Cluster Analysis of The Klein Sexual Orientation Grid in Clinical and Nonclinical Samples When Bisexuality Is Not Bise
Cluster Analysis of The Klein Sexual Orientation Grid in Clinical and Nonclinical Samples When Bisexuality Is Not Bise
Cluster Analysis of The Klein Sexual Orientation Grid in Clinical and Nonclinical Samples When Bisexuality Is Not Bise
James D. Weinrich, Fritz Klein, J. Allen McCutchan, Igor Grant & The HNRC
Group
To cite this article: James D. Weinrich, Fritz Klein, J. Allen McCutchan, Igor Grant & The HNRC
Group (2014) Cluster Analysis of the Klein Sexual Orientation Grid in Clinical and Nonclinical
Samples: When Bisexuality Is Not Bisexuality, Journal of Bisexuality, 14:3-4, 349-372, DOI:
10.1080/15299716.2014.938398
JAMES D. WEINRICH
HIV Neurobehavioral Research Center, Department of Psychiatry, University of California,
San Diego, San Diego, California, USA
FRITZ KLEIN1
Private Practice, San Diego, California, USA
J. ALLEN MCCUTCHAN, IGOR GRANT, and THE HNRC GROUP
HIV Neurobehavioral Research Center, University of California, San Diego, San Diego,
California, USA
1
Deceased 2006.
Affiliations and financial support are those in effect when this article was first prepared.
Address correspondence to James D. Weinrich, P.O. Box 2421, El Cajon, CA 92021, USA.
E-mail: journalbi@gmail.com
349
350 Journal of Bisexuality
INTRODUCTION
METHOD
Participants and Procedures: Main Study (Women and Men)
The first participants were recruited at a meeting of a social discussion group
aimed at bisexuals in a large city in the U.S. Southwest. The first two authors
attended the meeting, explained the purposes of the study, and distributed
questionnaires. Responses were entirely voluntary and confidential. Most
participants completed the questionnaire before leaving; a few returned them
by mail. Although we did not calculate a precise response rate, the study was
received enthusiastically; we estimate that more than 90% of those attending
the meeting completed the study.
The second batch was recruited in New York by the second author, who
attended a large 1994 political event in which many bisexuals participated.
One day of this event was devoted to a series of workshops and speeches
on bisexual issues. Questionnaires were made available near the site of these
events, and this author encouraged passersby to complete the questionnaire.
Most who accepted the questionnaire completed it and dropped it into a
specified box; a few questionnaires were returned later by mail. Again, there
was no formal return rate calculated, because it would be difficult to decide
what is the proper base rate upon which to base this percentage. If it were to
be calculated with respect to attendance as a whole, response rate would be
352 Journal of Bisexuality
Instruments
Participants in both samples completed the KSOG (Klein et al., 1985). As
shown in Figure 1, this questionnaire consists of 21 items grouped into
seven variables (labeled A through G). For each variable participants rate
themselves three times (for present, past, and ideal) on a scale from 1 to 7,
354 Journal of Bisexuality
Analyses
Data were entered into computers, scored, and analyzed using JMP version
3.0.1 from the SAS Institute.
J. D. Weinrich et al. 355
One of the major goals of this study was to devise an empirical method
to assess sexual orientation categories using the KSOG in a statistically more
sophisticated way than has been done in the past. Correlations among some
KSOG items are typically very high, especially in samples of a predominant
sexual orientation (e.g., in male AIDS samples such as that described by
Weinrich et al., 1993). In this case they were high enough that we were
unable to perform a factor analysis of KSOG scores due to the high statistical
interdependence of some of these items.
Instead, we performed a cluster analysis of the 21 KSOG items, using
hierarchical agglomerative clustering by participant. Clustering was done
separately for each of the three samples: MS women, MS men, and HIV
study men. In agglomerative clustering, each participant begins in his/her
own, single-member “cluster.” The two clusters (individuals) with the most
similar scores on the KSOG are then agglomerated into a single cluster, and
cluster distances are recomputed. Then the two next most similar clusters are
combined and distances recomputed. This process continues until all clusters
are combined. Finally, a dendrogram (cluster tree) is generated showing the
history of how clusters were combined.
This type of clustering is an exploratory data technique. It does not
generate any statistical test, and interpretation of the tree is not always un-
ambiguous. However, certain qualitative characteristics of the dendrogram
can be informative and suggest further analyses—some of which might reveal
important relationships.
If the underlying distribution is bimodal (or even discrete), then the ag-
glomeration pattern will reveal the existence of those subgroups empirically.
For example, a cluster analysis of the heights of all the human beings in an
elementary school building will reveal short people (students) and tall peo-
ple (teachers) segregating in two different clusters. In contrast, a stair-step
pattern of agglomeration, in which individuals are added mostly one at a
time to an increasingly large main cluster, strongly suggests that there is no
“graininess” or clumping in the underlying distribution.
RESULTS
356
Main Study
Females Males HIV Males Females vs. Males Main vs. HIV
N 120 212 620 Statistic p Statistic p
Compared to the participants in the MS, the HIV sample was (by design)
100% male, about the same age as the MS women (i.e., about 4 years younger
than the MS men), more likely to have only a high school education, much
less likely to have a college or postgraduate degree, and much less likely to
have ever been married.
Most other studies of bisexuality have identified participants’ sexual ori-
entation by self-report. One of the 21 KSOG items closely resembles this
measure: a participant’s present self-identification as heterosexual, bisexual,
or homosexual on a 7-point Kinsey-like scale (ranging from 1–7 instead of
Kinsey’s 0–6). By this criterion, as shown in Table 2 we succeeded in attract-
ing MS men and women that were only moderately weighted toward het-
erosexual participants. Just over 40% of the participants were completely or
nearly completely heterosexual; the others were roughly evenly distributed
across the sexual orientation spectrum. The MS women were twice as likely
as the MS men to report that they were equally homosexual and heterosex-
ual (i.e., bisexual); the men were more than 4 times as likely to report that
they were entirely homosexual. This finding is consistent with previous sug-
gestions (see Weinrich, 1987/2013, pp. 41–42, for a review) that women are
more likely than men to report bisexuality and less likely to report homosex-
uality. Note that even though our sample cannot be considered random or
representative, none of our recruitment methods were biased toward such
a finding—that is, we did not recruit from sources known to have a dispro-
portion of homosexual men and/or bisexual women.
Table 2 also shows the distribution of the HIV sample’s KSOG scores
on the present identity question. Not surprisingly (due to its recruitment
methods), it is strongly U shaped, with peaks at the two ends (1 and 7). Less
than 20% of those men rated themselves as 1, 2, or 3 on this KSOG item
(corresponding to Kinsey’s 0, 1, and 2).
In cluster analysis, it is usually deemed unfortunate if the sample’s clus-
tering consists of a “stair-step” pattern in which each additional cluster splits
off only one or two more individuals from the main body of the sample. A
stair-step pattern typically suggests a continuous underlying distribution—as
would probably result, for example, if one were to cluster on the heights
of people attending a university. Instead, in satisfactory clustering one typ-
ically hopes that the top levels will reveal a pattern that divides the total
sample into discrete subgroups, each with a substantial number of members.
For example, clustering on the heights of people in an elementary school
would identify two nearly nonoverlapping subgroups: tall adults and short
children. It is especially intriguing if the clustering then turns out to cor-
relate significantly with some outside variables not used in the clustering
process, because this would suggest that the clustering is not merely a statis-
tical fiction, convenience, or quirk. The status distinction of “teacher” versus
“student” would be revealed in a cluster analysis by height in an elementary
school, but not in a university.
358
TABLE 2 Klein Sexual Orientation Grid Present Identity
Significance
Main Study HIV Study Females vs. Males vs.
Total Females Males HM Males Males (p) HM Males (p)
M ± SD 3.56 ± 2.26 3.20 ± 1.87 3.76 ± 2.44 5.73 ± 2.19 4.81 F (.03)
Breakdown by category (%) 27.2 χ 2 146.4 χ 2
(.0001) (.0001)
1: Heterosexual only 30.7 28.3 32.1 14.7
2: Heterosexual mostly 10.8 12.5 9.9 1.6
3: Heterosexual somewhat 8.1 12.5 5.7 1.1
more
4: Heterosexual/homosexual 16.9 24.2 12.7 3.1
equally
5: Homosexual somewhat 6.6 8.3 5.7 3.6
more
6: Homosexual mostly 9.0 8.3 9.4 9.7
7: Homosexual only 17.8 5.8 24.5 66.3
Note. Percentages may not add to 100% due to rounding error.
HM = homosexual males; F = F ratio; χ 2 = Chi-squared.
J. D. Weinrich et al. 359
The cluster analysis for the MS women participants was highly satis-
factory, showing, at the top end, an easily interpreted division into four
subgroups (which is actually the bottom-most part of the bottom left corner
of Figure 2). Figure 2 also shows the women’s scores, averaged by cluster,
on the 21 KSOG items. Examination of these patterns led us to name the four
female subgroups lesbian, bi-lesbian, bi-heterosexual, and heterosexual.
The cluster analysis for the MS men participants likewise showed
an easily interpreted division into five subgroups (bottom left corner of
Figure 3). Figure 3 also shows the men’s scores, averaged by cluster, on
the 21 KSOG items. Examination of these patterns led us to name the five
male subgroups homosexual, bi-homosexual, bisexual, bi-heterosexual, and
heterosexual.
The cluster analysis for the HIV-study participants was (1) conducted
on a total of 620 men who were (2) far more likely to be homosexual
than were our MS men. These two facts combined to produce a five-cluster
solution with little detail on the bisexual and heterosexual end of the spec-
trum and a much finer division of the homosexual end. Figure 4 shows
the average KSOG scores in a way corresponding to Figures 2 and 3. One
cluster was clearly heterosexual; another bisexual (to a degree that might
correspond to the bi-homosexual group in the MS). The remaining three
groups were labeled homosexual; two of those three were more consis-
tently homosexual than the third (and are labeled GG1 and GG2 in the
charts). These three groups differ in ways that will be discussed further
below.
Figures 5, 6, and 7 present the SDs for participants in the three samples.
In the Discussion, we address the importance of looking not only at the
cluster means, but also at the variability about each mean.
DISCUSSION
Initial Observations
Examine Figures 2 and 3. As expected, for MS women and MS men, each
of the 21 KSOG bar charts shows a monotonic increasing pattern by cluster
membership. Almost without exception, as one moves from the heterosexual
cluster through the bisexual clusters to the homosexual cluster, the average
value of the KSOG dependent variable increases. Almost always, each such
difference is statistically significant (statistical tests not shown).
The only exceptions occur in the socialize with variable (E). None
of these group differences is statistically significantly different by cluster
membership for either women or men. For men, at least, this confirms our
previous factor analysis of the KSOG using the HIV sample (Weinrich et al.,
1993), in which the three socialize with items loaded onto a different factor
than the sexual attraction, sexual fantasy, and sexual behavior items.
360 Journal of Bisexuality
FIGURE 2 Klein Sexual Orientation Grid item means by sexual orientation clusters (main
study women).
J. D. Weinrich et al. 361
FIGURE 3 Klein Sexual Orientation Grid item means by sexual orientation clusters (main
study men).
362 Journal of Bisexuality
FIGURE 4 Klein Sexual Orientation Grid item means by sexual orientation clusters (HIV
men).
J. D. Weinrich et al. 363
FIGURE 5 Klein Sexual Orientation Grid standard deviations by sexual orientation clusters
(main study women).
FIGURE 6 Klein Sexual Orientation Grid standard deviations by sexual orientation clusters
(main study men).
the bisexual group’s means are almost always intermediate between those of
the heterosexuals on the one hand and the three G groups on the other, their
means usually are quite a bit closer to the homosexual groups’ means than
to the heterosexual group’s. (The minor exceptions are those pesky present
and past emotional preference and socialize with items.) Interestingly,
J. D. Weinrich et al. 365
FIGURE 7 Klein Sexual Orientation Grid standard deviations by sexual orientation clusters
(HIV men).
the bi means are almost exactly halfway between the heterosexual and gay
groups’ means (and thus not closely resembling the homosexual groups)
for three ideal variables: sexual behavior, sexual fantasies, and sexual self-
identification.
In this sample, then, there is some empirical support for a particularly
durable stereotype: that bisexual men are (pardon the expression) “really”
366 Journal of Bisexuality
gay men whose erotic ideal scores are more heterosexual than gay men’s
are—more bluntly, that bisexual men are (pardon again) “really” gay men
who just want to be straight. This stereotype is emphatically not reflected
in the MS men; the means of the bisexual men in that sample are clearly
distinguishable from those of the gay men. Those data do not support an
interpretation that the bisexual men are mostly homosexually oriented indi-
viduals who want to become more heterosexual or bisexual in their future
Ideal. These differences between the two male samples are addressed in a
later section of this Discussion.
bi-bisexual cluster seems to resemble the bi-gay and the gay clusters in
their high (mean) levels of sexual attraction to and sexual fantasies about
men, but their actual sexual behaviors with men average about the same as
the heterosexual and bi-heterosexual clusters. However, because the SDs in
these three clusters are almost always high, such generalizations overlook
individual variations.
GENERAL DISCUSSION
With such a wealth of detail, seeking patterns might seem a futile exercise.
Yet there are many interesting generalizations that emerge from this dataset.
J. D. Weinrich et al. 369
First consider the dendrograms (lower left corners of Figures 2, 3, and 4).
Working from the bottom up, the first split in each case is a division between
heterosexuals and homosexuals. In the female MS sample, each of these two
major groups then splits into a more bisexual cluster and a less bisexual
cluster. In the male MS bi/heterosexual cluster, an initially confusing first
split is followed by an easily interpretable second split; this in turn results in
a heterosexual cluster and two others. Each of those two others then splits
(as with the women) into a more bisexual and a less bisexual cluster. In
the HIV study, the heterosexual cluster does not divide further; instead, a
consistently gay cluster is split off on the homosexual side (GG2), then the
bisexual cluster (Bi) emerges, and finally the remaining cluster splits into
two homosexual clusters (one labeled G and the other GG1).
These general patterns of clustering result, we believe, from two factors:
some facts about the world and some details of our sample recruitment. The
facts about the world are fairly obvious: (1) there are many people who are
very consistently heterosexual, (2) there are people who are very consistently
homosexual, and (3) there are people whose behaviors and fantasies are not
accurately described by either group (1) or (2)’s patterns. A goal of this
study, obviously, is to better characterize group 3—the bi-heterosexuals, the
bi-bisexuals, and the bi-homosexuals in the MS, and the bisexuals in the HIV
study.
Here it is important to consider our sample recruitment procedures. Our
cluster analysis found two or three kinds of bisexual in the MS samples (male
and female), where we specifically tried to emphasize recruitment of bisexu-
als (and others) from the Internet at large, which is a nonclinical source. This
sample yielded bisexual clusters that were fairly simply interpretable based
on their mean scores on certain KSOG items. The HIV study sample, on
the other hand, was a clinical (AIDS-related) sample recruited with no such
special goal; in that sample, the bisexual cluster identified was so statistically
variable that no single KSOG item could be used to characterize the group.
Recall, from the initial Discussion, the fact that the bisexual men in the
HIV sample (the bi cluster) seemed to fit the stereotype of “behaviorally gay
men who have a bisexual ideal,” but the bisexuals in the MS men did not.
One is tempted to hypothesize that the gay men in our HIV sample were
fairly densely involved in the gay community, and that the bisexual men they
knew through this community were indeed more gay than bisexual—that is,
their bisexual friends involved in the gay community resembled the bisexual
cluster identified in the gay-community based HIV study. There are a lot of
“ifs” in this interpretation, but if it is correct, it would be consistent with the
common (albeit inaccurate) opinion about bisexuals held by many members
of the gay community.
The fact that the HIV sample was, of course, recruited through a study
of the medical effects of HIV, and that the MS men were not, very tentatively
suggests that the “more bisexual” bisexuals in the MS were not densely
connected to gay social networks likely to refer each other to an HIV study.
370 Journal of Bisexuality
Such (pardon the expression) “truer” bisexuals would not have gotten in-
volved in the HIV study to the same extent to which they became involved
in the MS. If this speculation is correct and reflects a corresponding truth
about the social networks of gay and bisexual men in general, we may have
highlighted empirically a pattern often thought prevalent in early studies of
homosexuality: that clinical samples produce different results than nonclini-
cal samples do.
In the early days of the Gay Liberation movement, scientific studies were
often criticized for being biased, by virtue of being conducted using clinical
samples. Better studies using better samples were then proposed, funded,
and carried out. Rarely, however, were clinical samples directly compared
with nonclinical samples in the same study, using the same procedures. Thus,
the assertion that clinical samples were biased samples, although reasonable,
was rarely tested directly. This study constitutes an (admittedly tardy) empir-
ical verification of this clinical-bias hypothesis. This is not an earth-shattering
conclusion, but note that it is based on categories using empirically delin-
eated subgroups.
Moreover, note how misleading it would be to try to extrapolate, even
allowing for sample recruitment biases, from the HIV study to the population
of bisexual men at large (as represented, arguably, by the MS). Simply put,
HIV study bisexuality is not MS bisexuality. The bisexual group identified by
the cluster analysis of the HIV sample was distinctly different from any of
the bisexual groups identified by the clustering process in the Main Sample
men. Attempts to generalize (even cautiously) from the HIV sample’s bisexual
group to a larger population would be doomed to failure.
In the HIV study, the data seem to imply that the bisexual men with
HIV who were recruited to the HIV study were qualitatively different from
bisexual men who did not have HIV. That implies that there may be
another group of bisexual men with HIV disease who did not get recruited
in corresponding numbers to the HIV study. If this speculation is correct, it
suggests that HIV outreach workers might want to design separate outreach
programs to the gay and the bisexual communities with regard to medical
problems shared by both communities. And it suggests that the common
misperception that bisexual men are “really” gay men who want to be less
gay may have some limited validity in clinical samples.
Moving on, note that there are some remarkable patterns when we
compare results across all three of the samples. First, the socialize with
variable was almost never important in characterizing a cluster. Next, for all
three samples, sexual attraction, sexual behavior, and self-identification were
extremely useful in differentiating the clusters (as might be expected a priori).
It was remarkable how unvarying the heterosexual women were on sexual
attraction, behavior, and self-identification, but how much more variable
they were on sexual fantasies. In contrast, in the two male samples, patterns
of the means and variances of sexual attraction, behavior, and fantasy are
almost identical.
J. D. Weinrich et al. 371
In all three samples, the bisexual clusters tended to vary much more
in their present attractions, behaviors, and fantasies than the heterosexual
or homosexual clusters. In theory, this could be due to a variety of factors,
but first let us note that this result is not necessarily a result of the defini-
tion of ‘bisexuality’ or of the clustering process. One could imagine a world
in which there were three sexual orientations—bisexual, heterosexual, and
homosexual—and in which each of these orientations would be unvarying:
heterosexuals would only be attracted to members of the other sex, homo-
sexuals to their own sex, and bisexuals to both sexes. If this were the case
(and adding some random error to our sampling and measurement instru-
ments), then the variation within each bisexual group would have been about
as low as the variation within the heterosexual and homosexual groups. Such
was not the case for even one of the bisexual groups. Although there may
indeed be some bisexuals in our bisexual clusters who fit this description,
there were others clustered with them whose characteristics on several of the
KSOG items were at odds with the ideal “type.” We cannot decide from the
present data whether the bisexual clusters contained many, few, or none of
these ideal bisexual types—only that many of the mixed type were present
in the samples.
For this reason, it seems that bisexuality can indeed be thought of as a
continuum. Although we found two female and three male bisexual groups
through cluster analysis, the higher variability in the bisexual groups shows
that individual bisexuals do not neatly fit into an ideal pattern of discrete
groups.
In an earlier paper on a related topic (Weinrich et al., 1993), we
described scientists studying sexual orientation as being either “lumpers”
or “splitters.” Lumpers tend to minimize individual differences on sexual
orientation parameters; they will be pleased to see a heterosexual/
homosexual dichotomy emerging as the first split in each of our three
samples. Splitters tend to revel in the differences; they will be pleased to
see that distinguishable subgroups of bisexuals emerged in the samples in
which we increased the probability of their participation. Further clarity in
this debate must await further articles in the present series, as we report
some continuities and some surprising discontinuities in the specific sexual
acts and scenarios that members of these clusters enjoy (Klein & Weinrich,
2014/this issue).
FUNDING
The principal support for Dr. Weinrich was from the Universitywide AIDS
Research Program of the University of California (grants R93-SD-062 and R95-
SD-123). The HIV Neurobehavioral Research Center (HNRC) was supported
by National Institute of Mental Health Center grant 5 P50 MH45294.
372 Journal of Bisexuality
SUPPLEMENTAL DATA
Supplemental data for this article can be accessed on the publisher’s website,
http://www.tandfonline.com/wjbi.
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