05 Bank Management
05 Bank Management
05 Bank Management
CREDIT MANAGEMENT
CHAPTER: BANK MANAGEMENT
1. LIQUIDITY MANAGEMENT
Ensuring that the bank has just the right amount of reserves—not too little, which would
endanger the bank’s solvency, nor too much, which would decrease its profitability.
A corporate entity than owns one or more banks and banking-related subsidiaries.
3. NONPERFORMING LOAN
A loan that is in default, where the borrower is not making stipulated payments of interest or
principal.
4. ASSET MANAGEMENT
Ensuring that the bank’s assets have the right combination of liquidity, safety, and return.
5. REQUIRED RESERVES
A minimum amount of cash funds that banks are required by regulators to hold.
6. LIABILITY MANAGEMENT
Attracting enough deposits or borrowing enough to ensure that the bank can make the loans or
purchase the assets it wants.
7. RESERVES
In this context, cash funds that bankers maintain to meet deposit outflows and other payments.
Ensuring that the bank has enough capital, equity, or net worth to remain in operation while
maintaining bank profitability as measured by return on equity (ROE).
Noncash, liquid assets, like government bonds, that bankers can quickly sell to obtain cash.
READING SCRIPT:
1. What is a balance sheet and what are the major types of bank assets and liabilities?
Thus far, we’ve studied financial markets and institutions from 30,000 feet. We’re finally ready
to “dive down to the deck” and learn how banks and other financial intermediaries are actually
managed. We start with the balance sheet, a financial statement that takes a snapshot of what a
company owns (assets) and owes (liabilities) at a given moment. The key equation here is a
simple one:
ASSETS (aka uses of funds) = LIABILITIES (aka sources of funds) + EQUITY (aka net worth or
capital).
Liabilities are money that companies borrow in order to buy assets, which is why liabilities are
sometimes called “sources of funds” and assets, “uses of funds.” The hope is that the liabilities
will cost less than the assets will earn, that a bank, for example, will borrow at 2 percent and lend
at 5 percent or more. The difference between the two, called the gross spread, is the most
important aspect of bank profitability. (The bank’s expenses and taxes, its cost of doing business,
is the other major factor in its profitability.)
The equity, net worth, or capital variable is a residual that makes the two sides of the equation
balance or equal each other. This is because a company’s owners (stockholders in the case of a
joint stock corporation, depositors or policyholders in the case of a mutual) are “junior” to the
company’s creditors. If the company shuts down, holders of the company’s liabilities (its
creditors) get paid out of the proceeds of the assets first. Anything left after the sale of the assets
is then divided among the owners.
If a company is economically viable, the value of what it owns will exceed the value of what it
owes. Equity, therefore, will be positive and the company will be a going concern (will continue
operating). If a company is not viable, the value of what it owes will exceed what it owns.
Equity, therefore, will be negative, and the company will be economically bankrupt. (This does
not mean, however, that it will cease operating at that time. Regulators, stockholders, or creditors
may force a shutdown well before equity becomes zero, or they may allow the company to
continue operating “in the red” in the hope that its assets will increase and/or its liabilities
decrease enough to return equity to positive territory.)
The value of assets and liabilities (and, hence, equity) fluctuates due to changes in interest rates
and asset prices. How to account for those changes is a difficult yet crucial subject because
accounting rules will affect the residual equity and perceptions of a company’s value and
viability. Sometimes, it is most appropriate to account for assets according to historical cost—
how much the company paid to acquire it. Other times, it is most appropriate to account for
Figure 9.2 Assets and liabilities of U.S. commercial banks, March 7, 2007
Figure 9.1 "Bank assets and liabilities" lists and describes the major types of bank assets and
liabilities, and Figure 9.2 "Assets and liabilities of U.S. commercial banks, March 7, 2007"
shows the combined balance sheet of all U.S. commercial banks on March 7, 2007.
As Figure 9.1 "Bank assets and liabilities" and Figure 9.2 "Assets and liabilities of U.S.
commercial banks, March 7, 2007" show, commercial banks own reserves of cash and deposits
with the Fed; secondary reserves of government and other liquid securities; loans to businesses,
consumers, and other banks; and other assets, including buildings, computer systems, and other
physical stuff. Each of those assets plays an important role in the bank’s overall business
strategy. A bank’s physical assets are needed to conduct its business, whether it be a traditional
brick-and-mortar bank, a full e-commerce bank (there are servers and a headquarters someplace),
or a hybrid click-and-mortar institution. Reserves allow banks to pay their transaction deposits
and other liabilities. In many countries, regulators mandate a minimum level of reserves, called
required reserves. When banks hold more than the reserve requirement, the extra reserves are
called excess reserves. When reserves paid zero interest, as they did until recently, U.S. bankers
usually kept excess reserves to a minimum, preferring instead to hold secondary reserves like
Treasuries and other safe, liquid, interest-earning securities. Banks’ bread-and-butter asset is, of
course, their loans. They derive most of their income from loans, so they must be very careful
who they lend to and on what terms. Banks lend to other banks via the federal funds market, but
also in the process of clearing checks, which are called “cash items in process of collection.”
Most of their loans, however, go to nonbanks. Some loans are uncollateralized, but many are
backed by real estate (in which case the loans are called mortgages), accounts receivable
(factorage), or securities (call loans).
Where do banks get the wherewithal to purchase those assets? The right-hand side of the balance
sheet lists a bank’s liabilities or the sources of its funds. Transaction deposits include negotiable
order of withdrawal accounts (NOW) and money market deposit accounts (MMDAs), in addition
to good old checkable deposits. Banks like transaction deposits because they can avoid paying
much, if any, interest on them. Some depositors find the liquidity that transaction accounts
provide so convenient they even pay for the privilege of keeping their money in the bank via
various fees, of which more anon. Banks justify the fees by pointing out that it is costly to keep
the books, transfer money, and maintain sufficient cash reserves to meet withdrawals.
The administrative costs of nontransaction deposits are lower so banks pay interest for those
funds. Nontransaction deposits range from the traditional passbook savings account to negotiable
certificates of deposit (NCDs) with denominations greater than $100,000. Checks cannot be
drawn on passbook savings accounts, but depositors can withdraw from or add to the account at
will. Because they are more liquid, they pay lower rates of interest than time deposits (aka
certificates of deposit), which impose stiff penalties for early withdrawals. Banks also borrow
outright from other banks overnight via what is called the federal funds market (whether the
banks are borrowing to satisfy Federal Reserve requirements or for general liquidity purposes),
and directly from the Federal Reserve via discount loans (aka advances). They can also borrow
from corporations, including their parent companies if they are part of a bank holding company.
That leaves only bank net worth, the difference between the value of a bank’s assets and its
liabilities. Equity originally comes from stockholders when they pay for shares in the bank’s
At the broadest level, banks and other financial intermediaries engage in asset transformation. In
other words, they sell liabilities with certain liquidity, risk, return, and denominational
characteristics and use those funds to buy assets with a different set of characteristics.
Intermediaries link investors (purchasers of banks’ liabilities) to entrepreneurs (sellers of banks’
assets) in a more sophisticated way than mere market facilitators like dealer-brokers and peer-to-
peer bankers do.
More specifically, banks (aka depository institutions) engage in three types of asset
transformation, each of which creates a type of risk. First, banks turn short-term deposits into
long-term loans. In other words, they borrow short and lend long. This creates interest rate risk.
Second, banks turn relatively liquid liabilities (e.g., demand deposits) into relatively illiquid
assets like mortgages, thus creating liquidity risk. Third, banks issue relatively safe debt (e.g.,
insured deposits) and use it to fund relatively risky assets, like loans, and thereby create credit
risk.
Other financial intermediaries transform assets in other ways. Finance companies borrow long
and lend short, rendering their management much easier than that of a bank. Life insurance
companies sell contracts (called policies) that pay off when or if (during the policy period of a
term policy) the insured party dies. Property and casualty companies sell policies that pay if
some exigency, like an automobile crash, occurs during the policy period. The liabilities of
insurance companies are said to be contingent because they come due if an event happens rather
than after a specified period of time.
Asset transformation and balance sheets provide us with only a snapshot view of a financial
intermediary’s business. That’s useful, but, of course, intermediaries, like banks, are dynamic
places where changes constantly occur. The easiest way to analyze that dynamism is via so-
called T-accounts, simplified balance sheets that list only changes in liabilities and assets. By
the way, they are called T-accounts because they look like a T. Sort of. Note in the T-accounts
below the horizontal and vertical rules that cross each other, sort of like a T.
Bankers must manage their assets and liabilities to ensure three conditions:
1. Their bank has enough reserves on hand to pay for any deposit outflows (net decreases in
deposits) but not so many as to render the bank unprofitable. This tricky trade-off is
called liquidity management.
2. Their bank earns profits. To do so, the bank must own a diverse portfolio of remunerative
assets. This is known as asset management. It must also obtain its funds as cheaply as
possible, which is known as liability management.
3. Their bank has sufficient net worth or equity capital to maintain a cushion against
bankruptcy or regulatory attention but not so much that the bank is unprofitable. This
second tricky trade-off is called capital adequacy management.
In their quest to earn profits and manage liquidity and capital, banks face two major risks: credit
risk, the risk of borrowers defaulting on the loans and securities it owns, and interest rate risk, the
risk that interest rate changes will decrease the returns on its assets and/or increase the cost of its
liabilities. The financial panic of 2008 reminded bankers that they also can face liability and
capital adequacy risks if financial markets become less liquid or seize up completely (trading is
greatly reduced or completely stops; q* approaches 0).
Let’s turn first to liquidity management. Big Apple Bank has the following balance sheet:
Suppose the bank then experiences a net transaction deposit outflow of $5 million. The bank’s
balance sheet (we could also use T-accounts here but we won’t) is now like this:
The bank’s reserve ratio now drops to 0/20 = .0000. That’s bound to be below the reserve ratio
required by regulators and in any event is very dangerous for the bank. What to do? To manage
this liquidity problem, bankers will increase reserves by the least expensive means at their
disposal. That almost certainly will not entail selling off real estate or calling in or selling loans.
Real estate takes a long time to sell, but, more importantly, the bank needs it to conduct business!
Calling in loans (not renewing them as they come due and literally calling in any that happen to
have a call feature) will likely antagonize borrowers. (Loans can also be sold to other lenders, but
they may not pay much for them because adverse selection is high. Banks that sell loans have an
incentive to sell off the ones to the worst borrowers. If a bank reduces that risk by promising to
buy back any loans that default, that bank risks losing the borrower’s future business.) The bank
might be willing to sell its securities, which are also called secondary reserves for a reason. If the
bankers decide that is the best path, the balance sheet will look like this:
The reserve ratio is now .5000, which is high but prudent if the bank’s managers believe that
more net deposit outflows are likely. Excess reserves are insurance against further outflows, but
keeping them is costly because the bank is no longer earning interest on the $10 million of
securities it sold. Of course, the bank could sell just, say, $2, $3, or $4 million of securities if it
thought the net deposit outflow was likely to stop.
The bankers might also decide to try to lure depositors back by offering a higher rate of interest,
lower fees, and/or better service. That might take some time, though, so in the meantime they
might decide to borrow $5 million from the Fed or from other banks in the federal funds market.
In that case, the bank’s balance sheet would change to the following:
Notice how changes in liabilities drive the bank’s size, which shrank from $100 to $90 million
when deposits shrank, which stayed the same size when assets were manipulated, but which
grew when $5 million was borrowed. That is why a bank’s liabilities are sometimes called its
“sources of funds.”
Asset management entails the usual trade-off between risk and return. Bankers want to make
safe, high-interest rate loans but, of course, few of those are to be found. So they must choose
between giving up some interest or suffering higher default rates. Bankers must also be careful to
diversify, to make loans to a variety of different types of borrowers, preferably in different
geographic regions. That is because sometimes entire sectors or regions go bust and the bank will
too if most of its loans were made in a depressed region or to the struggling group. Finally,
bankers must bear in mind that they need some secondary reserves, some assets that can be
quickly and cheaply sold to bolster reserves if need be.
Today, bankers’ decisions about how many excess and secondary reserves to hold is partly a
function of their ability to manage their liabilities. Historically, bankers did not try to manage
their liabilities. They took deposit levels as given and worked from there. Since the 1960s,
however, banks, especially big ones in New York, Chicago, and San Francisco (the so-called
money centers), began to actively manage their liabilities by
Recent regulatory reforms have made it easier for banks to actively manage their liabilities. In
typical times today, if a bank has a profitable loan opportunity, it will not hesitate to raise the
funds by borrowing from another bank, attracting deposits with higher interest rates, or selling an
NCD.
That leaves us with capital adequacy management. Like reserves, banks would hold capital
without regulatory prodding because equity or net worth buffers banks (and other companies)
from temporary losses, downturns, and setbacks. However, like reserves, capital is costly. The
more there is of it, holding profits constant, the less each dollar of it earns. So capital, like
reserves, is now subject to minimums called capital requirements.
If $5 billion of its loans went bad and had to be completely written off, Safety Bank would still
be in operation:
You don’t need to be a certified public accountant (CPA) to know that red numbers and negative
signs are not good news. Shaky Bank is a now a new kind of bank, bankrupt.
Wajid Shakeel Ahmed, (AP),
MS Department, CIIT, Islamabad. Page 10
CREDIT MANAGEMENT
Why would a banker manage capital like Shaky Bank instead of like Safety Bank? In a word,
profitability. There are two major ways of measuring profitability: return on assets (ROA) and
return on equity (ROE).
Suppose that, before the loan debacle, both Safety and Shaky Bank had $10 billion in profits.
The ROA of both would be 10/100 = .10. But Shaky Bank’s ROE, what shareholders care about
most, would leave Safety Bank in the dust because Shaky Bank is more highly leveraged (more
assets per dollar of equity).
This, of course, is nothing more than the standard risk-return trade-off applied to banking.
Regulators in many countries have therefore found it prudent to mandate capital adequacy
standards to ensure that some bankers are not taking on high levels of risk in the pursuit of high
profits.
1. By buying (selling) their own bank’s stock in the open market. That reduces (increases)
the number of shares outstanding, raising (decreasing) capital and ROE, ceteris paribus
2. By paying (withholding) dividends, which decreases (increases) capital, increasing
(decreasing) ROE, all else equal
3. By increasing (decreasing) the bank’s assets, which, with capital held constant, increases
(decreases) ROE
These same concepts and principles—asset, liability, capital, and liquidity management, and
capital-liquidity and capital-profitability trade-offs—apply to other types of financial
intermediaries as well, though the details, of course, differ.
As noted above, loans are banks’ bread and butter. No matter how good bankers are at asset,
liability, and capital adequacy management, they will be failures if they cannot manage credit
risk. Keeping defaults to a minimum requires bankers to be keen students of asymmetric
information (adverse selection and moral hazard) and techniques for reducing them.
Bankers and insurers, like computer folks, know about GIGO—garbage in, garbage out. If they
lend to or insure risky people and companies, they are going to suffer. So they carefully screen
applicants for loans and insurance. In other words, to reduce asymmetric information, financial
Financial intermediaries use the application only as a starting point. Because risky applicants
might stretch the truth or even outright lie on the application, intermediaries typically do two
things: (1) make the application a binding part of the financial contract, and (2) verify the
information with disinterested third parties. The first allows them to void contracts if
applications are fraudulent. If someone applied for life insurance but did not disclose that he or
she was suffering from a terminal disease, the life insurance company would not pay, though it
might return any premiums. (That may sound cruel to you, but it isn’t. In the process of
protecting its profits, the insurance company is also protecting its policyholders.) In other
situations, the intermediary might not catch a falsehood in an application until it is too late, so it
also verifies important information by calling employers (Is John Doe really the Supreme
Commander of XYZ Corporation?), conducting medical examinations (Is Jane Smith really in
perfect health despite being 3' 6'' tall and weighing 567 pounds?), hiring appraisers (Is a one-
bedroom, half-bath house on the wrong side of the tracks really worth $1.2 million?), and so
forth. Financial intermediaries can also buy credit reports from third-party report providers like
Equifax, Experian, or Trans Union. Similarly, insurance companies regularly share information
with each other so that risky applicants can’t take advantage of them easily.
To help improve their screening acumen, many financial intermediaries specialize. By making
loans to only one or a few types of borrowers, by insuring automobiles in a handful of states, by
insuring farms but not factories, intermediaries get very good at discerning risky applicants from
the rest. Specialization also helps to keep monitoring costs to a minimum. Remember that, to
reduce moral hazard (postcontractual asymmetric information), intermediaries have to pay
attention to what borrowers and people who are insured do. By specializing, intermediaries know
what sort of restrictive covenants (aka loan covenants) to build into their contracts. Loan
covenants include the frequency of providing financial reports, the types of information to be
provided in said reports, working capital requirements, permission for onsite inspections,
limitations on account withdrawals, and call options if business performance deteriorates as
measured by specific business ratios. Insurance companies also build covenants into their
contracts. You can’t turn your home into a brothel, it turns out, and retain your insurance
coverage. To reduce moral hazard further, insurers also investigate claims that seem fishy. If you
wrap your car around a tree the day after insuring it or increasing your coverage, the insurer’s
claims adjuster is probably going to take a very close look at the alleged accident. Like
everything else in life, however, specialization has its costs. Some companies overspecialize,
hurting their asset management by making too many loans or issuing too many policies in one
place or to one group. While credit risks decrease due to specialization, systemic risk to assets
increases, requiring bankers to make difficult decisions regarding how much to specialize.
Forging long-term relationships with customers can also help financial intermediaries to
manage their credit risks. Bankers, for instance, can lend with better assurance if they can study
the checking and savings accounts of applicants over a period of years or decades. Repayment
records of applicants who had previously obtained loans can be checked easily and cheaply.
Moreover, the expectation (there’s that word again) of a long-term relationship changes the
One way that lenders create long-term relationships with businesses is by providing loan
commitments, promises to lend $x at y interest (or y plus some market rate) for z years. Such
arrangements are so beneficial for both lenders and borrowers that most commercial loans are in
fact loan commitments. Such commitments are sometimes called lines of credit, particularly
when extended to consumers. Because lines of credit can be revoked under specific
circumstances, they act to reduce risky behavior on the part of borrowers.
Bankers also often insist on collateral—assets pledged by the borrower for repayment of a loan.
When those assets are cash left in the bank, the collateral is called compensating or
compensatory balances. Another powerful tool to combat asymmetric information is credit
rationing, refusing to make a loan at any interest rate (to reduce adverse selection) or lending
less than the sum requested (to reduce moral hazard). Insurers also engage in both types of
rationing, and for the same reasons: people willing to pay high rates or premiums must be risky,
and the more that is lent or insured (ceteris paribus) the higher the likelihood that the customer
will abscond, cheat, or set aflame, as the case may be.
As the world learned to its chagrin in 2007–2008, banks and other lenders are not perfect
screeners. Sometimes, under competitive pressure, they lend to borrowers they should not have.
Sometimes, individual bankers profit handsomely by lending to very risky borrowers, even
though their actions endanger their banks’ very existence. Other times, external political or
societal pressures induce bankers to make loans they normally wouldn’t. Such excesses are
always reversed eventually because the lenders suffer from high levels of nonperforming loans.
Financial intermediaries can also be brought low by changes in interest rates. Consider the
situation of Some Bank, which like most depository institutions borrows short and lends long:
If interest rates increase, Some Bank’s gross profits, the difference between what it pays for its
liabilities and earns on its assets, will decline (assuming the spread stays the same) because the
value of its rate-sensitive liabilities (short-term and variable-rate time deposits) exceeds that of
its rate-sensitive assets (short-term and variable- rate loans and securities). Say, for instance, it
today pays 3 percent for its rate-sensitive liabilities and receives 7 percent on its rate-sensitive
assets. That means it is paying 20 × .03 = $.6 billion to earn 10 × .07 = $.7 billion. (Not bad work
if you can get it.) If interest rates increase 1 percent on each side of the balance sheet, Some
Wajid Shakeel Ahmed, (AP),
MS Department, CIIT, Islamabad. Page 13
CREDIT MANAGEMENT
Bank will be paying 20 × .04 = $.8 billion to earn 10 × .08 = $.8 billion. (No profits there.) If
rates increase another 1 percent, it will have to pay 20 × .05 = $1 billion to earn 10 × .09 = $.9
billion, a total loss of $.2 billion (from a $.1 billion profit to a $.1 billion loss).
Of course, if the value of its risk-sensitive assets exceeded that of its liabilities, the bank would
profit from interest rate increases. It would suffer, though, if interest rates decreased. Imagine
Some Bank has $10 billion in interest rate-sensitive assets at 8 percent and only $1 billion in
interest rate-sensitive liabilities at 5 percent. It is earning 10 × .08 = $.8 billion while paying 1 ×
.05 = $.05 billion. If interest rates decreased, it might earn only 10 × .05 = $.5 billion while
paying 1 × .02 = $.02 billion; thus, ceteris paribus, its gross profits would decline from .8 − .05 =
$.75 billion to .5 − .02 = $.48 billion, a loss of $.27 billion. More formally, this type of
calculation, called basic gap analysis, is
Cρ = (Ar−Lr) × △i
where:
Cρ = changes in profitability
Ar = risk-sensitive assets
Lr = risk-sensitive liabilities
Now, take a look at Figure 9.3 "Basic gap analysis matrix", which summarizes, in a 2 × 2 matrix,
what happens to bank profits when the gap is positive (Ar > Lr) or negative (Ar < Lr) when
interest rates fall or rise. Basically, bankers want to have more interest-sensitive assets than
liabilities if they think that interest rates are likely to rise and they want to have more interest
rate-sensitive liabilities than assets if they think that interest rates are likely to decline.
Of course, not all rate-sensitive liabilities and assets have the same maturities, so to assess their
interest rate risk exposure bankers usually engage in more sophisticated analyses like the
maturity bucket approach, standardized gap analysis, or duration analysis. Duration, also known
as Macaulay’s Duration, measures the average length of a security’s stream of payments. In this
context, duration is used to estimate the sensitivity of a security’s or a portfolio’s market value to
interest rate changes via this formula:
△%P=−△%i × d
Δi = change in interest (not decimalized, i.e., represent 5% as 5, not .05. Also note the negative
sign. The sign is negative because interest rates and prices are inversely related.)
d = duration (years)
So, if interest rates increase 2 percent and the average duration of a bank’s $100 million of assets
is 3 years, the value of those assets will fall approximately −2 × 3 = −6%, or $6 million. If the
value of that bank’s liabilities (excluding equity) is $95 million, and the duration is also 3 years,
the value of the liabilities will also fall, 95 × .06 = $5.7 million, effectively reducing the bank’s
equity (6 − 5.7= ) $.3 million. If the duration of the bank’s liabilities is only 1 year, then its
liabilities will fall −2 × 1 = −2% or 95 × .02 = $1.9 million, and the bank will suffer an even
larger loss (6 − 1.9 =) of $4.1 million. If, on the other hand, the duration of the bank’s liabilities
is 10 years, its liabilities will decrease −2 × 10 = −20% or $19 million and the bank will profit
from the interest rate rise.
A basic interest rate risk reduction strategy when interest rates are expected to fall is to keep the
duration of liabilities short and the duration of assets long. That way, the bank continues to earn
the old, higher rate on its assets but benefits from the new lower rates on its deposits, CDs, and
To protect themselves against interest rate increases, banks go off road, engaging in activities
that do not appear on their balance sheets. Banks charge customers all sorts of fees, and not just
the little ones that they sometimes slap on retail checking depositors. They also charge fees for
loan guarantees, backup lines of credit, and foreign exchange transactions. Banks also now sell
some of their loans to investors. Banks usually make about .15 percent when they sell a loan,
which can be thought of as their fee for originating the loan, for, in other words, finding and
screening the borrower. So, for example, a bank might discount the $100,000 note of XYZ Corp.
for 1 year at 8 percent. We know from the present value formula that on the day it is made, said
loan is worth PV = FV/(1 + i) = 100,000/1.08 = $92,592.59. The bank might sell it for
100,000/1.0785 = $92,721.37 and pocket the difference. Such activities are not without risks,
however. Loan guarantees can become very costly if the guaranteed party defaults. Similarly,
banks often sell loans with a guarantee or stipulation that they will buy them back if the borrower
defaults. (If they didn’t do so, as noted above, investors would not pay much for them because
they would fear adverse selection, that is, the bank pawning off their worse loans on
unsuspecting third parties.) Although loans and fees can help keep up bank revenues and profits
in the face of rising interest rates, they do not absolve the bank of the necessity of carefully
managing its credit risks.
Banks (and other financial intermediaries) also take off-balance-sheet positions in derivatives
markets, including futures and interest rate swaps. They sometimes use derivatives to hedge their
risks; that is, they try to earn income should the bank’s main business suffer a decline if, say,
interest rates rise. For example, bankers sell futures contracts on U.S. Treasuries at the Chicago
Board of Trade. If interest rates increase, the price of bonds, we know, will decrease. The bank
can then effectively buy bonds in the open market at less than the contract price, make good on
the contract, and pocket the difference, helping to offset the damage the interest rate increase will
cause the bank’s balance sheet.
Bankers can also hedge their bank’s interest rate risk by engaging in interest rate swaps. A bank
might agree to pay a finance company a fixed 6 percent on a $100 million notational principal
(or $6 million) every year for ten years in exchange for the finance company’s promise to pay to
the bank a market rate like the federal funds rate or London Interbank Offering Rate (LIBOR)
plus 3 percent. If the market rate increases from 3 percent (which initially would entail a wash
because 6 fixed = 3 LIBOR plus 3 contractual) to 5 percent, the finance company will pay the net
due to the bank, (3 + 5 = 8 − 6 = 2% on $100 million =) $2 million, which the bank can use to
cover the damage to its balance sheet brought about by the higher rates. If interest rates later fall
Banks and other financial intermediaries also sometimes speculate in derivatives and the foreign
exchange markets, hoping to make a big killing. Of course, with the potential for high returns
comes high levels of risk. Several hoary banks have gone bankrupt because they assumed too
much off-balance-sheet risk. In some cases, the failures were due to the principal-agent problem:
rogue traders bet their jobs, and their banks, and lost. In other cases, traders were mere
scapegoats, instructed to behave as they did by the bank’s managers or owners. In either case, it
is difficult to have much sympathy for the bankers, who were either deliberate risk-takers or
incompetent. There are some very basic internal controls that can prevent traders from risking
too much of the capital of the banks they trade for, as well as techniques, called value at risk and
stress testing, that allow bankers to assess their bank’s derivative risk exposure.