MUHAMMAD ABDUH'S RELIGIO-POLITICAL

IDEAS OF REFORMATION

By:

Kamarudin Haji Salleh

Abstrak

Artikel ini memfokuskan pembentangan tentang idea-idea reformasi yang

dikemukakan oleh Shaykh Muhammad Abduh dalam bidang sosio-
keagamaan dan sosio-politik yang terpancar dalam pemikiran pembaharu-
annya hasil dari pengamatan terhadap situasi kemunduran dan kelemahan
umat Islam berdepan dengan penjajahan dan penguasaan Barat. Hasilnya
Shaykh Muhammad Abduh mencadangkan agar dilakukan reformasi-
modenisasi khususnya yang melibatkan beberapa aspek utama pemikiran
Islam, sama ada aspek dalaman ataupun luaran seperti pembebasan
pemikiran dari taklid buta, membuka seluas-luasnya ruang ijtihad,
reformasi pendidikan dan penggunaan Bahasa Arab dan mencadangkan
bagaimana seharusnya respons umat Islam terhadap cabaran Barat
(penyeruan kepada pan-Islamism, al-Shiira, al-Watan dan hak-hak
pemerintah dan rakyat).

INTRODUCTION

Shaykh Muhammad Abduh (1260-1322 A.H. /1849-1905 A.D.) was a dominant

personality in Egypt and Muslim world during the nineteenth and early twentieth
century. He was regarded as an architect of Islamic Modernism1 and one of the most

1 Prof. Esposito calls him, the Father of Islamic Modernism, J.L. Esposito (1985), Islam
and Politics, Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, p. 48. To get a brief ideas of modern
ism, I quote some of the definitions put forward by the well-known scholars:

Islamic Modernism, essentially refers to those Muslim scholars or religious thinkers

who having acknowledged the position of inferiority of Islam vis a vis the West in
the nineteenth century, then argue for active rectification of thestatus quo ante and
the restoration of Islamdom to positions of power.

C.C. Adams writes: Muhammadan Modernism ... constitutes an attempt to free the
religion of Islam from the shackles of a too rigid orthodoxy, and to accomplish

91
 Jurnal Usuluddin, Bil 17 [2003] 133-142

prominent Islamic reformers.2 He was also described as a nationalist who influenced

and inspired, not only the whole school of thinkers and reformers, including many
graduates of al-Azhar University, but a number of non-Egyptians and non-Muslims
as well.3 From the achievements and contributions that Abduh made, all over the
Islamic world especially concerning the programme of Islamic reformation, he was

reforms which will render it adaptable to the complex demands of modern life. Its
prevailing character is that of religious reform. It is inspired and dominated chiefly
by theological considerations, C.C. Adams (1968), Islam and Modernism in Egypt,
New York: Russel 1 & Russell, p. 1.
Muslim modernists, according to F. Rahman, "those who have made an articulate and
conscious effort to reformulate Islamic values and principles in terms of modern
thought or to integrate modern thought and instituitions with Islam," Fazlur Rahman
(1979), Islam, 2nd ed., Chicago: University of Chicago Press, p. 222.
Gibb writes of the modernists: Those who do care, and sometimes care deeply, about
their religion but who are, in various degrees, offended by the traditional dogmatics
and by the insistence of the conservatives upon the sanctity of the traditional
instituitions in the Muslim world. For the majority the issues in dispute are mainly
those relating to the practical duties and the social instituitions of Islam. See, H.A.R
Gibb (1972), Modern Trends in Islam, New York: Octagon Books, p. 11.
Ibrahim Abu Bakar tries to show a slight difference between modernism and reform
ism: Even though Islamic modernism shared some of the characteristics of Islamic
reformism, it is also differed from Islamic reformism in certain aspects. Islamic re
formism was concerned only with reformism but Islamic modernism was concerned
with both reformism and modernism. However, while Islamic reformism responded
to the internal problems of the Muslim community, Islamic modernism responded to
both internal and external threats to the Muslim community. See, Ibrahim Abu Bakar
(1994), Islamic Modernism in Malaya: The Life and Thought ofSayid Syekh al-Hadi
1867-1934, Kuala Lumpur: University Malaya Press, p. 28.
2 In Arabic, a few words synonymously and interchangeably used to describe 'reforma
tion' are Islah and Tajdid. Al-Maududi defines Tajdid is striving with a view to bringing
about the revival of Islam in all its various aspects and its true form and spirit against
modernization and innovation. See, Sayyid Abu al-'Ala al-Maududi (1963), A Short His
tory of the Revivalist Movement in Islam, Lahore: Islamic Publication, p. vii.
3 Many studies had been made by researchers concerning the impact of Abduh's reforma
tion thought in Islamic world and especially in Nusantara, for example Mohamad
Aboulkhir Zaki (1965), Modern Muslim Thought in Egypt and Its Impact on Islam in
Malaya, (Ph.D. thesis, Univ. of London; SidekFadzil, Ash-Shaykh Muhammad Abduh:
Suatu Tinjauan Kritis Terhadap Pemikirannya dan Rumusan Mengenai Pengaruhnya
Dalam Masyarakat Melayu, M.A thesis, Univ. Kebangsaan Malaysia, 1997/98); Hamka
(1958), Pengaruh Muhammad Abduh di Indonesia, Djakarta: Tintamas, and others.

92
 Muhammad Abduh's Religio-Political Ideas of Reformation

given the honorary title al-Ustadh al-Imdm (the Master and the Guide)4 by some
Muslim scholars and thinkers. His tireless effort in reformation could be seen in four
main fields; theology, politics, culture, Arabic language and educational system.
Politically, he announced the independent movements and Muslim nationalism from
North Africa to Southeast Asia5 influencing not only the Arabs but the Indonesians
and Malays.

For the purpose of better understanding of Abduh's thought, I will sketch in

brief, his childhood and the background of Egyptian society at that moment.
Muhammad Abduh belonged to an Egyptian modest peasant family, he was born in
1849 in a village in the Nile Delta (lower Egypt).6 Abduh received an early religious
education from his parents who were a devout people of a good character although
not formally attending any formal education. He learned al-Qur'an and completely
memorized it before he reached the age of nine. At the age of thirteen (1862), he
went to study at the theological school of Ahmadi Mosque in the city of Tanta and
completed at the University of al-Azhar. He studied many subjects in Islamic sci
ences including theology, logics, philosophy, and mysticism. In his twenties, while
he a student at al-Azhar University he came completely under the influence of Jamal
al-Din al-Afghani (1837-1897 A.D.), a man who travelled in many parts of the Is
lamic world enchanting Muslims to unite in order to resist the influence of Europe
and the West.7

During the 1870s the spirit of nationalism and sense of belonging emerged
widely among the Egyptian nations. It was expressed in the periodical al-Ahram in
which Abduh wrote reflecting al-Afghani's political views, and also criticizing the
growth of foreign influences and the corruption of local rulers, hi view of these criti
cisms, al-Afghani was expelled from Egypt in 1879 by the ruler, Khedive Tawfiq,

4 The title that given to Abduh by his disciple, follower and biographer, Shaykh Rashid
Ridha, see Elie Kedourie (1966), Afghani and 'Abduh: An Essay on Religious Unbelief
and Political Activism in Modern Islam, London: Frank Cass & Co. Ltd., p. 1.

5 John L. Esposito (ed.) (1986), Introduction: Islam and Muslims Politics in Voices of
Resurgent Islam, Oxford: Oxford University Press, p. 6.

6 According to 'Abd 'Ati Muhammad, his full name is Muhammad 'Abduh Hasan
Khairullah. Specifically, he was born in the village Mahallah Nasr, Syubrakhit province of
Buhairah in Egypt, in Abdul Shukor Husin (undated), Tajdld dan Reformasi: Menurut
Perspektif Muhammad Abduh, Bangi: Jabatan Usuluddin dan Falsafah, p. 7.

7 William M. Watt (1988), Islamic Fundamentalism and Modernity, London & New
York: Routledge, p. 14.

93
 Jurnal Usuluddin, Bil 17 [2003] 133-142

Abduh was dismissed from his teaching post at Dar al-'Ulum and sent to his village8
for association with al-Afghani. In 1880 Abduh was called back to Cairo by Riyadh
Pasha (Prime Minister of Egypt) to be the editor of the official gazette al-Waqa'i' al-
Misriyyah (The Realities of Egypt) in which he published a number of articles call
ing for reformation in various fields such as political, religious, and social reform. As
a writer, he played an important role in forming public opinion through a series of
articles on the social and political order, particularly on national education.9 Refer
ring to Lord Cromer's (British Resident in Egypt from 1883-1907) opinion,
"Muhammad Abduh was one of the leading spirit of the (national) movement".10

Opposing the revolutionary violence of the nationalists led by al-'Urabi (Re

volt), Abduh, nevertheless took the side against the Khedive who openly collaborated
with British. Consequently, after the al-'Urabi rebellion was crushed and the British
occupied Egypt in 1882, Abduh was sent into exile for a few years. After a short stay
in Beirut he rejoined his old mentor Jamal al-Din al-Afghani in Paris and collabo
rated with al-Afghani on a number of activities, including the publication of a popu
lar journal al- 'Urwah al-Wuthqd (The Firmest Bond).11 This journal lasted for 18 is
sues in 1884 and Abduh went to Beirut again, where he taught in an Islamic school.
In 1886, he returned to Cairo and devoted himself to reform within the existing po
litical and religious framework.12 Then, he was appointed as a judge of the Shari'a
Courts (Native Tribunals) in 1888, and after that, he seems to be less interested in the
political endeavour and became interested merely in educational and legal reforms.
From 1889 to 1905 he was appointed as a Grand Mufti of Egypt (jurisconsult) and
had considerable political influence.13 Malcolm H. Kerr explains about Abduh's in
volvement in politics as follows: 'after taking much interest in politics in his early
years he underwent a change in attitude and confined his writing to social, religion,

8 Albeit Habib Hourani (1970), Arabic Thought in the Liberal Age: 1798-1939, London:
Oxford University Press, p. 133.

9 A.P. Hourani (1970), Arabic Thought:, p. 133.

10 Charles C. Adams (1933), Islam and Modernism in Egypt, New York: Russell & Rus
sell reprinted 1968 p. 53. Taken from Modern Egypt: The Earl ofCromer, London, 1911,
1, p. 255.

11 The Encyclopedia of Religion, (ed. Mircea Eliade), vol. 1 (1986), New York: Mac-
Millan, pp 5-6. See word "Abduh".

12 P.J. Vatikiotis (1980), The History of Egypt, second edition, London: Weidenfeld and
Nicholson, p. 194.

13 W.M. Watt (1988), Islamic Fundamentalism and Modernity, p.15.

94
 Muhammad Abduh's Religio-Political Ideas of Reformation

and judicial matters'.14

BACKGROUND OF THE EGYPTIAN SOCIETY

'Abdul 'Ati Muhammad categorizes three main factors of the situation in the Egyp
tian society at that time which have a great impact in Abduh's attitude and thought;
society, knowledge and culture, and politics. I'll try to summarize the background of
his society in specific and the Muslim ummah in general, comprising economic,
politic and sosio-culture in a few points:

a. There is no doubt that under the Ottoman Turks, the Egyptians had reached
a very low political and cultural level of development. They seem to remain more or
less Medieval or pre-modern up to the beginning of 19th century in many aspects of
their life. H.A.R. Gibb's opinions in the Arab provinces of the Ottoman Empire that,
"the keystone of Ottoman administration was conservation, and all government insti
tutions were directed to maintain the status quo,"]5 lacking any real consideration for
the welfare of Egyptians.

b. In economic sector, the agricultural activities contributed most of the Egypt

products but the mode of production remained unchanged or basically the same as
those prevailing in the Medieval time, except minor alterations in urban areas. How
ever, from the early nineteenth century onwards, the Western impact generally felt
particularly in economic system. The growth of British industry in this period served
to bring about fundamental changes in the Egyptians' social polity. The process of
industrialisation spread gradually as a result of the increased inflow of British manu
factured goods in the Egyptian market.16 The Egyptian society underwent profound
social and economic transformations. All systems by which Egyptians ordered their
lives were greatly affected during this period by the frantic attempts of the Khedive
Ismail (1863-1879) to make Egypt "a part of Europe" by extensive activities of a
vast largely foreign entrance. He founded new businesses, opened modern schools,
brought Western technology and introduced new organisations by the policies of a
reforming British administration that controlled Egypt after 1882, and by the effort of

14 Malcolm P. Kerr (1966), Islamic Reform: The Political and Legal Theories of
Muhammad Abduh and Rashid Ridha, Berkeley: University of California Press, p. 146.

15 P.A.R. Gibb and P. Bowen (1950-57 & 1962), Islamic Society and the West, vol. 1,
part 1. London: Oxford University Press, p. 200. Cited in Khaldun S. Al-Husry (1966),
Three Reformers: A Study in Modern Arab Political Thought, Beirut: Khayats, p. 2.
16 Daniel Crecelius, "The Course of Secularization in Modern Egypt," in J.L Esposito
(1980) (ed), Islam and Development: Religion and Socio-Political Change, Syracuse: Syra
cuse University Press, pp. 49-70.

95
 Jurnal Usuluddin, Bil 17 [2003] 133-142

a modernizing native elite.17 Another important change in Egyptian society was the
increase of foreign influences, accompanied by immigration of foreigners. Foreign
interests in Egypt was the result of the great financial and economic opportunities
connected with the cotton-boom and manifold projects of the Ismail government.

Unfortunately, the modernization in economic sector that Muhammad Ali and

Ismail have done by introducing the new law of land (The Law of Said) which gave
absolute power to the government in taking over the lands, increase the taxes and as
well as open the door to land-lord (feudalism system) in monopolizing the farmers'
land18 arouse the farmers' anger who felt that they were victims of corrupt rulers.
Apparenthy, the government policy also brought new economic and political devel
opments through the monopolization policy and the domination of the British in
Egypt resulted in the inferiority image of the Muslims in general vis-a-vis the West
consequently the whole process of Egyptian political thinking in 19th century based
on the feeling of superiority of Europe and the desire to catch up with it.

c. In another aspect, the great progress in socio-economic give an impetus to

the change of attitudes, values, habits, and beliefs specifically among the urban social
groups and native Egyptian elites who have contacts with foreigners. Hisham Sharabi
mentions: "The dawning of critical consciousness brought about the disintegration of
the old system thought: the habit of single way minded thinking began to disappear,
fixed categories to crumble, and divergent modes of thought to emerge".19

Furthermore, this development built up the conflict between two methods of

thoughts: traditional and modern. The resistance of traditional ulamas from the pro
cess of modernization mainly based on the argument that most of the new ideas do
not fit Islam. Conversely, the modern educated people were extremely astonishing
with European civilization and easily accepted all things which come from the West
as good without censorship. Some of them accused religion and tradition as an ob
stacle and impediment to the needed programmes and actions connected with devel
opment and change. Against both of the above thoughts Abduh offered new dimen
sion in pragmatic measures which were derived from the Islamic principles. Abduh
recognized the diversities and shortcomings of the Egyptian society during that time and

17 Daniel Crecelius, The Course of Secularization in Modern Egypt, p. 50.

18 Abdul 'Ati Muhammad, transl. by Abdul Shukor Husin, Tajdid dan Reformasi:
Menurut Perspektif Muhammad Abduh, p. 19-23
19 Hisham Sharabi (1970), Arab Intellectuals and the Wesf.The Formative Years 1875-
1914, Baltimore: The John Hopkins University Press, p. 3.

96
 Muhammad Abduh's Religio-Political Ideas of Reformation

offered both criticism and constructive suggestions in his writings and lectures. He
talked on a wide variety of topics, some at length and some more in brief, but the
central themes were religious and political: how to bring about the revival of Islam,
how to deal with the treat of European civilization, how to strengthen ties between
the nations of the Muslim world and how to bring about pan-Islamic unity. To keep
in mind, it would be difficult to try to present Abduh's political ideas in a systematic
structure because his views were fragmentary, changeable and even contradictory
according to the situation.

RELIGIO-POLITICAL IDEAS OF REFORMATION

Abduh's religio-political thought in many respects were a reflection of the circum

stances of his environment. In his early days, he concentrated on the politics of
Egypt and looked upon the problems of Egypt in term of national interest transcend
ing religions and racial boundaries. He conceived, like al-Afghani, world politics as
a struggle between an aggressive West and a victim East (Egypt). Abduh reformation
was to protect the Muslims society in general and the Egyptians in particular by re
sponding to the Western challenge in a "positive way". It strove to re-institute and
strengthen their Islamic truth, but at the same time, not to expose it to free criticism.
In this way, reformism focused on the essentially conservative and restorative effort
to bring back the faithful to the "straight path". Abduh's paradigm was primarily
based on the argument that religion is an important component of any socio-political
system (one that can neither be ignored nor easily done away with). On this count,
Abduh belief the principles of Islam must be properly understood to avoid any incon
sistencies with scientific facts.20 Islam in its essence was as valid as ever, only the
Muslim's understanding of it was wrong; this Muslim backwardness was not caused-
by Islam but rather by the Muslim's ignorance of its truth.21 He realized that there is
a strong link between political decline with moral and religion, and stressing the
importance of modernizing society which could be carried out only by learning from
Europe. He accepted the principle of borrowing, while insisting that secular reform
(i.e., social and political reform) should go hand in hand with religious (i.e., spiritual

20 Seyyed Vali Reza N. Nasr (1985), Religious Modernism and its Echo in the Political
Development of the Islamic World, Hamdard Islamicus, vol. VIII, No. 3, p. 3-41. Abduh
believes that "in Islam there had never existed a dichotomy between faith and reason as in
the West", p. 15.

21 Hisham Sharabi (1970), Arab lntelectuals and the West:, p. 27.

97
 Jurnal Usuluddin, Bil 17 [2003] 133-142

and moral).22 From the religious point of view, his aim was, firstly:
To liberate thought from the shackles of imitation (taqlid) and understand
ing religion as it was understood by the community before dissension ap
peared: to return, in the acquisition of religious knowledge, to its first
sources, which has created in order to prevent excess or adulteration in re
ligion. So that God's wisdom may be fulfilled and the order of the human
world preserved: and to prove that, seen in this light, religion must be ac
counted a friend to science, pushing man to investigate the secrets of exist
ence, summoning him to respect establish truth and to depend on them in
his moral life and conduct.23

He wanted to free the Muslims mind from shackles of "taqlid" (blind accep
tance) and demonstrated the compatibility of Islam with modernity. The decadence
of the Muslim world lies in the incorporation of alien elements into Islam, excessive
asceticsm - saint worship and mixing up the essentials of Islam and trivial aspects.
For him, the cure for the ills of Muslim societies lay in a return to true Islam through
the recovering of its essentials in the al-Qur'an and Sunnah and interpretation of
those texts in the light of modern times. Besides that, the Muslims need to modernize
the Islamic law and introduce the ethical and philosophical learning, which would
enable them to appreciate the vitality of reason. He attributed the stagnation of Mus
lim society to taqlid the dead weight of scholasticism:
We must, however, believe, that the Islamic religion is a religion of unity
throughout. It is not a religion of conflicting principles but is built squarely
on reason, while divine revelation is its purest pillar ... the Qur'an directs
us, enjoining rational procedure and intellectual inquiry into the manifesta
tions of the universe .... It forbids us to be slavishly credulous .... Well is
it said that traditionalism can have evil consequences as well as good ...24

Muhammad Abduh reformation of thought basically referred to traditional start

ing points in terms of inference the intellectual and spiritual inertia of traditionalism.
He argued that the positive and pragmatic aspects could still be derived from Islamic
teachings but the rational approach and analysis must be a precondition in interpre
tation of the Qur'an and Sunnah.

Secondly, Abduh, persistently encouraged the Muslim to exercise the ijtihad in

22 Hisham Sharabi, Arab Intellectuals and the West:, p. 27. From Rashid Ridha, Tar'ikh
al-Ust'adh l,p. 309.

23 Albert Habib Hourani (1991), A History of the Arab Peoples. London: Faber Press, p.
308. From Rashid Ridha, Tarikh al-Ustddh I, II.
24 J.L. Esposito (1994), Islam: The Straight Path, Oxford, p. 129.

98
 Muhammad Abduh's Religio-Political Ideas of Reformation

order to produce fresh interpretations of Islam and to demonstrate the relevance and
validity of Islam for modern life. The exercising the ijtihad, as Abduh saw, was not
simply to use reason to get back to original interpretations of Islam covered over by
'ulama scholasticism, but boldly re-interpreted Islam in the light of its revealed
sources. Thus, it is not strange that, Abduh went so far to say: "in case of conflict
between reason and the apparent meaning of the sacred text, reason will have priority
over the letter of the text; the text shall, therefore, require a metaphorical interpreta
tion when the literal interpretation conflict with reason".25 Abduh prolongs his argu
ment to claim that revelation (wahy) and reason are complementary ways to reach
truth, then each of them to a certain extent work at different levels instead.
Lastly, the Muslim hardly ever able to distinguish between the essentials and in
essentials of religion, so to speak the prevalence of un-Islamic popular religious be
lief and pratices among Muslim throughout the world; saint worship, intercession,
and miracles, and the stifling of creativity and dynamism to Sufi passivity and fatal
ism. All these factors could cause the degeneration and backwardness of Muslim,
despite the fact the real Islam, Abduh maintained, had a simple doctrinal structure: it
consisted of certain belief about the greatest questions of human life, and certain
general principles of human conduct which are immutable and others of fast majority
of regulations concerned with social affair (mu'amalat) were open to change.
Abduh's opinions on tawhid would be seen clearly from his famous book Risalah al-
Tawhld (Treatise on Oneness).

Now, let us examine the reformation ideas of Abduh's relating to his political
thoughts and activities. However, it would be good to keep in mind from the begin
ning that his political views which we will disclose, suitable only for Abduh's early
life and career at the young age during his contact with al-Afghani and became al-
Afghani's disciple.26 After, Abduh was exiled from Egypt between 1882-1888 (dur
ing this period he teach in Syria and stay in France) and return to Cairo, his thoughts
and efforts were drawn increasingly toward education and renewal of Islamic theol
ogy.27 Even though, to the certain extent, there was an essential difference between

25 'Uthman Arnin (1944), Muhammad 'Abduh, Qaherah, p. 91.

26 Muhammad Abduh seems to have accepted al-Afghani's reformist ideas and political
activism before and immediately after the Urabi Revolt of 1882, but once he returned to
Egypt, specifically after 1888, he devoted himself to reform within the existing political
and religious framework. (Charles D. Smith (1983), Islam and the Search for Social
Order in Modern Egypt: A Biography of Muhammad Husayn Haykal, Albany: State Uni
versity of New York Press, p. 18).
27 JL. Esposito (e.d) (1995), The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Modern Muslim World, jil.
1, Oxford: Oxford University Press, p. 11.

99
 Jurnal Usuluddin, Bil 17 [2003] 133-142

Abduh's programme and that of al-Afghani, the latter was a revolutionary who
aimed at a forcible upheaval, Abduh, on the other hand, held that no political revo
lution could take the place of a gradual transformation of mentality.

Abduh's in his political call, presenting a concept of al-Watan as a weapon to

unite the whole Egyptian. In one important article entitled al-Hayah al-Siyasah (The
Political Life) published in November 1881, Abduh made a passionate call for na
tional unity. In it. he described the concept of al-Watan as follows: The word al-
Watan as used by those who study politics means the place after which you are
called, where your right is safeguarded, and the claim on you is known, where you
are secure in yourself, your kin and possession. It has been said: there is no al-Watan
without freedom.28 He declared that loyalty to the al-Watan was based on three
things: "first, that it is the place of residence in which food, shelter, family and chil
dren exist: secondly, that it is the place of right and duties upon which political life
revolves and thirdly, it is the place to which the person belongs and from which the
individual derives glory or shame".29 Then, in order to attract the people to love al-
Watan, Abduh as A.H. Hourani advocates in his book Arabic Thought in the Liberal
Age, published an article in al-Ahram which I quote;

... talks of the great past of the kingdom of Egypt and he always conscious
that the common history and interests of those who lived in the same coun
try created a deep bond between them in spite of differing faiths. The sense
of the important of unity, which affected his view of Islamic reform,
coloured also his view of the nation. Unity, he maintained, was necessary
in political life, and the strongest type of unity was that those who shared
the same country - not only the place they lived in but the locus of their
public right and duties, the object of their affection and pride. Non-Muslims
belonged to the nation in exactly the same way as Muslims, and thus
should there be good relations between those who differed in religion.30

The call for national consciousness and patriotism of Egyptian people by

Abduh, not only confine to Muslim community but also to the Jews and the Chris
tians who are the citizen of Egypt. Osman Amin explains further about Abduh's

28 Mahmudul Haq (1970), Muhammad Abduh: A Study of a Modern Thinker of Egypt,

Aligarh: Islamic Studies Publisher, p. 22, From Tarikh al-Ustadh, II, p. 194.

29 Zaki Badawi (1976), The Reformers of Egypt: A Critique of al-Afghani, Abduh and
Ridha, U.K.: The Open Press, p. 15.

30 A. Hourani, Arabic Thought in the Liberal Age, p. 156, In Tarikh al-Ustadh, E, 15 p.

195-195.

100
 Muhammad Abduh's Religio-Political Ideas of Reformation

view on other religions by saying that, "Muhammad Abduh together with Mirza
Baqir founded a secret religio-political society which the objective was to unite the
Islamic, Christian and Jewish faiths, to work towards a peaceful association of the
adherents of these religions, and to co-operate in relieving the East of the pressure
exerted by the West. This society attracted a number of Englishman, Jews and poli
tician such as Mu'ayyad al-Mulk (a Persian Minister) and Hasan Khan (an adviser to
the Persian consulate in Constantinople)".31

Proofs show that Abduh, played an important role in the Urabi Revolt in 1881;
the articles which were written a few months before the rebellion played a consider
able role in sowing the seeds of patriotism, he was also known as the spokesman and
go-between of its leaders, and he was accused of administering unlawful oaths.

Abduh goes to speak about the rights and duties of the people vis a vis the rul
ers. He called Egyptian people to know their rights over their rulers (although the
Egyptian nation have no or less idea of it) and vice versa. Muhammad al-Bahi cites:

Ob J

Abduh's ideal government was more or less like that of medieval jurists. The
just ruler ruling in accordance with a law and in consultation with the leaders of the
people (al-Shura), thus he wrote about(al-Shura)in an attempt to prove the early Is
lamic tradition is equivalent to the modern system of national assembly or constitu
tional institutions. His attempt to relate constitutional advancement to Islam was
perhaps motivated by his own need to relate development to well-founded traditional
beliefs whenever possible. Rashid Ridha, the disciple of Abduh, noted that Abduh
was the first person in Egypt after the exile of Jamal al-Din al-Afghani to raise his
voice in favour of a national assembly and for putting limitations on the powers of
the rulers:

31 Osman Amin (1953), Muhammad Abduh, transl. Charless Wendell, Washington D.C:
American Council of Learned Societies, p. 72.

32 Muhammad al-Bahi (1970), al-Fikr al-Isldmi al-Hadith wa Silatuh bi al-Isti'mar al-

Gharb'i, Beirut: Dar al-Fikr, p. 123. Translation: We summoned it to believe that the ruler,
even if it owes him obedience, is still human, liable to err and to be overcome by passion,
and nothing can divert him from error or resist the domination of his passion except the
advice of the people in word and deed.

101
 Jurnal Usuluddin, Bil 17 [2003] 133-142

Here, it must be noted that whereas Tahtawi33 in previous years suggested

that constitutional institutions did not conflict with Islamic tradition, Abduh
has gone far to claim not merely lack of conflict but complete identity. The
consultation or al-Shura of the past was to be the consultative assembly of
the present.34

In practice when Abduh talked about the need for representative government
and limited powers of the executive, he wanted this to become reality through a
gradual process in the long term via training and education, because he did not be
lieve that Egypt was yet ready for it. That is the reason why Abduh seems to support
the despotic regime of Riyadh Pasha and rejected the Urabi party demand for the
representative form of government. Abduh also believed that the Urabi party was
motivated not by national cause but by the interests of the military junta. He was
convinced that if any representative government was created under the shadow of the
army, it could not become the instrument of the people's will. Urabi would use the
members of parliament for the furtherance of his personal aims just as he had used
members of the army for the same purpose.35 In short, Abduh preferred the authori
tarian type of government to a representative form so long as the people were unpre
pared to receive it. This is clear when he criticised the hotheads who wished consti
tutional government to be implemented at once.36 In Abduh's mind, the Muslims
must prepared themselves for it and the first essential thing to do is educating the
people, so that the cadres might raised and carry out the responsibilities of a repre
sentative government to resort to follow justice and effect reform. In theory, the
people and the government must be accustomed to discuss matters relating to public
welfare and to consult each other by means of special council formed in the prov
inces and governorates.

Regarding the government under the constitution concept, neither the Shariah
nor the juristic doctrine of Muslim scholars provide a specific pattern. Since there is
no consensus on the essential features of such a state, the matter must, therefore,
remain open to initiative and ijtihad among the statesmen and scholars in elaborating
the themes and attributes of an Islamic polity. Thus, to justify the idea of government

33 Rifa'i R. al-Tahtawi (1801-1873), the Egyptian scholar who was the first Arab to study
in Paris in the 1825. He return to Egypt in 1831 with the intention of disseminating what
he had learned in Europe (France).
34 Zaki Badawi, The Reformers of Egypt: A Critique ofAl-Afghani, Abduh and Ridha, p. 16.
35 Mahmudul Haq, Muhammad Abduh: A Study of a Modern Thinker of Egypt, p. 19.
From Tarikh al-Ustadh 1, p. 202.

36 Zaki Badawi, Three Reformers of Egypt, p. 14.

102
 Muhammad Abduh' s Religio-Political Ideas of Reformation

by consultation and representation, Abduh interpreted the traditional theory of the

Caliphate. He contends that, the caliph, in accordance with the Qur'anic injunction to
the prophet on consultation, is obliged to consult his subjects. From the purely theo
retical point of view the following wordings of the al-Shura support the contention
of the obligation of the ruler to take counsel. These are "and consult them in matters,
but when thou hast determined, put thy trust in God" (49:13 and 42:38). The practice
of democratic consultation in principle allows any-Muslim community to choose the
best means to suit its requirements according to time and place. For instance, one
community may decide to choose its leaders by direct election while other groups
may prefer indirect elections by nominated representatives. However, Mazheruddin
Siddiqi in his book, Modern Reformist Thought in the Muslim World, makes a com
ment on al-Shura principal that Abduh and Rashid Ridha put forward on the ground
that, it is not very clear and systematic:

He adheres to the institution of Shura but he does not make it clear whether
his Shura will be nominated by the ruler or it will be elected by the people
and whether the ruler would be bound by the verdict of the majority Shura.
Similarly, he does not explain how the ruler will be desposed. If he rules
unjustly, who will depose him and by what method?37
In another view point, Abduh believes in just dictatorship. The just dictator will
compel the people to observe justice among themselves. If the people do not follow
their real interest, the just dictator will make them follow the path which is beneficial
for them. He will not tread a step without looking to the interests of the people he
governs. When the people have received proper training and are fit for freedom, rep
resentative instituitions will be established in a gradual manner. First, municipal
bodies will be formed, after a few years advisory councils to be established. Last of
all will follow representatives assemblies. Fifty years will suffice for the completion
of this process and then the people will enjoy their full rights.38 On this issue also,
Abduh does not treat it sufficiently, there is no idea how and what process the just
dictator will come to power, whether by means of an election or revolution.

Finally we turn to the idea of Pan-Israrnism and Caliphate which is genuinely

propogated and popularized by al-Afghani , Abduh's master, that he follows
enthusiatically promoting throughout the Muslim world to strenghten the ties. Most
European scholars and statesmen perceived Pan-Islamism to be a reactionary move
ment, a revival of Islamic fanaticism, a combination of Muslims under the leadership

37 Mazheruddin Siddiqi (1982), Modern Reformist Thought in the Muslim World,

Islamabad: Islamic Research Institute, p. 118.

38 Ibid, p. 116.

103
 Jurnal Usuluddin, Bil 17 [2003] 133-142

of the Turks which they saw as trying to rage aggresively against the European pow
ers. On the other hand, Muslim intellectuals tend to look upon Pan-Islamism as es
sentially progressive movement, a perception of the increasing dangers to Islam from
European penetration, and a movement aimed at uniting all Muslims in order to en
sure free development of their intellectual and moral faculties.39

At the same time, however, it must be made clear that Abduh in line with al-
Afghani also supported the idea of a sort of nationalism; Jinsiyyah and Wataniyyah
as already showed earlier. Both ideas could be interpreted as contradictory, if the
reader did not understood the situation and context of Abduh experience and
struggle, in order to 'reconcile' these apparent clashs. For example, the journal of al-
'Urwah al-Wuthqa, frequently published the opinion of al-Afghani stressing the im
portance of Islamic unity and solidarity of Muslim:

The Muslims had once followed their religion devoutly, and their state was
strong, so that the foreigner had no hold over them because the religion
preserved their unity and imbued them with solidarity ... it was the Islamic
religion which earlier solidarity endowed the disunited Arab tribes with a
strong enough solidarity and esprit de corps to enable them to conquer and
maintain a powerful empire in less than eighty years. This empire decline
and disappeared, in due course, but the reason was not that the Muslims
had become fewer in number: on the contrary, their numbers were never
greater than when they lost their power. Rather, the decline in power was to
be attributed to the weakening of the influence of religion in the soul of the
Arabs, a religion which had been able, better than any feeling of race and
kinship, to unify them and make them into a great conquering force.40

Clearly we can point out that, the call for al-Watan as a bond was now super
seded by religion. The religious bond between them (the Muslims) is stronger than
those of race and language. He argued that the Ukhuwwah (Brotherhood) of Islam
obliterates racial and national boundaries and constitutes a bond which united all
Muslims as one community. Thus, in one of his articles under the caption "national
ity" (al-Jinsiyyah) and the Religion of Islam Abduh vigorously condemned the idea
of racialism or nationalism. Nationalism or racialism, Abduh wrote, is not a natural

39 Mohammad Redzuan Othman, "Afghani's Pan-Islamic Ideas and the Turks' Appeals:
The Perception, and Influence on Malay Political Thought," International Conference on
Jamal al-Din al-Afghani and the Asian Renaissance, Institute for Policy Research (IKD),
23 Feb. 1998.

40 Haifaa Jawad, "Pan Islamism in the Middle East" in Islamic Quarterly, vol. XXXVII,
No. 3, 1993.

104
 Muhammad Abduh's Religio-Political Ideas of Reformation

feeling based on human nature but only an acquired state of feeling and the Islamic
feeling transcend all the feeling of nationality.41 This concept could be justified,
firstly in terms of utility, that is to say as the only possible way to unite the inhabit
ants of the country and propagating the national awareness to defend themselves
from enemy threats. Secondly, the main purpose of Islam is common good to every
body regardless of religion and race and he believed, Islam regulates in detail the
rights and duties of all in just and fair: Muslims or non-Muslims and also rulers and
subjects.

Besides that, the feeling of superiority of European power over Muslim brought
Abduh to worry that the spread of Pan-Islamism sentiment and manifestations may
bring the wrath of Europe on a defenceless Muslim community. This is clear when
he counselled the Muslims in Tunisia and Algeria to avoid political resistance against
France and advised them to concentrate their efforts on education and social reform.

Concerning the Caliphate system, Abduh firmly believed that, the restoration of
this classical system, would solve the problem of Muslim umma. This system also,
is the only hope of preserving the unity and identity of Islam as well as guarding it
against its enemies. In a letter addressed to the Sultan Abdul Hamid (Syeikh al-Is-
lam) in Constantinople in 1886, Abduh according to Charles C. Adams strongly
holds that "the preservation of the Ottoman Empire to be the third article of belief
after the belief in God and in its prophet, because it alone protects the religion of
Islam and guarantees the existence of its domains: 'this is our belief, praise to be
God: in it we live and in it we will die', therefore, it is a mistake to suppose that
regard for the Islamic caliphate arises from any other sentiment than that due to their
religion: it does not come from the name of the fatherland or the welfare of the coun
try or any other such high-sending phrases".42 On the contrary, it is important to note
that, Abduh personally was aware of the oppressive nature of the Ottoman govern
ment, and Rashid Ridha records remark on the Ottoman caliphate privately made by
Abduh in 1897, in which Abduh declared that he gave no credence to Sultan Abdul
Hamid's claim to the title of caliph because the claim was motivated only by his
personal ambitions and desires to increase his prestige in European eyes not by any
love for Islam.43 Yet despite this realisation on Abduh's part, it was his firm convic
tion however defective the Ottoman Caliphate might be. It was, nevertheless, the
only living institutions available to the Muslims to defend themselves from the grow-

41 Mahmudul Haq, Muhammad Abduh: A Study of a Modern Thinker of Egypt, p. 27.

42 C.C. Adams, Islam and Modernism in Egypt, p. 62. From Tarikh al-Ustadh, II, p. 359.
43 Malcolm P. Kerr, Islamic Reform, p. 148.

105
 Jurnal Usuluddin, Bil 17 [2003] 133-142

ing menace of the European power. "I too, hate the caliph Sultan Abdul Hamid", he
reported to have said, "but the caliphate is the only fence for the Muslims".44

The Caliph in Abduh's concept was bound by law deprived of absolute powers,
obliged to consult with Muslims which were entrusted to the people's representatives
(AM al-Hall wa al- 'Aqd), who could both elect and depose the caliph. Abduh was
equally certain in his mind that the caliphate which he envisaged could match the
modern European ideal of parliamentary democracy. This is what European scholars
and statemen claim, such as Malcolm H. Kerr "in substance he proposed a parlia
mentary system on the British model, with Khedive reduced to a figurehead, legisla
tive powers confided to a chamber of representatives, and the executive ministries
answerable to the chamber".45
At the end of his career, Abduh turned away from political activism and focused
on intellectual, religious, educational (reformation of educational system and al-
Azhar University and renovation of the Arabic language), and social reform. He
adopted a much more conciliatory attitude towards the British than he had held for
merly. C.C. Adams cites the Abduh words as follow "but the matters of the govern
ment and the governed I abandoned to the decision of fate, and to the hand of God
thereafter to arrange".46

CONCLUSION

Muhammad Abduh was a great and most influential figure in the Islamic they were
reform movement who recognizes the backwardness of Muslims vis-a-vis the west.
They were socially, morally, politically and culturally deplorable and were subjected
to many weaknesses and the victims of many degrading customs. In view of these re
ality, on religio-political perspective, Abduh tried to provide us with a general frame
work to curb these problems, diseases and bring the Muslims the straight path, based
on the Qur'an with a new interpretation. Reject the blind taqlid, open the door of
ijtihad, maximise the use of reason and throw away the innovation {bid'ah) and super
stition (khumfah) are the spherea of religious reformation that Abduh's suggested.

hi the political sphere, for example, Abduh interpretes the consultation or shura of
the past was to be the consultative assembly of the present as understood in modem
political system. Then, he explores the idea of Pan-Islamism and the Caliphate as a
tool to restore the Muslim power as ever happened in the Golden Age of Islam.

44 Mahmudul Haq, p. 29. From Tarikh al-Ustadh I, p. 910-12.

45 Malcolm P. Kerr, Islamic Reform, p. 147.
46 C.C. Adams, Islam and Modernism in Egypt, p. 63.

106