 'interpretative') method
in social science; a systematic process by
which an outside observer attempts to
relate to a particular cultural group, or
indigenous people, on their own terms and
from their own point of view.[44] Through
the work of Simmel, in particular, sociology
acquired a possible character beyond
positivist data-collection or grand,
deterministic systems of structural law.
Relatively isolated from the sociological
academy throughout his lifetime, Simmel
presented idiosyncratic analyses of
modernity more reminiscent of the
phenomenological and existential writers
than of Comte or Durkheim, paying
particular concern to the forms of, and
possibilities for, social individuality.[45] His
sociology engaged in a neo-Kantian inquiry
into the limits of perception, asking 'What
is society?' in a direct allusion to Kant's
question 'What is nature?'[46]
Georg Simmel

The deepest problems of modern

life flow from the attempt of the
individual to maintain the
independence and individuality
of his existence against the
sovereign powers of society,
against the weight of the
historical heritage and the
external culture and technique
of life. The antagonism
represents the most modern
form of the conflict which
primitive man must carry on
with nature for his bodily
existence. The eighteenth
century may have called for
liberation from all the ties which
grew up historically in politics,
in religion, in morality, and in
economics to permit the original
natural virtue of man, which is
equal in everyone, to develop
without inhibition; the
nineteenth century may have
sought to promote, in addition
to man's freedom, his
individuality (which is
connected with the division of
labor) and his achievements
which make him unique and
indispensable but which at the
same time make him so much
the more dependent on the
complementary activity of
others; Nietzsche may have seen
the relentless struggle of the
individual as the prerequisite for
his full development, while
socialism found the same thing
in the suppression of all
competition – but in each of
these the same fundamental
motive was at work, namely the
resistance of the individual to
being leveled, swallowed up in
the social-technological
mechanism.[47]

— Georg Simmel, The

Metropolis and Mental Life
(1903)
Foundations of the academic
discipline

Émile Durkheim

The first formal Department of Sociology

in the world was established in 1892 by
Albion Small—from the invitation of
William Rainey Harper—at the University of
Chicago. The American Journal of
Sociology was founded shortly thereafter
in 1895 by Small as well.[48]

The institutionalization of sociology as an

academic discipline, however, was chiefly
led by Émile Durkheim, who developed
positivism as a foundation for practical
social research. While Durkheim rejected
much of the detail of Comte's philosophy,
he retained and refined its method,
maintaining that the social sciences are a
logical continuation of the natural ones
into the realm of human activity, and
insisting that they may retain the same
objectivity, rationalism, and approach to
causality.[34] Durkheim set up the first
European department of sociology at the
University of Bordeaux in 1895, publishing
his Rules of the Sociological Method
(1895).[49] For Durkheim, sociology could
be described as the "science of
institutions, their genesis and their
functioning."[50]

Durkheim's monograph Suicide (1897) is

considered a seminal work in statistical
analysis by contemporary sociologists.
Suicide is a case study of variations in
suicide rates among Catholic and
Protestant populations, and served to
distinguish sociological analysis from
psychology or philosophy. It also marked a
major contribution to the theoretical
concept of structural functionalism. By
carefully examining suicide statistics in
different police districts, he attempted to
demonstrate that Catholic communities
have a lower suicide rate than that of
Protestants, something he attributed to
social (as opposed to individual or
psychological) causes. He developed the
notion of objective sui generis, "social
facts", to delineate a unique empirical
object for the science of sociology to
study.[34] Through such studies he posited
that sociology would be able to determine
whether any given society is 'healthy' or
'pathological', and seek social reform to
negate organic breakdown or "social
anomie".

Sociology quickly evolved as an academic

response to the perceived challenges of
modernity, such as industrialization,
urbanization, secularization, and the
process of "rationalization".[51] The field
predominated in continental Europe, with
British anthropology and statistics
generally following on a separate
trajectory. By the turn of the 20th century,
however, many theorists were active in the
English-speaking world. Few early
sociologists were confined strictly to the
subject, interacting also with economics,
jurisprudence, psychology and philosophy,
with theories being appropriated in a
variety of different fields. Since its
inception, sociological epistemology,
methods, and frames of inquiry, have
significantly expanded and diverged.[5]

Durkheim, Marx, and the German theorist

Max Weber are typically cited as the three
principal architects of sociology.[52]
Herbert Spencer, William Graham Sumner,
Lester F. Ward, W.E.B. Du Bois, Vilfredo
Pareto, Alexis de Tocqueville, Werner
Sombart, Thorstein Veblen, Ferdinand
Tönnies, Georg Simmel, Jane Addams and
Karl Mannheim are often included on
academic curricula as founding theorists.
Curricula also may include Charlotte
Perkins Gilman, Marianne Weber, Harriet
Martineau, and Friedrich Engels as
founders of the feminist tradition in
sociology. Each key figure is associated
with a particular theoretical perspective
and orientation.[53]

Marx and Engels associated the

emergence of modern society
above all with the development
of capitalism; for Durkheim it
was connected in particular
with industrialization and the
new social division of labor
which this brought about; for
Weber it had to do with the
emergence of a distinctive way
of thinking, the rational
calculation which he associated
with the Protestant Ethic (more
or less what Marx and Engels
speak of in terms of those 'icy
waves of egotistical
calculation'). Together the
works of these great classical
sociologists suggest what
Giddens has recently described
as 'a multidimensional view of
institutions of modernity' and
which emphasises not only
capitalism and industrialism as
key institutions of modernity,
but also 'surveillance' (meaning
'control of information and
social supervision') and 'military
power' (control of the means of
violence in the context of the
industrialisation of war).[53]

— John Harriss, The Second

Great Transformation?
 Capitalism at the End of the
Twentieth Century (1992)

Further developments

Bust of Ferdinand Tönnies in Husum, Germany

The first college course entitled

"Sociology" was taught in the United
States at Yale in 1875 by William Graham
Sumner.[54] In 1883 Lester F. Ward, who
later became the first president of the
American Sociological Association (ASA),
published Dynamic Sociology—Or Applied
social science as based upon statical
sociology and the less complex sciences,
attacking the laissez-faire sociology of
Herbert Spencer and Sumner.[32] Ward's
1200-page book was used as core
material in many early American sociology
courses. In 1890, the oldest continuing
American course in the modern tradition
began at the University of Kansas, lectured
by Frank W. Blackmar.[55] The Department
of Sociology at the University of Chicago
was established in 1892 by Albion Small,
who also published the first sociology
textbook: An introduction to the study of
society 1894.[56] George Herbert Mead and
Charles Cooley, who had met at the
University of Michigan in 1891 (along with
John Dewey), moved to Chicago in
1894.[57] Their influence gave rise to social
psychology and the symbolic
interactionism of the modern Chicago
School.[58] The American Journal of
Sociology was founded in 1895, followed
by the ASA in 1905.[56]

The sociological "canon of classics" with

Durkheim and Max Weber at the top owes
in part to Talcott Parsons, who is largely
credited with introducing both to American
audiences.[59] Parsons consolidated the
sociological tradition and set the agenda
for American sociology at the point of its
fastest disciplinary growth. Sociology in
the United States was less historically
influenced by Marxism than its European
counterpart, and to this day broadly
remains more statistical in its
approach.[60]

The first sociology department to be

established in the United Kingdom was at
the London School of Economics and
Political Science (home of the British
Journal of Sociology) in 1904.[61] Leonard
Trelawny Hobhouse and Edvard
Westermarck became the lecturers in the
discipline at the University of London in
1907.[62][63] Harriet Martineau, an English
translator of Comte, has been cited as the
first female sociologist.[64] In 1909 the
Deutsche Gesellschaft für Soziologie
(German Sociological Association) was
founded by Ferdinand Tönnies and Max
Weber, among others. Weber established
the first department in Germany at the
Ludwig Maximilian University of Munich in
1919, having presented an influential new
antipositivist sociology.[65] In 1920, Florian
Znaniecki set up the first department in
Poland. The Institute for Social Research at
the University of Frankfurt (later to
become the Frankfurt School of critical
theory) was founded in 1923.[66]
International co-operation in sociology
began in 1893, when René Worms founded
the Institut International de Sociologie, an
institution later eclipsed by the much
larger International Sociological
Association (ISA), founded in 1949.[67]

Theoretical traditions

Classical theory

The contemporary discipline of sociology

is theoretically multi-paradigmatic[68] in
line with the contentions of classical
social theory. Randall Collins' well-cited
survey of sociological theory[69]
retroactively labels various theorists as
belonging to four theoretical traditions:
Functionalism, Conflict, Symbolic
Interactionism, and Utilitarianism.[70]

Accordingly, modern sociological theory

predominantly descends from
functionalist (Durkheim) and conflict
(Marx and Weber) approaches to social
structure, as well as from symbolic-
interactionist approaches to social
interaction, such as micro-level structural
(Simmel) and pragmatist (Mead, Cooley)
perspectives. Utilitarianism (aka rational
choice or social exchange), although often
associated with economics, is an
established tradition within sociological
theory.[71][72]

Lastly, as argued by Raewyn Connell, a

tradition that is often forgotten is that of
Social Darwinism, which applies the logic
of Darwinian biological evolution to people
and societies.[73] This tradition often aligns
with classical functionalism, and was once
the dominant theoretical stance in
American sociology, from c. 1881 –
c. 1915,[74] associated with several
founders of sociology, primarily Herbert
Spencer, Lester F. Ward, and William
Graham Sumner.
Contemporary sociological theory retains
traces of each of these traditions and they
are by no means mutually exclusive.

Functionalism

A broad historical paradigm in both

sociology and anthropology, functionalism
addresses the social structure—referred to
as "social organization" by the classical
theorists—with respect to the whole as
well as the necessary function of the
whole's constituent elements. A common
analogy (popularized by Herbert Spencer)
is to regard norms and institutions as
'organs' that work towards the proper
functioning of the entire 'body' of
society.[75] The perspective was implicit in
the original sociological positivism of
Comte but was theorized in full by
Durkheim, again with respect to
observable, structural laws.

Functionalism also has an anthropological

basis in the work of theorists such as
Marcel Mauss, Bronisław Malinowski, and
Radcliffe-Brown. It is in the latter's specific
usage that the prefix "structural"
emerged.[76] Classical functionalist theory
is generally united by its tendency towards
biological analogy and notions of social
evolutionism, in that the basic form of
society would increase in complexity and
those forms of social organization that
promoted solidarity would eventually
overcome social disorganization. As
Giddens states:[77]

Functionalist thought, from

Comte onwards, has looked
particularly towards biology as
the science providing the closest
and most compatible model for
social science. Biology has been
taken to provide a guide to
conceptualizing the structure
and the function of social
 systems and to analyzing
processes of evolution via
mechanisms of adaptation.
Functionalism strongly
emphasizes the pre-eminence of
the social world over its
individual parts (i.e. its
constituent actors, human
subjects).
Conflict theory

Functionalist theories emphasize

"cohesive systems" and are often
contrasted with "conflict theories", which
critique the overarching socio-political
system or emphasize the inequality
between particular groups. The following
quotes from Durkheim[78] and Marx[79]
epitomize the political, as well as
theoretical, disparities, between
functionalist and conflict thought
respectively:

To aim for a civilization beyond

that made possible by the nexus
of the surrounding environment
will result in unloosing sickness
into the very society we live in.
Collective activity cannot be
encouraged beyond the point set
by the condition of the social
organism without undermining
health.

— Émile Durkheim, The

Division of Labour in Society
(1893)

The history of all hitherto

existing society is the history of
class struggles. Freeman and
slave, patrician and plebeian,
lord and serf, guild-master and
journeyman, in a word,
oppressor and oppressed, stood
in constant opposition to one
another, carried on an
uninterrupted, now hidden, now
open fight, a fight that each time
ended, either in a revolutionary
re-constitution of society at
large, or in the common ruin of
the contending classes.

— Karl Marx & Friedrich

Engels, The Communist
Manifesto (1848)
Symbolic Interactionism

Symbolic interaction—often associated

with interactionism, phenomenology,
dramaturgy, interpretivism—is a
sociological approach that places
emphasis on subjective meanings and the
empirical unfolding of social processes,
generally accessed through micro-
analysis.[80] This tradition emerged in the
Chicago School of the 1920s and 1930s,
which, prior to World War II, "had been the
center of sociological research and
graduate study."[81] The approach focuses
on creating a framework for building a
theory that sees society as the product of
the everyday interactions of individuals.
Society is nothing more than the shared
reality that people construct as they
interact with one another. This approach
sees people interacting in countless
settings using symbolic communications
to accomplish the tasks at hand.
Therefore, society is a complex, ever-
changing mosaic of subjective
meanings.[25]: 19  Some critics of this
approach argue that it only looks at what
is happening in a particular social
situation, and disregards the effects that
culture, race or gender (i.e. social-
historical structures) may have in that
situation.[25] Some important sociologists
associated with this approach include Max
Weber, George Herbert Mead, Erving
Goffman, George Homans, and Peter Blau.
It is also in this tradition that the radical-
empirical approach of ethnomethodology
emerges from the work of Harold
Garfinkel.

Utilitarianism

Utilitarianism is often referred to as

exchange theory or rational choice theory
in the context of sociology. This tradition
tends to privilege the agency of individual
rational actors and assumes that within
interactions individuals always seek to
maximize their own self-interest. As
argued by Josh Whitford, rational actors
are assumed to have four basic
elements:[82]

1. "a knowledge of alternatives;"

2. "a knowledge of, or beliefs about the
consequences of the various
alternatives;"
3. "an ordering of preferences over
outcomes;" and
4. "a decision rule, to select among the
possible alternatives"

Exchange theory is specifically attributed

to the work of George C. Homans, Peter
Blau and Richard Emerson.[83]
Organizational sociologists James G.
March and Herbert A. Simon noted that an
individual's rationality is bounded by the
context or organizational setting. The
utilitarian perspective in sociology was,
most notably, revitalized in the late 20th
century by the work of former ASA
president James Coleman.

20th-century social theory

Following the decline of theories of

sociocultural evolution in the United
States, the interactionist thought of the
Chicago School dominated American
sociology. As Anselm Strauss describes,
"we didn't think symbolic interaction was a
perspective in sociology; we thought it
was sociology."[81] Moreover, philosophical
and psychological pragmatism grounded
this tradition.[84] After World War II,
mainstream sociology shifted to the
survey-research of Paul Lazarsfeld at
Columbia University and the general
theorizing of Pitirim Sorokin, followed by
Talcott Parsons at Harvard University.
Ultimately, "the failure of the Chicago,
Columbia, and Wisconsin [sociology]
departments to produce a significant
number of graduate students interested in
and committed to general theory in the
years 1936–45 was to the advantage of
the Harvard department."[85] As Parsons
began to dominate general theory, his
work primarily referenced European
sociology—almost entirely omitting
citations of both the American tradition of
sociocultural-evolution as well as
pragmatism. In addition to Parsons'
revision of the sociological canon (which
included Marshall, Pareto, Weber and
Durkheim), the lack of theoretical
challenges from other departments
nurtured the rise of the Parsonian
structural-functionalist movement, which
reached its crescendo in the 1950s, but by
the 1960s was in rapid decline.[86]
By the 1980s, most functionalist
perspectives in Europe had broadly been
replaced by conflict-oriented
approaches,[87] and to many in the
discipline, functionalism was considered
"as dead as a dodo:"[88] According to
Giddens:[89]

The orthodox consensus

terminated in the late 1960s and
1970s as the middle ground
shared by otherwise competing
perspectives gave way and was
replaced by a baffling variety of
competing perspectives. This
 third 'generation' of social
theory includes
phenomenologically inspired
approaches, critical theory,
ethnomethodology, symbolic
interactionism, structuralism,
post-structuralism, and theories
written in the tradition of
hermeneutics and ordinary
language philosophy.
Pax Wisconsana

While some conflict approaches also

gained popularity in the United States, the
mainstream of the discipline instead
shifted to a variety of empirically oriented
middle-range theories with no single
overarching, or "grand", theoretical
orientation. John Levi Martin refers to this
"golden age of methodological unity and
theoretical calm" as the Pax
Wisconsana,[90] as it reflected the
composition of the sociology department
at the University of Wisconsin–Madison:
numerous scholars working on separate
projects with little contention.[91] Omar
Lizardo describes the pax wisconsana as
"a Midwestern flavored, Mertonian
resolution of the theory/method wars in
which [sociologists] all agreed on at least
two working hypotheses: (1) grand theory
is a waste of time; [and] (2) good theory
has to be good to think with or goes in the
trash bin."[92] Despite the aversion to grand
theory in the latter half of the 20th century,
several new traditions have emerged that
propose various syntheses: structuralism,
post-structuralism, cultural sociology and
systems theory.

Anthony Giddens
Structuralism

The structuralist movement originated

primarily from the work of Durkheim as
interpreted by two European scholars:
Anthony Giddens, a sociologist, whose
theory of structuration draws on the
linguistic theory of Ferdinand de Saussure;
and Claude Lévi-Strauss, an
anthropologist. In this context, 'structure'
does not refer to 'social structure', but to
the semiotic understanding of human
culture as a system of signs. One may
delineate four central tenets of
structuralism:[93]
 1. Structure is what determines the
structure of a whole.
2. Structuralists believe that every
system has a structure.
3. Structuralists are interested in
'structural' laws that deal with
coexistence rather than changes.
4. Structures are the 'real things'
beneath the surface or the
appearance of meaning.

The second tradition of structuralist

thought, contemporaneous with Giddens,
emerges from the American School of
social network analysis in the 1970s and
1980s,[94] spearheaded by the Harvard
Department of Social Relations led by
Harrison White and his students. This
tradition of structuralist thought argues
that, rather than semiotics, social structure
is networks of patterned social relations.
And, rather than Levi-Strauss, this school
of thought draws on the notions of
structure as theorized by Levi-Strauss'
contemporary anthropologist, Radcliffe-
Brown.[95] Some[96] refer to this as
"network structuralism", and equate it to
"British structuralism" as opposed to the
"French structuralism" of Levi-Strauss.
Post-structuralism

Post-structuralist thought has tended to

reject 'humanist' assumptions in the
construction of social theory.[97] Michel
Foucault provides an important critique in
his Archaeology of the Human Sciences,
though Habermas (1986) and Rorty (1986)
have both argued that Foucault merely
replaces one such system of thought with
another.[98][99] The dialogue between these
intellectuals highlights a trend in recent
years for certain schools of sociology and
philosophy to intersect. The anti-humanist
position has been associated with
"postmodernism", a term used in specific
contexts to describe an era or phenomena,
but occasionally construed as a method.

Central theoretical problems

Overall, there is a strong consensus
regarding the central problems of
sociological theory, which are largely
inherited from the classical theoretical
traditions. This consensus is: how to link,
transcend or cope with the following "big
three" dichotomies:[100]

1. subjectivity and objectivity, which

deal with knowledge;
2. structure and agency, which deal with
action;
 3. and synchrony and diachrony, which
deal with time.

Lastly, sociological theory often grapples

with the problem of integrating or
transcending the divide between micro,
meso, and macro-scale social phenomena,
which is a subset of all three central
problems.

Subjectivity and objectivity

The problem of subjectivity and objectivity

can be divided into two parts: a concern
over the general possibilities of social
actions, and the specific problem of social
scientific knowledge. In the former, the
subjective is often equated (though not
necessarily) with the individual, and the
individual's intentions and interpretations
of the objective. The objective is often
considered any public or external action or
outcome, on up to society writ large. A
primary question for social theorists, then,
is how knowledge reproduces along the
chain of subjective-objective-subjective,
that is to say: how is intersubjectivity
achieved? While, historically, qualitative
methods have attempted to tease out
subjective interpretations, quantitative
survey methods also attempt to capture
individual subjectivities. Also, some
qualitative methods take a radical
approach to objective description in situ.

The latter concern with scientific

knowledge results from the fact that a
sociologist is part of the very object they
seek to explain, as Bourdieu explains:

How can the sociologist effect in

practice this radical doubting
which is indispensable for
bracketing all the
presuppositions inherent in the
fact that she is a social being,
that she is therefore socialised
and led to feel "like a fish in
water" within that social world
whose structures she has
internalised? How can she
prevent the social world itself
from carrying out the
construction of the object, in a
sense, through her, through
these unself-conscious
operations or operations
unaware of themselves of which
she is the apparent subject

— Pierre Bourdieu, "The

Problem of Reflexive
Sociology", An Invitation to
 Reflexive Sociology (1992), p.
235

Structure and agency

Structure and agency, sometimes referred

to as determinism versus voluntarism,[101]
form an enduring ontological debate in
social theory: "Do social structures
determine an individual's behaviour or
does human agency?" In this context,
agency refers to the capacity of individuals
to act independently and make free
choices, whereas structure relates to
factors that limit or affect the choices and
actions of individuals (e.g. social class,
religion, gender, ethnicity, etc.).
Discussions over the primacy of either
structure or agency relate to the core of
sociological epistemology (i.e. "what is the
social world made of?", "what is a cause in
the social world, and what is an
effect?").[102] A perennial question within
this debate is that of "social reproduction":
how are structures (specifically, structures
producing inequality) reproduced through
the choices of individuals?

Synchrony and diachrony

Synchrony and diachrony (or statics and

dynamics) within social theory are terms
that refer to a distinction that emerged
through the work of Levi-Strauss who
inherited it from the linguistics of
Ferdinand de Saussure.[95] Synchrony
slices moments of time for analysis, thus
it is an analysis of static social reality.
Diachrony, on the other hand, attempts to
analyse dynamic sequences. Following
Saussure, synchrony would refer to social
phenomena as a static concept like a
language, while diachrony would refer to
unfolding processes like actual speech. In
Anthony Giddens' introduction to Central
Problems in Social Theory, he states that,
"in order to show the interdependence of
action and structure…we must grasp the
time space relations inherent in the
constitution of all social interaction." And
like structure and agency, time is integral
to discussion of social reproduction.

In terms of sociology, historical sociology

is often better positioned to analyse social
life as diachronic, while survey research
takes a snapshot of social life and is thus
better equipped to understand social life
as synchronized. Some argue that the
synchrony of social structure is a
methodological perspective rather than an
ontological claim.[95] Nonetheless, the
problem for theory is how to integrate the
two manners of recording and thinking
about social data.

Research methodology
Sociological research methods may be
divided into two broad, though often
supplementary, categories:[103]

Qualitative designs emphasize

understanding of social phenomena
through direct observation,
communication with participants, or
analysis of texts, and may stress
contextual and subjective accuracy over
generality.
 Quantitative designs approach social
phenomena through quantifiable
evidence, and often rely on statistical
analysis of many cases (or across
intentionally designed treatments in an
experiment) to establish valid and
reliable general claims.

Sociologists are often divided into camps

of support for particular research
techniques. These disputes relate to the
epistemological debates at the historical
core of social theory. While very different
in many aspects, both qualitative and
quantitative approaches involve a
systematic interaction between theory and
data.[104] Quantitative methodologies hold
the dominant position in sociology,
especially in the United States.[34] In the
discipline's two most cited journals,
quantitative articles have historically
outnumbered qualitative ones by a factor
of two.[105] (Most articles published in the
largest British journal, on the other hand,
are qualitative.) Most textbooks on the
methodology of social research are written
from the quantitative perspective,[106] and
the very term "methodology" is often used
synonymously with "statistics". Practically
all sociology PhD programmes in the
United States require training in statistical
methods. The work produced by
quantitative researchers is also deemed
more 'trustworthy' and 'unbiased' by the
general public,[107] though this judgment
continues to be challenged by
antipositivists.[107]

The choice of method often depends

largely on what the researcher intends to
investigate. For example, a researcher
concerned with drawing a statistical
generalization across an entire population
may administer a survey questionnaire to
a representative sample population. By
contrast, a researcher who seeks full
contextual understanding of an individual's
social actions may choose ethnographic
participant observation or open-ended
interviews. Studies will commonly
combine, or 'triangulate', quantitative and
qualitative methods as part of a 'multi-
strategy' design. For instance, a
quantitative study may be performed to
obtain statistical patterns on a target
sample, and then combined with a
qualitative interview to determine the play
of agency.[104]
Sampling

The bean machine, designed by early social research methodologist Sir Francis Galton to demonstrate the normal
distribution, which is important to much quantitative hypothesis testing.[a]

Quantitative methods are often used to

ask questions about a population that is
very large, making a census or a complete
enumeration of all the members in that
population infeasible. A 'sample' then
forms a manageable subset of a
population. In quantitative research,
statistics are used to draw inferences from
this sample regarding the population as a
whole. The process of selecting a sample
is referred to as 'sampling'. While it is
usually best to sample randomly, concern
with differences between specific
subpopulations sometimes calls for
stratified sampling. Conversely, the
impossibility of random sampling
sometimes necessitates nonprobability
sampling, such as convenience sampling
or snowball sampling.[104]

Methods

The following list of research methods is

neither exclusive nor exhaustive:
Archival research (or the Historical
method): Draws upon the secondary
data located in historical archives and
records, such as biographies, memoirs,
journals, and so on.
Content analysis: The content of
interviews and other texts is
systematically analysed. Often data is
'coded' as a part of the 'grounded theory'
approach using qualitative data analysis
(QDA) software, such as Atlas.ti,
MAXQDA, NVivo,[108] or QDA Miner.
Experimental research: The researcher
isolates a single social process and
reproduces it in a laboratory (for
example, by creating a situation where
unconscious sexist judgements are
possible), seeking to determine whether
or not certain social variables can
cause, or depend upon, other variables
(for instance, seeing if people's feelings
about traditional gender roles can be
manipulated by the activation of
contrasting gender stereotypes).[109]
Participants are randomly assigned to
different groups that either serve as
controls—acting as reference points
because they are tested with regard to
the dependent variable, albeit without
having been exposed to any
independent variables of interest—or
receive one or more treatments.
Randomization allows the researcher to
be sure that any resulting differences
between groups are the result of the
treatment.
Longitudinal study: An extensive
examination of a specific person or
group over a long period of time.
Observation: Using data from the
senses, the researcher records
information about social phenomenon
or behaviour. Observation techniques
may or may not feature participation. In
participant observation, the researcher
goes into the field (e.g. a community or
a place of work), and participates in the
activities of the field for a prolonged
period of time in order to acquire a deep
understanding of it.[25]: 42  Data acquired
through these techniques may be
analysed either quantitatively or
qualitatively. In the observation
research, a sociologist might study
global warming in some part of the
world that is less populated.
Program Evaluation is a systematic
method for collecting, analyzing, and
using information to answer questions
about projects, policies and
programs,[110] particularly about their
effectiveness and efficiency. In both the
public and private sectors, stakeholders
often want to know whether the
programs they are funding,
implementing, voting for, or objecting to
are producing the intended effect. While
program evaluation first focuses on this
definition, important considerations
often include how much the program
costs per participant, how the program
could be improved, whether the program
is worthwhile, whether there are better
alternatives, if there are unintended
outcomes, and whether the program
goals are appropriate and useful.[111]
 Survey research: The researcher gathers
data using interviews, questionnaires, or
similar feedback from a set of people
sampled from a particular population of
interest. Survey items from an interview
or questionnaire may be open-ended or
closed-ended.[25]: 40  Data from surveys is
usually analysed statistically on a
computer.

Computational sociology
A social network diagram: individuals (or 'nodes') connected by relationships

Sociologists increasingly draw upon

computationally intensive methods to
analyse and model social phenomena.[112]
Using computer simulations, artificial
intelligence, text mining, complex
statistical methods, and new analytic
approaches like social network analysis
and social sequence analysis,
computational sociology develops and
tests theories of complex social
processes through bottom-up modelling of
social interactions.[6]
Although the subject matter and
methodologies in social science differ
from those in natural science or computer
science, several of the approaches used in
contemporary social simulation originated
from fields such as physics and artificial
intelligence.[113][114] By the same token,
some of the approaches that originated in
computational sociology have been
imported into the natural sciences, such
as measures of network centrality from
the fields of social network analysis and
network science. In relevant literature,
computational sociology is often related to
the study of social complexity.[115] Social
complexity concepts such as complex
systems, non-linear interconnection
among macro and micro process, and
emergence, have entered the vocabulary
of computational sociology.[116] A practical
and well-known example is the
construction of a computational model in
the form of an "artificial society", by which
researchers can analyse the structure of a
social system.[117][118]

Subfields

Culture
Max Horkheimer (left, front), Theodor Adorno (right, front), and Jürgen Habermas (right, back) 1965

Sociologists' approach to culture can be

divided into "sociology of culture" and
"cultural sociology"—terms which are
similar, though not entirely
interchangeable. Sociology of culture is an
older term, and considers some topics and
objects as more or less "cultural" than
others. Conversely, cultural sociology sees
all social phenomena as inherently
cultural.[119] Sociology of culture often
attempts to explain certain cultural
phenomena as a product of social
processes, while cultural sociology sees
culture as a potential explanation of social
phenomena.[120]

For Simmel, culture referred to "the

cultivation of individuals through the
agency of external forms which have been
objectified in the course of history."[45]
While early theorists such as Durkheim
and Mauss were influential in cultural
anthropology, sociologists of culture are
generally distinguished by their concern
for modern (rather than primitive or
ancient) society. Cultural sociology often
involves the hermeneutic analysis of
words, artefacts and symbols, or
ethnographic interviews. However, some
sociologists employ historical-
comparative or quantitative techniques in
the analysis of culture, Weber and
Bourdieu for instance. The subfield is
sometimes allied with critical theory in the
vein of Theodor W. Adorno, Walter
Benjamin, and other members of the
Frankfurt School. Loosely distinct from the
sociology of culture is the field of cultural
studies. Birmingham School theorists
such as Richard Hoggart and Stuart Hall
questioned the division between
"producers" and "consumers" evident in
earlier theory, emphasizing the reciprocity
in the production of texts. Cultural Studies
aims to examine its subject matter in
terms of cultural practices and their
relation to power. For example, a study of
a subculture (e.g. white working class
youth in London) would consider the
social practices of the group as they relate
to the dominant class. The "cultural turn"
of the 1960s ultimately placed culture
much higher on the sociological agenda.

Art, music and literature

Sociology of literature, film, and art is a

subset of the sociology of culture. This
field studies the social production of
artistic objects and its social implications.
A notable example is Pierre Bourdieu's Les
Règles de L'Art: Genèse et Structure du
Champ Littéraire (1992).[121] None of the
founding fathers of sociology produced a
detailed study of art, but they did develop
ideas that were subsequently applied to
literature by others. Marx's theory of
ideology was directed at literature by
Pierre Macherey, Terry Eagleton and
Fredric Jameson. Weber's theory of
modernity as cultural rationalization, which
he applied to music, was later applied to
all the arts, literature included, by Frankfurt
School writers such as Theodor Adorno
and Jürgen Habermas. Durkheim's view of
sociology as the study of externally
defined social facts was redirected
towards literature by Robert Escarpit.
Bourdieu's own work is clearly indebted to
Marx, Weber and Durkheim.

Criminality, deviance, law and

punishment

Criminologists analyse the nature, causes,

and control of criminal activity, drawing
upon methods across sociology,
psychology, and the behavioural sciences.
The sociology of deviance focuses on
actions or behaviours that violate norms,
including both infringements of formally
enacted rules (e.g., crime) and informal
violations of cultural norms. It is the remit
of sociologists to study why these norms
exist; how they change over time; and how
they are enforced. The concept of social
disorganization is when the broader social
systems leads to violations of norms. For
instance, Robert K. Merton produced a
typology of deviance, which includes both
individual and system level causal
explanations of deviance.[122]

Sociology of law

The study of law played a significant role

in the formation of classical sociology.
Durkheim famously described law as the
"visible symbol" of social solidarity.[123]
The sociology of law refers to both a sub-
discipline of sociology and an approach
within the field of legal studies. Sociology
of law is a diverse field of study that
examines the interaction of law with other
aspects of society, such as the
development of legal institutions and the
effect of laws on social change and vice
versa. For example, an influential recent
work in the field relies on statistical
analyses to argue that the increase in
incarceration in the US over the last 30
years is due to changes in law and policing
and not to an increase in crime; and that
this increase has significantly contributed
to the persistence of racial
stratification.[124]

Communications and information

technologies

The sociology of communications and

information technologies includes "the
social aspects of computing, the Internet,
new media, computer networks, and other
communication and information
technologies."[125]

Internet and digital media

The Internet is of interest to sociologists in

various ways, most practically as a tool for
research and as a discussion platform.[126]
The sociology of the Internet in the broad
sense concerns the analysis of online
communities (e.g. newsgroups, social
networking sites) and virtual worlds,
meaning that there is often overlap with
community sociology. Online communities
may be studied statistically through
network analysis or interpreted
qualitatively through virtual ethnography.
Moreover, organizational change is
catalysed through new media, thereby
influencing social change at-large, perhaps
forming the framework for a
transformation from an industrial to an
informational society. One notable text is
Manuel Castells' The Internet Galaxy—the
title of which forms an inter-textual
reference to Marshall McLuhan's The
Gutenberg Galaxy.[127] Closely related to
the sociology of the Internet is digital
sociology, which expands the scope of
study to address not only the internet but
also the impact of the other digital media
and devices that have emerged since the
first decade of the twenty-first century.

Media

As with cultural studies, media study is a

distinct discipline that owes to the
convergence of sociology and other social
sciences and humanities, in particular,
literary criticism and critical theory.
Though neither the production process nor
the critique of aesthetic forms is in the
remit of sociologists, analyses of
socializing factors, such as ideological
effects and audience reception, stem from
sociological theory and method. Thus the
'sociology of the media' is not a
subdiscipline per se, but the media is a
common and often indispensable topic.

Economic sociology

The term "economic sociology" was first

used by William Stanley Jevons in 1879,
later to be coined in the works of
Durkheim, Weber, and Simmel between
1890 and 1920.[128] Economic sociology
arose as a new approach to the analysis of
economic phenomena, emphasizing class
relations and modernity as a philosophical
concept. The relationship between
capitalism and modernity is a salient
issue, perhaps best demonstrated in
Weber's The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit
of Capitalism (1905) and Simmel's The
Philosophy of Money (1900). The
contemporary period of economic
sociology, also known as new economic
sociology, was consolidated by the 1985
work of Mark Granovetter titled "Economic
Action and Social Structure: The Problem
of Embeddedness". This work elaborated
the concept of embeddedness, which
states that economic relations between
individuals or firms take place within
existing social relations (and are thus
structured by these relations as well as the
greater social structures of which those
relations are a part). Social network
analysis has been the primary
methodology for studying this
phenomenon. Granovetter's theory of the
strength of weak ties and Ronald Burt's
concept of structural holes are two of the
best known theoretical contributions of
this field.
Work, employment, and industry

The sociology of work, or industrial

sociology, examines "the direction and
implications of trends in technological
change, globalization, labour markets,
work organization, managerial practices
and employment relations to the extent to
which these trends are intimately related
to changing patterns of inequality in
modern societies and to the changing
experiences of individuals and families the
ways in which workers challenge, resist
and make their own contributions to the
patterning of work and shaping of work
institutions."[129]
Education

The sociology of education is the study of

how educational institutions determine
social structures, experiences, and other
outcomes. It is particularly concerned with
the schooling systems of modern
industrial societies.[130] A classic 1966
study in this field by James Coleman,
known as the "Coleman Report", analysed
the performance of over 150,000 students
and found that student background and
socioeconomic status are much more
important in determining educational
outcomes than are measured differences
in school resources (i.e. per pupil
spending).[131] The controversy over
"school effects" ignited by that study has
continued to this day. The study also
found that socially disadvantaged black
students profited from schooling in racially
mixed classrooms, and thus served as a
catalyst for desegregation busing in
American public schools.

Environment

Environmental sociology is the study of

human interactions with the natural
environment, typically emphasizing human
dimensions of environmental problems,
social impacts of those problems, and
efforts to resolve them. As with other sub-
fields of sociology, scholarship in
environmental sociology may be at one or
multiple levels of analysis, from global
(e.g. world-systems) to local, societal to
individual. Attention is paid also to the
processes by which environmental
problems become defined and known to
humans. As argued by notable
environmental sociologist John Bellamy
Foster, the predecessor to modern
environmental sociology is Marx's analysis
of the metabolic rift, which influenced
contemporary thought on sustainability.
Environmental sociology is often
interdisciplinary and overlaps with the
sociology of risk, rural sociology and the
sociology of disaster.

Human ecology

Human ecology deals with

interdisciplinary study of the relationship
between humans and their natural, social,
and built environments. In addition to
Environmental sociology, this field
overlaps with architectural sociology,
urban sociology, and to some extent visual
sociology. In turn, visual sociology—which
is concerned with all visual dimensions of
social life—overlaps with media studies in
that it uses photography, film and other
technologies of media.

Social pre-wiring

Social pre-wiring deals with the study of

fetal social behavior and social
interactions in a multi-fetal environment.
Specifically, social pre-wiring refers to the
ontogeny of social interaction. Also
informally referred to as, "wired to be
social". The theory questions whether
there is a propensity to socially oriented
action already present before birth.
Research in the theory concludes that
newborns are born into the world with a
unique genetic wiring to be social.[132]

Circumstantial evidence supporting the

social pre-wiring hypothesis can be
revealed when examining newborns'
behavior. Newborns, not even hours after
birth, have been found to display a
preparedness for social interaction. This
preparedness is expressed in ways such
as their imitation of facial gestures. This
observed behavior cannot be attributed to
any current form of socialization or social
construction. Rather, newborns most likely
inherit to some extent social behavior and
identity through genetics.[132]
Principal evidence of this theory is
uncovered by examining Twin
pregnancies. The main argument is, if
there are social behaviors that are
inherited and developed before birth, then
one should expect twin foetuses to
engage in some form of social interaction
before they are born. Thus, ten foetuses
were analyzed over a period of time using
ultrasound techniques. Using kinematic
analysis, the results of the experiment
were that the twin foetuses would interact
with each other for longer periods and
more often as the pregnancies went on.
Researchers were able to conclude that
the performance of movements between
the co-twins were not accidental but
specifically aimed.[132]

The social pre-wiring hypothesis was

proved correct:[132]

The central advance of this

study is the demonstration that
'social actions' are already
performed in the second
trimester of gestation. Starting
from the 14th week of gestation
twin foetuses plan and execute
movements specifically aimed at
the co-twin. These findings force
 us to predate the emergence of
social behavior: when the
context enables it, as in the case
of twin foetuses, other-directed
actions are not only possible but
predominant over self-directed
actions.

Family, gender, and sexuality

"Rosie the Riveter" was an iconic symbol of the American homefront and a departure from gender roles due to wartime
necessity.
Family, gender and sexuality form a broad
area of inquiry studied in many sub-fields
of sociology. A family is a group of people
who are related by kinship ties :- Relations
of blood / marriage / civil partnership or
adoption. The family unit is one of the
most important social institutions found in
some form in nearly all known societies. It
is the basic unit of social organization and
plays a key role in socializing children into
the culture of their society. The sociology
of the family examines the family, as an
institution and unit of socialization, with
special concern for the comparatively
modern historical emergence of the
nuclear family and its distinct gender
roles. The notion of "childhood" is also
significant. As one of the more basic
institutions to which one may apply
sociological perspectives, the sociology of
the family is a common component on
introductory academic curricula. Feminist
sociology, on the other hand, is a
normative sub-field that observes and
critiques the cultural categories of gender
and sexuality, particularly with respect to
power and inequality. The primary concern
of feminist theory is the patriarchy and the
systematic oppression of women apparent
in many societies, both at the level of
small-scale interaction and in terms of the
broader social structure. Feminist
sociology also analyses how gender
interlocks with race and class to produce
and perpetuate social inequalities.[133]
"How to account for the differences in
definitions of femininity and masculinity
and in sex role across different societies
and historical periods" is also a
concern.[134]

Health, illness, and the body

The sociology of health and illness

focuses on the social effects of, and
public attitudes toward, illnesses,
diseases, mental health and disabilities.
This sub-field also overlaps with
gerontology and the study of the ageing
process. Medical sociology, by contrast,
focuses on the inner-workings of the
medical profession, its organizations, its
institutions and how these can shape
knowledge and interactions. In Britain,
sociology was introduced into the medical
curriculum following the Goodenough
Report (1944).[135][136]

The Sociology of the body and

embodiment[137] takes a broad perspective
on the idea of "the body" and includes "a
wide range of embodied dynamics
including human and non-human bodies,
morphology, human reproduction,
anatomy, body fluids, biotechnology,
genetics". This often intersects with health
and illness, but also theories of bodies as
political, social, cultural, economic and
ideological productions.[138] The ISA
maintains a Research Committee devoted
to "the Body in the Social Sciences".[139]

Death, dying, bereavement

A subfield of the sociology of health and

illness that overlaps with cultural
sociology is the study of death, dying and
bereavement,[140] sometimes referred to
broadly as the sociology of death. This
topic is exemplified by the work of Douglas
Davies and Michael C. Kearl.

Knowledge and science

The sociology of knowledge is the study of

the relationship between human thought
and the social context within which it
arises, and of the effects prevailing ideas
have on societies. The term first came into
widespread use in the 1920s, when a
number of German-speaking theorists,
most notably Max Scheler, and Karl
Mannheim, wrote extensively on it. With
the dominance of functionalism through
the middle years of the 20th century, the
sociology of knowledge tended to remain
on the periphery of mainstream
sociological thought. It was largely
reinvented and applied much more closely
to everyday life in the 1960s, particularly
by Peter L. Berger and Thomas Luckmann
in The Social Construction of Reality (1966)
and is still central for methods dealing
with qualitative understanding of human
society (compare socially constructed
reality). The "archaeological" and
"genealogical" studies of Michel Foucault
are of considerable contemporary
influence.
The sociology of science involves the
study of science as a social activity,
especially dealing "with the social
conditions and effects of science, and with
the social structures and processes of
scientific activity."[141] Important theorists
in the sociology of science include Robert
K. Merton and Bruno Latour. These
branches of sociology have contributed to
the formation of science and technology
studies. Both the ASA and the BSA have
sections devoted to the subfield of
Science, Knowledge and
Technology.[142][143] The ISA maintains a
Research Committee on Science and
Technology.[144]
Leisure

Sociology of leisure is the study of how

humans organize their free time. Leisure
includes a broad array of activities, such
as sport, tourism, and the playing of
games. The sociology of leisure is closely
tied to the sociology of work, as each
explores a different side of the work–
leisure relationship. More recent studies in
the field move away from the work–leisure
relationship and focus on the relation
between leisure and culture. This area of
sociology began with Thorstein Veblen's
Theory of the Leisure Class.[145]
Peace, war, and conflict

This subfield of sociology studies, broadly,

the dynamics of war, conflict resolution,
peace movements, war refugees, conflict
resolution and military institutions.[146] As
a subset of this subfield, military sociology
aims towards the systematic study of the
military as a social group rather than as an
organization. It is a highly specialized sub-
field which examines issues related to
service personnel as a distinct group with
coerced collective action based on shared
interests linked to survival in vocation and
combat, with purposes and values that are
more defined and narrow than within civil
society. Military sociology also concerns
civilian-military relations and interactions
between other groups or governmental
agencies. Topics include the dominant
assumptions held by those in the military,
changes in military members' willingness
to fight, military unionization, military
professionalism, the increased utilization
of women, the military industrial-academic
complex, the military's dependence on
research, and the institutional and
organizational structure of military.[147]
Political sociology

Jürgen Habermas

Historically, political sociology concerned

the relations between political
organization and society. A typical
research question in this area might be:
"Why do so few American citizens choose
to vote?"[148] In this respect questions of
political opinion formation brought about
some of the pioneering uses of statistical
survey research by Paul Lazarsfeld. A
major subfield of political sociology
developed in relation to such questions,
which draws on comparative history to
analyse socio-political trends. The field
developed from the work of Max Weber
and Moisey Ostrogorsky.[149]

Contemporary political sociology includes

these areas of research, but it has been
opened up to wider questions of power
and politics.[150] Today political
sociologists are as likely to be concerned
with how identities are formed that
contribute to structural domination by one
group over another; the politics of who
knows how and with what authority; and
questions of how power is contested in
social interactions in such a way as to
bring about widespread cultural and social
change. Such questions are more likely to
be studied qualitatively. The study of
social movements and their effects has
been especially important in relation to
these wider definitions of politics and
power.[151]

Political sociology has also moved beyond

methodological nationalism and analysed
the role of non-governmental
organizations, the diffusion of the nation-
state throughout the Earth as a social
construct, and the role of stateless entities
in the modern world society.
Contemporary political sociologists also
study inter-state interactions and human
rights.

Population and demography

Demographers or sociologists of
population study the size, composition and
change over time of a given population.
Demographers study how these
characteristics impact, or are impacted by,
various social, economic or political
systems. The study of population is also
closely related to human ecology and
environmental sociology, which studies a
population's relationship with the
surrounding environment and often
overlaps with urban or rural sociology.
Researchers in this field may study the
movement of populations: transportation,
migrations, diaspora, etc., which falls into
the subfield known as Mobilities studies
and is closely related to human geography.
Demographers may also study spread of
disease within a given population or
epidemiology.
Public sociology

Public sociology refers to an approach to

the discipline which seeks to transcend
the academy in order to engage with wider
audiences. It is perhaps best understood
as a style of sociology rather than a
particular method, theory, or set of political
values. This approach is primarily
associated with Michael Burawoy who
contrasted it with professional sociology, a
form of academic sociology that is
concerned primarily with addressing other
professional sociologists. Public sociology
is also part of the broader field of science
communication or science journalism.
Race and ethnic relations

The sociology of race and of ethnic

relations is the area of the discipline that
studies the social, political, and economic
relations between races and ethnicities at
all levels of society. This area
encompasses the study of racism,
residential segregation, and other complex
social processes between different racial
and ethnic groups. This research
frequently interacts with other areas of
sociology such as stratification and social
psychology, as well as with postcolonial
theory. At the level of political policy,
ethnic relations are discussed in terms of
either assimilationism or multiculturalism.
Anti-racism forms another style of policy,
particularly popular in the 1960s and
1970s.

Religion

The sociology of religion concerns the

practices, historical backgrounds,
developments, universal themes and roles
of religion in society.[152] There is
particular emphasis on the recurring role
of religion in all societies and throughout
recorded history. The sociology of religion
is distinguished from the philosophy of
religion in that sociologists do not set out
to assess the validity of religious truth-
claims, instead assuming what Peter L.
Berger has described as a position of
"methodological atheism".[153] It may be
said that the modern formal discipline of
sociology began with the analysis of
religion in Durkheim's 1897 study of
suicide rates among Roman Catholic and
Protestant populations. Max Weber
published four major texts on religion in a
context of economic sociology and social
stratification: The Protestant Ethic and the
Spirit of Capitalism (1905), The Religion of
China: Confucianism and Taoism (1915),
The Religion of India: The Sociology of
Hinduism and Buddhism (1915), and
Ancient Judaism (1920). Contemporary
debates often centre on topics such as
secularization, civil religion, the
intersection of religion and economics and
the role of religion in a context of
globalization and multiculturalism.[154]

Social change and development

The sociology of change and development

attempts to understand how societies
develop and how they can be changed.
This includes studying many different
aspects of society, for example
demographic trends,[155] political or
technological trends,[156] or changes in
culture. Within this field, sociologists often
use macrosociological methods or
historical-comparative methods. In
contemporary studies of social change,
there are overlaps with international
development or community development.
However, most of the founders of
sociology had theories of social change
based on their study of history. For
instance, Marx contended that the material
circumstances of society ultimately
caused the ideal or cultural aspects of
society, while Weber argued that it was in
fact the cultural mores of Protestantism
that ushered in a transformation of
material circumstances. In contrast to
both, Durkheim argued that societies
moved from simple to complex through a
process of sociocultural evolution.
Sociologists in this field also study
processes of globalization and
imperialism. Most notably, Immanuel
Wallerstein extends Marx's theoretical
frame to include large spans of time and
the entire globe in what is known as world
systems theory. Development sociology is
also heavily influenced by post-
colonialism. In recent years, Raewyn
Connell issued a critique of the bias in
sociological research towards countries in
the Global North. She argues that this bias
blinds sociologists to the lived
experiences of the Global South,
specifically, so-called, "Northern Theory"
lacks an adequate theory of imperialism
and colonialism.

There are many organizations studying

social change, including the Fernand
Braudel Center for the Study of
Economies, Historical Systems, and
Civilizations, and the Global Social Change
Research Project.
Social networks

Harrison White

A social network is a social structure

composed of individuals (or
organizations) called "nodes", which are
tied (connected) by one or more specific
types of interdependency, such as
friendship, kinship, financial exchange,
dislike, sexual relationships, or
relationships of beliefs, knowledge or
prestige. Social networks operate on many
levels, from families up to the level of
nations, and play a critical role in
determining the way problems are solved,
organizations are run, and the degree to
which individuals succeed in achieving
their goals. An underlying theoretical
assumption of social network analysis is
that groups are not necessarily the
building blocks of society: the approach is
open to studying less-bounded social
systems, from non-local communities to
networks of exchange. Drawing
theoretically from relational sociology,
social network analysis avoids treating
individuals (persons, organizations, states)
as discrete units of analysis, it focuses
instead on how the structure of ties
affects and constitutes individuals and
their relationships. In contrast to analyses
that assume that socialization into norms
determines behaviour, network analysis
looks to see the extent to which the
structure and composition of ties affect
norms. On the other hand, recent research
by Omar Lizardo also demonstrates that
network ties are shaped and created by
previously existing cultural tastes.[157]
Social network theory is usually defined in
formal mathematics and may include
integration of geographical data into
Sociomapping.

Social psychology

Sociological social psychology focuses on

micro-scale social actions. This area may
be described as adhering to "sociological
miniaturism", examining whole societies
through the study of individual thoughts
and emotions as well as behaviour of
small groups.[158] One special concern to
psychological sociologists is how to
explain a variety of demographic, social,
and cultural facts in terms of human social
interaction. Some of the major topics in
this field are social inequality, group
dynamics, prejudice, aggression, social
perception, group behaviour, social
change, non-verbal behaviour,
socialization, conformity, leadership, and
social identity. Social psychology may be
taught with psychological emphasis.[159] In
sociology, researchers in this field are the
most prominent users of the experimental
method (however, unlike their
psychological counterparts, they also
frequently employ other methodologies).
Social psychology looks at social
influences, as well as social perception
and social interaction.[159]
Stratification, poverty and inequality

Social stratification is the hierarchical

arrangement of individuals into social
classes, castes, and divisions within a
society.[25]: 225  Modern Western societies
stratification traditionally relates to cultural
and economic classes arranged in three
main layers: upper class, middle class, and
lower class, but each class may be further
subdivided into smaller classes (e.g.
occupational).[160] Social stratification is
interpreted in radically different ways
within sociology. Proponents of structural
functionalism suggest that, since the
stratification of classes and castes is
evident in all societies, hierarchy must be
beneficial in stabilizing their existence.
Conflict theorists, by contrast, critique the
inaccessibility of resources and lack of
social mobility in stratified societies.

Karl Marx distinguished social classes by

their connection to the means of
production in the capitalist system: the
bourgeoisie own the means, but this
effectively includes the proletariat itself as
the workers can only sell their own labour
power (forming the material base of the
cultural superstructure). Max Weber
critiqued Marxist economic determinism,
arguing that social stratification is not
based purely on economic inequalities, but
on other status and power differentials
(e.g. patriarchy). According to Weber,
stratification may occur among at least
three complex variables:

1. Property (class): A person's

economic position in a society, based
on birth and individual
achievement.[25]: 243  Weber differs
from Marx in that he does not see
this as the supreme factor in
stratification. Weber noted how
managers of corporations or
industries control firms they do not
 own; Marx would have placed such a
person in the proletariat.
2. Prestige (status): A person's prestige,
or popularity in a society. This could
be determined by the kind of job this
person does or wealth.
3. Power (political party): A person's
ability to get their way despite the
resistance of others. For example,
individuals in state jobs, such as an
employee of the Federal Bureau of
Investigation, or a member of the
United States Congress, may hold
little property or status but they still
hold immense power.[161]
Pierre Bourdieu provides a modern
example in the concepts of cultural and
symbolic capital. Theorists such as Ralf
Dahrendorf have noted the tendency
towards an enlarged middle-class in
modern Western societies, particularly in
relation to the necessity of an educated
work force in technological or service-
based economies.[162] Perspectives
concerning globalization, such as
dependency theory, suggest this effect
owes to the shift of workers to the
developing countries.[163]
Urban and rural sociology

Urban sociology involves the analysis of

social life and human interaction in
metropolitan areas. It is a discipline
seeking to provide advice for planning and
policy making. After the industrial
revolution, works such as Georg Simmel's
The Metropolis and Mental Life (1903)
focused on urbanization and the effect it
had on alienation and anonymity. In the
1920s and 1930s The Chicago School
produced a major body of theory on the
nature of the city, important to both urban
sociology and criminology, utilizing
symbolic interactionism as a method of
field research. Contemporary research is
commonly placed in a context of
globalization, for instance, in Saskia
Sassen's study of the "Global city".[164]
Rural sociology, by contrast, is the analysis
of non-metropolitan areas. As agriculture
and wilderness tend to be a more
prominent social fact in rural regions, rural
sociologists often overlap with
environmental sociologists.

Community sociology

Often grouped with urban and rural

sociology is that of community sociology
or the sociology of community.[165] Taking
various communities—including online
communities—as the unit of analysis,
community sociologists study the origin
and effects of different associations of
people. For instance, German sociologist
Ferdinand Tönnies distinguished between
two types of human association:
gemeinschaft (usually translated as
"community") and gesellschaft ("society" or
"association"). In his 1887 work,
Gemeinschaft und Gesellschaft, Tönnies
argued that Gemeinschaft is perceived to
be a tighter and more cohesive social
entity, due to the presence of a "unity of
will".[166] The 'development' or 'health' of a
community is also a central concern of
community sociologists also engage in
development sociology, exemplified by the
literature surrounding the concept of
social capital.

Other academic disciplines

Sociology overlaps with a variety of
disciplines that study society, in particular
social anthropology, political science,
economics, social work and social
philosophy. Many comparatively new fields
such as communication studies, cultural
studies, demography and literary theory,
draw upon methods that originated in
sociology. The terms "social science" and
"social research" have both gained a
degree of autonomy since their origination
in classical sociology. The distinct field of
social anthropology or anthroposociology
is the dominant constituent of
anthropology throughout the United
Kingdom and Commonwealth and much
of Europe (France in particular),[167] where
it is distinguished from cultural
anthropology.[168] In the United States,
social anthropology is commonly
subsumed within cultural anthropology (or
under the relatively new designation of
sociocultural anthropology).[169]

Sociology and applied sociology are

connected to the professional and
academic discipline of social work.[170]
Both disciplines study social interactions,
community and the effect of various
systems (i.e. family, school, community,
laws, political sphere) on the
individual.[171] However, social work is
generally more focused on practical
strategies to alleviate social dysfunctions;
sociology in general provides a thorough
examination of the root causes of these
problems.[172] For example, a sociologist
might study why a community is plagued
with poverty. The applied sociologist
would be more focused on practical
strategies on what needs to be done to
alleviate this burden. The social worker
would be focused on action; implementing
theses strategies "directly" or "indirectly"
by means of mental health therapy,
counselling, advocacy, community
organization or community
mobilization.[171]

Social anthropology is the branch of

anthropology that studies how
contemporary living human beings behave
in social groups. Practitioners of social
anthropology, like sociologists, investigate
various facets of social organization.
Traditionally, social anthropologists
analysed non-industrial and non-Western
societies, whereas sociologists focused
on industrialized societies in the Western
world. In recent years, however, social
anthropology has expanded its focus to
modern Western societies, meaning that
the two disciplines increasingly
converge.[173][170]

Sociocultural anthropology, which include

linguistic anthropology, is concerned with
the problem of difference and similarity
within and between human populations.
The discipline arose concomitantly with
the expansion of European colonial
empires, and its practices and theories
have been questioned and reformulated
along with processes of decolonization.
Such issues have re-emerged as
transnational processes have challenged
the centrality of the nation-state to
theorizations about culture and power.
New challenges have emerged as public
debates about multiculturalism, and the
increasing use of the culture concept
outside of the academy and among
peoples studied by anthropology. These
times are not "business-as-usual" in the
academy, in anthropology, or in the world,
if ever there were such times.

Irving Louis Horowitz, in his The

Decomposition of Sociology (1994), has
argued that the discipline, while arriving
from a "distinguished lineage and
tradition", is in decline due to deeply
ideological theory and a lack of relevance
to policy making: "The decomposition of
sociology began when this great tradition
became subject to ideological thinking,
and an inferior tradition surfaced in the
wake of totalitarian triumphs."[174]
Furthermore: "A problem yet unmentioned
is that sociology's malaise has left all the
social sciences vulnerable to pure
positivism—to an empiricism lacking any
theoretical basis. Talented individuals who
might, in an earlier time, have gone into
sociology are seeking intellectual
stimulation in business, law, the natural
sciences, and even creative writing; this
drains sociology of much needed
potential."[174] Horowitz cites the lack of a
'core discipline' as exacerbating the
problem. Randall Collins, the Dorothy
Swaine Thomas Professor in Sociology at
the University of Pennsylvania and a
member of the Advisory Editors Council of
the Social Evolution & History journal, has
voiced similar sentiments: "we have lost
all coherence as a discipline, we are
breaking up into a conglomerate of
specialities, each going on its own way
and with none too high regard for each
other."[175]
In 2007, The Times Higher Education Guide
published a list of 'The most cited authors
of books in the Humanities' (including
philosophy and psychology). Seven of the
top ten are listed as sociologists: Michel
Foucault (1), Pierre Bourdieu (2), Anthony
Giddens (5), Erving Goffman (6), Jürgen
Habermas (7), Max Weber (8), and Bruno
Latour (10).[176]

Journals
The most highly ranked general journals
which publish original research in the field
of sociology are the American Journal of
Sociology and the American Sociological
Review.[177] The Annual Review of
Sociology, which publishes original review
essays, is also highly ranked.[177] Many
other generalist and specialized journals
exist.

See also
Society
portal

Bibliography of sociology
Critical juncture theory
Cultural theory
Engaged theory
History of the social sciences
List of sociologists
Outline of sociology
 Political sociology
Post-industrial society
Social theory
Social psychology
Sociological Francoism

Notes
1. See Branches of the early Islamic
philosophy.
2. See also Fauré, Christine, and Jacques
Guilhaumou. 2006. "Sieyès et le non-dit de
la sociologie: du mot à la chose." Revue
d'histoire des sciences humaines 15.
Naissances de la science sociale. See also
the article 'sociologie' in the French-
language Wikipedia.
 a. The normal distribution is important in
many fields of science, not just the social
sciences

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Canadian Sociological Association
(CSA) (https://web.archive.org/web/200
70203144815/http://www.csaa.ca/)
European Sociological Association
(ESA) (http://www.europeansociology.or
g/)
French Sociological Association (http
s://afs-socio.fr/)
German Sociological Association (DGS)
(http://www.soziologie.de/)
Guide to the University of Chicago
Department of Sociology Interviews
1972 (https://www.lib.uchicago.edu/e/s
crc/findingaids/view.php?eadid=ICU.SP
CL.SOCIOLOGYINTERVIEWS) at the
University of Chicago Special
Collections Research Center (https://ww
w.lib.uchicago.edu/scrc/)
Guide to the University of Chicago
Department of Sociology Records 1924-
2001 (https://www.lib.uchicago.edu/e/s
crc/findingaids/view.php?eadid=ICU.SP
CL.SOCIOLOGYDEPT) at the University
of Chicago Special Collections Research
Center (https://www.lib.uchicago.edu/sc
rc/)
Indian Sociological Society (ISS) (http://
www.insoso.org/)
International Institute of Sociology (IIS)
(http://www.iisoc.org/)
International Sociological Association
(ISA) (http://www.isa-sociology.org/)
Latin American Sociological Association
(ALAS) (https://web.archive.org/web/20
100107083812/http://www.alas.fsoc.ub
a.ar/index.html)
Observatory of International Research
(OOIR): Latest Papers and Trends in
Sociology (https://ooir.org/index.php?ca
tegory=sociology)
Portuguese Sociological Association
(APS) (http://www.aps.pt/)
Sociological Association of Ireland (SAI)
(http://www.sociology.ie/)
The Nordic Sociological Association
(NSA) (http://nordicsociologicalassociat
ion.org/)
The Swedish Sociological Association(in
swedish) (https://www.sverigessociolog
forbund.se/)
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