Readings in the Philippine History

MODULE 4
“Social, political, economic and cultural issues in Philippine history”

LESSON 1: Agrarian Reform Policies

LEARNING OBJECTIVES:

Distinguished the different opinions of the authors on the Agrarian Reform

Policies through identifying the main ideas and other premises of the given
data.
Evaluate the difference of the given data regarding the Agrarian Reform
Policies
_______________________________________________________________________________

DISCUSSION

Through the decades of research on agrarian reform, there is apparently still

no consensus about the role of agrarian reforms play in achieving the overall
development goal of growth with equity and participation. In order to be able to
formulate an appropriate policy for the benefit of the rural population in developing
countries, politicians, local leaders, administrators and social scientists need
objective and reliable studies and accurate information about the potential and
actual impacts, as well as the advantages and disadvantages, of programmed as
drastic and controversial as agrarian reforms. In this article, the author stresses the
need for impact assessment in order to provide decision-makers with arguments in
support of agrarian reform. It seems, however, rather doubtful that these
arguments will be convincing. If there is no real drive for reform, experts can
produce expensive demonstration projects, but they will not be able to achieve any
general and genuine improvement in the position of cultivators. This can only come
from pressure groups, such as members of advocacy non-governmental
organizations (NGOs) and political organizations and sympathetic reform officials.
The two given ideas are in urgent need of arguments and facts that prove that
agrarian reform will, at least in the long run, alleviate rural poverty and benefit the
rural communities and, therefore, the country as a whole.

“Philippine Land Reform has failed to live up to its promise”

Posted by: Asia-Pacific  Economy and Development, 14th February 2008

After years of colonial and dictatorial rule in the Philippines, the People Power
Revolution of 1986 installed a new government and led to the initiation of the

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Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program (CARP). Yet more than twenty years later,
poverty remains high in rural areas and income inequality remains a serious
problem. The author faults the program’s land to the tiller concept and goes on to
argue that access to jobs, and not land ownership, is a better way to reduce rural
poverty.

The Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program, more commonly known as CARP, is

an agrarian reform law of the Philippines whose legal basis is the Republic Act No.
6657, otherwise known as the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Law (CARL). It is the
redistribution of private and public agricultural lands to help the beneficiaries
survive as small independent farmers, regardless of the “tenurial” arrangement. Its
goals are to provide landowners equality in terms of income and opportunities,
empower land owner beneficiaries to have equitable land ownership, enhance
agricultural production and productivity, provide employment to more agricultural
workers, and put an end to conflicts regarding land ownership.

  IN THE PHILIPPINES, few issues incite as much passion and interest among the
masses and leftist groups as agrarian reform, because it calls for the redistribution
of land to small farmers and landless agricultural workers. This is an appealing
concept for the left, and with poverty so pervasive and the majority of households
landless, it is part of every Filipino’s dream, and not just that of the farm workers.

Ever since the country’s independence, successive governments have attempted to

break up the expansive agricultural estates, which date back to colonial times.
However, the landed elite and political patronage have conspired to prevent
previous land reform programs from making any headway.

Nonetheless, hope arrived in the form of the People Power Revolution, which in

1986 ousted the long-serving dictator Ferdinand Marcos, and in the following year,
the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program (CARP) became the centerpiece of the
new government.

COLONIAL HERITAGE

Under Spanish rule, which began in the 16th century, all land was passed to the
Spanish crown in adherence to the Regalian Doctrine of ownership. In fact, huge
tracts of land fell under the ownership of friars and the Church. Only a very small
number of privileged Filipino families were able to acquire property and become
landlords, a state of affairs which has continued to the present day.

All lands became public lands with the arrival of the Americans, although a more
systematic system for land registration and ownership was put in place, and private
titling was encouraged.  But the concept of land ownership was poorly understood
by most Filipinos at the time, as they were more accustomed to their traditional
concept of communally-owned lands. Native tribes, especially those in Mindanao,

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were neither aware of nor able to grasp the concept of titling. Once again, only a few
Filipinos (often the educated and prominent families) were able to take advantage of
the opportunity and acquire land titles.

Thus, agrarian reform is supposed to be a means to redistribute land and wealth,

and correct the centuries of injustice and inequality brought by colonialism. More
specifically, Philippine agrarian reform entails not just land reform but also support
services such as credit, infrastructure, agricultural extension and marketing.
Furthermore, it also has a political objective: to address one of the causes of
communist insurgency in the country, and as such, to promote security and social
stability.

DISAPPOINTING RESULTS

And yet with more than 9 million hectares of (mostly public) land already
distributed to more than 6 million farmers under CARP, poverty remains high in
rural areas, income inequality is still a serious problem and the communist rebels
continue to cause problems. All of this means that distributing lands to the poor
does not necessarily guarantee that their economic conditions will improve without
corollary services such as infrastructure and access to credit to make the land
productive, as well as social services, specifically in the areas of health and
education, which failed to materialize under CARP.  Overall, the agriculture sector
is hardly any better off now than it was 20 years ago, because macro policies are
biased against the sector.

One of the program’s problems is that it is based upon the land to the tiller concept.
This means that those who actually till the land should be given the property right
to the land they till. However, 70 percent of the rural labor force is composed of
landless agricultural workers, and unless they work on plantations, agrarian reform
does not apply to them since they are not share tenants, and hence are not entitled
to owning a piece of the land. Unfortunately, poverty is highest among this sector of
the population, and they have instead became the hired labor of land reform
beneficiaries, who in turn have earned higher incomes by engaging in non-farm
activities. This arrangement has transformed them into petty landlords and the
landless workers sub-tenants.

In comparison to both local commercial farms and farmers in other countries,

productivity and efficiency is low among agrarian reform beneficiaries. For instance,
rice production is only a little over 3 metric tons per hectare, compared with
Indonesia’s 4 metric tons per hectare and South Korea, which boasts a yield of
some 6 metric tons of rice per hectare.

POVERTY LEVELS REMAIN

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The stark reality is that land is no longer the primary source of wealth in
the Philippines. On the contrary, access to jobs, and not land ownership, is a better
way to reduce rural poverty. However, investments in agriculture have stagnated as
CARP has had a discouraging effect and even resulted in the decapitalization of
some farms. Thus, the creation of jobs in the agricultural sector is hampered and
poverty incidence remains high, despite CARP.

But as CARP’s first extension draws to a close this year, proponents of the program
are fond of citing impact studies that show that it has led to higher incomes and
reduced the incidence of poverty during the years 1990 to 2000, as an argument for
why the program merits another extension. Ironically, the same arguments that
were made in 1997 to renew the program for another 10 years are once again being
used to extend the program for another 5 to 10 years so that the remaining 2.5
million hectares, which should have been distributed in the first extension, can
finally be distributed.

Review of agrarian reform initiatives in other countries over the last decade reveals
that redistribution has often not succeeded in attaining the intended goals, as
poverty levels remain largely unchanged. One important lesson that can be drawn
from international experience is that in order to be successful, it is essential to
implement reform in the shortest amount of time possible, which is a lesson lost on
Filipino legislators, NGOs and leftist groups in Congress.

Agrarian reform failure has led to squatter problem in cities, says urban poor
group
By: Kristine Felisse Mangunay - Reporter / @KFMangunayINQ
Philippine Daily Inquirer / 12:06 PM August 08, 2011

MANILA, Philippines — A militant organization has blamed the government’s

existing agrarian reform program for a “bloating population” in the cities that
allegedly results in “worsening poverty.”

Carlito Badion, national vice chairperson of the Kalipunan ng Damayang

Mahihirap, said that two years after it was signed into law, the “faulty”
Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program with Extension and Reform (CARPer) has
only triggered “massive migration” to urban areas, leading to “fierce competition”
among more people for limited land.

CARPer, which was signed into law, in August 2009, by then President Gloria
Macapagal-Arroyo, extends the distribution of lands covered by the Comprehensive
Agrarian Reform Program (CARP) while incorporating several reforms in the latter’s
provisions.

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These include among others the strengthening of the ban on land-use conversion by
landowners eager to avoid agrarian reform. Under the law, parks, wildlife, forest
reserves, fish sanctuaries and breeding grounds, among others, are exempted from
CARP.

The restoration of compulsory land acquisition, or the power of government to

acquire private rights in land without its owner’s consent for society’s benefit, is also
a key component of CARPer.

But for some reason, the national government, until now, has not been able to
expedite the distribution of lands to farmers despite the CARPer.

“CARPer in its two years of existence has never answered the (issue of landlessness)
in the countryside… Peasants are (only prompted to move) to cities and urban
centers in search (of) alternative livelihood and…jobs (which ultimately result in
worsening poverty),” Badion said in a statement.

_________________________________________________________________________________

SELF CHECK

Direction: From the given data, identify the main concept of CARP.

_________________________________________________________________________________
_________________________________________________________________________________
_________________________________________________________________________________
_________________________________________________________________________________
_________________________________________________________________________________
_________________________________________________________________________________

_______________________________________________________________________________________

ENRICHMENT
ACTIVITIES Activity 1: Distinguished the given data through identfying the
following;

Data by: Mangunay Data by: The Asia Pacific

Identify the
authors main
point of view

Identify the

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authors used as
historical context

Identify the
authors
resources

Activity 2: Answer the following questions with 3S (simple, short, with

substance)

1. What is the difference of the two data regarding the Agrarian Reform?
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________

_____________________________________________________________________________________

SUGGESTD READINGS AND REFERENCES:

Adriano, Lourdes S. (1994). DAR, Land Reform-Related Agencies and the CARP: A Study
of Government and Alternative Approaches to Land Acquisition and Distribution. Makati:
Philippine Institute for Development Studies Discussion Paper Series No. 94-13.

Banerjee, Abhijit (1999). “Land Reform: Prospects and Strategies.” a paper presented at
Annual Bank Conference on Development Economics. Washington, D. C.: World Bank.

Banzon-Bautista, Cynthia (1989). “The Saudi Connection: Agrarian Change in a

Pampangan Village, 1977-1984.” In Gillian Hart, Andrew Turton and Benjamin White
(eds.) Agrarian Transformations: Local Processes and the States in Southeast Asia.
Berkeley: University of California Press.

Balisacan, Arsenio M. (1990). “Why Do Governments Do What They Do?: Agrarian Reform
in the Philippines.” in Dante B. Canlas and Hideyoshi Sakai (eds.) Studies in Economic
Policy and Institutions: The Philippines. Tokyo: Institute of DevelopingEconomies.

Balisacan, Arsenio M. (1995). “Rural Poverty and Access to Land in the Philippines.”
Background paper for Philippines: A Strategy to Fight Poverty. Country Department I,
East Asia and Pacific Region. Washington, D. C.: World Bank.

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Balisacan, Arsenio M. (1996). “Investing in Equity: Toward an Alternative Paradigm for

Reforming Agricultural Land Relations.” In Raul V. Fabella and Kazuhisa Ito (eds.)
Financial Sector Issues in the Philippines. Tokyo: Institute of Developing Economies.

Binswanger, Hans, and Klaus Deininger (1997). “Explaining Agricultural and Agrarian
Policies in Developing Countries.” Journal of Economic Literature. 35. Pp. 1958- 2005.

Binswanger, Hans, Shahidur Khandker, and Mark Rosenzweig (1993). “How

Infrastructure and Financial Institutions Affect Agricultural Output and Investment in
India.” Journal of Development Economics. Vol. 41. pp. 337-366.

Binswanger, Hans and Mark R. Rosenzweig. (1986). “Behavioral and Material

Determinants of Production Relations in Agriculture.” Journal of Development Studies.
Vol. 22. Pp. 503-539.

http://english.safe-democracy.org/2008/02/14/philippine-land-reform-has-failed-to-
live-up-to-its-promise/#:~:text=(From%20Manila)%20IN%20THE
%20PHILIPPINES,farmers%20and%20landless%20agricultural%20workers.)

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MODULE 4
“Social, political, economic and cultural issues in Philippine history”

LESSON 2: The Philippine Constitution

LEARNING OBJECTIVES:

Determine the issue on the Philippine Constitution in relation to the

previous situation of the administration
Able to assess the main ideas of the given sources with the used of content
and contextual analysis.
______________________________________________________________________________

DISCUSSION

The Constitution has established a schizophrenic state which is once

again a sad reality that clearly yearns for remedial action. (Yusingco). The 1987
constitution deliberately one of the most enduring constitutions in all over the
world, considering the 31 years in used without any amendments. Some
experts explain that our constitution is passionately nationalist that able to
stand the concerning socioeconomic matters and its avowed protectionism
against foreign interests that seems to project a partiality for an expanded state.
Considering the current situation in our country, in order to produce an
accurate and truly legitimate result, the charter change process demands the
ardent participation of the people themselves.

Pre - Activity

What is Constitution?
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________

In order to understand the social, political and economic issue on the Philippine
Hisotry, Consider the given statement on the 1987 constitution by Mr.
Yusingco. Marked and note on the main ideas given by the author.

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What’s wrong with the 1987 Constitution?

By: Michael Henry Ll. Yusingco - @inquirerdotnet
There are many aspects of the 1987 Constitution of which Filipinos can be proud
— for instance, the entrenchment of social justice and human rights in Article
XIII.

But even its most ardent defender, former chief justice Hilario Davide Jr., agrees
that our Constitution is not perfect. The reality is that pathologies in a
constitution can emerge during its reign.

These pertain to provisions in the constitutional text itself that may have been
designed with good intentions but have eventually become debilitating to the
political system it purports to govern. Our Constitution is no exception.

Thus, it stands to reason that a public discourse on charter change should also
involve identifying, and analyzing, what these pathologies are.

I am certain that members of the Consultative Committee on constitutional

reform organized by President Duterte would have wanted to dedicate more time
to diagnose pathologies in the 1987 Constitution. But they have been specifically
tasked by the President to draft a federal constitution by June. The committee is
therefore constrained to simultaneously review the Charter and write the
appropriate revisions.

But even before the Consultative Committee commenced its work, the Duterte
administration has relentlessly advertised the shift to a federal system as vital to
the economic development of the regions. Essentially, the President and his team
have opted to advocate their own brand of federalism instead of helping citizens
have a deeper appreciation of constitutional reform.

Both chambers of Congress have also mobilized their respective committees

responsible for constitutional amendment and revision. But their hearings have
been dominated by debates determining the wisdom and necessity of federalizing
the government.

Understandably, public discussions on Charter change have been overshadowed

by appeals for finding a consensus on what sort of federal structure is well-suited
for Filipinos. Comprehending constitutional reform has thus been unfairly
framed to the public as simply the process of shifting to a federal form of
government.

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However, constitutional reform is essentially a reset button because the range of

what aspects of our political system can be improved is wide open. Hence,
Charter change is also an opportunity to address anomalies within the overall
political framework.

As responsible citizens, we should deeply reflect on our Constitution while the

Consultative Committee and Congress fulfill their respective mandates. We must
ask ourselves the questions that the Senate committee on constitutional
amendments asked its resource persons: “1) Is there a need to amend or revise
the Constitution? Why or why not? 2) If so, what parts of the Constitution should
be amended or revised? Why?”

And to make the constitutional review process truly robust, we should discuss
our answers with family and friends, in our school organizations, in our work,
and even in our place of worship.

The reality is that only a thoughtful and participatory conversation will bring
Filipinos to a level of consciousness where they can properly decide whether to
proceed with this drastic change or not. And Charter change should not proceed
at all without Filipinos fully on board.

In sum, the 1987 Constitution is the utmost symbol of Philippine democracy. A

nation’s relationship to its Charter plays a huge part in its evolution as a
democratic republican state. And a country that genuinely values its constitution
both as a foundational document and as an existential guide to political life will
be at a high stage of democratic maturity.

The Consultative Committee may finish its draft as scheduled, but this does not
automatically mean that constitutional change will proceed this year. Even with
the cooperation of both chambers of Congress, constitutional hurdles may delay
the process, if not halt it altogether.

Nevertheless, a thorough public discourse on how to proceed with Charter

change still benefits Philippine constitutional democracy because it will leave
more Filipinos with a deeper appreciation of the 1987 Constitution.
(Readmore: https://opinion.inquirer.net/112867/whats-wrong-1987-
constitution#ixzz6VkCv9ICD)

________________________________________________________________________________

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SELF CHECK Activity: Read the given statement, write CORRECT

if it is true and WRONG if the given statement
is false.

______________1. Duterte administration has relentlessly advertised the shift to a

federal system as vital to the economic development of the
regions.

______________2. The Consultative Committee may finish its draft as scheduled,

but this does not automatically mean that constitutional
change will proceed this as soon as possible.

______________3. As responsible citizens, we should deeply reflect on our

Constitution while the Consultative Committee and Congress
fulfill their respective mandates.

______________4. 1987 Constitution is the utmost symbol of Philippine democracy.

______________5. Charter change should be proceed at all without Filipinos fully on

board.

______________6. The committee is therefore constrained to simultaneously review

the Charter and write the appropriate revisions.

______________7. Only the chambers of Congress have mobilized their respective

committees responsible for constitutional amendment and
revision.

_____________8. There are many aspects of the 1987 Constitution of which

Filipinos can be proud.

_____________9. Hilario Davide Jr., denies that our Constitution is not perfect.

_____________10. A nation’s relationship to its Charter plays a huge part in its

evolution as a democratic republican state.

___________________________________________________________________________________

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Activity : Assess the given Secondary sources of

ENRICHMENT
the Philippine Constitution, through enumerating
ACTIVITY
the main ideas using the content and contextual
analysis.

_________________________________________________________________________________

SUGGESTD READINGS AND REFERENCES:

1986 PROVISIONAL (FREEDOM) CONSTITUTION OF THE PHILIPPINES – CHAN

ROBLES VIRTUAL LAW LIBRARY". chanrobles.com. Retrieved December
3, 2019.

Candelaria and Alphora, Jhon Lee and Veronica (2018). Readings in

Philippine History. Recto Avenue, Manila, Philippines: Rex Book Store, Inc.
pp. 71–82. ISBN 978-971-23-8665-7.
Ranada, Pia. "Duterte: Federalism allows regions to keep most of their
income". Rappler. Retrieved November 17, 2019.
Cory’s Proclamation No. 3 by Napoleon G. Rama, Philippines Free Press, April
19, 1986

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MODULE 5
“Social, political, economic and cultural issues in Philippine history”
APPLICATION

LEARNING OBJECTIVES:

Effectively construct an output, using various techniques and genres, historical

analysis of a particular event or issue that could help others to understand the
chosen topic

Able to propose recommendations or solutions to present day problems based

on their understanding of root causes, and their anticipation of future
scenarios.

Develop the ability to work in a multidisciplinary individual and contribute as

an individual endeavor
_________________________________________________________________________________

DISCUSSION

DIRECTIONS: Make a short and simple research that may be in a form of term
paper, narrative report, Editorial writing, documentary presentation, power
point presentation, diorama, webpage and other genres where you can express
your ideas. The output should trace and examine the role of the issue in
promoting/hindering nation building and provide appropriate recommendations
rooted in a historical understanding of the issue. You can used the given
resources as your basis for you to create your own output, but you can also use
other resources from editorial magazines, books or in the internet. It is your
choice on how you can come up with your output as long as it is not plagiarized
or downloaded. References are also included at the in your output.

Note that you can only chose one topic from the given data/sources.

Data no. 1

Heritage issues
Philippine Daily Inquirer / 12:32 AM April 27, 2017

Consider it a breath of fresh air in a landscape of heritage structures laid to waste

for another commercial enterprise.

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That the Rizal Memorial Sports Complex has been declared a National Historical
Landmark by the National Historical Commission of the Philippines and an
Important Cultural Property by the National Museum of the Philippines comes as a
timely and welcome intervention to plans by Manila Mayor Joseph Estrada to
convert the historic area into a mall in a joint project with a private group.

Built in 1934 in the art deco style by architect Juan Arellano, the Rizal Memorial
Stadium hosted various international events in its prime, including the Beatles
concert and the Far Eastern Championship Games. It was also used as a garrison
by the Japanese during World War II. In 1989, tennis rivals Bjorn Borg and John
McEnroe matched skills in its courts. And for the longest time, it also served as
training ground for some of the country’s finest athletes.

The twin declarations by the NHCP and the NMP would now ensure the sports
complex’s preservation and protection against modifications that might violate
Republic Act No. 10066, or the National Cultural Heritage Act of 2009. By declaring
the structure’s heritage value, the government is also obligated to provide funds to
maintain and preserve it.

Some quarters may argue that the stadium, which has barely undergone structural
improvements and upgrading since the 1950s, is now unsuitable and unsafe for
training athletes, and as a venue for local and international games. Others may say
that Manila has become too congested and polluted—and, therefore, unhealthy—for
athletes, thus the proposal to move the training site to Clark in Pampanga. But
surely, building more high-rise buildings and commercial centers isn’t the ideal
solution?

Elsewhere in the country, the ruins of San Joaquin convent in Iloilo have become an
unsightly warren of makeshift stalls and kiosks notwithstanding its heritage status
as a National Cultural Treasure. It would seem like the call of commerce is
irresistible, and that of survival even more so. Again, some may argue: Why
begrudge ordinary folk a living while the ruins lie idle and off-limits?

It’s a sad state of affairs when people are forced to choose between food for their
bodies or nourishment for their minds. In such a choice, culture—heritage included
—becomes an unreachable luxury, a lost cause. Why pine for the graceful art deco
lines or the bevel-head nails of a heritage building when developing the area into a
mall can mean construction jobs for laborers and more vacancies ahead for sales
staff and fast-food crews?

But the value of old churches, heritage structures and cultural treasures lies in
what they represent—a link to our past, a reflection of our identity. And identity

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becomes a source of pride, a means to national unity. Knowing our heritage gives us
a glimpse of what we were, where we came from, how we used to do things, how we
survived as a people, and what we may become. Such connections can inspire us to
aspire for greater heights, while learning lessons from the mistakes of the past. They
either validate the path we’re taking now, or point us to different but firmer ground.

For pragmatic purposes, heritage structures can be profitable when repurposed for
more contemporary use. Consider how the historic town of Vigan—cited in the 1999
World Heritage List—has become a tourist hotspot for its adaptive reuse of old
houses that have been converted into boutique hotels and shops. Such a vibrant
community also means a boost in property values as historical buildings add charm
and character to a place, and, yes, generates more jobs, as heritage preservation
and tourism mean labor-intensive work.

Aside from boosting the economy, preservation is also environmentally friendly.

Preservation coupled with restoration is the ultimate form of recycling, as it helps
trim construction waste and save the energy that is usually spent on manufacturing
and transporting building materials and tools.

The old structures may be eyesores right now. But then it only means that the
government has its work cut out for it.

Readmore: https://opinion.inquirer.net/103518/heritage-issues#ixzz6VkcSZYt8
Follow us: @inquirerdotnet on Twitter | inquirerdotnet on Facebook

Data no. 2

OUTSTANDING ISSUES IN THE PHILIPPINES-U.S. ALLIANCE

BY AARON RABENA | MARCH 14, 2019

The recent visit of U.S. secretary of state Michael Pompeo to Manila settled a long-
standing concern in the Philippines over U.S. commitment to Philippine security in
the South China Sea. In a press briefing with Philippine secretary of foreign affairs
Teodoro Locsin, Jr., Pompeo unequivocally articulated what the Obama
administration never publicly did: “As the South China Sea is part of the Pacific,
any armed attack on Philippine forces, aircraft or public vessels in the South
China Sea will trigger mutual defense obligations under Article 4 of the [1951]
Mutual Defense Treaty [MDT].”

Article 4 expressly provides that “an armed attack in the Pacific Area on either of
the Parties” would require each nation to “act to meet the common dangers in
accordance with its constitutional processes.” In reference to this, Article 5 of the

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MDT clarifies: “an armed attack on either of the Parties is deemed to include… its
armed forces, public vessels or aircraft,” as well as metropolitan and island
territories.

Pompeo’s policy statement should not come as a surprise; the U.S. Navy’s routine
freedom of navigation operations (FONOPS) in the South China Sea and passages
through the Taiwan Strait underscore a renewed effort to demonstrate U.S.
security concerns in the newly-dubbed INDOPACOM, or Indo-Pacific Command,
area of responsibility. But while Pompeo’s reassurance on the MDT’s geographic
scope may assuage Philippine anxiety over one aspect of the treaty, the agreement
is more complicated than that, and some in Manila worry more over just what
circumstances would persuade Washington to uphold the treaty—or demand that
it be upheld.

Major Issues for Review

Despite Pompeo’s strategic clarity and its reception by Secretary Locsin, Philippine
secretary of national defense Delfin Lorenzana held fast to his call for a review of
the MDT. In December 2018, Lorenzana surprised complacent security watchers in
Washington when he announced that the MDT ought to be reviewed to determine
whether it should be “maintained,” “improved,” or “scrapped.”

Secretary Lorenzana saw that the Philippines benefits from its alliance with the
U.S. through mechanisms such as the Visiting Forces Agreement and the
Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement (EDCA). However, Lorenzana also
recognized the ambivalence in the operationalization of the retaliatory clause in
Article 4 of the MDT, particularly the wording that each Party would “[a]ct… in
accordance with its constitutional processes.” As early as 1982, then-president
Ferdinand Marcos had contended that if the Philippines were attacked, the United
States would not be bound to immediately react because the “constitutional
process” mandates Congressional approval which, in turn, means a delay in
American military intervention.

By contrast, Article 5 of the Washington Treaty forming NATO has something of a

more immediate retaliatory clause. More recently, Lorenzana also inquired as to
how the MDT would be applicable to cases of hostile actions short of “armed
attack” such as China’s seizure of Mischief Reef in 1995 and Scarborough Shoal in
2012.

While citing the gains and prospects of upgrading the alliance, Lorenzana has
likewise contended that the Cold War–era contextual relevance for the MDT is long
past and that there no longer seems to be any threat of foreign attack. In addition,
as tensions rise between China and the United States in the South China Sea,

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Secretary Lorenzana warned of strategic entanglement leading to “being involved in

a war that we do not seek and do not want.”

The Reciprocal Defense Treaty

There are two scenarios for how the current conflict in the South China Sea could
realistically trigger the MDT: an armed attack on the Philippines by a third party
(presumably China), or on U.S. forces by the same. The first scenario is not outside
the realm of possibility, given naval skirmishes between China and Vietnam in
1974 and 1988, and more recent calls from the Chinese defense establishment to
take stronger actions that include the use of military force.

In the United States, the commander in chief can only introduce the U.S. military
into hostilities if there is either a declaration of war by the U.S. congress, existence
of a national emergency, or a statutory authorization by virtue of the War Powers
Act of 1973, which was the case in Afghanistan in 2001 and Iraq in  1991 and
2002. Yet, there have been other cases where foreign military operations have been
conducted without congressional approval: the 1999 air campaign in Kosovo,
the 2011 bombing of Libya, and the 2017 surgical strikes on Syria. These
precedents indicate that the U.S. could conduct immediate retaliatory strikes
against China, should China attack the Philippines.

In the second scenario, the situation would be reversed, and the Philippines would
have to go through its own constitutional processes. Like the U.S. Constitution,
the Philippine Constitution accords the Philippine congress the power to declare
“the existence of a state of war” and only upon such condition, or another national
emergency, would the president be authorized by law to exercise the necessary
powers “to carry out a declared national policy.” This means that the non-
immediate retaliatory nature of the MDT not only applies to the United States, but
also to the Philippines.

In spite of this congressional restriction, previous Philippine assistance to the U.S.

has taken place without a declaration of war. For instance, in the years shortly
after World War II, Clark Air Base in Pampanga was a “vital connecting link” for
U.S. forces in South Korea. During the Vietnam War, Clark served as a strategic
supply base and fighter-squadron installation. Throughout the Cold War,
Philippine bases were a “major advantage” in U.S. containment strategy against
the Soviet Union. Similarly, in the United States’ Global War on Terror, Philippine
facilities were integral to U.S. combat operations in the Middle East by way of the
Mutual Logistics Support Agreement. And with China’s more assertive posture in
the South China Sea and the Rebalance to Asia strategy beginning in Barack
Obama’s first term, previous Philippine president Benigno Aquino signed the

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EDCA.

An armed conflict between China and the United States is not impossible, even
with economic interdependence and nuclear weapons raising the threshold for
conflict. The current Sino-U.S. trade war, similar to tensions in the run-up to
World War I, shows that political discord can override high-stakes economic
relations. Similarly, limited wars between nuclear powers have been fought on two
notable occasions, namely the 1969 Sino-Soviet Border Conflict and the 1999
Indo-Pakistan Kargil War.

China’s “gray zone tactics” in the South China Sea cannot be conventionally
deterred by military force through the MDT, since activities like island building
and interference in fishing or resupply missions fall outside the definition of
“armed attack.” Thus, unless China draws first blood from either ally, the MDT will
not provide a solution to the issue and the two countries must find other ways to
address the conflict short of war.

Read more: https://amti.csis.org/outstanding-issues-philippines-u-s-alliance/

Data no 3

The Mindanao Peace Process and Roles of Civil Society

By: Ashley South / 22 August 2017

The peace process in Mindanao between the Philippine government and the Moro
Islamic Liberation Front was an important step towards ending four decades of
conflict in the south of the Philippines. But this initiative now faces many
challenges.

On March 27th 2014 the Philippine government and the Moro Islamic Liberation
Front (MILF) signed the Comprehensive Agreement on the Bangsamoro. This ended
an armed conflict that began in 1969, which saw at least 120,000 deaths and
hundreds of thousands displaced.

Civil society groups on Mindanao have played key roles in supporting a

comprehensive and sustainable peace process. However, civilian groups and
communities face challenges in the context of new outbreaks of Islamic State-
inspired violence, and the recent (re-)imposition of martial law.

The peace process in the southern Philippines carries great geopolitical

importance, as an example of a Muslim armed group engaging in structured
dialogue to address and resolve key political grievances. It is important that the
Mindanao peace process succeeds, as it carries great significance beyond the

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Philippines.

The Moro struggle

The population of the Philippines is approximately 100 million, with twenty-two

million people living on Mindanao, the largest island in the country. Of these,
approximately 10% are Muslims, divided into thirteen ethnolinguistic subgroups,
known collectively as the Moro; another 5% are upland ethnic minorities, generally
referred to as indigenous people. To denote continuity with precolonial ethnic-
religious identity, since the late 1960s Mindanao Muslim nationalists have used
the epithet ‘Moro’ to describe themselves and ‘Bangsamoro’ for their homeland.

Armed groups representing the predominantly Muslim Moros have been struggling
for greater autonomy from the Philippines government since the late 1960s.
Although narratives of the Spanish and American colonial periods often overplay
the extent of conflict between Islamic and Christian communities, Moro groups
nevertheless share a strong sense of historic injustice. For many conflict-affected
Moro communities, the state is perceived as politically and economically intrusive
and predatory, embodying a religious and cultural majority bent on forced
assimilation of Muslim minorities. Moro grievances focus in particular on Manila-
sponsored ‘internal colonization’, including transmigration of large numbers of
Christian Filipinos to the southern Philippines, settled on land originally belonging
to Muslim and other indigenous communities.

A troubled peace process

The 1976 Tripoli Agreement between the government and Moro National Liberation
Front (MNLF) seemed a breakthrough at the time, but was not properly
implemented – although a subsequent 1996 agreement granted some autonomy to
Muslim areas (in addition to decentralisation under the 1987 Constitution).
However, the Autonomous Region for Muslim Mindanao was a largely hollow
entity, undermined by poor governance. These setbacks discredited the MNLF,
leading to a new round of insurgency by the 12-15,000 strong MILF, which
adopted a more overtly Islamic identity.

The following two decades in western Mindanao and the Sulu archipelago were
characterized by low-intensity armed conflict, with occasional steep upsurges in
fighting associated with human rights abuses and consequent episodes of forced
migration. During this period, the MILF consolidated control over key elements of
the Moro resistance, reinforcing its Islamic credentials, but always open to
structured political engagement with the government.

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A 2008 pact with the Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo administration focused on Moro

rights to their ‘ancestral domain’, or traditional lands. This could have been an
important breakthrough addressing key grievances, but the agreement was struck
down as unconstitutional by the Philippine Supreme Court, in part at the
instigation of powerful politician-oligarchs on Mindanao. Following the breakdown
of the 2008 peace agreement, the Armed Forces of the Philippines launched a
major offensive against the MILF displacing hundreds of thousands of civilians.

During this protracted period of progress towards peace, followed by relapses into
violence, relations between civil society and Moro armed groups underwent
important changes. Civil society actors have in the past complained about their
lack of input in the peace process. One striking difference between the situation
since 2012 is the extent to which the MILF has undertaken concerted and
systematic efforts to engage with civil society actors, including through a series of
community consultations. Nevertheless, questions remain regarding whether it will
be possible for community-based organizations to work at the grassroots level
without undue political interference or co-optation.

How will civil society activities, some of which are framed within liberal-democratic
norms and values, fit the Islamic agenda of some MILF leaders and supporters?
Past experience of ineffective government-implemented development projects, and
their appropriation by clientelist networks, has led grassroots activists to be
sensitive about corruption and the politicization of aid, and the risks of being co-
opted by powerful interests. Moro community activists are often wary of outsider
(particularly secular) aid agencies, and sceptical about the international
community being able to understand and respond effectively to local needs in the
peace process – although some external actors have worked diligently to win local
trust.

Despite such challenges, the MILF has maintained its ceasefire – in part thanks to
effective ceasefire monitoring on the ground. Mindanao civil society groups have
played key roles in ceasefire monitoring, including networks such as the Bantay
Ceasefire local volunteers, and through civilian participation with the International
Monitoring Team (IMT). The IMT coordinates closely with the MILF and Armed
Forces of the Philippines, on several occasions successfully preventing local
incidents flaring up into large-scale clashes.

For the MILF, internationalisation of the peace process has resulted in significantly
enhanced legitimacy and political credibility, on the national and regional stages.
Domestically, one of the MIF’s major challenges is to demonstrate its ability to
represent not only Islamic Moro communities, but also the indigenous peoples of

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Mindanao. The MILF (and, to a degree, the MNLF) have included indigenous
leaders in political discussions, and the sharia law envisaged for the Bangsamoro
under the BBL would not apply to non-Muslims. Nevertheless, some indigenous
people fear marginalization in the future Bangsamoro. There are important roles
here also for civil society actors, to represent the often excluded voices of
indigenous people, and continue building trust and confidence between ethno-
linguistic and religious communities.

Conclusion

A key lesson from the southern Philippines for other peace process is the need to
consult extensively with civil society actors, to ensure sustainable buy-in from
local stakeholders. This is particularly important given the risks of widespread
lawlessness in the post-conflict period, as government and non-state armed groups
relax their authority on the ground.

Read more: https://www.oxfordresearchgroup.org.uk/blog/the-mindanao-peace-

process-and-roles-of-civil-society

_____________________________________________________________________________________

SUGGESTD READINGS AND REFERENCES:

https://www.oxfordresearchgroup.org.uk/blog/the-mindanao-peace-process-
and-roles-of-civil-society
: https://amti.csis.org/outstanding-issues-philippines-u-s-alliance/
How to make a diorama: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_DJKyM3JIAI
https://www.thesprucecrafts.com/easy-ways-to-make-school-dioramas-2366269
How make editorial writing: https://www.indeed.com/career-advice/career-
development/how-to-write-an-editorial
https://www.wikihow.com/Write-a-Notable-Editorial
https://grammar.yourdictionary.com/grammar-rules-and-tips/tips-on-writing-
newspaper-editorial-format.html
How to create a documentary presentation: https://www.desktop-
documentaries.com/making-documentaries.html

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