The Early Jesus Prayer and Meditation
The Early Jesus Prayer and Meditation
The Early Jesus Prayer and Meditation
[b] 1. Introduction
The so-called Jesus prayer is a Christian monastic practice somewhere in between prayer and
meditation2 that originated with the rise of Christian monasticism in the 4th–6th century CE.
The practice, in its more developed form, involved the monk unceasingly repeating a short
prayer addressed to Jesus Christ, invoking his name or using a more extensive phrase, like
'Lord Jesus Christ, Son of God, have mercy on me' (a more or less fixed formula only
developed gradually). An important purpose behind the practice was to achieve a certain
This essay will discuss the early development of this practice. I will proceed in two steps.
First, I will try to discern some important common features of the early practice, both in terms
of how it was done, and how the aims of the practice were conceived. Secondly, at the end, I
will discuss briefly the question of the origins of the Jesus prayer, by relating the practice to
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The aim is not to give a complete picture of what we know from all early Christian monastic
sources, or of the early development, but to explore three important early monastic sources as
a sample to discern important features of the practice, and to use these findings for a
comparison with pre-monastic sources. The monastic sources that will be used are three early
monastic texts, the Conferences by John Cassian (d. 435),4 the Gnostic Chapters by
Diadochus of Photike (5th cent.),5 and a somewhat later text, The Ladder of Divine Ascent by
John Climacus (6th/7th cent.).6 Unlike the other two, Diadochus of Photike was a bishop and
not a monk, but his text was not unlikely addressed to monks. It also had a great impact on
When it comes to Greco-Roman philosophy, I will also restrict the focus. Even though we
find meditative practices in several philosophical traditions, I will mainly look at practices in
imperial Stoicism,7 and mostly in Seneca the Younger (d. 65), in his Letters to Lucilius and
his moral treatises, where we have elaborate references to a kind of verbal meditation that
When considering meditation and the Jesus prayer in the three monastic sources we should
have two things in mind. First, none of these texts were really a practical handbook on the
Jesus prayer as such, even though the writers refer to, or imply, such practice quite frequently.
The parts of John Cassian's Conferences that will be considered here are perhaps the ones that
come closest to such a handbook. In general, however, the references to the Jesus prayer are
rather a part of instructions with partly different aims. The same holds true for the references
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Secondly, the Jesus prayer is not a clearly defined practice in these early sources. Even though
it is evident that we are dealing with a sort of prayer in all three sources,8 the terminology is
not consistent, and the practice, as such, is closely related to a broader set of practices and
notions, like the continual meditation or recitation (melétē) of short verses from the Scripture,
the practice of 'remembrance of God', and the biblical notion of 'unceasing' prayer.9 The
combination is also varied. In John Cassian and Diadochus, the practice of short repetitive
'remembrance of God'. In John Climacus the practice is also related to the 'remembrance of
God', but the notion of melétē is not used in this context; melétē is merely used for other kinds
of meditative practices, like the recitation of biblical texts in general, or the meditation upon
one's death. In John Cassian short prayers including the name of Jesus are not mentioned in
Against this background, it will be important not to isolate the use of repetitive short prayers
from this broader matrix of practices, even though the focus will be on such repetitive
prayers. The matrix will be discussed under two general headings: (i) the form of the
practices, and (ii) its aims. Despite the differences, we will find a quite similar set of practices
The important close connection between meditation (melétē), the remembrance of God, and
the use of short prayers, has been pointed out by other scholars,10 but how these practices are
related in the early development of the Jesus prayer, not the least in relation to Greco-Roman
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Usually the early monastic development of the Jesus prayer is only discussed in terms of
earlier Christian practice of prayer. The Jesus prayer definitely turned out as a very important
Christian innovation, in due course, but was it really as independent from its Greco-Roman
context as it is usually presented? Some scholars have suggested a connection between early
but when it comes to the Jesus prayer as such, there is very few exceptions to the general
picture; one exception is a short paragraph by Irénée Hausherr (1960), where he calls
perhaps, that the Greco-Roman practice 'foreshadows the meletan of the fathers'.13 Apparently
there is a similarity in terminology, but Hausherr's observation seems to have gone mostly
unnoticed, even though other scholars relates the practice of the Jesus prayer to meditation
(melétē), or even suggest that meditation (melétē), as such, is at the heart of the early practice
In order to elucidate the early development, and in what sense the early practice is
foreshadowed in Greco-Roman philosophy, I will, in the second part of this essay, look at
similarities between early forms of the Jesus prayer and practices of melétē (Greek) or
[C] 2.1. THE FORM OF THE JESUS PRAYER AND SIMILAR PRACTICES
and the ideal of an 'unceasing prayer'. The use of 'short' (brevissimae) 'repetitive' (crebrae)
prayers was something typical of the early desert fathers, according to Augustine (d. 430).15
Unlike the daily prayers where the monks recited psalms at specific hours of the day, alone or
together,16 the Jesus prayer and similar short prayers were a private occupation, where a
particular phrase or prayer was repeated over and over again, preferably as it seems, at all
times.17 In the earliest monastic sources, repetition is indicated by the use of the verb meletán
or meditari, or the noun melétē or meditatio in the context of the short prayers. Repetition was
also typical of the general monastic practice of melétē, where short excerpts from Scripture
The close connection between melétē and the practice of short prayers is apparent in our two
earliest sources, in John Cassian and Diadochus.19 John Cassian recommends a short phrase
from the Psalms (O God, incline unto my aid; O Lord, make haste to help me) as an object of
one's prayer. At other times Cassian is even more explicit regarding the need to make the
practice constant and ceaseless: '[t]his verse should be poured out in unceasing
prayer' (oratio), Cassian states, and then he encourages the reader to 'meditate
constantly' (meditatio … indisrupta volvatur) on the verse in the heart.20 It is notable that
Cassian discusses the formula both in terms of prayer and meditation (meditatio), in the same
passage. In Diadochus the reader is exhorted to attach the words 'Lord Jesus' (Kýrie Iēsoú) to
his mind, as its sole occupation. Diadochus adds that one should contemplate these words
deep down in one's inner 'treasuries' (tamieíoi), and that those who 'meditate
unceasingly' (meletōsin apaústōs) on 'this holy and glorious name in the depths of their heart',
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will also see the 'light of their minds.'21 In another passage, Diadochus speaks about the
'remembrance of Lord Jesus', both in terms of prayer and ceaseless meditation (melétē).22
In The Ladder, melétē is used a handful of times, but only with reference to practices not
necessarily associated with prayer, like unceasing (adialeíptôs) recitation of verses from
But Climacus indicates repetition in other ways. One way is to speak about the prayer in
relation to breathing.27 From these references it is clear that Climacus imply a repetitive
practice; just like one's breathing, the prayer should be a constant and a repetitive practice.
Climacus also speaks about 'unceasing prayer', using a whole range of expressions,28 just like
John Cassian29 and Diadochus.30 It is not always clear from the context that Climacus refers to
the Jesus prayer as such, but very often it is likely that he does. In two passages in his Ladder,
for example, he uses exactly the same term 'to scourge' (mastízō), to indicate repetition, on the
one hand related to a prayer using the name of Jesus, and on the other, related to 'unceasing
prayer'.31
Although Climacus' text has a clear fragmentized outlook, Climacus weaves his seemingly
specifically, repetition and the idea of a constant habit are evident also from this perspective.
The initially stated preference for the use of short phrases during prayer,33 seems to be
presupposed later on in the chapter,34 when Climacus stresses the importance of 'unceasing
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prayer' or constant prayer in order to keep the mind focused on God and free from
distractions.
The notion of 'unceasing prayer' was evidently also informed by the New Testament, e.g. by
the apostle Paul's First epistle to the Thessalonians 5.17,35 where the addressees were
encouraged to pray 'unceasingly' (adialeíptōs).36 However, Paul did not refer to the Jesus
prayer, but used the phrase metaphorically in order to express a proper constant attitude. In
Origen (important theologian of the 3rd cent.) 'unceasing prayer' is also interpreted
changed into a more literal understanding. As I shall argue, important factors in this
[d] 2.1.2. Short Formulas and the Use of the Name of Jesus
A second feature of the early practice of the Jesus prayer and related practices, is the
repetitive use of a short textual formula as a sort of semantic and auditive object of the prayer.
We find short formulas of two partly overlapping kinds: (i) short phrases taken from
Scripture,38 and (ii) short prayers addressing God, the Lord, Jesus, or Jesus Christ (with or
without titles ascribed to Jesus).39 In John Cassian the specific short formula (formula)
proposed for the repetitive prayer is taken from Psalms 70.1: 'O God, incline unto my aid; O
Lord, make haste to help me'. In John Cassian, but also in Diadochus, this use of short prayers
is referred to in terms of melétē or meditatio,40 just like the recitation of short phrases from
Scripture in general. Thus, as we have stated earlier, it is evident that the early use of short
repetitive prayers is closely related to the repetitive recitation of short phrases from Scripture.
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It is also notable that Cassian's formula does not include the name of Jesus. In Diadochus, in
the 5th century, in contrast, we have one of the earliest examples of a formula including the
name of Jesus, tó kýrie Jēsoú,41 and in Gaza, in the 6th century, we find slightly different
formulas also including the name of Jesus, like 'Lord Jesus, have mercy upon me',42 or 'Jesus
help me'.43 But even if we find the use of the name of Jesus, at least in the 5th century,44 and
even if the name of Jesus gradually became an essential part of the Jesus prayer, it is clear that
'it enjoys no special prominence' in the earliest sources.45 And it is also evident that we find
no fixed formula in this period.46 The impression, thus, that the practice seems to originate
In John Climacus there are references to the repetitive use of both short Scripture quotations47
and prayers including the name of Jesus, e.g. in statements like, '[f]log your enemies with the
name of Jesus,'48 or 'Always let the remembrance of God and the single phrased prayer of
Jesus (monológistos Iēsou eúchē) go to sleep with you'49 —the use of the term monologistos in
the last quotation, referring to the Jesus prayer, is as it seems the first occurrence in early
monastic sources.50 Just like in the earlier monastic tradition, the repetitive use of prayers and
the repetitive recitation of verses from Scripture seem not, in Climacus, to be two clearly
distinct practices; e.g. both kinds of formula should, according to Climacus, be 'affixed to',
Also in chapter 28, on prayer, in Climacus' Ladder, prayers using short phrases are presented
in various ways as a preferable form of prayer: while a lot words often distracts the mind and
leads to fantasy, single phrases (monología) 'makes for concentration';52 and the very
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beginning of prayer, according to Climacus, is to 'drive away' distracting thoughts 'by single
phrases' (monologístōs).53
As we have seen the repetitive use of short prayers in early monastic sources is clearly
referred to in terms of a melétē or meditatio. We know from other early monastic sources that
melétē often, but not always, meant using one's lips or repeating a certain phrase aloud;54 and
this seems to be the case for the Jesus prayer as well.55 Diadochus is not completely clear, but
he seems to imply that the short phrases or the name of Jesus ought to be, or at least could be,
repeated aloud; in one passage, Diadochus says that one should 'call out' the short phrase
'Jesus Christ' during the prayer.56 In John Cassian the use of the voice is even clearer. We find
several passages, where Cassian uses the verb decantare, which means57 to recite, thus,
indicating that the words of the short prayer should be pronounced aloud: 'You should not stop
reciting it [i.e. the formula] when you are doing any kind of work…', Cassian states at one
point.58
Climacus rarely speaks explicitly about whether a melétē or the Jesus prayer should be done
with one's voice or not. However, he states once in his chapter on prayer (chapter 28), as it
seems with reference to prayer with single phrases (monologístōs), that such prayer in its
more mature form also implies that one is able to enclose one's mind 'within what is being
said or thought' (en toís legoménois ē noouménois), thus, implying that such short prayers
sources. In John Cassian and Diadochus we find no reference at all to breathing, but in The
Ladder, in contrast, there are several references. However, should we understand these
evident that the Jesus prayer also involved one's breathing. This is clear, e.g., in a monastic
treatise called Method of Sacred Prayer and Attentiveness.60 When it comes to Climacus,
however, scholars usually interpret the references metaphorically, as if they merely express
that the prayer ought to be unceasing or continuous.61 But if we should understand the
references literally, they are among the earliest references to breathing in relation to the Jesus
prayer.62
John Climacus refers to breathing in connection with the Jesus prayer three times in his
Ladder:
Then they threw themselves at his [i.e. John the Sabbaite's] feet begging him to give them
a rule … to the third he said: 'Take in with your breath inseparably (Analaboú sýn tēi pnoēi
sou achōrístōs) the word that reads: "He that endureth to the end shall be saved."' (Matt.
10.22)
Let this be affixed to your breathing (tēi sēi anapnoēi sygkollēthētō), the word of him
who says: 'But I, when then demons troubled me, put on sackcloth, and humbled my
soul with fasting, and my prayer was affixed to the bosom of my soul.' (Ps. 34.13)
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(3) The Ladder 27.61 (1112c)65
Unite the memory of Jesus to your breathing (hē Iēsoú mnēmē enōthētō tēi pnoēi sou) and
The texts are not entirely clear, but there are indications in them that would speak for a literal
meaning.
When arguing for a metaphorical meaning scholars have often referred to some phrases in
Gregory of Nazianz (d. 390) that deal with prayer and breathing, as well. These texts, together
with some passages in the Sentences of Sextus (2nd cent.), Clement of Alexandria (d. c. 215),
Origen (d. c. 254), and the Vita Antonii (4th cent.) are, as it seems, the texts that come closest
The references are of two kinds. In the Sentences of Sextus, Clement and Origen we find the
expression 'to breathe God' (Theón anapneín)67 or 'to breathe Christ' (tón Christón anapneín)68
meaning, as it seems, to keep God or Christ before one's eyes more or less constantly. In the
Vita Antonii69 and in Gregory of Nazianz,70 the phrases are similar but also clearly related to
in John Climacus in the same way as in these passages? There are some indications that
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To begin with it is clear that the expressions in John Climacus are different from the phrases
in the earlier sources, and should therefore not necessarily be interpreted similarly. In the
earlier sources we have the verb 'breathe', with 'God' or 'Christ' as its object in accusative,71
but in The Ladder a specific phrase (lógos), or the memory of Jesus, is supposed by 'affixed'
Secondly, it is clear that it was natural and self-evident for Climacus to use the body, in
general, as an aid in prayer, in order to to uphold certain inward attitudes, since, as Climacus
states, 'the mind often conforms to the body'.72 Such efforts of 'bodily prayer' could involve
'stretching out the hands, beating of the breast, sincere raising of the eyes to heaven, deep
Finally, it is also important to notice that in the second quotation above (14.32), Climacus has
changed the wording, 'my prayer shall return to my own bosom', from the Septuagint, into 'my
prayer was affixed to the bosom of my soul'. Thus, the idea that the verse from Scripture
should be affixed to one's breathing is paralleled by the prayer being affixed to 'the bosom of
my soul'. This interiorization of the verse and its meaning is crucial. Might this imply that, as
the air goes down into the lungs when breathing, the verse and its implication will also find its
way into the heart? There are good reasons to believe so, especially if we consider common
ideas about breathing in Late Antique medicine, where the inhaled air was often understood as
not just entering the lungs, but also to pass from the lungs into the heart. We have this idea in
such crucial authors as Galen (2nd cent. CE), in the influential physiologist Erasistratus (3rd
cent. BCE), whose disciples Galen argued against in other respects, and perhaps also already
in Aristotle.74 Thus, against this background it is not unlikely that the practice of reciting a
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phrase from Scripture could have been understood as being supported and enforced by one's
breathing, if the phrase was attached to one's respiration: Just as the air went from the mouth
to the lungs, and then to the heart, the attitude implied by the phrase did the same.
Thus, even if we cannot be entirely sure, there are a number of quite reasonable arguments for
a literal use of breathing in connection with the Jesus prayer in John Climacus; accordingly
even though breathing seems not to have been part of the earliest monastic practice, it might
There are at least three distinctive aims associated with the use of the Jesus prayer in our three
monastic sources; the first is concentration, or more specifically, a constant focus upon God or
Jesus Christ.
According to John Cassian, the purpose of constant meditation (meditatio) on short phrases is
to keep 'the mind's whole and entire attention fixed on God' (sanam et integram mentis
intentionem … ad deum).75 Such a focus on God in connection with the Jesus prayer or short
repetitive prayers is also clearly implied, in all our three sources, in references to the
'remembrance of God', or the 'remembrance of Lord Jesus' (toú Kyríou Iēsou mnēmē), or
similar expressions.76 Diadochus also underlines the importance of giving the mind 'nothing
but the prayer "Lord Jesus",'77 or the importance of grace and freedom from passion in order
to keep such a focus: 'even though the mind is momentarily deprived by forgetfulness of the
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object of its longing', under such preconditions 'it at once resumes its proper activity.'78
Climacus suggests a similar benefit of the Jesus prayer: 'Prepare yourself for the set times of
prayer by unceasing prayer…', he states, and then elaborating it further: 'I have seen those
who … preserved the remembrance of God, and when they stood at prayer they did at once
The use of single phrases during the Jesus prayer is also something that makes the mind
focused. While loquacity in prayer often distracts the mind, according to Climacus, short
Another aim with the Jesus prayer and related practices is to imprint the words or to fix their
meaning, or their implied attitude, at the bottom of one's soul. In all three sources this aim is
possible to 'cling to the memory of God', or to achieve a 'constant memory of God', as Cassian
states.81 In Diadochus it is evident that the meditative prayer means interiorization. If one
meditates on the name of Jesus, 'in the depths' of one's heart, an inner attitude is established;
then the very name 'implants in us a constant state of love for its goodness' (héxin hēmín
chapter 14 on fasting, Climacus presents the repetitive recitation of a short phrase from the
Psalms as a way to uphold or to attain an inward humble attitude together with one's fasting:
'Let this be affixed to your breathing, the word of him who says: "But I, when the demons
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troubled me, put on sackcloth, and humbled my soul with fasting, and my prayer was affixed
to the bosom of my soul."'83 As I have mentioned earlier, Climacus has here changed the
phrase of the Septuagint, 'my prayer shall return to my bosom', into 'my prayer was affixed to
the bosom of my soul', in order to express the importance of engraving the meaning of the
phrase. The reference to breathing seems to reinforce the interiorization: when the words are
affixed to one's breathing, they descend into one's inmost parts, just like the air of one's
breath.
A third aim, finally, and perhaps one of the most important, is the use of the Jesus prayer as a
way to keep the mind from wandering, or from turning away from its proper focus and
activity, something that, of course, is closely related to the first aim, to be concentrated upon
God. This aim is also evident in our earliest sources, in John Cassian and Diadochus of
Photike. Diadochus writes: 'You should give to it [i.e. the intellect], the "Lord Jesus" as its
only preoccupation', and then he continues, 'Let the mind continually concentrate on these
words within its inner treasuries with such intensity that it is not turned aside to any
the mind.87 According to John Cassian the short prayers have an effect upon a range of
objects, like 'distractions', 'wandering thoughts', 'fantasies', or 'demons'.88 The short prayer is,
accordingly, 'an unassailable wall, an impenetrable breastplate, and a very strong shield for all
of those who labour under the attack of the demons,' Cassian states;89 thus, a protection to
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We have similar ideas in John Climacus. The use of unceasing or single phrased prayer is a
temptations.94 It is a way to control the mind; to avoid distractions, to make the mind
concentrated (tón noún synágein),95 or to master the mind (toú heautoú nóos perigígnesthai).96
Finally, closely related to an unwandering mind is inward tranquillity. This aim (tranquillitas)
seems to be in John Cassian's mind.97 Climacus also makes this plain: 'Unite the memory of
Jesus to your breathing [hē Iēsou mnēmē enōthētō tēi pnoēi sou] and then you will know the
benefit of stillness [hēsychías].'98 This ultimate end can also be expressed, in our three
We will end this essay by looking at how the early practice of the Jesus prayer might be
'remembrance of God'.
From what has been said above, some aspects of the Jesus prayer seem to be closely related to
the practice of melétē (repetition, use of one's lips), while others are more closely related to
the remembrance of God (concentration upon God). I would like to suggest in the following
that there are good reasons to understand the practices of melétē and mnēmē Theoú in Greco-
Roman philosophy as two crucial sources for the early development of the Jesus prayer. We
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The concept of melétē and meditatio (and the corresponding verbs meletán or meditari) are in
but clearly quite different from the modern concept.100 Basically this kind of melétē or
meditatio meant a repetitive practice, using images or short phrases, in order to engrave
In the following I will restrict the discussion to one type of meditative practice, the verbal
melétē or meditatio, i.e. the repetitive use of short verbal phrases; and to one author, Seneca
the Younger, where we find a great number of references to this kind of meditatio, references
very close to the monastic practice of melétē or meditatio. Even if the verbal melétē or
When looking at the forms and aims of the verbal meditation (meditatio) in Seneca, we find
five essential features that make a strong case for an impact of the tradition that Seneca
represents on the early forms of the Jesus prayer: repetition, the use of short formulas, the use
of one's voice, and interiorization and an unwandering mind as important aims of the practice.
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To begin with, it is frequently underlined by Seneca that one needs to make the verbal
meditation a daily (cotidianus),104 and a constant (adsiduus) practice.105 It is not always clear
what he actually implies by a 'constant' practice, but it is evident that we are dealing with a
repetitive and prolonged (diu) practice that needs to be done 'frequently' (subinde) or
'often' (saepe),106 with a focus on just one single maxim. Seneca writes, referring to Demetrius
the Cynic:
it is far better for us to possess only a few maxims of philosophy that are nevertheless
always at our command and in use, than to acquire vast knowledge that notwithstanding
serves no practical purpose. 'Just as,' he says, 'the best wrestler is not one who is
thoroughly acquainted with all the postures and grips of the art, which he will seldom use
against an adversary, but he who has well and carefully trained himself in one or two of
Such meditatio can also be likened to digestion108 or to the dyeing of wool to underline its
repetitive character; just as wool is 'soaked and steeped' in the colours 'many times', so is the
soul, until the principle or the saying that ought to be meditated upon has thoroughly 'dyed'
the soul.109
At the heart of the verbal meditation for Seneca is the use of short phrases or sayings
(sententiae). These sententiae were the very 'bones of the meditatio', as Robert J. Newman
states.110 They could be a quotation from a philosopher,111 or from the Poets, or a good
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proverb, like 'Nothing in excess,' or 'You must expect to be treated by others as you yourself
It is hard to know exactly how these short phrases were used, but it seems that meditation was
often, but not necessarily always, performed aloud,113 thus, probably implying a sort of
repetitive recitation of the short phrase. However, Seneca emphasizes that the use of one's
voice is not an end in itself, since the purpose is not 'to give the voice exercise, but to make it
When comparing philosophical verbal meditation and the Jesus prayer, we also find many of
the same aims. The two most important aims of the philosophical verbal melétē or meditatio
are paralleled in the practice of the Jesus prayer, too: (i) interiorization of attitudes, and (ii)
Just like for the Jesus prayer, a fundamental aspect of verbal philosophical meditation is
interiorization, thus, to let the sententia, or the content of the saying, be 'welcomed
intimately'115 or 'implanted'116 into one's heart or soul, or to 'permeate'117 it. The purpose of the
verbal melétē/meditatio is to make the sententia a constant habit of mind, or to implant the
precepts into one's self, so as to have them constantly at hand. The aim is to achieve a state of
'preparedness', when confronting impressions and future happenings.118 'The constant and
rigorous application of particular phrases and images … interiorize the meditatio by driving
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its considerations deep into the soul', as Newman states.119 We are here close to our monastic
sources. Although preparedness is expressed mostly in other terms in our monastic texts (like
thoughts and temptations),120 the great difference is not the principle of internalization of
attitudes or virtues or preparedness, as such, but what kind of attitudes that are to be
implanted. Humility and compunction or a focus on God seem like attitudes of greater
importance in our monastic sources,121 while Seneca is more concerned with appropriate
The second aim of the verbal meditatio that we also find in relation to the Jesus prayer
concerns impressions (phantasiae) or emotions (affectus) that disturb the mind. To meditate
means for Seneca, as Armisen-Marchetti has shown, to 'manipulate' the mind, or to control
fortify the mind against assaults,124 or in terms of an inward peace or calm,125 or even in terms
of happiness.126 Again we are close to the aims of the Jesus prayer in our three monastic
sources. The great difference concerns what needs to be controlled or 'manipulated'. While
Seneca often speaks about impressions (phantasiae) that assault the mind, the inward control
in our early monastic sources concerns not only impressions, but also demons and bad
thoughts (logismoí). This difference, however, seems like a reasonable reflection of a general
acknowledged by other scholars.127 Finally, in addition, Seneca seems not to relate the
sources.
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[c] 3.3. REMEMBRANCE OF GOD
Seneca and early forms of the Jesus prayer in our three sources, not just in basic terminology
but also in terms of forms and aims of the practices. The one notable exception is the aim to
become concentrated upon God, which seems not to be related to philosophical verbal
melétē/meditation, at least not in Seneca (the use of breathing is missing, too, but is not found
in the earliest monastic sources either). However, this aspect can be explained if we consider
another, and as it seems, related philosophical notion, the 'remembrance of God'. As we have
seen in our two earliest monastic sources, the aim to become focused on God by using short
This notion was originally not a Christian one,128 but was used already by Philo (d. c. 40 CE)
and by imperial Stoics like Epictetus (d. 135) and Marcus Aurelius (d. 180) (but, to my
knowledge, not by Seneca), and by other Greco-Roman philosophers as well, like Iamblichus
(d. c. 330). For Marcus Aurelius the 'remembrance of God' seems to be intimately related to a
virtuous life.129 For Philo, who is perhaps the most important figure here, it is the foundation
and ideal of such a life; it is about preserving and memorizing God’s wisdom and precepts,
and ultimately, about being completely focused on God;130 and Philo's description of the
famous therapeutae, who 'always retain an imperishable recollection of God', even during
sleep, comes very close to our monastic sources.131 As Hermann Josef Sieben argues, it is
hard to deny the continuity between Greco-Roman philosophy and early monasticism when it
comes to the 'remembrance of God'.132 It is thus not unreasonable that the missing piece in
possibility of ineffable experiences of God,133 something that we have seen in our monastic
Several scholars have argued for monastic melétē as the origin of the Jesus prayer,134 or
pointed out its close connection to the notions melétē and 'remembrance of God'.135 But
considering how the matrix of aims and practices related to the Jesus prayer closely resembles
the aims and forms of philosophical verbal melétē or meditation, and the 'remembrance of
God' (including the terminology), it seems very likely that the early monastic practice of the
Jesus prayer is very much a development of these two originally philosophical practices, but
transformed to suit a new Christian monastic setting. Thus, it is when these practices are
elaborated in relation to a Christian corpus of biblical texts that we see the birth of a practice
eventually ending up in the Jesus prayer. How the two philosophical practices exactly are
related in pre-monastic sources deserves another study, but is evident that they are not
identical, but also that they have many features in common, such as a close connection to
[b] 4. Conclusion
From our three early Christian monastic sources, it is evident that the practice of the Jesus
prayer was not, in its earliest period, clearly defined, but was closely related to other
practices, like the recitation of and meditation (melétē) on short phrases, usually from
Scripture, and the practice of 'remembrance of God' (mnēmē Theoú or mnēmē toú Theoú).
The vocabulary and the practice in our three sources are varied – in Cassian and Diadochos,
but not in Climacus, the practice is spoken of in terms of meditation (melétē); in Cassian the
"22
formula, the object of the meditation or the prayer, does not include the name of Jesus as it
does in the other two; and only in Climacus does the practice seem to involve one's breathing.
Apart from this variation, however, we have discerned a quite uniform matrix of practices and
aims.
We can also conclude that this matrix of practices and aims largely corresponds with two
Younger) and the 'remembrance of God'—not just in terminology but also in terms of aims
and forms of the practices. There are, thus, good reasons to believe that the early forms of the
Jesus prayer are dependent upon or originate from these two, not identical, but closely related
philosophical practices (though they may not be their only sources). And it is when these two
practices are elaborated in a context of early Christian monasticism that we see the birth of the
Jesus prayer.
In this transition from one context to another, the matrix of practices and aims remains very
much the same, but there are also notable changes. The great difference pertains to the object
of prayer or meditation, which, in the monastic context, is derived from new Christian
sources, from Scripture; it also pertains to the transformation of the philosophical meditation
(melétē/meditatio) into a more clearly defined form of prayer (even though we have some
examples of melétē as prayer even in imperial Stoicism138); and finally, there is also a notable
change in the attitudes that one seeks to 'engrave' through the practice; towards attitudes that
seem to be of greater importance in the new Christian monastic context than in the earlier
philosophical setting.
"23
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19–36)
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Bacht, Heinrich 1955: '"Meditatio" in den ältesten Mönchsquellen'. Geist und Leben, 26, 360–
373 (reprinted in Das Vermächtnis des Ursprungs: Studien zum frühen Mönchtum, Würzburg:
Basore, John W. (ed) (1928–1935), L. Annaeus Seneca: Moral Essays. 3 vols. London:
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Bartelink, G.J.M. (ed) (2004), Athanase d'Alexandrie: Vie d'Antoine. Sources Chrétiennes
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Boccaccini, Gabriele (1991), Middle Judaism: Jewish Thought, 300 B.C.E. to 200 C.E.
Minneapolis: Fortress.
"24
Brakke, David (2006), Demons and the Making of the Monk: Spiritual Combat in Early
Brown, Peter (1989), The World of Late Antiquity: AD 150–759. New York: Norton.
Cameron, Alan (1976), 'The Authenticity of the Letters of St. Nilus of Ancyra'. Greek,
Chadwick, Henry (1959), The Sentences of Sextus: A Contribution to the History of Early
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Chryssavgis, John (2004), John Climacus: From the Egyptian Desert to the Sinaite Mountain.
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Farquharson, Arthur Spenser Loat (1944), The Meditations of the Emperor Marcus Aurelius,
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(2nd ed). Die griechischen christlichen Schriftsteller 17. Berlin: Akademie Verlag.
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Wilkie (eds), Galen: On Respiration and the Arteries. Princeton, N. J.: Princeton University
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Hausherr, Irénée (1960), Noms du Christ et voies d'oraison. Orientalia Christiana Analecta
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Imprimerie Catholique..
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Imperial Stoicism', in Wolfgang Haase (ed), Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt:
Geschichte und Kultur Roms im Spiegel der neueren Forschung 2.36.3. Berlin: de Gruyter,
pp. 1473–1517.
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des Places, Édouard (ed) (1966), Diadoque de Photicé: Oeuvres Spirituelles. Sources
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Schenkl, Heinrich (ed) (1916), Epicteti dissertationes ab Arriano digestae. Leipzig: Teubner.
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Stewart, Columba (1998), Cassian the Monk. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
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and other Essays in the History of Medicine. Baltimore, Md.: John Hopkins University Press,
Vivian, Tim (ed) (2004), St. Macarius The Spirit Bearer: Coptic Texts Relating To Saint
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Ware, Kallistos (1986), 'The Origins of the Jesus Prayer: Diadochus, Gaza, Sinai', in Cheslyn
Jones, Geoffrey Wainwright & Edward Yarnold (eds), The Study of Spirituality. Oxford:
Wortley, John (2006), 'How the Desert Fathers "Meditated"'. Greek, Roman, and Byzantine
1 I am grateful to Samuel Rubenson, Per Rönnegård, Benjamin Ekman and the rest of the
research programme “Early Monasticism and Classical Paideia" at Lund University, for
Hausherr, 1960; Adnès, 1974; Regnault, 1974; Guillaumont, 1980; Ware 1985; Ware, 1986;
early witness that will not be considered here is Nilus of Ancyra (5th cent.), see Epistulae
2.140 (PG 79.260ab; 261d); 2.214 (312 cd); 3.273 (520b); 3.287 (521bc). The authenticity of
2004.
7 Philo of Alexandria (d. c. 40 CE) who will be of some importance concerning the
2012.
12 Sieben, 1980, pp. 1407–1411, 1413; Hausherr, 1960, pp. 156–162.
13 Hausherr 1960, p. 170 (transl. Cummings, 1978): 'un surtout prélude à la melétè des Pères'.
"30
14 See e.g. Adnès, 1974; Guillaumont, 1980, pp. 289–290; Stewart 1998, pp. 102–104. Stewart
notes the use of melétē in Stoic philosophy, but does not seem to indicate any real connection
"31
34 Scala paradisi 28.26–31 (1133c–1136b); 28.60–63 (1140ab).
35 See also Luk 18.1: pántote proseúchesthai.
36 Cf. e.g. Scala paradisi 28.29 (1136a).
37 Origen, De oratione 12.2 (ed. Koetschau, 1899).
38 See Wortley, 2006, pp. 322–323, and Rönnegård's contribution to this volume.
39 See e.g. Regnault, 1974; Ware, 1986, p. 176-177.
40 Conlationes 10.10.14; 10.10.2; 10.10.15; 10.11.1; Capita centum 59, 61, 97. For other early
sources, see also e.g. AP/G Apollo 2 (PG 65.136a); The Virtues of Saint Macarius 35 (ed.
emergence of early monasticism (see e.g. Hausherr, 1960, pp. 180–187), but the repetitive use
versions closer to the classical formula in Gaza. See also Hausherr, 1960, pp. 187–197. For
other early versions see e.g. AP/G Elias 7 (PG 54.184d–185a); Nilus of Ancyra, Epistula
2.140 (PG 79.260ab); 2.214 (ibid. 312 cd); 3.273 (ibid. 520bc); The Virtues of Saint Macarius
13, 34, 35, 41, 42, 44. See also Grillmeyer et al, 1996, pp. 184–189. Short formulas have also
been found in 7th–8th century inscriptions in monastic settlements in Egypt, see e.g.
Guillaumont, 1979.
47 Scala paradisi 4.112 (721d–724b).
48 Scala paradisi 21.7 (945c): Iēsoú onómati (transl. Holy Transfiguration Monastery, 1979).
"32
49 Scala paradisi 15.54 (889cd) (transl. Holy Transfiguration Monastery, 1979, modified). Cf.
the text is debated. Traditionally it has been attributed to Symeon the New Theologian in the
10th century, but Irénée Hausherr has questioned the attribution and argued for a dating as late
be more or less contemporary (perhaps 7th–8th century) with Climacus. Here the Jesus prayer
is said to be something that one should 'say with each breath' (ejos kata še pnifi). For dating,
"33
63 Transl. Holy Transfiguration Monastery, 1979, modified.
64 Transl. ibid., modified.
65 Transl. ibid., modified.
66 As mentioned above, there is also a notable parallel but of somewhat uncertain date in
Quis dives salvetur 26.6: Théon anapneín (ed. Früchtel et al., 1970).
68 Origen, Fragmenta in Lamentationes 116: tón Christón anapnéousi (ed. Klostermann, 1901).
69 Vita Antonii 91: tón Christón aeí anapnéete (ed. Bartelink, 2004).
70 Gregory of Nazianz, De moderatione in disputando 21 (PG 36.197): tá toú Pneúmatos ...
anápnei.
71 One exception is Gregory of Nazianz, Oratio 27.4 (PG 36.16b), where anapneúō is a verbal
has need of breathing to the same extent that we ourselves need regulation of heat. … The
breathing through the arteries [sic!] is enough for all other members, but for the brain and the
heart two special organs of breathing are provided; for the first, the nostrils; for the second,
the lung.' (ed. and transl. Furley and Wilkie, in Furley et al., 1984). Considering his whole
corpus, Galen is, however, ambiguous regarding in what sense air passes from the lungs to the
heart, see Temkin, 2006, pp. 154–161. For the role of Galen in early Byzantine medicine, see
Duffy, 1984.
75 Conlationes 10.14.3 (transl. Ramsey, 1997). See also 10.12; 10.10.2.
"34
76 See Conlationes 10.10.2; 10.12: dei memoriam; Capita centum 61: toú Kyríou Iēsoú
mnēmē and Iēsoú mnēmē; Scala paradisi 27.61 (1112c): Iēsoú mnēmē. For 'remembrance of
97.
85 Capita centum 85; 33 (demons, evils); 31 (deceptions); 88; 97 (worldly thoughts).
86 Capita centum 31.
87 Capita centum 97. See also Ware, 1985, pp. 562, 566.
88 Conlationes 10.10.11 (distractions, wandering thoughts, fantasies); 10.11.1 (thoughts);
need to purge oneself from passions as a preparation for unceasing prayer, see e.g.
Conlationes 9.2–6.
91 Scala paradisi 28.19 (1132d).
92 Scala paradisi 28.10 (1132b).
"35
93 Scala paradisi 28.63 (1140bc). Cf. the vocabulary in 18.5 and 21.7. See also 15.53–54
(889cd).
94 Scala paradisi 18.5 (933bc); 21.7 (945c).
95 Scala paradisi 28.10 (1132b). See also less clear statements in 28.21 (1133a); 28.25 (1133c).
96 Scala paradisi 28.31 (1136ab).
97 Conlationes 9.2.1–2: inmobilem tranquillitatem mentis; 10.14.3: cordis atque animae
puritatem.
98 Scala paradisi 27.61 (1112c) (transl. Holy Transfiguration Monastery, 1979, modified).
99 See e.g. Conlationes 10.11.1–3; 10.10.14; Capita centum 59; Scala paradisi 28.19 (1132d).
2009, pp. 15–16, 39–44; for Stoicism, see e.g. Newman, 1989, Armisen-Marchetti, 2004–
Stoic meditation in general, see Newman, 1989, pp. 1475, 1480. For Epicureanism, see
saepe: 94.52.
"36
107 De beneficiis 7.1.3–4 (transl. Basore, 1935).
108 Epistula 2.4. For digestion, see also Epictetus, Dissertationes 3.21.1–3 (ed. Schenkl, 1916).
109 Epistula 71.31.
110 Newman 1989: 1493–1494, see also 1475, 1484, 1498.
111 Epistula 11.8; 94.26–28; 94.43.
112 Epistula 94.43 (transl. Gummere, 1917–1925); see also 94.26–28. Epictetus refers to a
short concise rule or principle (kanōn) instead of a sententia, see e.g. Dissertationes 4.4.29.
113 See Armisen-Marchetti, 2004–2005, p. 164; Newman, 1989, p. 1480. See also Epictetus,
Dissertationes 3.24.103.
114 Epistula 15.7–8 (transl. Gummere, 1917–1925). Cf. also Epistula 54.6.
115 Epistula 94.47: sententiae familiariter in animum receptae. See also Epistula 94.43: saepe
tecum sint; 71.31: alte descendit et diu sedit; 7.11: condenda in animum. For interiorization in
Stoic meditation in general, see Newman, 1989, pp. 1475–1476. For Epicureanism, see
1989, p. 1476.
119 Newman, 1989, p. 1475.
120 See note 89, 90 and 92 above. For an exception, see Institutiones 2.13 (Guy, 1965).
121 For the importance of compunction, see e.g. Hausherr, 1960, pp. 219–234.
122 See Newman, 1989, pp. 1486–1488.
123 Armisen-Marchetti, 2004–2005, cf. Seneca, Epistula 94.47–48.
124 Epistula 2.4; 16.1.
125 De ira 3.41.1; 2.12.6.
126 Epistula 16.1.
"37
127 Brakke, 2006, pp. 38–41, esp. 40; see also Brown, 1989, pp. 53–54.
128 There is an ideal of remembering God in the Old Testament, as well, and this is likely one
behind the 'remembrance of God' in Philo (see Sieben, 1980, 1408, 1413-1414), but the
theōn.
130 Boccaccini, 1991, pp. 201–205.
131 De vita contemplativa 26 (ed. Cohn et al., 1915). For Philo and 'remembrance of God', see
Boccaccini, 1991, pp. 191–205. For the therapeutae, see Guillaumont, 1979, pp. 25-37.
132 Sieben, 1980, pp. 1407–1411, 1413. See also Hausherr, 1960, pp. 156–162 and Boccaccini,
2009, pp. 16–17, 39–44; Hadot, 1995, pp. 85–86; Hadot, 1969, pp. 55–60. See also
Quintillian's discussion of meditatio and memory in Institutio oratoria 11.2 (ed. Russel, 2001).
137 For repetition and rumination related to 'remembrance of God', see Boccaccini, 1991, pp.
198–202.
138 See Newman, 1989, p. 1481, with reference to Epictetus, Dissertationes 3.24.95–102.
"38