This document discusses evidence from ancient texts and archaeological findings that suggest some Vedic people may have migrated westward out of India. It points to evidence from Turkey, Iran, and within India itself that indicates contact and cultural diffusion between Vedic civilization and cultures to the west of India as far back as the 2nd millennium BCE. This includes names, deities, and other cultural references within texts in these western regions that appear to be derived from Vedic traditions. The document examines different interpretations of this evidence and argues it implies emigration of Vedic people from India toward western regions like ancient Turkey and Iran.
This document discusses evidence from ancient texts and archaeological findings that suggest some Vedic people may have migrated westward out of India. It points to evidence from Turkey, Iran, and within India itself that indicates contact and cultural diffusion between Vedic civilization and cultures to the west of India as far back as the 2nd millennium BCE. This includes names, deities, and other cultural references within texts in these western regions that appear to be derived from Vedic traditions. The document examines different interpretations of this evidence and argues it implies emigration of Vedic people from India toward western regions like ancient Turkey and Iran.
This document discusses evidence from ancient texts and archaeological findings that suggest some Vedic people may have migrated westward out of India. It points to evidence from Turkey, Iran, and within India itself that indicates contact and cultural diffusion between Vedic civilization and cultures to the west of India as far back as the 2nd millennium BCE. This includes names, deities, and other cultural references within texts in these western regions that appear to be derived from Vedic traditions. The document examines different interpretations of this evidence and argues it implies emigration of Vedic people from India toward western regions like ancient Turkey and Iran.
This document discusses evidence from ancient texts and archaeological findings that suggest some Vedic people may have migrated westward out of India. It points to evidence from Turkey, Iran, and within India itself that indicates contact and cultural diffusion between Vedic civilization and cultures to the west of India as far back as the 2nd millennium BCE. This includes names, deities, and other cultural references within texts in these western regions that appear to be derived from Vedic traditions. The document examines different interpretations of this evidence and argues it implies emigration of Vedic people from India toward western regions like ancient Turkey and Iran.
unhesitating ëYesí. It comes from three, completely independent, areas, two of which are separated from each other by thousands of kilometres, while the third one lies in between them. These areas are: (i) Turkey in the west; (ii) India in the east; and (iii) Iran in the middle. Turkey has yielded incontrovertible inscriptional evidence about the presence of the Aryans in that region at least as far back as the 14th century BCE. The entire community of historians and archaeologists was struck with surprise when in the first decade of the 20th century Hugo Winckler discovered in his excavations at Bogazkoy certain inscribed clay tablets on which was recorded a treaty between a Mitanni king named Matiwaza and a Hittite king, Suppiluliuma, ascribable to circa 1380 BCE. As witnesses to this treaty the two rulers invoked the following Vedic gods: Indara (=Vedic Indra), Mitras (il) (=Vedic Mitra), Nasatia(nna) (=Vedic Nåsatya) and Uruvanass(il) (=Vedic Varuƒa). And the treaty is only a chip of the large block. From this region and its neighbourhood more than a hundred names have come to light which have a Sanskrit stamp on them: such as: Biridasva (=Vedic Væidhå‹va); Urud∂ti, a Hurrian king (=Skt. Urud∂ti); Artasumara, another Mitanni king (=Vedic
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° R itasmara, in addition to Matiwaza = Mativåja, already mentioned), and so on. The context of some of these names goes back to the seventeenth century BCE. Then there is another remarkable document. It deals with the technique of horse-training and mentions Sanskrit numerals like ekavartana, trivartana, etc. meaning thereby that the horse under training should be made to make one round, three rounds and so on of the race-course. Though the foregoing data are enough to establish the presence of Vedic Aryans in ancient Turkey, there is yet another kind of evidence to which attention may be drawn. In the Mitannian art, dating at least to the 16th-17th century BCE (perhaps even to circa 2100 BCE), there is the portrayal of the peacock ñ a bird typical of India. This couldnít have been the case unless Indians were behind the inspiration. Commenting on the Bogazkoy evidence, the renowned Indologist T. Burrow observed (1955): ëThe Ayrans appear in Mitanni from 1500 BC as the ruling dynasty, which means that they must have entered the country as conquerors.í ëConquerors from whereí, may not one ask? At that point of time there was no other country in the entire world except India where the above-mentioned gods were worshipped. And since, as has already been shown earlier, the °Rigveda decidedly belonged to a period prior to 2000 BCE, there is no chronological obstacle in such a hypothesis. In this context, let the reader be told that this very Bogazkoy evidence was given a different twist by certain scholars in the past. While admitting that the gods mentioned in the treaty were Indo-Aryan, they argued that these people were on their way to India. They took this stand because in those days, as per Max Mullerís fatwa, the Vedas were considered to have been only as old as 1200 BCE whereas the Bogazkoy inscription was dated to the 14th century BCE. Now that we know full well that the Vedas are in no case posterior to 2000 BCE, that kind of argument is no longer valid. Again, some scholars have even gone to the extent of saying that this very region was the ëoriginal homeí of the Aryans. But this stand, again, is fundamentally incorrect. Why? Because when we say that such and such area was the ëoriginal homeí of a people called X, we mean that the local population was by and large that of X and was rooted in the area. But this was not the case with the Bogazkoy region.
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The local population was different and the Aryans were only the rulers, coming from outside, as shown by Burrow. Had they constituted the core or base of the population, they and their language would have ëlived on and oní, which is not the case. The evidence from Iran is no less revealing. The sacred book of the Zoroastrians, viz. the Åvestå, is language-wise very close to but later than the °Rigveda. A conspicuous difference is that the °Rigvedic ësí becomes ëhí in the Åvestå. Content-wise, the Åvestan religion reflects a kind of dissent from that of the °Rigveda. The concepts of Devas and Asuras get reversed. Nevertheless, there is a genetic relationship between the two. All this shows that the Åvestan people are closely related but posterior to the °Rigvedic people ñ a situation which can only be explained by some of the °Rigvedic people having moved to the land of the Åvestå. There are many pieces of internal evidence in the Åvestå itself which testify to this. For example, the Åvestå refers to Yoi hapta Hendu which is none else than the Sapta Sindhu of the °Rigveda. Such a mention of the °Rigvedic land of ëSeven Riversí (Sapta Sindhu) in the Åvestå can only mean that the Åvestan people continued to cherish the memory of that °Rigvedic land ñ a clear indication of the westward movement of the °Rigvedic people. However, it is not unlikely that the section of the °Rigvedic people that finally settled down in Persia, may have, on the way, sojourned for some time in Afghanistan, during which period the aforesaid linguistic and religious changes would have taken place. It may not be out of place to have a word about the make- up, region of the composition and the date of the Åvestå. The Åvestå has two major divisions, generally referred to as ëOldí and ëYoungí. The ëOldí comprises Gåthås which are believed to have been composed by Zarathustra himself. It also has a part known as Yasna Haptanghaiti of which the authorship is not known. The ëYoungí Åvestå comprises many an item such as religio-legal texts, hymns devoted to certain deities, etc. All available evidence suggests that the Åvestå was composed most probably in northeastern Iran. As regards the date, the issue is somewhat controversial. According to one view, it may well go back to circa 14th-11th century BCE, while another view would bring it down to 8th-7th century BCE.
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While the debate about the exact date of the Åvestå would continue until some clinching evidence becomes available, it may interest the reader that the region mentioned as Par‹va¨ in a Vedic text, Baudhåyana ›rautasµ u tra (to be discussed next), is also mentioned by almost the same name in a completely independent document thousands of kilometres west of India. Dated to 835 BCE, it states that king Shalmaneser of Assyria received tributes from 27 kings of Parsuwas. That would imply that by the ninth century BCE, the Pår‹vas had fully established themselves in the region and had evidently reached there several centuries before ñ maybe by the middle of the second millennium BCE. All this would give legitimacy to the above-mentioned early date both for the Åvestå as well as for the migration of the Pår‹vas from India to Iran some time in the second millennium BCE. Finally, to come to the evidence from India itself, endorsing an emigration of the Vedic Aryans out of India, to three contiguous regions towards the west. A Vedic text, namely the Baudhåyana ›rautasµutra (18.44), runs as follows (cf. Fig. 6.1 for the original): Pråƒåyau¨ pravavråja tasyaite Kurµu-Pa¤chålå¨ Kå‹∂-Videhå ity etad Åyavam pravråjam Pratya∆ Amåvasus tasyaite Gåndhårayas Par‹vo Ar墢å itya etad Åmåvasavam Translated into English, the Sanskrit text avers: Åyu migrated eastwards. His (progeny) are the Kurµu- På¤chålas and Kå‹i-Videhas. This is Åyava migration. Amåvasu migrated westwards. His (progeny) are the Gåndhår∂, Para‹u and Åra¢¢a. This is the Amåvasva migration. The details of these migrations are as follows. Aila Pururavas and Urva‹∂ had two sons, named Åyu and Amåvasu. They migrated, respectively to the east and west. The former, moving eastwards, gave rise to the Kurµu- På¤chåla and Kå‹i-Videha dynasties, while the latter, moving out to the west, went over to Gåndhåra, Par‹u and Ara¢¢a. This bifurcation evidently took place in an area which was between the Kurµu region on the east and the Gåndhåra region on the west. In other words, the scene of partition lay somewhere in Panjab.
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Fig. 6.1. Photocopy of the relevant Sanskrit text from the Baudhåyana ›rautasµutra.
The identification of the destinations arrived at by the
two branches poses no problem. The Kurµu-På¤chåla territory lay in eastern Haryana and western Uttar Pradesh. The Kå‹i- Videhas were settled in eastern Uttar Pradesh and western Bihar. Of the territories reached by the western branch, Gåndhåra is straightaway identifiable. It is the Kandahar
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Fig. 6.2. Migration of People as mentioned province of Afghanistan. Likewise, Par‹u is identifiable with in the Baudhåyana Persia, which was renamed ëIraní only as recently as 1935. It ›rautasµutra. is only the location of Ara¢¢a that has caused some debate. This place (Ara¢¢a) is mentioned not only in the above- referred-to Vedic text but also in an epic thousands of kilometres away in the west, in Iraq. The epic, ascribable to the end of the 3rd millennium BCE, mentions that Enmerkar, king of Uruk, sent a messenger, making certain demands, to Ensuhgiranna, the ruler of Ara¢¢a. We are not concerned here with the other details of the story, but only with the identification of Ara¢¢a. Some scholars identify it with Ziroft, while some others with Ararat. Fed up with the unending debate, some even go to extent of calling it unreal and a mere ëconcoctioní by the composer of the epic. Our failure to arrive at a consensus regarding the identification of the place is no justification for calling it a ëconcoctioní. You canít throw the baby away with the bath-tub. Black, Cunningham, et al. (in
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an Internet presentation) place Ara¢¢a in ëthe snow-capped mountains that border Mesopotamiaí. Further, in a section of the poem, the ruler of Ara¢¢a tells the messenger: ë... The queen of heaven and earth, the goddess of the numerous me, holy Inana, has brought to Ara¢¢a, the mountain of shining me, I whom she has let bar the entrance of the mountains as if with a great door. ..í. From the foregoing account it would appear that Ara¢¢a was located close to an opening (pass) in the mountains which the ruler of Ara¢¢a could easily seal. All this enhances the claim of the Ararat region, located close on the north of Iraq, in a mountainous terrain, as being Ara¢¢a of the Sumerian epic. Further, if on grounds of phonetic similarity Gåndhåra and Par‹u of the Vedic text can be identified respectively with Kandahar and Persia, and Susin and Ansan, mentioned in the Sumerian epic, with Susa and Ansan, what, may one ask, is the reason to discard that very principle in the case Ara¢¢a? It, therefore, stands to reason that the proposed identification by some scholars of Ara¢¢a with Ararat in the Armenian region, to the northwest of Persia, may be in order. In that case, the Vedic Aryans, emigrating out of India travelled via Kandahar and Persia (Iran) to Ararat, following a south-of-the-Caspian- Sea route. And since from Ararat to Turkey is just a next- door affair, the immigration of the Vedic Aryans into Turkey becomes self-explained. Further, as there are enough dated records on the Turkey side, the emigration from India is easily assignable to the first half of the second millennium BCE. (Cf. Fig. 6.2.)
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