A Grammar of The Ugaritic Language

A GRAMMAR OF THE UGARITIC LANGUAGE
Daniel Sivan - 978-90-47-42721-6

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HANDBOOK OF ORIENTAL STUDIES
HANDBUCH DER ORIENTALISTIK
SECTION ONE
THE NEAR AND MIDDLE EAST
EDITED BY
H. ALTENMOLLER . B. HROUDA . B.A. LEVINE· R.S. O'FAHEY
K.R. VEENHOF . C.H.M. VERSTEEGH
VOLUME TWENTY EIGHT
A GRAMMAR OF THE UGARITIC LANGUAGE
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Daniel Sivan - 978-90-47-42721-6

A GRAMMAR
OF THE UGARITIC LANGUAGE
BY
DANIEL SIVAN
SECOND IMPRESSION
WITH CORRECTIONS
BRILL
LEIDEN . BOSTON· KOLN
2001
Daniel Sivan - 978-90-47-42721-6

This book is printed on acid-free paper.
First impression, 1997
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Sivan, Daniel.
A grammar of the Ugaritic language / by Daniel Sivan.
p. cm. - (Handbuch der Orientalistik. Erste Abteilung, Der
Nahe und Mittlere Osten ; 28. Bd.)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 9004106146 (cloth : alk. paper)
1. U garitic language-Grammar. I. Title. II. Series: Handbuch der
Orientalistik .. Erste Abteilung, Der Nahe und Mittlere Osten ; 28. Bd.,
PJ4150.S583 1997
492'.6782421 dc21 97-9137
CIP
Die Deutsche Bibliothek - CIP-Einheitsaufnahtne

Sivan, Daniel:
A grammar of the ugaritic language / by Daniel Sivan. - Leiden ; New
York; Kaln : Brill, 1997
(Handbook of Ot~ental studies : Abt. 1, The Near and Middle East ; Bd. 28
ISBN 90-04-10614-6
ISSN 0169-9423
ISBN 90 04 12293 1
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PRINTED IN THE NETHERLANDS
Daniel Sivan - 978-90-47-42721-6

TO
MY PARENTS,
MY CHILDREN,
AND MY WIFE
WITIlLOVE
Daniel Sivan - 978-90-47-42721-6

Daniel Sivan - 978-90-47-42721-6
CONTENTS
Foreword ..................................................................................... XVII

Abbreviations ..................... ....... ....... .................... ....................... XVIX
Introduction ........ ............... ............... ................... ....................... 1
General remarks ........... ..................... ................................. 1
The U garitic language .............. ...... .................................. 2
Stylistic connections between ugaritic literature and the
bible ................................................................................ 4
Method of presentation ................. ......... .... ....................... 7
I. Orthography................ .............. ....... ....... ............. .............. 9
General remarks ........... ............. ........ ........................... 9
Writing and orthography ............................................. 11
II. Phonology..................................... ....... ..... ............... ........... 20
Consonants ..... ............... ..................... ........................... 20
General remarks ..................................... ,................ 20
Consonantal shifts .................................................... 20
Interchanges ............... .............................................. 26
Assimilations ...................................... ....................... 27
Dissimilations .............. .......................................... .... 31
The consonants ' and h......................................... 32
Table of consonants ................................................ 36
Vowels ........................................................................... 37
General remarks .. ....... ............. .............. .................. 37
Diphthongs ............................................................... 38
Triphthongs ..... ............. ....... ....... ...... ....... .............. ... 41
Assimilations .......... ........ ................... .......... .... .......... 43
Anaptyxis ................................................................... 46
Elision of unstressed vowels ................................... 46
Remarks on the a > 0 shift .................................. 47
III. Pronouns ............................................................................. 49
Independent pronouns ................................................. 49
Nominative personal pronouns .............................. 49
Oblique ..................................................................... 50
Pronominal suffixes ............................ ..... ........ ....... ...... 51
Singular . ....... ..................... ............... ..... ....... ............ 51
Plural ...................................................................... 51
Dual .......................................................................... 52
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VIII CONTENTS
Determinative pronouns .............................................. . 54

d [dill dal dz] ............................................................. . 55
Masculine singular ............................................. . 55
..
FeInlnme . gular ............................................... .
SIn 56
Masculine plural ................................................. . 56
Feminine plural .................................................. . 56
dt [datul al z] ............................................................. . 56
..
Femirune . gular ............................................... .
SIn 56
Masculine plural ................................................. . 57
Feminine plural .................................................. . 57
Deictic pronouns ~ ........................................................ . 57
Near demonstrative ................................................ . 57
Distant demonstrative ............................................. . 58
Interrogative pronouns ................................................ . 58
Personal ................................................................... . 58
Impersonal ............................................................... . 59
Indefinite pronouns ..................................................... . 59
Personal ................................................................... . 59
Impersonal ............................................................... . 60
IV. The noun .......................................................................... . 61
Nominal forms ............................................................. . 61
General remarks ..................................................... . 61
Single consonantal forms ....................................... . 62
Bi-consonantal forms .............................................. . 62
Tri-consonantal forms ............................................ . 63
Prefixed forms ......................................................... . 71
SuffIxed forms ......................................................... . 73
Reduplicated forms ................................................ . 74
Feminine nouns ........................................................... . 74
General remarks ..................................................... . 74
The feminine suffIx [-tu] ....................................... . 75
The feminine suffix [-atu] ...................................... . 75
Plural noun forms ....................................................... . 76
Masculine plural ..................................................... . 76
Feminine plural ...................................................... . 78
Dual noun forms ......................................................... . 79
The alphabetic dual marker -m ............................ . 79
Morphology of the dual forms ............................. . 80
Morphology of the dual suffix .............................. . 81
The case system .......................................................... . 82
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CONTENTS IX
Singular ....... ............................. ............................... 82

Masculine plural .......... .............. ..................... ......... 83
Feminine plural ....................................................... 83
Dual .......................................................................... 83
Case inflection on proper nouns ....... .................... 83
Words with no case inflection ............................... 84
Words with wrong cases ... ....... ...... ................ ........ 84
V. Numerals and numeric terms ........................................... 86
General remarks .. ....... ....................... ........................... 86
Cardinal numbers ......................................................... 86
The Cardinals 1-10 ................................................. 87
The Cardinals for 11-19 ... ........ ..... ........................ 89
The Cardinals for the Tens .................................. 90
The Cardinals for the Hundreds .... ............... ....... 91
The Cardinals for the Thousands ................ ......... 92
The Multiplicative ............ ...... ............. ........ ............ 92
Ordinal numbers .... ............... ...... .............. ...... ............. 92
Fractions ....... ....... ........ ....... ...... ....... ................ ..... ......... 94
VI. The verb ........ ...... ......... ...... ........ ...... ............. ............... ...... 96
Tenses ............................................................................ 96
General remarks ...... ...... ....... ....... ...... ...................... 96
The functions of qtl ................................................ 96
The functions of yqtl ...... ...... ........ ...... ........ ............. 98
The indicative mode .. ..... ........ .... ......... .............. 99
The injunctive mode ... ...... ............. .................... 103
Violations of the indicative/injunctive system ... 106
Alternation of qtllyqtl yqtll qtl sequences ........... 107
The morphology of the verb .. .................................... 108
The verbal stems ..................................................... 108
Person markers ............................. ...... ..................... 109
The suffIx (qtl) morphemes ........ ........................ 109
The prefix (yqt~morphemes ................................ III
The imperative morphemes ............................... 112
The strong verbs ..................................................... 113
The G stem ........................................................ 113
qtl ...................................................................... 113
yqtl .................................................................... 115
Imperative ........................................................ 120
Active participle ............ ............................. ..... 121
Passive participle ............................................. 122
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x CONTENTS
Infinitive 123
The absolute infinitive ............................... . 123
The construct infinitive ............................. . 125
The Gp stem .................................................... .. 126
The Gt stem ...................................................... . 128
qtl ..................................................................... . 128
yqtl ................................................................... . 129
Imperative ....................................................... . 130
The N stem ....................................................... . 131
qtl ........................................................................ . 131
yqtl ................................................................... . 132
Imperative ....................................................... . 132
Participle ......................................................... . 132
Infinitive .......................................................... . 132
The D stem ....................................................... . 133
qtl ..................................................................... . 133
yqtl ................................................................... . 133
Imperative ....................................................... . 136
Participle ......................................................... . 136
Infmitive .......................................................... . 137
The Dp stem (?) ................................................ . 137
The tD stem(?) ................................................... . 138
qtl ..................................................................... . 138
Imperative ....................................................... . 138
The S stem ........................................................ . 138
qtl ..................................................................... . 138
yqtl .•.................................................................. 139
Imperative ....................................................... . 140
Participle ......................................................... . 140
Infmitive .......................................................... . 140
The first nun verbs and the root LQIf ................ . 140
The G stem ....................................................... . 140
qtl ..................................................................... . 140
yqtl ................................................................... . 141
Imperative ....................................................... . 141
Participle ......................................................... . 143
Infinitive .......................................................... . 143
The Gp stem ..................................................... . 143
yqtl ................................................................... . 143
The Gt stem ...................................................... . 143
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CONTENTS ~
yqtl .................................................................... 143

Participle .......................................................... 143
The N stem ...................................................... 144
qtl ...................................................................... 144
yqtl .................................................................... 144
The D stem ...................................................... 144
qtl ...................................................................... 144
yqtl .................................................................... 144
The S stem ......................................................... 145
The Sp stem .... ...... ........ ............ ........ ................. 145
Participle ...... ...... ....... ...... .............. ........ ....... ........ 145
The first wawlyod verbs and the root HLK .............. 145
General remarks ..... ....... ...... .............. ....... ........ ....... 145
The G stem ............................................................. 146
qtl .......................................................................... 146
yqtl ........................................................................ 147
Imperative ....... ....... ...... ....... ....... ....... ........ ....... .... 149
Active participle .................................................. 149
Passive participle ................................................. 149
Infinitive ............................................................... 150
The Gp stem ........ ............. ........ ............ .................. 150
The Gt stem .. ........ ...... .............. ...... ......... ............... 150
yqtl ........................................................................... 150
Imperative ............................................................ 151
The N stem .............................................................. 152
qtl ......................................................... :................ 152
The D stem ............................................................. 152
qtl .......................................................................... 152
yqtl ........................................................................ 152
The S stem .............................................................. 152
qtl .......................................................................... 152
yqtl ........................................................................ 153
Imperative .... .................... .................................... 153
Participle .............................................................. 153
Infinitive ............................................................... 153
The Sp stem (?) .. ...... ...................... ...... ........ ...... 154
The second wawlyod verbs ..................................... 154
General remarks .................................................. 154
The G stem ........................................................ 154
qtl ...................................................................... 154
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XII CONTENTS
yqtl 155
Imperative .................. ...................................... 157
Participle ...................... .................................... 158
Infinitive .............. ............................. ................ 158
The Gp stem(?) ............................... ....... ............. 158
yqtl .................................................................... 158
The Gt stem ....................................................... 159
yqtl .................................................................... 159
The L stem ......................................................... 159
yqtl ....................................................................... 159
Imperative ... ...................... ........ .............. ......... 159
The S stem ......................................................... 160
qtl ...................................................................... 160
yqtl .................................................................... 160
Imperative ........................................................ 161
Infinitive ... ....... ...... ....... ......... ...................... ..... 161
The Sp stem ....................................................... 161
yqtl .................................................................... 161
The third waw/yod verbs ........................................ 161
General remarks ...... ........ ....... .............. ........ ....... 161
The G stem ........................................................ 162
qtl ...................................................................... 162
yqtl .................................................................... 163
Imperative .. ...................... ................... ...... ....... 165
Active participle .............................................. 166
Infinitive ........................................................... 167
The Gp stem ...................................................... 168
The Gt stem ......................................... .............. 168
yqtl .................................................................... 168
The N stem ........................................................ 168
qtl ...................................................................... 168
yqtl .................................................................... 168
The D stem ........................................................ 168
qtl ......................................................................... 168
yqtl .................................................................... 169
Participle .......................................................... 169
Infinitive ........................................................... 170
The Dp stem ...................................................... 170
yqtl .................................................................... 170
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CONTENTS XIll
The S stem .... ........ ......... ....... ...... ............. .......... 170
qtl ...................................................................... 170
yqtl .................................................................... 170
Imperative .... ..................................................... 171
The St stem ........................................................ 171
The verbs with reduplicated second radical ..... ... 171
The G stem ........................................................ 171
qtl ...................................................................... 171
yqtl .................................................................... 172
Imperative ........................................................ 173
Active participle .............................................. 173
Infinitive ........................... :............................... 173
The Gp stem ...................................................... 174
yqtl .................................................................... 174
The N stem .. ......... ......... ............ ................ ........ 174
qtl ...................................................................... 174
The D and L stems ........................................... 174
yqtl .................................................................... 174
Participle .......................................................... 175
Imperative ........ ....... .............. ..... ...................... 175
The Lp or Dp stems ......................................... 175
yqtl .................................................................... 175
Participle .......................................................... 175
The tL or tD stems ........................................... 176
yqtl .................................................................... 176
The S stem ......................................................... 176
qtl ...................................................................... 176
yqtl .................................................................... 176
Quadrilateral verbs .................................................. 176
qtl ...................................................................... 176
yqtl .................................................................... 176
VII. Adverbial and adverbial suffIxes ............................ 178
Adverbial suffIxes ................................................ 178
Locative adverbs ...... ......... ....... ........ ..... ...... ....... ...... 180
Temporal adverbs ................................................... 180
Multiplicative adverbials .. ........ ........ ..... ....... ...... ...... 181
Manner adverbials ... ......... ...... ........ ..... ........ ....... ..... 182
Interrogative adverbials ... ....... ....... ...... ...... ........ ...... 182
Negative particles .................................................... 183
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CONTENTS
1'\, ..
,><-uantItatIve m)·dz .................................................... . 185
Presentation particles .............................................. . 185
Vocative particles ................................................... . 186
Existential particles (positive and negative) .......... . 187
Co~unctions ........................................................... . 188
Subordinating particles ........................................... . 188
Emphatic particles .................................................. . 190
Prepositions ............................................................. . 194
General remarks ................................................. . 194
Mono-consonantal prepositions ... ....... ................ 194
Bi-consonantal and longer prepositions ............ 198
VIII. Several syntactical points ............................................. 201
Introduction .............. ....... ......... .............. ....... ....... .... 201
Non-verbal causes .................................................... 201
General remarks ......................... .................... ..... 201
Adjectical complementation ................................ 202
Nominal complementation ................................. 202
Prepositional complementation ........................... 204
Commitative clauses ........................................ 204
Locative clauses ...................... ............... ....... ... 204
Possessive clauses ............................................. 204
Possessive/locative clauses .............................. 205
Existential clauses .... ........ ....... .................... ......... 205
Word order of nominal phrases ....•....................... 206
General remarks .............. ....... ............................. 206
Acljectival attribute .................................................. 207
Adverbial attribute ........ ............................ .............. 208
Construct state in U garitic .......................................... 209
Verbal sentences ...................................... ..................... 210
Word order .............................................................. 210
Word order of verbal sentences in prose ........ 210
Word order of verbal sentences in poetry ...... 210
Connections between objects and the verb ...... .... 214
Causative ditransitive verbs ........... ............. ............ 214
Ellipses .......... ........ ............. ......... .............. ............. ....... . 215
Interrogatives ................................................................. 216
Asyndetic coordination ................................................. 217
Extrapositional sentences .................. ....... ....... ...... ........ 217
Subordinated clauses .................................................... 218
Subject clauses .. ....... ....... ....... ............... ....... ...... ...... 218
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CONTENTS XV
Predicate clauses ...................................................... 219

Attributive clauses .................................................... 219
Conditional clauses .................................................. 221
Temporal clauses ..................................................... 222
Object clauses .......................................................... 223
Causal clauses .......................................................... 224
Final clauses ............................................................. 224
Circumstantial clauses ............................................. 225
Bibliography ................................................................................ 227

Appendix: Text selections .......................................................... 239
Indices ......................................................................................... 285
Corrections to the first edition .................................................. 329
Daniel Sivan - 978-90-47-42721-6

Daniel Sivan - 978-90-47-42721-6
FOREWORD
Since the discovery of ancient Ugarit, the study of its literature and
its language has enjoyed significant achievements. During the ensu-
ing years grammars of this language have been written, the most
important of which are in English, viz. the reference grammar by
Cyrus Gordon 1965 and the introductory grammar by Stanislav
Segert 1984. Gordon's work, though thorough and basic, is out of
date and Segert's basic grammar was intended as a student's gram-
mar. Consequently, there remains a need for an up-to-date refer-
ence grammar.
lowe a debt of thanks to all those who were closely related to
this project. First of all, I am indebted to Professor A. F. Rainey
who has constantly been reminding me during the past twenty five
years of the need for a new grammar of U garitic. Obviously, his
comments and his suggestions are found throughout this work.
Although the urgent need for an up-to-date grammar containing the
results of current research motivated the present work, the path for
the present work was paved by a Hebrew version with the more
modest aim of providing an introductory grammar for the Hebrew
speaking audience. Professor Anson F. Rainey made an English
translation of my introductory Ugaritic Grammar from Hebrew
which facilitated the present work.
I am deeply indebted to Professor B. Levine who encouraged me
to publish this book in Handbuch der Orientalistik. Thanks to my friend
and teacher Dr. 1. Sadka for his help and guidance in the chapter
on the syntax. Professor William Schniedewind also read through
the manuscript and offered suggestions.
Special thanks are due to Mr. Sh. Yonah for his thorough read-
ing the manuscript. Many of his suggestions (especially in the sphere
of biblical and Ugaritic poetry) helped to eliminate many infelici-
tous nuances throughout the book.
This book have been benefited from criticism by many other
scholars, including (in alphabetical order): Dr. K. Abraham, Professor
Sh. Ahituv, Professor J. Blau, Professor Ch. Cohen, Professor M.
Fruchtman, Professor A. Hurvitz, Mr. M. Morgenstern, Professor E.
Qjmron, Dr. D. Talshir, Dr. Y. Ben-Tolila and Dr. P. Tromer.
My son, Gal Sivan, deserves mention for designing and creating
the U garitic cuneiform font.
Daniel Sivan - 978-90-47-42721-6

XVIII FOREWORD
Special thanks are due to the faculty of Humanities in Ben-Gurion

University (especially to the Dean Professor J. Weinblatt) and to
Beit Berl college for their financial support.
Needless to say, only the author can be held accountable for any
faults or shortcomings in the present work. It is only hoped that
errors and omissions are minimal and that the resulting grammar
will be useful to others.
Daniel Sivan
Beer Sheva
September, 1996
Daniel Sivan - 978-90-47-42721-6

ABBREVIATIONS
AA.NLR Atti della Accademia Nazionale dei lincei Rendiconti Morali.

acc. accusative.
AjO Archiv for Orieniforschung.
AHw Von Soden, W., Akkadisches Handworterbuch, Wiesba-
den,1959-1981.
Akk. Akkadian.
Arab. Arabic.
Aram. Aramaic.
AuOr Aula Orientalia.
RASOR Bulletin qf the American Schools qf Oriental Research.
BibOr Bibbia e Oriente.
CAD The Assyrian Dictionary qf the Oriental Institute qf Chicago.
CDUL Ch. Cohen, Comprehensive Dictionary qf the Ugaritic
Language. (forthcoming)
c. common.
C1as. Classical.
CRAIBL Comptes rendus de l'Academie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres.
DN Deity Name.
duo dual.
EA Knudtzon,j. A., Die El-Amarna-Tafeln, 2 Vo1s, Leipzig,
1915 (reprintedAalen 1964).
f. feminine.
gen. genetive.
GN Geographical Name.
HAR Hebrew Annual Review.
Heb. Hebrew.
IE] Israel Exploration Journal.
lOS Israel Oriental Studies.
JANES Journal qf the Ancient Near Eastern Society qf Columbia
University.
JAOS Journal qf the American Oriental Society.
JBL Journal qf Biblical Literature.
JNES Journal qf Near Eastern Studies.
JNSL Journal qf Northwest Semitic Languages.
JSS Journal qf Semitic Studies.
KAI Donner, H. and R611ig, W., Kanaaniiische und aramiiische
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xx ABBREVIATrONS
Inschriften, Wiesbaden, 3 Vols, 1966-1969.

KL Kamid el-Loz.
KTIf2 Dietrich, M., Loretz, O. and Sanmartin,]., The
Cuneiform Alphabetic Texts from Ugarit, Ras Ibn Hani and
Other Places, Munster, 1995.
lit. literary.
LXX Septuagint.
m. masculine.
Mid. Middle.
nom. nominative.
obliq. oblique.
OLP Orientalia Lovaniensia Periodica.
pI. plural.
PN Personal Name.
Prd Period.
PRU I.e Palais rC!)'al d'Ugarit.
RA Revue d'assyriologie et d'arcMologie Orientale.
RB Revue biblique.
RSO Revista degli Studi Orientali.
RS Ras Shamra tablet number.
s. singular.
Sem. Semitic.
TO I Caquot, A, Sznycer, M. and Herdner, A, Textes ougar-
itiques, I (mythes et legendes), Paris, 1974.
TO II Caquot, A, de Tarragon, ]-M and Cunchillos, ]-L,
Textes ougaritiques, II (textes religieux et rituels, corre-
spondance), Paris, 1989.
UF Ugarit Forschungen.
Ug. Ugaritic.
Ug5 Nougayrol,]. et al. Ugaritica V, Paris, 1968.
Ug 7 Al-Ouche, A F. et al., Ugaritica VII, Paris, 1978.
vol. volume.
VT (Suppl.) Vetus Testamentum (Supplements).
WO Die Welt des Orients.
ZA Zeitschrififor Assyriologie.
ZAW Zeitschrififor die alttestamentliche Wissenschqft.
ZDMG Zeitschrifi; des Deutschen Morgenliindischen Gesellschqft.
r 1 enclose partialy damaged sign(s).
[] enclose damaged sign(s).
enclose phonetic normalization.
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ABBREVIATIONS XXI
\ gloss sign.
/ indicates another possible reconstruction or
interpretation; or indicates a form separated III two
lines.
indicates correction of scribal error.
< > enclose scribal omission.
> < enclose scribal.
// indicates parallelism
Biblical books: Gen., Exod., Lev., Num., Deut., jos., judg. I Sam., 2
Sam., I Kgs, 2 Kgs, Isa.,jer., Ezek., Hos.,joel., Amos,
Obad., Micah, Nah., Hab., Zeph., Hag., Zech., Mal.,
Ps, job, Prov., Ruth, Cant., Eccl.,Lam. Esth. Dan.
Ezra, Neh. I Chron., 2 Chron.
Daniel Sivan - 978-90-47-42721-6

Daniel Sivan - 978-90-47-42721-6
INTRODUCTION
GENERAL REMARKS
The ancient harbor city of Ugarit was located in north Syria, eleven
kilometers north of Latakia, at the site known today by the Arabic
name Ras Shamra. In the spring of 1929 an archaeological expe-
dition headed by Claude F. A. Schaeffer began excavations on the
Tel and soon uncovered fmdings dating between the 14th and the
12th centuries B.C.E. In the ensuing season excavations uncovered
clay tablets inscribed in U garitic, Akkadian (Peripheral Middle
Babylonian), Hurrian, Hittite and Sumerian. The documents were
of various types including literary, administrative and lexical frag-
ments.
The alphabetic texts excavated at Ras Shamra currendy number
about 1253. Excavations at other sites unearthed more tablets: Ras
Ibn-t£ani (some 61 texts), Bet Shemesh (1 text), Hala Sultan Tekke
(1 text), Mount Tabor (1 text), Kamed el-Lc3z/Kumidi (2 texts),
Sarepta (1 text), Tel Sukas (1 text), Tel Nebi Mend (1 text) and
Tel Taanak (1 text). These texts have been typologically divided
into seven main genres (K77J2, p. X): "Literary and Religious Texts"
(= KI1J2 1); "Letters" (= K77J2 2); "Legal Texts" (= K77J2 3);
"Economic texts" (= K77J2 4); "Scribal Exercises" (= K77J2 5);
"Inscriptions on Seals, Labels, Ivorys, etc". (= K77J2 6); "Not
Classified Texts" (= K77J2 7).
At the present time, these clay tablets represent the only substantial
second millennium B. C. E. source wholly written in the language
of the inhabitants of the greater Syria-Israel region. Other valuable
written sources include the Mari letters, the Amama letters and
most recendy the tablets from Emar, but all these are written in
the lingua franca of the day, i.e. Akkadian.
Numerous Ugaritic tablets contain portions of a poetic cycle per-
taining to Baal and his sister Anat, about the head of the pantheon,
EI, and his consort, Ashera, and about Athtar and the divine crafts-
man, master of arts and crafts, Kothar.
Other mythological texts include the story of the marriage of the
deities Nikkal and the moon, Yarib, and a ritual drama about the
Daniel Sivan - 978-90-47-42721-6

2 INTRODUCTION
birth of the good and beautiful gods, the heroes of which are El
and the two gods Shahar and Shalem. Legendary material was also
found concerning the hero Daniel and his son, Aqhat. Other doc-
uments recount the legend of king Keret and his military campaign
against Udum, the motivation of which was Keret's desire to take
a wife who could bear him a son (cf. further Cassuto 1965:13-17).
The administrative documents from Ugarit shed much light on
the organization of the kingdom. A portion of these texts were writ-
ten in U garitic, and others were written in Akkadian (Peripheral
Middle Babylonian), which was the international diplomatic language
of the Late Bronze Age. Inasmuch as Akkadian was not the moth-
er tongue of the Ugaritian scribes, they consciously or unconsciously
inserted many Ugaritic words (approximately 300 words) in the
Akkadian texts. Those words are especially important for the study
of U garitic because their vowels are indicated.
Nevertheless, many of the Ugaritic tablets are broken, a fact that
increases the difficulty of studying Ugaritic, the knowledge of which
is still only partial in many respects. Therefore, the interpretation
of many Ugaritic passages remains obscure and there remain numer-
ous conflicting opinions among the scholars engaged in their study.
The U garitic alphabetic texts have been assembled in several edi-
tions. The most important of them was published in 1976 by
Dietrich, Loretz and Sanmartin under the title Die keilalphabetischen
Texte aus Ugarit (abbreviated KTU). The edition includes all texts
known up to the time of its publication. Additional U garitic texts
discovered later at Ras Ibn-ijani were published by Bordrueil and
Caquot in 1979 and 1980 in the journal ~ria; the texts from that
site are designated by the sigla RIH. In the present work I made
use of the second and enlarged edition of K1V (KJV2) published
in 1995. It contains all cuneiform alphabetic texts from Ugarit, Ras
Ibn-ijani and other places in Syria and Palestine.
The Akkadian texts from U garit were assembled and published
in the series, Le Palais royal d'Ugarit, cited as PRU (volumes III, IV
and VI) and in Ugaritica V (abbreviated Ug 5).
THE UGARITIC LANGUAGE
Ugaritic belongs to the language group known as Northwest Semitic.

A few scholars hold the view that U garitic is a Canaanite dialect
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INTRODUCTION 3
(the Canaanite languages include the Old Canaanite of the Amarna

glosses, Phoenician, Moabite and Biblical Hebrew; cf. al-Yasin
1952:175-187 and most recently Tropper 1994:343-353; for possi-
ble relations with Arabic cf. Kaye 1991: 115-118). Others maintain
that U garitic is an independent language quite distinct from
Canaanite.
We share the view of these latter scholars. There is evidence in
the texts that the Ugaritians did not see themselves as Canaanites
but distinguished themselves from them. One entry (KT£J2 4.96) indi-
cates that the people of Ugarit viewed a Canaanite as a foreigner
like an Egyptian, an Ashdodite and an Assyrian. Further support
for this view derives from a text written in Akkadian (Ug 5 no. 36).
In that text there is reference to a payment which the "sons of
Ugarit"must pay to "the sons of Canaan", probably as reparations
or compensation for someone murdered in Ugarit. This demon-
strates that there was a legal distinction between the citizens of
Ugarit and those of Canaan. It is thus clear that the Ugaritians
distinguished themselves from Canaanites geographically, ethnically
and politically (cf. Rainey 1967:57,87,109).
Also from the standpoint of language it appears that the U garitic
language was a Northwest Semitic one, but not Canaanite. Anyone
who examines the Ugaritic language will become aware of marked
differences between it and the Canaanite dialects. The following are
the most striking of those differences:
1. The shifts ~ > t and ~ > g.
2. The absence of the shift ii > o.
3. There is no definite article.
4. Instead of the shift r! > z there exists the shift r! > d.
5. It does not have the relative pronouns s-, 's or 'aSer.
6. The causative stem is Shaphel.
7. There are independent pronouns for the accusative and the
genitive.
8. Nearly all the Proto-Semitic consonants were preserved in
Ugaritic unlike most of the other Northwest Semitic languages.
Because of the limited corpus of texts and the fragmentary nature

of many of them, we are constrained to reconstruct words and even
whole sentences in order to make sense out of some passages. When
we recognize that all historical linguistic reconstructions are neces-
sarily conjectures, it is no wonder that the study of Ugaritic, which
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4 INTRODUCTION
depends in large measure on reconstructions and various assump-

tions regarding the fIXing of vocalic structure, leads to frequent dis-
agreements between scholars. Therefore, the reconstructions, read-
ings and opinions that we suggest in this book are often tentative
and other interpretations are possible.
STYIlSTIC CONNECTIONS BETWEEN UGARITIC LITERATURE AND

THE BmLE
Ever since the discovery of the Ugaritic writings many studies have
been written concerning the expressions of style and of form that
are. common to Ugariticand Biblical literature both in larger liter-
ary units and isolated refrains. Phenomena such as word pairs, con-
tinuation from column to column (so-called "gapping"), chiastic con-
structions, yqtl-qtl or qtl:yqtl sequences, metaphors, similes, recurring
refrains, etc., have been discussed extensively during the past sixty
years.
The profound connection between the two literatures serves to
elucidate many difficult passages in the Bible on one hand and
points to a common stylistic stock on the other. The following are
a few examples (without scholarly commentary):
Exam.ples Froln Ugaritic Literature Which Elucidate

Difficult Biblical Passages
rI'~~, I'I~~ (Prov. 14:5,25; 19:8,9) - Prior to the discovery of
Ugaritic, the forms I'I'~~, I'I~~ were taken as verbs from the root PWJf.
Loewenstamm (1962:205-208) and Pardee (1978c:204-213) showed
that the Ugaritic yp~ "witness" (4.258,5 and elsewhere) provided the
proper rendering of the Biblical terms. Confirmation was found in
the Biblical contexts where the terms I'I'~~ and I'I~~ are in parallel
with 1P' "witness", for example 1;;i~' t:J'~P 1'I'~~1 ili?r ~~ c'ii?~, 1P'
(Prov. 19:9). As a result of this solution, it was possible to make
better sense of another difficult verse, ::lJ~~ ~fl fl?7 1'I~~1 1P.i~7 )iTIJ 1i.;'
'? (Hab. 2:3), where 1P.i~7 is paralleled to fl?7 and I'I~~ should be
paralleled to 1p'. Therefore, the original of the verse may have read
1P.i~7 )iTIJ (!)1.P. '? "because the vision (has been written down) as a
witness to the appointed time".
':;fO n':;~ (Prov. 21:9; 25:24) - In the light of the LXX OlKCj) KOW4)
(Prov. 21:9) and OLKLQ. KOLV'n (prov. 25:24) the Biblical Hebrew
expression was assumed to be the result of metathesis, the original
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INTRODUCTION 5
having been ::JlJl n'~ "wide house", which would stand in contrast-
ing parallelism to ~rn~~ "the corner of a rooP'. But in the light of
bt lJbr in Ugaritic (1.14 II,29) and Akkadian bft lJubflri (cf. CAD :ij,
p. 220b) with the meaning "house of noise", "noisy house", the
Proverbs passage may be understood in a different manner, name-
ly that "the corner of a rooP' may be a quiet place as opposed to a
noisy house. The Biblical text already hints in this direction; 1::Jn n'::J
is parallel to Ol)~ "anger" in Provo 21:19 (cf. Albright 1955:2-11 and
especially Cohen 1976:598-599 and 1978: 139-140, n. 78a).
c'~'O, :")9? - This combination is found only once in the Hebrew
Bible, in the obscure verse: l)T::J71 c'P'?"I c'lJ~~ ivllT".p il¥'?~9 c'~'O, :")9?
(Prov. 26:23). Mter the form spsg (1.17 VI,36) was discovered in
U garitic with the apparent meaning of "glazing material" used to
glaze pottery, a new reading was proposed for the Biblical passage,
viz. il¥'?~9 C~05:l0~ "as coated glazure" with the preposition k- and
enclitic memo The mem can also be taken as the result of dittogra-
phy (cf. Albright 1955:12-13 and Cohen 1978:122-123). That sug-
gestion suits the parallelism and finds some support from the fact
that C'~'O :")O~ is not found elsewhere in the Bible (one does find .
:")9~ c'~O one time, Ezek. 22: 18). In the verses :")9#0 c'?,O i~;:r "Take
away the dross from the silver" (Prov. 25:4) and c'TO'? il;;:r 1~9~
"Your silver has become dross" (Isa. 1:22) the word C'~'O is not
employed in combination.
Literary EX3.IIlpies Conunon to the Bible and Ugaritic

Literature
Progression qf Numbers - This formula has been discussed at length
in many studies. The most frequent formula has one number in the
first member of the parallelism and a number one digit higher in
the second member (i.e. xl Ix + 1). In that model things are num-
bered according to the larger figure (cf. Roth 1965:42-49; Weiss
1967:307-318; Haran 1972:238-267; Zakovitch 1977; Avishur
1981: 1-9). A striking example from Ugaritic is:
1n db~m sn'a bel 111 rkb 'rpt "Two sacrifices Baal hates, three the
Rider of the Clouds" (1.4 III, 17-18; the continuation of the
text describes the three kinds of sacrifices).
The following are Biblical examples:
itq~~ [n~~inl ni::J~in l):;'~1 ilJil~ ~}~ ilp~tlitq "Six, these the Lord hates
and seven are the abomination of his soul" (Prov. 6: 16).
c'fll:lT ~7 [il~~1I:lil1 l)~ll:lil ~~pO ~~'?~~ il90, ilW"tq "Three are they that
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6 INTRODUCTION
are too wonderful for me and four 1 know them not" (Prov.
30:18).
n~~ ?~~n-~'" l)~"~ nlJPl n~ ii!D tzi;?~, nlJp "For three things the
earth is disquieted and four it cannot bear" (prov. 30:21).
The Expanded Colon - This is a formation in which one line is

expanded to two by the sequence: an open formula, a vocative par-
ticle (usually), a repeated formula and a culminating formula (cf.
especially Loewenstamm 1969b: 176-196, for a thorough survey of
the phenomenon; also Greenstein 1974:87-105). The following are
examples from U garit:
ht 'ibk belm ht 'ibk tmfH "Behold your enemies, 0 Baal, behold
. your enemies you will smite" (1.2 IV, 8-9).
'irs f!ym l 'aqht gzr Pi1rs f!ym w 'atnk "Request for life, 0 Aqhat
the hero, request life and 1 will give (it) to you" (1.17 VI,26-
27).
Examples from the Bible:
nr''t~ nje 1# ~¢;' 'nle P 'Joseph is a fruitful bough, a fruitful
bough by a spring" (Gen. 49:22).
Q'~P, ~rc.!' ,~~~-,~ iijii~ ' 91il.!' ,~~~-,.!' "Till the people pass over, 0
Lord, till the people pass over which you have purchased"
(Exod. 15:16b).
~?'D: C~!il '9~~1 c';j"'~ I c~¢ '9~l;'il "The waters saw you, 0 God,
the waters saw you, they were afraid" (ps 77:17).
~';i~' '9';~~ ii),iP;P iijii~ '9'~~~ ii).iJ 'f. "For behold your enemies, 0
Lord, for behold your enemies will perish" (ps 92: 10).
Tl'.v.~ [np~~l 'IJ~~ "~~1:1~~~ ii~~ 'ph~ '~r:9~~ "You have ravished
my heart, my sister, (my) bride, you have ravished my heart
with one of your eyes" (Cant. 4:9).
1#-iim~1 ':;ml? ':;l~r;i n'$7'lt?iJ ":;l'lW ':;l~tzi "Return, return, 0 Shulamite,
return, return, that we may look upon you" (Cant. 7:1a).
Word Pairs
The study of word pairs has e~oyed considerable attention ever
since the publication of the U garitic tablets. The leading scholars
in this endeavor have been Ginsberg, Cassuto, Held, Loewenstamm,
Dahood and Greenfield. The most extensive study on this topic is
that of Avishur (1984). Examples of Ugaritic word pairs common
to Biblical literature are:
yd/ /ymn "hand/ fright (hand)" (1.2 1,39), 'ar1/ /'pr "earth/ / dust"
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INTRODUCTION 7
(1.2 IV,5), ksllkrpn "cupllgoblet" (1.3 1,10-11), bt/l~?-r "house I I

courtyard" (l.l4 111,28-29), 'lmlldrdr "erallgenerations on gen-
erations" (1.2 IV, 10) 'ibl I frl "enemy I loppressor" (1.2 IV,9),
r'ifllqdqd "headlltop of head" (l.l6 VI,56-57), r~llbl ItJm'at
"milkllbutter" (1.23,14), kspl ItJr~ "silveri I gold" (1.24,20-21),
r t1r1/ Iyn "new wine! lwine" (l.l7 VI,7-8), I;yml I bl mt
"life I limmortality" (l.l6 1,14-15), mlklltP! "kinglljudge" (1.4
IV,43-44).
METHOD OF PRESENTATION
1. Books, articles and journals are cited by the accepted abbre-

viations. All the Ugaritic texts from Ugarit, Ras Ibn-tIani and other
places are cited by their numbers in KTU2. The Akkadian texts
from Ugarit are cited according to the number and page as estab-
lished by the editors of PRU III, PRU IV, PRU VI and Ug 5.
2. Throughout most of the book, text references are given for
the various words dealt with.
3. The vowels of Ugaritic were distinguished by length. Vowels
without the macron are considered short, the conjectured gram-
matical length in forms is indicated by the macron, ii z 0 ii, while
long vowels resulting from the reduction of diphthongs, triphthongs
or from elisions of aleph or he are marked by the circumflex, Ii e z
a u.
4. This grammar ignores proper nouns, since those preserve archa-
ic elements and it is not possible to deduce much evidence from
them for the linguistic stage described in this study. Furthermore,
the fact that a particular name occurs in a U garitic text does not
guarantee that it is U garitic in origin. Such a name may be for-
eign, e.g. Canaanite, Hurrian or Hittite .
. 5. The readings suggested in this book are in square brackets
while Proto-Ugaritic reconstructions are in parentheses. Thus, for
example, the suggested reconstruction of the word 'ibr is ['ibbzru],
while the Proto-Ugaritic reconstruction is Cabbzru).
6. Proper names comprised of two components joined by the w-
conjunction (such as gpn w ' amrr) are taken here as two entities,
though there are those who prefer to see them as one. This is noted
in the discussion of the various dual forms.
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CHAPTER ONE
ORTHOGRAPHY
The Ugaritic alphabet contains 30 cuneiform signs which express

27 consonantal phonemes. This alphabet is attested in a fIxed order
in several documents (e.g. 5.6; 5.12; 5.13; 5.17). The following are
the cuneiform signs according to that order as found in those texts
with their equivalents in Latin characters and the accepted diacrit-
,m
ical marks below:
'a
n
JJ T
b
P-
g
4Tt
!J d
TTT
I>--
I>--
I>--
1
h
> t
w
~t 1»1>-
z r:::4 ~
y
!
y k S l m rJ n ?: s
« I>--
I>--
p
TT ~
q
~
r
4(
1
~
g
I>--
t 1-z JII
I>--
I>--
'u
~
iTt
s
GENERAL REMARKS
1. Scholars have long since noted the resemblance and the dif-
ferences between the order of the letters in the U garitic and the
Hebrew alphabets (cf. Dietrich and Loretz 1989:101-112).
2. The Ugaritic alphabet does not indicate vowels except for
the three aleph-signs which indicate the vowels a, i, u, and the rea-
son for their invention is not known. As a result, these aleph-signs
play a major role in the interpretation of the vocalic sequences and
the morphology of Ugaritic (as will be seen in discussions through-
out this book).
3. The signs for 'i, 'u, s seem superfluous and the common
assumption is that they were added at a later stage. The original
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lO CHAPrER ONE
sign was 'a and it stood for aleph without distinguishing any vowel.
With the addition of the signs for 'i and 'u, the first sign lost some
of its functions and came to stand for 'a only (cf. Loewenstamm
1980:7-12; for 'a representing vowelless aleph see irifra).
The sign s seems to have the same usage as the s, since they
are used interchangeably. It is generally, but not always, limited to
loanwords, e.g.:
m[r]r'u1 skn (4.36,3) beside mr'u skn "the officer's troops" (4.99,13);
SSW (4.427,22; an Indo-European word) beside sswm "horse(s)"
(1.2011,3); ks'u (1.4 VIII,12) beside kS'u "chair" (1.53,7). Likewise
in personal names (Indo-European names) such as 'arswn (4.35
11,4) beside 'arswn (4.54,lO); sm (4.75 111,2) beside sm (4.39,3).
The two signs can even appear in the same word, e.g. ymss "it
should be melted" (1.85,3; from the root MSS).
Recendy Segert (1983c:20l-2l8) pointed out that the sign s does
express vowelless [s], but also can stand for the syllabic values [su]
and [so]. This idea is difficult to accept for it is not known why
U garitic needed to express a syllabic value just for this consonant
(cf. Blau 1985:292). However, since this sign is used especially with
foriegn words and is placed at the end of the alphabet, it would
seem to be a non-Semitic borrowing and that might explain its hav-
ing a syllabic value, i.e., it follows the rule of other cuneiform lan-
guages.
Since the alphabetical lists from U garit were discovered much
later, the modem dictionaries composed in the wake of the initial
discovery of the language follow an order close to that used for
Hebrew. The Ugaritic consonants not found in Hebrew were insert-
ed in logical places to produce the following accepted order (the
non-Hebrew letters are in parentheses):
'a, 'i, 'u b g d (!) h w z & @ ! (e) y kim n s (5) ( (i) p ~ q r

st (J)
4. Text 5.14 preserves a portion of the alphabetic signs, each fol-

lowed by an Akkadian syllabic sign. The syllabic values have been
used to reconstruct the beginnings of the respective names of each
letter, e.g. a for 'a(lpu) "ox", be for be(tu) "house", ga for ga(mlu)
"throw stick", etc. The resulting names correspond to the names of
the pictographs of the Proto-Sinaitic script (Albright 1950b:23-24;
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ORTHOGRAPHY 11
Cross and Lambdin 1960:21-26; Cross 1967:23*-24*; and also

Speiser 1964:42-47).
5. A few of the Ugaritic cuneiform signs are similar in shape and
are easily confused. It is possible that even the U garitian scribes
may have made such errors, and this must be taken into consider-
ation when dealing with the text of any particular document. The
following signs are especially noteworthy for their similarity to one
another: nand r, k and r, ' and t, k and w, ~ and t, 'u, d and h.
There are a few sign combinations that are similar to some other
compound sign, e.g. the qqf looks like taw and 'ayin, the lamed looks
like ~adi followed by gimel, the nun could be a combination of taw
and aleph plus a-vowel.
WRITING AND ORTHOGRAPHY
Ugaritic is written from left to right but there _are a few texts with
right-to-left orientation, e.g. 4.31. Those minority texts are set apart
from the body of regular Ugaritic documents by other characteris-
tic features, so that it would appear that they reflect a different
school from that prevailing at Ugarit. For example, these minority
texts use the sign !J for both !J and ~; and there is a text which
uses a circle, 0, to represent 5, S, and 1 (cf. 4.31,2).
The Ugaritian scribes were not consistent in dividing words. Usu-
ally, words were separated by a small wedge, T (which may some-
times be confused with gimel because of the similarity in shape). In
modem transcriptions, the word divider is represented by a period.
There are many instances, however, when no word divider was used
in the original but when words are separated by a space on the
tablet (e.g. 1.92, ('specially lines 1-9). At times, the words are writ-
ten in an unbrokcn scquence and the reader has to decide where
to divide between words. One finds instances when a word is sep-
arated from its proclitic particle or from its sufflxed pronoun and
there are even word dividers within words. Here are some exam-
ples:
km.lh "as the heart or' (1.6 II, 29); w.'ap "and even" (2.11,13);
l.'umy "to my mother" (2.13,6); w.rgm "and say" (2.13,13); w
ytn.nn "and he gave it" (3.5,11); rII 'a rjI ~'i.hm "let me verily
bring them out" (1.2 IV,2); ym.gyn "he arrives" (1.19 IV,8); l.q~
"they took" (4.188,18,20); hn.fm "men" (4.243,6); l.'lk1t "you
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12 CHAPTER ONE
(m.s.) sent" (2.45,25); rnp'.J "soul" (1.5 1,14). Likewise in per-

sonal names, e.g. n.m [Nuranu] (4.188,12); rp'dr.ry' [Pidrqya]
(1.106,11); dn.'il [Dan(~'ilu] (1.17 11,24).
Generally, the word divider does not come at the end of a line
though there are some exceptions such as 1.3 11,33; 1.13,4,5,6 etc.;
1.14 IV,44,45; 1.191,9,14,41; 4.188,12,13. In this grammar, we shall
separate words and particles by spaces.
Occasionally the Ugaritian scribes separated lines by using hori-
zontal lines; cf. for example 1.13, 1.52, 1.lO8, 4.12 etc.
The lines of a text do not necessarily correspond to sentence
components or to the lines of a poem. Words may even be divid-
ed at the end of a line and continue on the next line (cf. most
recently Segert 1987 :283-288). Examples:
b/i9t [biikiyatu] "weepers, mourning women" (1.19 IV, 9-lO);
qdq/d [qadqadu/qudqudu] "top of head" (1.2 IV,21-22); tIn/tM
[timta!J~/ timta!J~u] "you (m.s.) smite" (1.3 II, 5-6); ysll ~ [yiSl~u]
"he melts" (1.4 1,25-26); y,rq/m [Ya,riqu-ma] "he pours, casts" (1.4
1,27-28); I 'aq/ht "to Aqhat" (1.19 IV, 15~16); ll1l [lalalu] "three"
(4.203,11-12).
U garitic writing does not indicate gemination of consonants. The
doubled consonant is written with one sign only (there is no basis
for the suggestion of Good [1981:119-121], that consonants l,m,n,r
may be written twice when geminated). Thus, for example:
prt [parratu] "cow" (1.5 V,18); prm [parrilma] "bulls" (4.142,1); dlt
[dallatu] "poor (f.s.)" (1.82,24); likewise 11.t [1i11.atu] "six" (4.341,9);
ts""u [tiSsa'u] "she lifts up" (1.6 1,14); ym [yammu] "sea" (2.46,14);
'um ['ummu] "mother" (1.82,9). It seems that the word yddll "he
is suppressed" (1.lO3+ 1.145,46) does not indicate a gemination
of d, but it is better considered as dittography (contra Dietrich
and Loretz 1990b: 142). The same is true with mtt [mittaj "you
are dead" (1.5 V,17; cf. Gordon 1949:42 and 1967:79; Aartun
1978:93; TO I, p. 248; Rin and Rin 1996:294), where appar-
ently the form does not represent gemination of t, but rather
dittography (contra Verreet [1988:93] who transcribes mitVta, i.e.
an unexplained vowel between the two fs).
Since the Ugaritic writing system is almost entirely consonantal,
there are homographs that have entirely different meanings, e.g.:
'amt can mean "handmaiden" ['amatu], "cubit" ['ammatu],
"cubits" ['ammatu] or "I will die" ['amutu]; the spelling 'alpm can
be "two thousand" or "thousands"; 'n can be "eye" ['enu] or
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ORTHOGRAPHY 13
"he answer(ed)" ['and] or other forms.

This homography creates difficulties for the interpretation of
U garitic texts and one is frequently forced to resort to comparison
with other Semitic languages (especially Hebrew and Arabic) for
solutions or else to decide on the basis of the context.
In U garitic there is practically no use of matres lectionis. There are
no certain examples of the use of waw or hi as vowel indicators
(for suggestions concerning waw, cf. Dietrich, Loretz and Sanmartin
1975a:559-560; for possible instances of hi, cf. Kutscher 1967:33-
34). By contrast, there are a few examples of aleph or yod as matres
lectionis.
aleph as Mater Lectionis

The use of aleph as mater lectionis is confined to isolated instances
only:
rm1r'i'a [marf'a] "fatling (accusative)" (1.4 VI,4l-42) beside the
standard spelling mra (1.4 V,45); ~b'i'a [~abf'a/~aba'a] "the army
(accusative)" (1.15 V,19) beside ~b'a (1.16 1,36), the normal
spelling.
In both these examples with two aleph-signs, one might assume
scribal errors, but it is also possible that the first aleph, viz. 'i, reflects
the vowel that precedes the root consonant aleph, i.e. Y.
An additional example:
yr'a'un "he fears him" (1.5 II,6; from the root YR').
The 'a-sign may express the thematic vowel of the form, that is
yfra'unn1i « yiyra'unh1i; cf. Zevit 1980:3; for other possibilities, cf.
infra, p. 148).
One problematic spelling is found in the following:
tl'u' an [til'uwann1i?] « til' O)'anh1i1 til' awanh1i?) "sleep overcame him"
(1.14 1,33; from the root L'Y).
The 'a-sign might be a glide, or perhaps the scribe just made a
mistake for tfunn [til'un(n)ann1i?] (cf. Blau and Loewenstamm 1970:23,
n. 28 following de Moor 1965:357; likewise cf. TO I, p. 509).
yod as Mater Lectionis

The use of yod as a vowel indicator is rare in poetry but more
common in prose texts. The particle fry "because, since, verily" (for
emphatic or circumstantial nuances) is always written full in prose
(cf. e.g. 2.16,7; 2.17,13) while the correct reading may have been
*kT (or *kf). In poetic contexts it is always written k without yod.
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14 CHAPTER ONE
The same holds true for the preposition b-, written by in prose (e.g.
2.38,13,25) but without yod in poetry (for this, cf. Blau 1978a:295).
When the suffIx pronoun for 1st c.s., -y [ya] is attached to a
noun in the nominative, the yod is not written and not pronounced
(cf. irifra, p. 52). Nevertheless, there are instances when the yod is
written (it holds true in the Amarna letters too; cf. Rainey 1996
1:71-71). In such cases, the yod must be a vowel indicator; thus, for
example:
'umy ['ummt] "my mother" is in the nominative in 2.30,21 and
2.16,6 (the expected spelling would have been *'um). This also
holds true for b1'!)l [bint/ bunt/ bant] "my son (nominative)" in
2.14,11,16 (for the expected *bn) and mnry [manati"lmanetf] "my
conjuration" (1.100,9) where one would expect *mnt (cf.
1.100,4,15,20 etc.); mr~y mlk tdlln "the spears [*mur(a)~u] (mrl!:J
instead of the expected *mrM were suppressed" (1.103+
1.145,7,46; cf. Dietrich and Loretz 1990b:93); tq~m ymy b'lhn
"the days [yomu/yamu] (ymy for the expected spelling 7m) of
their (f.pI.) master will be shortened" (1.103+ 1.145,33-34); 'adry
tff "may my lady ['ada~t)t] ('adry for *'adt) know" (2.33,19; cf.
Pardee 1984:219 and 228 n. 49); the combination 'ilY 'ugrt "the
gods of Ugarit" (2.16,4-5) is the subject of its clause so the yod
is not expected. The yod is a vowel marker indicating probably
a mistake in case ending (cf. irifra, p. 84). It is also possible
that by the time that this letter was written, it might reflect
that the breakdown in the case system had already started.
From the poetic texts the following may be noted:
'~dy dymlk "(it is) I alone who will rule" (1.4 VII,49-50; unless
the numeric pronoun had an adverbial vocalic suffIx that
required the full form, :JIa); m'msy [mu'ammisz] "the one who car-
ries me" (1.17 11,20). The latter form is from a context in par-
allel with sp'u [sapi'u] "the one who eats" (line 21) which is also
in the nominative (the parallel text in 1.17 1,27 also has ms~'u
[muso~i'u] "the one who brings forth", a nominative participle
of the S stem); 'mn nrk't !l t'ny "with Nikkal is my wedding"
(1.24,32), where !l t'ny is the subject and therefore should be
written *tJtn (cf. Blau and Loewenstamm 1970:26). In the pas-
sage 'alry 'it ylt "the two women of El gave birth" (1.23,60) the
yod on the word 'a1?Y is otiose, and it stands for a vowel, that
is *'a11.ate, except that here there is a mistake in the case end-
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ORTHOGRAPHY 15
ing where the nominative would be in order (cf. irifra, p. 84).

The yod also served as a vowel marker in verb forms, such as
qryy [qiriyz?] "meet!(?) (f.s.)" (1.3 N,8). The yod could be either a
scribal error or a vowel marker (cf. Blau and Loewenstamm 1970:27).
In the spelling tmgyy [tamgrya] "(two thousand horses) arrive" (2.33,31)
the yod may be otiose (perhaps it is dittography; cf. Dietrich, Loretz
and Sanmartin 1974c:457, n. 2; contra TO II [po 337, n. 381 which
takes the yod as 1st person pronoun).
In the forms 'aflym "brothers" (1.6 VI,1O,14), lmnym "eighty"
(4.171,4) and fmym "heavens" (1.19 N,24,30) the yod may not be
a vowel marker but rather a root consonant (cf. Sivan 1982b:209-
218). In the form 'aflyh "his brothers" (1.12 II,50), the yod may be
either a vowel marker or a root consonant (see Blau and
Loewenstamm 1970:27 and cf. irifra, p. 43). In the particle mhy
"what", what is it?" (2.14,9) the yod might be a vowel marker but
the form could also be a combination of the interrogative particle
mh [mah] "what" with the independent pronoun hy [hrya] "she"
(Loewenstamm 1980:59 and KT1J2, p.166, n. 2).
With the spellings f[yt, an epithet of Lotanu meaning "power-
ful(?)" (1.5 1,3) and pflyrh "his assembly" (1.14 1,25), which is usu-
ally written without the yod (e.g. 1.15 III, 15), the yod in both fonns
may be a vowel marker (cf. Kutscher 1968:374), but it might also
be consonantal from the pattern qutqyl (cf. Loewenstamm 1969a: 111-
114). If that suggestion is correct, then these would be the only
cases in U garitic where the diphthong qy did not contract (for the
possibility that the pattern of those words was qutqyyil, cf. Ginsberg
1946:34; less probable is the idea that f[yt is a Shaphel formation
from the root LWTI Lr[; cf. Ug 7, p. 93 n. 73; Dietrich and Loretz
1980b:406; Margalit 1980:90; also less probable to view these forms
as in qatyal pattern as suggested by van Selms [1967:289-295]). It
would also appear that yod serves as a vowel marker in the forms
r'iSyt [ra'Situ] "beginning", "first (fruit)(?)" (1.119,25; cf. Ug 7, p. 35
n. 8 and TO II, p. 209 and n. 201) and 'lYt ['atitt¥] "you (m.s.)
went up" (1.176,6; cf. Bordreuil and Caquot 1980:351; for the pos-
sibility that this form is 3ild feminine singular see irifra, p. 162).
The aleph-Signs
It is not known why the scribes at U garit chose to express vowels
with the aleph. It would seem that the 'a was originally vowelless
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16 CHAPTER ONE
and that only later signs were added for 'i and 'u. The original
purpose may have been for writing foreign words and only later
did their use enter into the writing of Ugaritic words (cf. Gordon
1965:18 and Cassuto 1947:466-477 and 1951:123-127).
It is agreed that the aleph expressed its own vowel and not the
main vowel in the word as Cassuto had supposed (lac. cit.). The
vowel with the aleph could be short, long, or the result of the con-
traction of a diphthong or triphthong as seen in the following exam-
pIes:
'u - 'udn ['udnu] "ear" (1.103+ 1.145,37); 'um ['ummu] "moth-
er" (l.l4 1,9); mr'um [mur'uma] "officers" (4.68,69); rp'um
[rapi'uma] "Rephaim" (1.21 II,3,11); 'u ['al'u] « 'aw) "or"
(1.40,22).
'a - 'ad ['adu] "father" (1.23,32); 'alp ['alpu] "ox" (1.4 V,45);
'arb' ['arba'u] "four" (1.41,51); 'ard ['aridu] "I go down" (1.5
VI,25); ks'a [kissi'alkussZ'a] "chair" (l.l00,12); 'ar ['aru] "light"
(1.41,16); m'at [mi'atu] "hundreds" (4.171,1); 'aklm ['akiluma] "the
eaters" (l.l2 1,26); g'an [ga'anu] « ga'wanulga'yanu) "pride" (1.17
VI,44).
'i - s'id [sa'ida] "he served food" (1.3 1,3); l'ikt [la'iktil] "I sent"
(2.14,7); ks'i [kissi'il kussr'z] "chair" (l.l6 VI,23); 'il ['ilu] "god"
(1.4 1,12); mr'im [man'rma] "fatlings" (4.128,1); rp'im [rapi'rma]
"Rephaim" (1.21 II,9); 'in ['enal'zna] « 'qyna) "not" (1.50,8).
The main problem with the aleph-signs is how to interpret those

that fall at the end of a syllable and thus should not have a vowel
after them. None of the attempts to suggest an explanation have
been able to explain all the examples (cf. the latest summary with
bibliography by Verreet 1983a:223-258).
Vowelless aleph Represented l!J 'i

It would seem that the sign 'i represented aleph plus i-vowel but
also aleph plus 0. By way of example, note:
br'i'r [bi'ru] "well" (1.13,25); l'im [lu'mu?] "nation" (1.6 1,6); s'in
[su'nu?] "hem(?)" (1.6 II, 10; cf. Akkadian sunu and Syriac ~m~o);
S'inm [sa'numa?] "presents" (1.164,2); r'iS [ra'su] "head" (1.23.36;
the word is always written this way and it may have been pro-
nounced ri'su; the possibility of a qatl formation is supported by
the syllabically written place name from Ugarit, uRura-a-sa-sa-ir
[Ra'sasa'ir] "Stormy headland(?)" [PRU VI 10,8']; the meaning
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ORTHOGRAPHY 17
of r'us [2.63,9] is not clear in its context, so It IS difficult to

know if this is another example of "head"; one can hardly agree
with Tropper [1990c:365] that this is an example of li > iJ shift
in this word);y'i/Jd [ya'/Judu] "he will take, seize" (1.103+ 1.145,7);
y'isp [ya'supu] "he gathers" (1.12 II,24;1.107,41,42,43); m'it [m'itu]
"hundred" (4.163,14); i,m'it [gami't~ "are you (f.s.) thirsty?" (1.4
IV,34); m'id [ma'da] "much, very" (1.14 1,23; cf. the plural form
written syllabically ma-a-du-ma [ma'(a)duma] [Ug 5 137 II,36']; see
Rainey 1970a:182, contra B1au and Greenfield [1970:17] who
interpret the form as a singular with an adverbial suffix).
Vowelless aleph Represented by ,a

There are very few examples of 'a for a vowelless aleph. B1au and
Loewenstamm (1970:23; also B1au 1985:294) argued that 'a expressed
vowelless aleph when it was preceded by an a-vowel. In fact, most
of their examples can be understood differently, that is, the 'a may
simply express the vowel of the aleph (Tropper [1990c:366] argued
that in these spellings, the 'a represents a, but that explanation is
hardly credible). The following are some examples:
y'asp (1.107,36) and t'asp (1.175,3) - It is possible that these
forms are not [ya'supu] "he gathers" and [ta'supu] "you (m.s.)
gather" (in these cases the usual spellings are y'isp [1.1 07 ,42]
and t'isp [1.19 II,17]) but [ya'assipulyu'asszjJU] and [ta'assipultu'as-
sipu] in the D stem (cf. the D stem in Biblical Hebrew ~9.~1;1
[Judg. 19:15]).
y'ars (1.14 1,42) - The reading may not have been [ya'rifu]
(for which the spelling required is y'irs, cf. 2.81,26) but rather
D stem [ya' arrifulyu' arrifu] "he requests", (it is less likely that
the form is in the N Stem, see Tropper 1991 a:356-358).
y'a/Jd "he seizes" (4.44,28) - The reading may be [ya'/Judu] or
in the D stem [ya'alJlJidulyu'alJlJidu] (it is less likely that the form
is in the N stem, see Verreet 1983a:237).
yr'a1bd "he loses" (1.11,3) - The reading may be [ya'budu] or
[ya'abbidulyu'abbidu] in the D stem.
w I y'amr "and he does not (/indeed) look(s) at" (1.172,22) -
The form can be interpreted either [wa la or lui la ya'muru] or
[wa la or lui la ya'ammirulyu'ammiru] (see Bordreuil and Caquot
1980:345).
The certain examples of 'a for vowelless aleph are limited in num-
ber. Here are two examples: One is the adjectival form from a
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18 CHAPTER ONE
place name m'atJdym [ma'tJadryuma] "people from Ma'badu (4.263,5)

beside the customary spelling with 'i, thus m'irtJdl (4.172,6) and
m'itJdym (4.611,1). Syllabic spellings confirm that the prefix vowel is
a and not i (URUma-a-tJa-di [PRU III, p. 195 A,6] and uRuma-tJa-di-
ya [PRU VI 79,10]). The other example is the word m'ad [ma'da]
"many, much, very" (1.14 II,35). It is attested once with this spelling
beside the very frequent m'id (1.14 1,23 and elsewhere; note its use
also as a noun, e.g. m'idy "my abundence" [2.46,11]). Here must
be added the reading m' adO, the proposed correction for m' ab
(2.16,11), which also functions as an adverb (cf. B1au and
Loewenstamm 1970:22).
Vowelless aleph Represented by 'u

The 'u-sign also almost never represents vowelless aleph. Most of the
cases with 'u may be interpreted differently. aleph plus u-vowel
according to Tropper (1990c:364,367 and 369 n. 42) in many
instances reflect aleph plus a-vowel resulting from a > a. His expla-
nation must be rejected, since that shift did not take place in U garitic
at all (c£ Smith 1994:268, n. 93 and also the discussion irifTa, pp.
47-48). The following are some examples:
From the root 'ljD "to grasp, seize, hold" there are several
examples: the form y'utJdm "he grasps, holds" (1.4 IV,16) may
be reconstructed [ya'tJudu-ma], but also [ya'utJudu-ma] « ya'tJudu-
ma; for such an assimilation, c£ infra, p. 45); qrt t'utJd (1.127,30)
may be for [qaritu tu'tJadJ "the city was taken" but it could also
be [qarita ta'tJudu] "they took the city"; t'utJd "(Athtart) holds,
seizes" (1.2 1,40) may be [ta'tJudu] or [ta'utJudu] « ta'tJudu); y'utJd
"he holds, seizes" (1.103+ 1.145,17) may be [ya'tJudu] or [ya'utJudu]
« ya'tJudu). Examples from other roots: y'uhb "he loves" (1.5
V,18) may be [yi'habu/ya'hubu] (see Verreet 1983a:237) or
[ya'uhubu] « ya'hubu); t'ulpl "you/she gather(s)" (1.1 IV,ll; cf.
TO I, p. 308, n. ~ may be [ta'supu] or [ta'usupu] « ta'supu);
t'u~l "you (m.s.) gather(?), essemble(?)" (1.106,25; cf. TO II, p.
187, n. 141) may be [ta'~ulu] or [ta'u~ulu] « ta'~ulu); y'ukl "he
will eat/eats" (4.244,16) may be [ya'kulu] or [ya'ukulu] « ya'ku-
lu); l'u1bd "(the sun) is perishing" (2.39,21) can be [ta'budu] or
[ta'ubudu] « ta'budu); m'ud "much" (1.5 III,22)3; cf. Marcus
1974:405 and irifTa, p. 208) may be [ma'da] or [mu'da] or even
[mu'uda?].
In summary, it would seem that the aleph-signs were used to
express the following values:
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ORTHOGRAPHY 19
'u = 'u, 'ii, '8 (rarely '0).

'a = 'a, 'ii, 'Ii (rarely '0).
'i = 'i, 'r, '€, 'z, and often for '0 (cf. Huehnergard 1987:268).
For words with final aleph, one must distinguish between nomi-
nal forms and verbal forms. With nouns (whether absolute [unbound]
or construct [bound]) that have aleph as their final consonant, the
aleph reflects its own vowel, i.e. the case vowel (for the case system,
cf. irifTa, p. 82). With verbs the final 'u and 'a reflect the vowel of
the aleph (i.e. yqtlu and yqtla modal forms, plurals in -ii, 3rd m.s. qtla,
etc.; cf. discussions irifTa, pp. 110 and 10 1) and 'i reflects vowelless
aleph (i.e. the yqt10 forms of verbs with final aleph), viz. preterite
forms Yf'i [yafi'] "it went forth" (1.14 II,34) and tsp'i [tispa'] "she
ate" (1.96,3); jussive tf'i [tafi'] "may it (f.s.) go out" (1.18 IV,24).
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CHAPTER TWO
PHONOLOGY
CONSONANTS
General Remarks
The pronunCIatIOn of the consonants in Ugaritic is determined by
comparison with other Semitic languages (the pronunciation of clas-
sical Arabic, Hebrew and its various traditions, and Syriac in its
eastern tradition). For several consonants there is no consistency
among the Semitic languages and in such cases it is impossible to
reach any clear decision regarding the cognate Ugaritic consonants.
Furthermore, as shall be evident below, Ugaritic shows an inor-
dinate variety of consonantal shifts, interchanges, assimilations, dis-
similations, as well as other irregularities. This irregularity or per-
haps fluidity in the Ugaritic consonantal inventory contributes to
the obscurity of many U garitic texts. This inconsistency reflects a
number of aspects of the Ugaritic language and scribal culture. First
of all, some of the variety reflects the diachronic changes in U garitic;
these diachronic changes are especially evident in comparing the
more archaizing poetic and ritual texts with the prose corpus. The
Ugaritic consonantal inventory also reflects some of the cosmopoli-
tan culture of the city reflecting influences of several languages which
were used by scribes in ancient Ugaritic including Akkadian, Hittite,
Hurrian and Egyptian. Indeed, the scribal culture itself was multi-
national and some of the irregularities in the consonantal invento-
ry can be accounted for by the different scribal schools at U garit.
Consonantal Shifts
if, > d - The Proto-Semitic consonant ri is generally shifted to d
in Ugaritic. Thus, for example: Jfqln [daqanu] « riaqanu) "beard"
(1.5 VI,19); db~ [dab~u] « riab~u) "sacrifice" (1.4 III,19); d [daldaldz])
« rial rial rft; "which", "of' (1.4 III,31 and elsewhere; cf. Biblical
Hebrew 1T [Exod. 15:13; Isa. 42:24], Aramaic '1 [Ezra 4:11] and
Phoenician T [KAI 1,1; 4,1]; see also Dahood 1965: 7 and the bib-
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PHONOLOGY 21
liography cited there); mgd [magdU] « magrlayu?) "food, rations(?)"

(1.14 II,31; perhaps the form is from the root G[)W, cf. Renfroe
1992:60-61).
In several words this shift did not take place and etymological rl
was preserved. These words often contain a guttural or r, e.g. in
forms of the root 'J)R "to help", y'rfr'k [ya'rlurukt¥] "he will help you
(m.s.)" (1.18 1,14) and 'rlrt ['irlirtu] "help" (1.140,8); rlr'h [rlira'uhil]
"his arm" (1.5 VI,20; 1.6 1,4); rlmr [rlamTru?] "trooper" (1.3 II, 14);
yrlmr [yarJammirulyurlammiru] "he sings" (1.108,3); prfh [parJuhil] "his
(fine) gold" (1.2 1,19,35; for discussion cf. Smith 1994:293-294); rlnb
[rlanabu] "tail" (1.114,20).
In the texts 1.12 and 1.24 the rl is written in words where the
shift had already taken place, e.g.: 'aM ['aaarJa] "he grasped" (1.12
II,32; usually written 'aM in Ugaritic); the relative pronoun rl
(1.24,45; usually written d in Ugaritic). Those two texts may rep-
resent an archaic spelling and thus reflect an earlier stage in the
development of Ugaritic (these texts also contain other consonantal
shifts not typical of normative Ugaritic, cf. discussion below).
Therefore, it is doubtful if those particular words were actually pro-
nounced with [rlJ (cf. Ullendorf 1962:350 and Blau 1968b:524 n.
8). It is also probable that those two texts were written by a for-
eign scribe, perhaps a Hurrian.
It would appear that the shift rl > d took place in Ugaritic after
the invention of the U garitic alphabet (in contrast to the shift rj >
~ [cf. below] which has taken place prior to the use of that alpha-
bet, since rj is not represented at all in Ugaritic writing). Once the
shift rl > d occurred, the sign for rl was left devoid of meaning.
Therefore, the Ugaritian scribes began to use it for representation
of a foreign sound (particularly in Hurrian words and in foreign
personal names). There are those who claim that the rl-sign was
pronounced z (cf. Garr 1986:47 n. 21), but there is no firm basis
for this.
Sometimes the rl-sign represents a voiced allophone of a phoneme
of which the unvoiced reflex is generally written by the l-sign (there
are some instances when the s-sign was used; cf. discussion below).
In a few cases the rl-sign stands for another Proto-Semitic
phoneme. Thus, e.g. the spelling of yrlmr "he sings" (1.108,3; from
the root [)MR) is strange, since in Arabic and in Aramaic the root
is ZMR. It may be conjectured that the original root was [)MR. In
Biblical Hebrew and Phoenician it shifted to ZMR and afterwards
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22 CHAPTER TWO
it was borrowed from them to Aramaic and Arabic (cf. Loe-

wenstamm 1980:334-336). On the other hand, the root ZMR might
have been the original, while the Ugaritic ydmr might be a combi-
nation of the root .[)MR "strength" with ZMR "to sing" (cf. Blau
and Greenfield 1970: 12; Blau 1977b:82-83). Another explanation
may be that the form ydmr is a scribal error and it is the result of
attraction from the word dmr "strength" which appears twice else-
where in the same text (cf. lines 21 and 24).
The term 'ariddy ['Aridaaryu] "Ashdodite" (4.635,16 and elsewhere)
is always written with d. The Egyptian spelling of this place name
is zsdd, indicating that the Egyptian s (1) stood for Semitic 1 (cf.
Cross and Freedman 1964:48-49). If this explanation is correct, then
the U garitic spelling may represent an assimilation of the voiceless
1 to the next voiced d, that is, the phoneme 1 became d (cf. Blau
1977b:79 and Huehnergard 1987:225 n. 73). On the other hand,
it may be that the U garitic scribe really heard 1 in that geograph-
ical name; since in his own language that phoneme was already
pronounced 1 (or less likely .f), he avoided the l-sign and chose the
d-sign which represented the closest phoneme in his repertoire.
The d-sign stands for s in the word kdd "a conquest(?)" (1.5 1,17;
1.133,8; contra Margalit [1980:100-101] and Renfroe [1992:100-101]
who treat the word as a combination of the preposition k- plus the
noun rid with the meaning "like a teat"; for the possibility of view-
ing this form as a verb cf. irifra, p. 108) alongside the spelling tkSd
(1.5 1,16). The d seems to stand for an original Proto-Semitic .f; as
the result of assimilation of unvoiced s to the following voiced d (cf.
in this regard, Blau 1977b:77; Garr 1986:47; Huehnergard 1987:279
n. 53). At the same time, we als.o may have here a scribal error,
since the signs d and s are somewhat similar in shape (cf. TO I, p.
242, n. r).
d - The d-sign represents the original d and also Proto-Semitic
d which had shifted to d. The root DR' "to sow" is problematic,
since we would expect the first radical to be z instead of d (cf. the
cognates in Arabic and Aramaic). It may be that in the Semitic
languages the roots DR' and ZR' were both in use (cf. Gordon
1965:27) or else the Ugaritic DR' is a contamination of DRW "to
scatter" and ZR' "to sow" (cf. Dahood 1965:7; Blau 1977b:85 and
Loewenstamm 1980: 161). On the other hand, it is possible that
Phoenician ZR' « DR') was borrowed into Aramaic and passed
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PHONOLOGY 23
from there to Arabic. The various explanations of this phenome-

non still do not carry conviction.
!i > ~ - The phoneme rj had always shifted to ! III Ugaritic,

e.g. 'ar! ['ar!u] « 'arrju) "land, ground" (1.3 III,16) and ['in [[a'nu]
« rja'nu) "small cattle" (1.6 I,22).
On occasion one may find ,g: instead of !, e.g. from the root Y$'
« YJ)') "to go out" - ,g:'i [,g:i'f] "go out! (f.s.)" (1.12 I,14,19); from
the root $lfQ « J)lfQJ "to laugh" - y!~q [Yi.J~aqu] "he laughs" (1.4
IV,28), but also y,g:~q [yi,g:~aq] "he laughed" (1.12 I,12). The change
to ,g: may have come about after the shift rj > [ took place (cf.
Greenfield 1969:95; Garr 1986:48). However, it is also possible that
the ,g:-sign simply represents ! in that particular text, namely 1.12
(cf. Blau 1972:71). For the form mlJft [maaaitil] « maaa.Jtfi < maaarjtif:)
"I destroyed" (1.3 III,38,41,43,45) see infra, p. 28.
~ > g - The Proto-Semitic consonant ,g: is normally preserved

in Ugaritic (as in Arabic). In other Semitic languages it shifts to [
(Biblical Hebrew and Akkadian) or ! (Aramaic).
Examples of Ugaritic words with ,g:: r,g:lbyrhl [,g:alryuhi't] "his gazelle"
(1.15 IV, 18); ,g:l [,g:illu] "shadow" (1.14 III,55); ',g:m ['a,g:mu] "bone"
(1.19 III,!l); ',g:m ['a,g:umu/'a,g:fmu/'a,g:imu] "mighty, strong" (1.2 IV,5;
1.3 I,12); q,g: [qe,g:u/qz~u] "summer" (1.20 I,5); ~,g:r [~a,g:iru] "courtyard"
(1.4 IV,51).
The Proto-Semitic consonant g is also found in Ugaritic, in words
such as: glm [galmu/gulamu?] "boy" (1.15 II,20); !gr [[agzru] "young"
(1.22 I,4); rgbt [ragibtl'] "(are you) hungry (f.s.)?" (1.4 IV,33). Ugaritic
is the only Northwest Semitic language in which the consonant g
has been preserved. (Contrary to the opinion that the g-sign was
only another symbol for the consonant ' as was claimed by RuziCka
1954:221-233; Rossler 1961:158-172; cf. also Emerton 1982:31-50).
In addition, the g-sign also served in the spelling of foreign words
(cf. Segert 1989:287-300).
Nevertheless, the phoneme ,g: sometimes shifts to g. The nature of
this shift is not clear (cf. Dietrich and Loretz 1967:300-315; for an
explanation of interpreting the sign g as polyphonic, representing
the ,g: also, cf. Ginsberg 1946:48). The shift ,g: > g finds expression
in the following words: gr [guru] "mountain" (1.4 VIII,5; 1.5 V,13);
gm'it [gami'tz] "(are you) thirsty (f.s.)?" (1.4 IV,34; cf. the form m,g:m'a
[mu,g:amma'a] "shrunk(?)" [1.15 I,2], which apparently seems to have
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24 CHAYfER TWO
preserved the original consonant ~ [cf. Blau 1977b:75]; but the

meaning might be "thirst"); forms from the root NCR "to guard"
(1.23,73; 2.47,2); from the root MCr "to arrive" (1.4 111,24; 1.12
1,36); and from the root rQc "to be awake, to wake up" or "to
attune (the ear)" (only in 1.16 VI,30,42).
These examples of the shift ~ > g may reflect dialectical mixture.
On the other· hand, the particular forms may be explained by other
means. The form w tqg can be interpreted as the Gt imperative of
the root rQc « rQ.Z), but the root might also be TQC "to incline
(the ear)" in parallel to the Gt of the root 8M' "to heed" (cf.
Oberman 1946:244 n. 25 and Blau 1977b:7l n. 13). The word gr
"mountain" has been compared to Biblical Hebrew ,~~ and to
Aramaic ,~t!l while the Biblical Hebrew term does not mean "moun-
tain" (even in the parallelism of Num. 23:9 n;S:'~~o~ ~~~l~ b'i~ w~'1~-'?
~~'='~W~ "From the top of the cliffs I see him, from the hills I behold
him", the meaning of b'i~ can be "elevated cliffs"). The root CM
might represent a mixture of ?,M and CMr (cf. Blau 1977b:72).
Therefore, one may say that the shift ~ > g is quite restricted and
somewhat doubtful.
~ > , - The word ~~r "courtyard" is documented in Ugaritic

(1.4 V, 1 and elsewhere), but it is also found twice in the spelling
~p- (1.100,68; 1.114,18). The word m~ll "shelter" (1.41,12,17) is writ-
ten once mf [l[ (1.117,6; cf. Ug 7, p. 67).
It is possible that in these two instances there was a shift of ~
> t known from Aramaic. These spellings point to the fact that in
spoken late Ugaritic the transition from ~ to t was already com-
pleted (see Loewenstamm 1980:370). It could be that in Ugaritic
they pronounced the words ~~r and m~ll with t although they wrote
them with the ~-sign, i.e. the spelling with ~-sign could be an
archaism (cf. Blau 1968b:524 and 1970b:43; Freilich and Pardee
1984:25-36).
~/, Interchanges - There are a few words in which ~ is written
in place of an original t, e.g. l~pn (1.24,44) beside the normal ItPn
"compassionate" (1.6 111,4 and elsewhere); ~hrm (1.24,21) beside thrm
"pure ones" (1.4 V, 19,34).
These variants may indicate a different dialect from the norma-
tive speech of Ugarit or they might be the result of foreign influ-
ence (perhaps Hurrian; cf. Dietrich, Loretz and Sanmartin
1975b: 103-108). Otherwise, the sign ~ might just represent t as a
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PHONOLOGY 25
result of hyper correction, since, as we have seen above, in at least

one dialect the ?: was shifted to t (in the form ~tr). Since the scribe
was familiar with that shift, he made hyper corrections and the t
was written with ?: (cf. Blau 1978b:43; for the possibility that we
deal here with a shift and not with an interchange see Albright
1950a:387).
s > !. ? - A possible example of this shift may appear in U garitic

~lbn [~ilbiinu/~ulbiinu] "account" (4.158,2; 4.337,1). There are indi-
cations that the root lfSB is Proto-Semitic, at least as indicated by
Aramaic lfSB (not *lfTB) and Arabic lfSB. The Biblical Hebrew
root lfSB could, of course, derive from either lfTB or lfSB. On
the other hand, the Egyptian verb lfSB "to reckon up" suggests
that there was an Mro-Asiatic root that passed to the Semitic lan-
guages as a Kulturwort. Thus the Ugaritic root could reflect a cog-
nate to the Egyptian root, while the other Semitic languages may
have combined lfTB "to reckon" with lfSB "to think" (c£ Rainey
1966:260-261; 1970b:535; 1971a:159; Blau and Greenfield 1970:13;
Blau 1977b:74).
s > s - The phonemes J and f are both written with one sign
which was evidently pronounced as s. Thus one finds fm'al [Sim'iilu]
« fim'iilu) "left" (1.2 1,40; 1.23,64); Sd [Jadil] « fadayu) "field" (1.3
111,17; 1.4 VIII,25); J [Jil] « fayu?) "sheep" (1.40,17; 1.43,6); bSr
[bafaru] « bafaru) "flesh" (1.4 11,5; 1.15 IV,25). Among verbs there
are NS « NB') "to lift up, carry" (1.6 1,14; 1.19 11,56); SN « SN)
"to hate" (1.4 111,17; VII,36); SMlj « SMlj) "to be happy" (1.4
VI,35; 1.10 111,37); BSR « BSR) "to bring good news" (1.19 11,37).
w > Y - As in the other Northwest Semitic languages, so also

in Ugaritic, the waw at the beginning of a word shifted to yod (cf.
Moscati 1969:46 and 164). For a noun, note yrb [yarbu] « warbu)
"month" (1.105,15 and elsewhere). In verbs with pt waw: YBL «
WBL) "to bring, transport" (1.4 V,17 and elsewhere); YTB « WT8)
"to sit" (1.5 VI,12 and elsewhere); YSX « WSN) "to sleep" (1.14
1,31); YRD « WRD) "to descend" (1.14 11,26 and elsewhere). For
examples of such a shift in verbs with Third waw/yod verbs cf. irifra,
p. 161.
This shift did not take place in the conjunction w- [wa-] just as
in all Northwest Semitic languages (cf. Moscati 1969:121). Two verbs
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26 CHAPTER TWO
in which the shift did not occur are WIP "to spit" (1.4 VI, 13) and
WSR "to chasten, instruct" (1.16 VI,26). Note also the preservation
of the waw in the Third wawlyod verb forms 'as'1w ['as'iuwa] "let me
repose" (1.14 111,45) and 'atwt ['atawat] "she arrived" (1.4 IV,32).
The same shift takes place in the verb YW « WW) "to bear",
but there are instances where the root seems to be WW (e.g. 1.14
111,48; VI,33). However, the particular forms in question may actu-
ally begin with the w-conjunction, that is wid < *w yld (with syn-
cope of the yod, i.e. [waladu < wa:yaladu]; cf. Ginsberg 1946:40 and
Tsumura 1979:779-782).
Interchanges
"lJ1 IJ, - In a small number of texts both these consonants are rep-
resented by the a-sign which might be an indication of an inter-
change of al ~ or it could less probably indicate a shift of ~ > a
(cf. Speiser 1964:42-47). Note, for example, YPa "witness" (4.31,9)
beside the regular orthography in the other texts, yp~ (4.258,5 and
elsewhere); also qma "flour" (5.22,17) beside the normal spelling q~
(1.71,25); or ain "window" (5.22,27) instead of ~in (1.4 VII,17); mpta
"key" (5.22,12) instead of the expected form *mpt~; 'alJnnn ['alJani-
nanniil' alJanninanniiJ "I shall favor him" (2.15,9) beside the form in
the same text ~nny [~aninzl ~anninz] "favor (m.s.) me!" (2.15,3; the yod
seems to be mater lectionis; cf. Liverani 1964:175; de Moor 1965:360;
Krahmalkov 1969:264; Dietrich, Loretz and Sanmartin 1974a:4 71).
sl!./s - In the combination b 00 c(}, 0mn "with sixteen Gars

of) oil" (4.31,2) the circle (written here with (J) stands here for Proto-
Semitic 1, sand S, i.e. normal Proto-Ugaritic would have been: b
11. CST fmn. Since sand s were identical in Ugaritic (most likely pro-
nounced as 5), it is also possible that in the dialect of the scribe
who wrote this particular text 1, S, and s were all pronounced the
same, either as s or as s (cf. Ullendorf 1962:348-351). For that rea-
son, the scribe evidently used the 0 to represent all three phonemes,
which were identical to his ear. His dialect might thus have been
the same as that for which the "Phoenician" alphabet was devised,
since there, also, there is only one sign (called finl fin today) used
for all three phonemes.
II r - Note qr [qarul qaru?] "voice, sound" (1.14 III, 16) beside the
normal qi [qaiul qaiu] (1.14 111,17). The first example might be a
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PHONOLOGY 27
scribal error, but it could also be a real interchange of rand l.
gfq - Note l'igt [1tz'ig(a)tu] "bellowing" (1.14 111,16) beside 1'iqt

(1.14 V,8).
tf~ - This interchange is found in personal names only, e.g.

tlmyn [talm!Jianu] (2.11,3; 2.12,4) beside #myn (4.277,7); yplf [yaplufu]
(4.214 IV,4) alongside ypltn [yaplutanu] (4.277,4).
gf IJ - This interchange is attested in personal names, such as

cbrfyrg ['abd19largufcabdryargu] (4.277,2) instead of the expected *cbrfyra;
gym [giyyaranu?] (4.277,3) instead of flym (4.75 111,11; IV,II); sir
(4.277,13) beside sar (4.609,7). All of the instances are from the same
text. It would appear that this interchange is due to Hurrian influ-
ence (cf. Gordon 1965:33 and Grondahl 1967:21).
Assimilations
b (Before Unvoiced Consonant) > p - This change of b to p is due
to a partial assimilation of b (with vowel after it or without it) to
the following unvoiced phoneme (cf. Fronzaroli 1955:50-53; Green-
stein 1976:51 and most recently Garr 1986:45-57). This phenome-
non is known from other Semitic languages (cf. Moscati 1964:25-
26; Sarfatti 1992:43-44). In Ugaritic, note: nbkm [nab(a)kilma] "springs,
water sources" (1.105,10; 4.141 111,13) and mbk [mabbaku] « man-
baku) "water source" (1.4 IV,21; cf. nilv~ ':;l~1;l, "sources of rivers"
[Job 28:11] and the suggested emendation by Albright [1955:8] in
Provo 8:24 c~~-(!),~~~ nij;~o' r~~ 'l;I77in ni~ht;lT~9 "When there were
no depths I was brought forth, when there were no springs of water
sources[!]", substituting '~~~ for ":::l~J "abounding"[?] on the basis of
comparison with Ugaritic). Then there is npk [napku] "water source"
(1.14 V,l). The root BKY "to weep" appears in many inflected forms
(1.16 1,55 and elsewhere), but one time it is written with p instead
of b, viz. w tplg [wa-tapkiyu] "and you (m.s.) weep" (1.107,11; in line
8 the word is written with b). Note abt [tJubtu] "yeoman, type of
soldier" (2.17,1; 3.3,4) beside apt (1.14 11,37). Normally lbf
[libfuflubfu?] "clothing" (4.146,1) and plural (or dual) lbfm (4.146,6)
beside an instance of ips [lipsuflupsu] (1.5 VI, 16).
p (Before Voiced Consonant) > b - This change of p to b is due

to a partial assimilation of p (with vowel after it or without it) to
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28 CHAPI'ER TWO
the following voiced phoneme (cf. Fronzaroli 1955:50-53; Greenstein

1976:51 and most recently Garr 1986:45-57). Note the following
examples: the root PL "to do, to make, to work" (1.13,21) beside
yb'l [yib'alu] "he will make" (1.17 VI,24; cf. Grabbe 1979:307-324)
and b'lm [ba'iluma] "workers" (4.360,2,5,7,11) andyra 'ib'lt "(a name
of a month)" (1.119,1) instead of the expected *yra pelt (cf. n'l1El n,'
in Phoenician [li:AJ 38 B,2]).
mS > ps - The frequent Ugaritic form fps [sapfu] "sun" (1.78,3

and elsewhere) can be explained as a shift of samfu to sapsu i.e. a
partial assimilation of a bilabial nasal consonant has become a voice-
less stop due to the s which follows (cf. Fronzaroli 1955:52).
bm > mm ? - ybmt [yabam(a)tu] "progenitress (of heroes)" (1.4

11,15; 1.17 VI,19) beside ymmt (1.3 111,12). This change in this word
may be due to the partial assimilation of b to the following m,
although there is a vowel between the two consonants (cf. Fronzaroli
1955:59).
bm > bb - Note b mqr [bi-maqtin] "at the water source" (1.14

V,2) beside b bqr [bi-baqtin] (1.14 111,9). This assimilation takes place
although there is a vowel between the two consonants. It may have
come about due to the influence of the preposition b.
dq > ,q - This assimilation is attested in the personal name

(2.19,4,10,14) beside ~dqslm (4.165,11). It seems that d became
~tq.flm
t through partial assimilation to the following emphatic q (cf.
Fronzaroli 1955:51; Gordon 1965:477; Grondahl 1967:23,44-45,185
and Loewenstamm 1980:370).
~t > st - This assimilation is found only in the verbal form

mast [maaafti't] "I destroyed" (1.3 III,38,41,43,45). It seems that the
original form was *ma~t [*maG~ti't] which became mast [maaafti1]
through partial assimilation of the emphatic ~ to the following t, a
phonetic change otherwise unattested in West Semitic languages (cf.
Held 1959:169-176; Loewenstamm 1980:465-466).
s! > !! - This assimilation is known from the S stem. (It seems

that it also took place in the Proto-Sinaitic Inscriptions and in South
Arabian Inscriptions; cf. Albright 1948: 19 and Beeston 1962:40). The
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PHONOLOGY 29
s-morpheme of that stem assimilates to a 1 in either first and sec-

ond place in a verbal root, although there is a vowel between the
two consonants. Clear examples are from the root ryB "to sit,
dwell" and from TWB "to return": y11.b [ya.ta1ibulyulaffbu] « yafaffbul
yufaffbu) "he will return" (1.41,45); w 11.b [wa-.ta1ib] « wa-sa1ib) "and
send (m.s.)!" (1.14 III,32);yJJ.'"bn1 [ya181ibannlilyu181ibannifJ « yafaw1iban-
hlilyusawlibanhit) "he seated him" (1.6 VI,33); t11.b [tala1ibl tula1ib]
« tafa1ibltufa1ib] "may she send back" (2.12,14); 11.b [laffbf] « saffb~
"send back! (f.s.)" (2.11,17; 2.13,13).
The form tJl.km [talalkirflnal tulalkirflna?] « taSat.kirflnal tufat.kirflna) (1.15
1,3) seems to be from the root TKR(?), but the meaning is uncer-
tain (cf. TO I, p. 536, n. b).
A similar assimilation occurred in the ordinal number ldl
[J.lidilul1adilu?] « siidilulsadilu?) "sixth" (1.41,45; in Arabic the 1 assim-
ilated to the s [siidiSu] while both of the S's appear as s, viz. siidisu).
The same assimilation appears in the cardinal number 11. [1iLtu]
« Sid1u) "six" (4.244,19 and elsewhere). It may be that a similar
shift took place in the cardinal number 111 [lalalu] "three" (4.616,1
and elsewhere). There is a reasonable basis for the assumption that
the original root was *SLT (cf. Fronzaroli 1955:56,68 and B1au
1972:80). Since in Ugaritic the .f has shifted to S, it would seem
that that language reflects here the process [.talalu] « *salalu?
< *.falalu?) (cf. Fronzaroli 1955:59-60).
Assimilation qf d to the Following! or t - Such as 11. [1iLtu] « 1idlu

< Sidlu) "six" (4.244,19 and elsewhere; note that the radical d is
preserved in the ordinal number ldb cf. above); 'aI;t ['ab@attu]
« 'aI;[b]adtu) "one (f.)" (4.4lO,6 and elsewhere); in the verbal dual
form yfllt [yalatta?] « yaladafil) "they gave birth (f.du.)" (1.23,53; cf.
the Biblical Hebrew form 'i'177 "to give birth" [1 Sam. 4: 19] for
nl?7 [Gen. 4:2]; it seems that assimilation took place in the Ugaritic
form although there was a vowel after the d); I yrt [lui la:yaratitl1
« lulla-yaradtlf) "may you (m.s.) go down" (1.5 1,6); 'aGt ['afJatitl1
« 'afJadtlf) "you (m.s.) took, grasped" (1.16 VI,51; following Rainey
1973:55, contra Segert [1984:143] who interpreted the form as "sis-
ter"); ~t [ma,smattu] « ma,smadtu?) "bond, treaty" (6.27,1; following
Dahood 1965:64; Dietrich and Loretz 1966:206-245, contra Knapp
[1975:lO1] who interpreted the form from the root $MM "to con-
tract").
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30 CHAPTER TWO
Assimilation qf I in Forms from LQIf "to take" - This assimilation

is known both from verbal and nominal forms (a phenomenon famil-
iar from Phoenician and Biblical Hebrew). Note the following exam-
ples: 'iq~ ['iqqa~u] « 'ilqa~u) "I will take" (1.14 IV, 41); yq~ [yiqqa~u]
« yilqa~u) "he will take" (1.23,35); and also in the noun mq~m
[maqqa~ama!tJ « malqa~ama!t) "tongs" (4.127,4; cf. the syllabic doc-
umentation ma-qa-~a me-e [maqqa~a me] "water tongs" [PRU VI
157,14]). As in Biblical Hebrew and Phoenician (cf. ~np?:J in KAI
122,2), the l did not assimilate in the N stem, e.g. nlq~t [nalqa~at]
"it was taken" (4.659,1).
Assimilation qf n - As III the other Northwest Semitic languages

(in Eblaite and Amorite this assimilation does not always occur)
and in Akkadian, the medial nun not followed by a vowel assimi-
lated to the following consonant, e.g. 'at ['attftj « 'anU/) "you (m.s.)"
(1.13,11 and elsewhere; cf. the syllabic documentation, at-fa [Ug 5
130 II,4']); 'ap ['appu] « 'anpu) "nose" (1.71,6,8; cf. the syllabic
attestation ap-pu [Ug 5 137 II,19']); bt [bittu] « bintu) "daughter"
(4.659,7 and elsewhere; cf. the syllabic attestation bi-it-ti [RS
1957.1,18], bi-it-ta [RS 1957.1,6,10]; see Rainey 1973:57, contra Fisher
[1971 b: 11] who interprets it as part of feminine personal name); ypt
[yapattu?] « yapantu?) "a cow" (1.10 III,3; cf. TO I, p. 286); gt [gittu]
« gintu) "wine-press" (3.5,7); mbk [mabbaku] « manbaku) "water
source" (1.4 IV,21); ts"'u [tifJa'u] « tinfa'u) "she lifts up, she rases"
(1.6 1,14; II, 11); ylql [yiffaqu] « yinfaqu) "he kisses" (1.23,49); tgrk
[tagguriik~ « tanguriik~ "may they protect you (f.s.)" (2.11,8; for the
suggestion that this form derives from the root GWR, cf.
Loewenstamm 1972:67-70); yts"'i [yittafa'lyittafi'] « yintafa'lyintafi')
"he raised himself' (1.40,24); ytt [yatatti1] « yatantUj "I gave"
(1.100,75); lm1t [fumattu] « fumantu) "fat" (1.19 III,33); mft1db[m]
[muttadibuma?] « muntadibuma?) "volunteers(?), donors(?)" (4.775,1; cf.
Bordreuil and Caquot 1980:364); UDU.MES\ma-aq-qa-du [maqqadu]
« manqadu) "grazing right" (PRU III, p. 146,12); ma-qa-bu-maMES
[maqqabuma] « manqabuma) "hammers" (PRU VI 142,5); at-fa ['atta]
« 'attO) "now" (PRU III, p. 19,11). The form 'adty "my lady" (2.12,2)
might represent either ['adattrya] « 'adantrya < 'adantrya) or the fem-
inine of 'adu "father, lord", cf. irifra).
There are some instances when the assimilation did not take place.
The following are some examples: mgntm [maggintumal magantuma]
"(have) the two of you entreated?" (1.4 III,30); ytnt [yatanttZ] "you
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PHONOLOGY 31
(m.s.) gave" (1.6 VI,14); ftnt [fetin~1f8tintitJ « ff!Jtintltlfawtint!) "you

(m.s.) caused to give" (2:36,13; cf. TO II, p. 402, n. 174). The n-
morpheme of the N stem does not assimilate in the form ynphy [yin-
pahiyu] "(the moon) is seen" (1.163,5; it is less likely to interpret
"they are visible" following Dietrich and Loretz 1990a:99). In fact,
we would have expected *yphy [yzPpahiyu] (cf. Verreet 1984:310-312
and 1988:21). Besides the normal spelling 'adty "my lady" (cf. supra),
there is attestation for 'adnty (2.83,5). This latter form may simply
be ['adantiya] « 'adantiya), but there is also the possibility that there
was a feminine suffix -atu protecting the nun, that is ' adanatiya (cf.
Bordreuil and Caquot 1980:361; cf. also irifra, p. 62).
Assimilation qf b ? - The words kbkb [kabkabu] "star" (1.4 IV,17;

1.163,7) and kbkbm [kabkabuma] "stars" (1.3 111,25; 1.164,15) are
attested once in the form kkbm (1.10 1,4). This might be a case of
assimilation, i.e. [kakkabuma] « kabkabuma; cf. a similar phenomenon
with kkr [kakkaru] [< karkaru] "talent" [4.158,14]). But the other form
may actually represent the shift of b > w (cf. Arabic kawkabu and
Biblical Hebrew ~~i~ [< kawkab] [Num. 24: 17]) which in U garitic
would create a diphthong that would contract, i.e. [kOkabuma]
« kawkabuma) « kabkabuma).
Dissimilations
There would appear that dissimilation of consonants can be found
in the following cases:
The form spsg "glaze" (1.17 VI,36) is also documented lb1sg
(4.205,14). One may add here the word sp~ [fa#u?] "family, heir"
(1.14 1,24) which is also documented once as rjlb~ (1.14 VI,25).
This kind of dissimilation is also documented in personal names,
e.g. tPtb'1 (4.102,13; 4.425,12) along with Ibt (4.123,22; cf. Grondahl
1967:22). In these instances there may be a case of dissimilation,
that is, the consonant p differentiated from the following voiceless
consonant (s, ~ or t) and became voiced.
Dissimilation is apparently attested in l~md [la~madu] « m~madu)
"desirable thing" (1.4 V,39), beside m~md [m~madu] (1.4 V,32). It
is hard to explain the first form as a scribal error because the signs
for mem and lamed are so dissimilar (cf. Albright 1950a:387; Fronzaroli
1955:67).
In the phrase w bt bel 'ugrrt1 "in the house of the Baal of Ugarit"
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32 CHAPTER TWO
(1.119,3) it may be that in the first word there is a dissimilation

from *b bt (cf. Ug 7, p. 31).
The word pen [pa<nu?] "foot" (2.11,5 and elsewhere) can be com-
pared to Biblical Hebrew c,pe. If this is true, then Ugaritic pen
reflects dissimilation of the two labials, i.e. the m dissimilated in
nasality to a n, namely pa<mu > pa<nu (cf. Franzorali 1955:67 and
Smith 1994: 174, n. 109).
The Consonants ' and h

Elision of aleph
The component 'id ['idu] "time(s)" (possibly derived from the noun
yadu "hand") is appended to numerals, e.g. In'id [6na-'id(a)] "two
times" (2.64,14) and likewise !b°id [sab<a-'id(a)] "seven times" (2.12,9)
beside the attestations in which the aleph is missing !b<d [sab<a-d(a)]
"seven times" (2.64,14; 2.68,6) and also !1.d [p!1.a-d(a)] "six times"
(7.130+4.669,6). Sometimes the two forms (with aleph and without
it) appear together, thus sb<d w sboid [sab<a-d(a) wa-sab<a-'id(a)] "seven
times and seven times" (2.12,8) and also In'id !b<d [pna-'id(a) sab<a-
d(a)] "two times seven times" (2.64,14). In all these instances it can-
not be discerned whether there was compensatory gemination as the
result of assimilation of the aleph or vowel lengthening due to the
aleph's elision. Further examples are: 'al 'afJdhm ['al'atJudhum(u)?] « 'al
'a'audhum[uJ) "I will verily take them" (1.3 V,22, translated after TO
I, p. 175, nn. 0, p, q and 435 n. a; for the possibility that it is a
G stem qtl form or a participle d. Verreet 1983a:228); ytmr
fyi~t)amirulyi~t)amaru or yztamirulyztamaru] « yi'tamirulyi'tamaru) "he
views" (1.3 1,22) beside the form with the aleph, fitmr fyi'tamirulyi'-
tamaru] "he views" (1.2 1,32; concerning alternate possibilities for the
translation of this form, cf. Verreet 1988:64 with discussion). For
elision of the prosthetic aleph in the Gt stem imperative, cf. w tqg
[wa-~t)aqzgl wa-~t)aqag] « wa-'rytaqzgl wa-'iwtaqag[?]) "and attune (the)
ear!" (1.16 VI,30,42; cf. most recendy Tsumura 1991:431; for anoth-
er view that the root is TQ(; in the G stem, cf. Oberman 1946:244
n. 25 and Blau 1977b:71). Perhaps one may also find such an eli-
sion in w tkms [wa-~t)akammisalwa-~t)akammasa or wiitakammisalwiJAta)
kammasa] « wa-'it[a]kammisalwa-'it[a]kammasa?) "and he stretched"
(1.12 11,54; cf. irifra, p. 138).
Elision of the consonant aleph is also present in the following nisbe
form: marlY [miiaaa!vu] « ma'aadiyu) "one from Ma'badu" (4.635,17)
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PHONOLOGY 33
beside instances when the aleph is preserved, e.g. the plural nisbe
form m'i/Jdym [ma'!Jad!Yuma] "people from Ma'lJ.adu" (4.383,1; 4.611,1;
cf. the syllabic documentation URuma-a-lJa-di [ma'/JadilrruilJadz] (PRU
III, p. 195 A,6) and the noun ma-a'-lJa_rdu1 "town, quay" (Ug 5 137
II,21'; contra Huehnergard [1987:279 n. 54] who reads ma-alJ-lJa-[du],
i.e. ma'/Jadu > ma!J!Jadu).
It would appear that the consonant aleph sometimes elides at the
beginning of a word, e.g. w 'ank '1'!JI « *'a'ny) "and I will answer"
(1.2 1,28; cf. Tsumura 1991:428 with discussion and bibliography;
Smith 1994:267, n. 88); 'ikm ['eka-ma] "how" (1.16 1,20), beside the
orthography without aleph in line 17 (cf. Tsumura 1991:432 with
other views and interpretations).
Prosthetic aleph
A prosthetic aleph can be seen in the following forms: 'iftm'
['iftami'I'iftama'] "give heed!" (1.16 VI,42); yr/J 'ib'lt "(month name)"
(1.119,1) along with the Phoenician month name n?ll5) ni' without
prosthetic aleph (KAJ 37B,2; 43,8; 112,4; cf. Xella 1981:27-28; for
the possibility that this component is identical to the 'i in the per-
sonal name ?:;ft,~ 'Jezebel" [2 Kgs 16:31] in the Bible and ?~TIII?ll~
in Phoenician cf. Benz 1972:289 and Herdner 1978:31). A pros-
thetic aleph is probably to be seen in 'udm't ['udmil'atu?] "tears" (1.14
1,28; perhaps the form should be compared to r dm't1 [1.19 II,33]
without prosthetic aleph, but its reading is not certain), 'azmr ['azmaru]
"branch(es)" (1.41,51; cf. de Moor 1969:177; Levine and de
Tarragon 1993:113); r'i1tml [,itmalu?] "yesterday" (1.119,19; cf. Xella
1981:32) and 'irby ['irbiYul'irbryu] "locust" (1.14, II,50).
Elision of h
The third person suffIx pronoun is written -h and sometimes -nh,
but sometimes the latter form appears without the hi, probably indi-
cating gemination of the nun (cf. Good 1981 : 119-121 ; cf. also the
discussion herein under personal pronouns, irifra, p. 53).
The consonant h might also be elided in the form b btw [bi-betiw]
« bi-betihfl; "in his house" (3.9,4; cf. Freedman 1979:192; cf. Biblical
Hebrew 1'e "his mouth" [2 Kgs 4:34] alongside 1i1'P [prov. 16:23],
1'~~ "his father" [Gen. 2:24] alongside 1i1'~~ Uudg. 14: 19]). The
orthography b btw may be taken as a scribal error (cf. Rainey
1973:61; 1987:401; perhaps the waw has to be seen as dittography
of the waw in the following line [cf. KTTJ2, p. 203, n. 1]). However,
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34 CHAPTER TWO
one has to note that, since the orthography of this tablet seems to
indicate an unpracticed hand, it may reflect a different school or
more likely a non-Ugaritic scribe.
The consonant h drops from the root HIM "to strike, to smite"
in the forms 'aim ['alumu] « 'ahlumu) "I will strike, I will smite"
(1.82,8; cf. TO II, p. 66, n. 182); ylm [yalumu?] « yahlumu) "he
strikes, he smites" (1.2 IV, 16,24) and with suffix pronoun y.lmn
[yaluman(n)i1] « yahluman[n]i1) "he strikes/smites him" (1.114,8).
However, it is also possible that two roots were in use in Ugaritic,
namely HIM and YIM and both served in suppletion (cf. HLK and
YLK in Ugaritic and in Biblical Hebrew; cf. Ginsberg 1936:76).
It would appear that the consonant h elides from the root HDY
"to lacerate, to cut" (c£ Renfroe 1992:45-48) in the form ydy [yadryu]
« yahdryu?) "he lacerates" (1.5 VI,18; c£ Tropper and Verreet
1988:344; Tropper 1990a:376-377; or perhaps the root is YDy)
alongside the normal form yhdy [yahdryu] in the same text (1.5 VI, 19).
On occasion the consonant h elides after the conjunction w-, e.g.
w hm [wa-him(m)a] "and if' (2.3,8,18; 2.30,16,18) but w m [ ? ]
« wa-him[m]a) "and if' (3.9,6; it is not necessary to assume that it
is aleph elided as suggested by Tsumura 1991 :432; Kl1J2, p. 203
reads wrongly km); w hn [wa-hinni?] "and behold" (1.23,46) but w n
[ ? ] « wa-hinn~ "and behold" (1.4 IV,50; cf. Garr 1986:52 n. 50);
p n [ ? ] « p hn?) "and behold" (1.114,12; c£ Rainey 1974:186;
but the word could be a verbal form of the root PNY "to tum",
cf. Loewenstamm 1980:376).
Dropping of the consonantal h in the pronoun interrogative imper-
sonal mh [mah] "what?" is apparently found in the combination m' at
[ma"attG'/ma'attt¥j « mah 'attl1) literally "what are you?" (1.14 1,38;
cf. Ginsberg 1946:35), but here in the meaning "what is it to you?"
Expanding Words by Addition of h

The consonant h serves to expand short words (a phenomenon
known from Biblical Hebrew, Aramaic and Phoenician; c£ Smith
1994:235, n. 29). Note the following Ugaritic examples: 'amht ['amaha-
tu] "handmaidens" (1.4 III, 2 1,22; cf. Biblical Hebrew n09~iJ [Gen.
31 :33]); alongside the regular plural 'ilm ['iluma] "gods" (1.4 V, 1
and elsewhere) there is the expanded form 'ilhm ['ilahuma] "deities"
(1.39,3,5,9; 1.41,12) and in the feminine 'ilht ['ilahatu] "goddesses"
(1.4 VI,48,50; the base for these plurals may be 'ilahu and not 'ilu);
and also bhtm [bahatuma] "houses" (1.4 VI,27; 2.31,48) with the vari-
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PHONOLOGY 35
ant bwtm [bawatuma] ("1.105,9; contra Dietrich, Loretz and Sanmartin

[1975a:560] who take the waw here as a vowel indicator) along with
theunt'!xpanded form' btm [betumaJ « baytuma) "houses" (1.48,4; cf.
;; TO 11, p.167); 'urriki' ['ummahiltul "mothers" (1.15 1,6) is the plural
of 'um ['ummu] "mot4er" (1.14 1,9 and elsewhere); rirt [ ? ] (1.14
111,47) "dream, vision" alongside the expanded variant rihrt [ ? ]
(1.14 1,36); qrht [q~rlihlitul qarahatu] . or [qatihiitul qarihiitu] "towns,
citadels" (4.95,1; 4.235,1; the base for this form may be bi-conso-
nantal, cf. Biblical Hebrew :J~;c-"R[Isa. 15: 1] and 'p "town" in
the Meshac Inscription, line 11 (cf. Huehnergard 1987:286 n. 86).
hI' Interchanges
Thc.normal orthography of the conditional particle is hm [him(m)a?]
"if' (2.3,8,18; 2.30,16,18), Qut thex:e' is also an attestation for 'im
['im(~)a?] (1.6 V,2l; '2.15,8). Perhaps this is not an interchange of
hi' but rather a loss of the. consonantal h, while the vowel is pre~
served so that the aleph is simply prosthetic (cf. Dahood 1965:35;
Greenstein 1973:161; Althann 1977:525-526).
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36 CHAPTER TWO
TABLE OF CONSONANTS
Proto- Ug. Clas. Akk. Heb. Mid. Egyptian transcriptions

Sem. Arab. Aiam. Prd I Prd II Prd III Prd LV
!
',9 z ' z-(')

b b b b b b b 'b b b
g g g g g g k,q g,k q g
d d d d d d d t d' t
ri d*,ri ri z* z* d* t?
h h h ,
e'* h h h h h h
w w w w,e,'* w w w w w
Z Z Z Z ,z z ,r ,r ,r
~ b ~ e,>*iJ* '~
6 ~ ~ ~
!J !J !J !J ~* ~* !J !J !J
! ! ! d,t d d,t
~ ~,g* ~ ~* ~* 1* ,r ,r
y y y y,>* y y y y y Y
k k k k k k k k k
I I I I I r* r*,nr* r* r*
m m m m m m m m m m
n n n n n n n n n n
s s s s s s s,s S S
,
g'*
g'*h*
,
i i i , 'w q*,g* g* g* q
p p p p p p p PJ pJ pJ
~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ,r ,r ,r ,r
rJ ~* rJ ~* ~* ,r ,r ,r ,r
q q q q q q q,g q,g q,g q,g
r r r r r r r r r r
f S f f* s* f* f f* f S
f s* f S f S f S f S
1 1 1 f* f* t* S S S S
Table of consonants including transcriptions in Egyptian of Northwest Sem~tic"

words. * = deviations from Proto-Semitic.
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PHONOLOGY 37
VOWELS
General Remarks
Understanding the vowel system is perhaps the most difficult prob-
lem in the study of Ugaritic. Apart from the three aleph-signs, the
Ugaritic alphabet does not indicate vowels. On the basis of the
three aleph-signs it is assumed that the Proto-Semitic vowel system
did not undergo change in Ugaritic (apart from the contractions to
be discussed below). It would appear that Ugaritic had three short
vowels (a, i, u) with three long vowels (a, z, u). There were appar-
ently also an 0 and an e. Vowel length in Ugaritic is posited on
the basis of comparison with other Semitic languages and also
according to our knowledge of certain vowel contractions. For exam-
ple, in the word 'ar the theme vowel must be long, i.e. 'aru "light"
because of Biblical Hebrew ';1;'1 « 'aru), etc. Further assistance in
determining vowels may be derived from the Akkadian syllabic texts
written by U garitian scribes. In those texts there are embedded
Ugaritic words (approximately 300 words) written in syllabic orthog-
raphy which makes them useful for understanding the vowels of
Ugaritic.
Diphthongs
The diphthongs ay, aw, fy, uw all contracted without exception. The
orthographies of words originally containing such diphthongs do not
have a written yod or waw.
ay > e - Although the resultant vowel is written e in the ensu-
ing discussion, there is also the possibility that it might have been
z as in Akkadian. Nevertheless, note that the name of the second
letter of the alphabet is written be for he[tu] (5.14,2). The following
are some examples: bt [hetu] « baytu) "house" (1,4 IV,50,62) and
btm [hetilma] (baytilma) "houses" (1.48,4, alongside the regular form
bhtm [bahatilma] [1.4 VI,27]; cf. TO II, p. 167); q~ [qe~u] « qay~u)
"summer" (1.20 1,5; cf. the example from a Byblos Amarna letter
qe-e-~ [qe,l'z] [EA 131,15]); zt [zetu] « zaytu) "olive" (1.5 11,5); yn
[yenu] « yaynu) "wine" (1.4 111,43); 'ik ['eka] « 'ayka) "how" (1.6
VI,24,26); st [Situ] « saytu) "thorn bush" (1.175,5; cf. Bordreuil and
Caquot 1979:297); amt [Gematu] « aaymatu) "tent" (1.14 III,55); mrt
[meratu?] « mayraPJ,?) "new wine" (2.34,32; cf. TO II, p. 345, n. 32);
mtntm [metanatlimalz] « maytanatlimalz) "two gifts" (1.109,7; cf. Ug 5,
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38 CHAPTER TWO
p. 593; this fonn might also be [motanatamah] [< mawtanatamah]);

ntn [netana] « naytana) "(wine) was given" (4.219,1; it seems to be
a N stem form; cf. p. 152; it might also be [notana] [< nawtana])
and possibly bnt [baneti't] « banaytlt; "I built" (l.4 VI,36; it can also
reflect [banzti't] [< banryUl], cf. Biblical Hebrew 'l)'~~ [1 Kgs 8:27]
and the Amarna fonn r baUniU til [EA 292,29]).
These contractions are also expressed in the syllabic transcriptions
of Ugaritic words, e.g. tJi-qu [Mqu] « bayqu) "bosom" (Ug 5 137
1,9'); m'i-te [mi'te1 « mi'tay) "two hundred (of)" (PRU III, p. 169,14).
ay > a ? - This contraction is probably known from the par-

ticle 'an ['ana?] « 'ayna) "where" (l.6 IV,22; cf. Biblical Hebrew 11;11
[1 Sam. lO:14] and i1~1;11 [Gen. 37:30] alongside r~~ [Gen. 29:4]).
However, the form 'an might be the pt C.S. independent pronoun
(cf. Gordon 1965:361, no. 237, and also TO I, p. 264, n. n).
aw > 0 - Throughout this work the resulting vowel is tran-

scribed as 0, but the possibility remains that it might have been i2
as in Akkadian. The following are examples: mt [motu] « mawtu)
"death" (l.6 11,9); tk [toku] « tawku) "midst" (1.4 111,13; 1.12 1,21);
'u ['OJ « 'aw) "or" (1.16 1,22); msdt [mosadatu] « mawsadatu) ''foun-
dations, fundaments" (l.4 1,40); md' [mOdaCu?] « mawdaCu?) "why"
(1.107,lO; cf. Biblical Hebrew 12~1~ [Gen. 26:27 and elsewhere] with
assimilation of the waw or the yod; cf. TO II, p. 98, and n. 301);
mlb [molabu] « mawt.abu) "seat" (l.4 1,14,16), a contraction attested
also in syllabic spelling, mu-sa-bu [molabu] "seat" (Ug 5 137 111,32");
mznh [mozanuM?] « mawzanuhfi?) "its weight" (2.81,25; 4.341,1);
AsA.MESmu-ba-li [mobalz] « mawbalz) "yield, load" (PRU III, p. 148,8);
'uSn ['osanu?] « 'awsanu?) "gift" (1.14 111,31; the root is probably
'WS, cf. Renfroe 1992:16); cnn [Conanu?] « cawnanu?) "servant" (l.4
IV,59; the root seems to be cWx, cf. Renfroe 1992:22); ys~'a
[yaSo~'a/yuSo~'a] « yaSaw~'a/yuSaw~'a) "he will bring forth" (2.15,5;
contra KTlJ2, p.166 which reads sla); ms~'u [muso~'u] « muSaw~'u)
"the one who brings forth" (1.17 1,27,45); l tffy [la taSosryu/tufosryu]
« la taSawSiyu/tusawsryu) "do not (m.s.) suppress (your lips)!" (l.82,5;
it is unlikely to interpret the form from the root NSr "to forget",
cf. de Moor and Spronk 1984:239; TO II, p. 64). The word ym
"day" is found many times in U garitic (1.14 111,10 and elsewhere).
The most likely reading is [yomu] « yawmu), but [yamu] has been
suggested. The syllabic documentation is not particularly helpful,
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PHONOLOGY 39
since the attested orthography is PI-mu (Ug 5 137 IVa,17; 138,2'),

and the PI-sign can be read ya, yi, or yu (on this topic see Kutscher
1970:18-19 and Rainey 1972:186). Still, if the scribe had intended
to express [yamu], it is most likely that he would have written ia-
mu, not PI-mu. That he did write PI-mu strongly suggests that he
did not intend to reflect an a-vowel, i.e. he most likely intended
the reading yu-mu for [yomu]. A dubious form is mt [sanom?]
« sanawm?) "I am fast" or "I do quit" (1.3 IV,33). Its root is prob-
ably SNw (cf. TO I, p. 171 and Smith 1995:792-793).
~ > i - ~mt [tuzmitu] « tuzmiytu) "city wall" (1.14 11,22; IV,4;

cf. the syllabic attestation \!Ja-mi-ti [PRU III, p. 137,4]); qrt [qantu]
« qariytu) "town, citadel" (1.23,3; cf. the syllabic documentation qa-
ri-tu4 [Ug 5 130 111,18']); g't [ga'itu] « ga'iytu?) "neighing" (1.14
111,18); Ptt [lanita] « l.aniyta) "(the) second time" (1.175,16; cf.
Bordreuil and Caquot 1979:297); stt [sautit] « satiytft) "I have drunk"
(1.4 111,14; the verbal form is qatil of the G stem, cf. irifra, p. 162);
'abn ['abn~ « 'abniy) "I will repair" (1.18 IV,40; though the form
may actually be D stem, i.e. 'abanni [< 'abanniy]);y'ip [ya'p~ «ya'piy)
"let him bake" (1.14 11,30); yr [yirU] « yiyrqyu) "he shoots" (1.23,38).
This contraction also seems to be reflected in syllabic attestation:
Si-tu [Situ] « siytu) "to put, place" (Ug 5 130 111,10'); Si-i-ru [Siru]
« Siyru) "song" or "to sing" (Ug 5 137 111,7).
uw > u - The examples of this contraction are dubious: kst

[kzSutu?] « kzSuwtu?) "garment" (1.191,36; or perhaps [kzSttu] [< kzSiy-
tu]); and also ytn [yutan?] « yuwtan) "may it be given" (1.3 V,3; cf.
an alternate explanation on p. 127).
ya > i ? - This contraction is probably reflected in syllabic cor-

roboration: i-~a-'a [~a'a] « y~a)a?) "it went out" (PRU VI 101,4';
cf. Rainey 1973:45-47, contra Huehnergard 1987:133); i-bi-la [ibila]
«yabila?) "he brought" (PRUVI 134,3,5,7; 145,2; for the possibility
that the i-vowel is a result of an Akkadian influence cf. Kuhne
1973:188-189).
yi/ya/yu and wi/ waf wu - The diphthongs discussed in this

section are found in word medial or word final position. They are
treated in two different ways in Ugaritic: they are contracted (per-
haps contracted to the vowel of the diphthong) or else they are
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40 CHAPTER TWO
uncontracted. It would appear that there is no consistency in these

contractions. One may even find words which behave in both ways
(cf. Sivan 1982b:209-218).
The following are examples of contraction in word medial posi-
tion: mqr [maqaru] « maqwarulmaqyaru) "(water) source" (1.14 V,2);
mqmh [maqamuhll] « maqwamuhfil maqyamuhft) "his place" (1.14 II, 1;
III,23); m~d [m~ddu] « ma~wadulma~adu) "provisions" (1.14 II,26);
m~dh [m~ddah] « m~wadahlmasyadah) "to the fort" (1.112,19; cf. Ug
7, pp. 25-26); m~ltl [m~uq(a)tu] « ma~wuq[a]tulmasyuq[a]tu) "stress"
(1.103+1.145,19; cf. Herdner 1978:60 and Dietrich and Loretz
1990b:122; this can also be considered as [m~aq[a]tu] [< m~
waq[a] tul masyaq[a] tu).
On the other hand, the diphthong is preserved in mrym [marya-
mu] "height" (1.4 IV, 19; 1.5 1,11) alongside the contracted form b
mrmt [bi-maramiUz] « bi-maryamatz) "in the heights" (1.169,7; cf.
Bordreuil and Caquot 1980:348; Caquot 1984:170; TO II, p. 57,
n. 137). A similar phenomenon is known from Biblical Hebrew.
Beside 1;"19 "contention" Ger. 15:10) one finds t:l'~;lQ, "contentions"
(Prov. 18:18 and elsewhere in Proverbs) and t:l'm9 (Prov. 18:19;
Qeri t:l'~;lQ; and elsewhere, e.g. Provo 21 :9, 19); beside 1;~9 "shelter"
(1 Sam. 2:29, from 'W.N) there is 1:-\,0 "spring" (Lev. 11:36, from
the root 'Y.N).
Examples of contraction in word final position: pr [Piri21parU]
« piryulparyu) "fruit" (1.5 II,5; 1.85,14); 'afJ ['afJu?] « 'afJwu?) "mead-
ow" (1.10 II,9,12; cf. Rainey 1971a:169); hr [hiri2lharu?]
« hiryul haryu?) "pregnancy, impregnation" (1. 23,51 ,56); ~p [~ipul ~apu]
« ~ipyul ~apyu) "viewing, seeing" (1.14 III,45; the form might be an
infinitive, i.e. [~apa < ~aP4Yu]); 'un ['unu?] « 'unyu?) "mourning" (1.5
VI,15); Ibm [Iibi2-malSabu-ma] « Iibyu-malSabyu-ma) "captivity" (1.83,8;
cf. CDUL [forhcoming], contra others who interpret the form from
the root SBM "to muzzle", cf. Barr 1973:17-39; Loewenstamm
1980:466 and TO II, p. 29, n. 46).
By contrast, there are instances when the diphthong is preserved:
r~lby [~abyu] "gazelle" (1.15 IV,18); ?,rw [?,urwu?] "balm(?)" (4.402,11;
cf. the syllabic transcription from El-Amarna letters ~u-ur-wu [EA
48,8]); thw [tuhwu] "wasteland" (1.5 1,15; cf. TO I, p. 241, n. m);
'arw ['arwu?] "lion" (6.62,2; cf. Xella 1981:295-296) and the syllab-
ic attestation from U garit \~i-il-yu [~ilYu] "imprecation, curse" (Ug 5
130 III,16'; cf. Hillers 1976:18; Blau and Loewenstamm 1971:7-10).
Words in which the diphthong is sometimes contracted and some-
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PHONOLOGY 41
times preserved: rgld [gadit] « gadyu) "kid" (1.23,14; cf. TO I, p.

371, n. p) along with the plural gdm [gaduma] « gad[a]yuma) "kids"
(1.3 11,2; 1.17 VI,21; cf. TO I, p. 157, n. d) beside gdy [gadyu] "kid"
(4.150,3); likewise bk [bikUlbakU] « bi~ulb~u) "weeping" (1.6 1,9)
or with the diphthong b~ [bi9ulb~u] (1.1611,41). Still, the spellings
with yod may not necessarily reflect the consonantal nature of the
yod, they may be historical spellings. The argument that the con-
traction took place with qitl forms and not with qatl is refuted by
those examples (contra Huehnergard 1987:288 n. 93).
Diphthongs in which the yod or the waw is geminated are found
in Ugarit and they do not contract. Thus, 'aylm ['ayyaluma] "bucks"
(1.6 1,24); 'wr ['awwirul'iwwiru] "blind (m.s.)" (1.14 11,46; IV,24);
'wrrlt ['awwir(a)tul'iwwir(a)tu] "blind (f.s.)" (1.19 IV,5); and perhaps
,l'W rdl [t] [,s-awwiid(a)tu] "hunter (f.s.)" (1.92,2; cf. TO II, p. 32, n. 52).
Triphthongs
The triphthongs behaved in two ways in Ugaritic, sometimes they
are preserved (as evidenced by the orthography with yod and waw)
and there are other instances when they are contracted. The syl-
labic attestations indicate that the final vowel of the contracted triph-
thong prevailed in most cases (see exceptions irifra) and formed com-
pound vowels. This can be seen in the following examples: \Ja-du-u
[Jadit] « iadayu) "field" (Ug 5 137 11,35'); ma-ai-nu-u [malnit]
« malnayul malniyu) "response, a repeated saying" (Ug 5 137 11,41 ');
tJu-wu-u [~uwwit] « ~uwwayu) "to give life" (Ug 5 137 11,17'); ma-ai-
na [malnaJ « malnaya) "secondly" (PRU III, p. 109,4).
Apparently there was no systematic rule in the behavior of the
triphthongs. Neither was there any influence on the part of the first
vowel of the triphthong on the resultant behavior (cf. Sivan
1982b:209-218). The ensuing examples represent cases in which the
triphthongs are preserved, others where they are contracted and also
some which alternate between contraction and preservation.
Preserved Triphthongs
'apy ['apiyu] "baker" (4.362,4,5); b1!)l [baniyu] "builder, creator" (1.6
III,5,11 and elsewhere); hy [hiya] "she" (1.19 IV,39); hw [huwa] "he"
(2.61,6; cf. the syllabic spelling u-wa [Ug 5 137 11,28']); my [miya]
"who" (1.16 V,14); yqrnJi [yaqniyu] "he creates" (1.19 IV,58); tg!y
[tagliyu] "she reaches" (1.16 VI,4); 'atwt ['atawat] "she came" (1.4
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42 CHAPTER TWO
IV,32); mgyt [magqyat] "she arrived" (1.4 II,23; III,24); '[yt ['alqyat]
"she went up" (1.176,6; for the possibility to interpret it as 2nd m.s.,
cf. Bordreuil and Caquot 1980:351).
Triphthongs with long vowel: bl fryt [bakryatu] "weepers, mourning
women (f.pl.)" (1.19 IV,9-1O); tstyn [tiStqyuna] "they drink" (1.22
1,22,24); ssqy [saSqryz] "give to drink! (f.s.)" (1.17 V,19); rsty1 [satayu]
"drink! (m.pl.)" (1.23,6).
Reduced Triphthongs
sd [sadU] « sadqyu) "field" (1.6 II,34; cf. the syllabic corroboration
sa-du-u [Ug 5 137 II,35']); s [sU] « sqyul sryu) "sheep" (1.39,2; 1.43,6);
'l ['alu?] « 'alryul'alqyu) "leaf(?)" (1.85,21); dw [dawu] « dawryu) "sick,
ill" (1.16 II,20,23); mks [maksqyulmaksryu) "covering, garment" (1.4
II,5); mt [mattU] « mantryu) "staff' (1.23,37,40); q~ [qap1]
« q~qyulq~ryu?) "edge" (1.6 II,ll; some derive this form from the
root Q§$ "to cut", cf. Gordon 1965: 479, no. 2259); 'l ['ala] « 'alaya)
"he has attacked" (2.30,17) and with suffIx pronoun 'nhm ['anahum(u)]
« 'anqyahum[u]) "he answered them" (1.23,73; contra K77J2, p. 69
which separates it into two forms, i.e. 'n hm); yd [yada/yadda]
« yadqyalyaddrya) "he tossed(?)" (1.17 1,3,4; cf. TO 1, p. 419); n'n
[na'na] « na'nqya) "it was answered" (1.24,31; cf. Gordon 1967:100
and n. 53; Herrmann 1968:18; Rainey 1970b:535, contra K77J2, p.
70 which reads wn en, viz. two forms); 'It ['alat] « 'alayat) "she went
up" (1.82,9,10); 'itJd ['itJdu « 'ifJdqyu?) "1 am happy" (2.33,21) and
'ifJd ['itJda?] « 'itJdqya?) "1 am happy" (2.15,10; it is a yqtla form
according to the previous verb ys~'a [yaS6~i'alyus6~i'a] in line 5; cf.
also Verreet 1983a:229 and 1988:218-219); r'iph 1 ['iphU] « 'iphqyu)
"1 will see" (1.10 II,32; cf. Verreet 1988:136); yd'u [yid'u] (yid'qyu)
"he soars" (1.1 03+ 1.145,42); yr [yiru] « yryrqyu) "he shoots" (1.23,38);
td'u [tid'u] (tid' qyu) "she soars" (1.16 Vl,6); tgl [taglU] « taglryu) "she
turns" (1.3 V,7); t4, [ta4,u] « ta4,uwulta4,uyu?) "she moans" (1.15
1,5; cf. Ginsberg 1946:22,33; Verreet 1988:58 n. 53); wld [waladu]
« wa-yaladu) "and she gave birth" (1.14 IIl,48; infinitive absolute
of the G stem; cf. Dahood 1965: 25; Tsumura 1979:779-782 and
also Verreet 1988:174); wtn [watinu] « wa-yatinu) "and (Baal) gives"
(1.4 V,8).
Contractions of triphthongs with long vowel: tf sl tf n1 [tiStuna]
« tiStqyuna) "they drink" (1.114,3); t'it [ti'tu] « ti'tqyu) "they came"
(1.20 II, 10; cf. Dijkstra and de Moor 1975:114-115; Verreet
1988: 135-136 and n. 30, contra TO 1, p. 478 which interprets the
form as 2nd m.s.); d'i [da'~ « da'qyt) "take wing!, soar! (f.s.)" (1.16
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PHONOLOGY 43
V,48); 'at ['ati] « 'atawr/'atqy~ "come! (f.s.)" (1.1 III, 16); qnm [qanu-
ma] « qanqyuma/qaniyuma) "reeds" (4.158,12); ypm [yapuma] « yapi-
yuma?) "beautiful (m.pl.)" (1.41,54; cf. Levine and de Tarragon 1993:
114, contra KI7J2, p. 79 which reads ~pm).
In one instance it would appear that the final vowel did not pre-
vail, but rather the initial vowel of the triphthong. This may be
perceived from the combination l' a fmm "the heavens became strong"
(1.3 V,18; 1.4 VIII,22-23; 1.6 II,25). As for l'a [!a'd] « !a'a;yu), it
is most likely an absolute infinitive of the G stem used as a finite
verb (cf. irifra, p. 167) and not 3rd m.s. as proposed by Rainey
(1969:109) followed by Huehnergard (1987:292 n. 117). Thus, the
following can also be explained the same: w 'n rbt 'airt ym "and the
Lady Ashera of the Sea answered (wa-'and] « wa-'ana;yu)" (1.6 1,53)
and perhaps also mg hw "he arrived [magd] « maga;yu)" (1.23,75).
There are some words that preserve the triphthong in some
instances but contract it in others: fmm [samuma] "heavens" (1.5 1,4;
1.23,38) beside fmym [famqyuma] (1.19 IV,24,30); 'aIJm ['aIJ(IJ)uma]
"brothers" (1.22 1,5) beside 'aflym ['aIJ(IJ)iyuma] (1.6 VI,1O,14; it seems
that the yod is a root radical here and not a vowel sign; cf. Biblical
Hebrew lpi'1!1!! "your sisters" [Ezek. 16:52], iijQ,1!! "brotherhood"
[Zech. 11:14]); my [mqyu] "water" (1.19 II,6) alongside mh [muM]
« mqyuhlt) "her waters (fluids)" (1.3 IV,42); fJI [iqyu?] "donation(?)"
(2.13,14; cf. Biblical Hebrew 'rf) [Isa. 18:7]) beside ih fjuM « wyuhlt)
"her donation(?)" (2.33,29); bd [btidz] « biyadz) "inlfrom the hand
of . . ." (4.144,2; cf. the syllabic form from the Amarna letters ba-
di-u [btidihit] "from his hand" [.&1 245,35]) beside byd [biyadz] (1.4
VIII,23; 1.6 II,25). One may add here the verb tftyn [tiStqyuna] "they
drink" (1.22 1,22,24) alongside trf1ln1 [tiStuna] « tiftqyuna) "they
drink" (1.114,3).
Assimilations
AssiIDilation of Vowels to a Labial Consonant
This is found in 'um ['ummu] « 'immu) "mother" (1.6 VI,ll; 1.82,9
and elsewhere). This phenomenon is also known from proper names
in the syllabic texts found at U garit (cf. Sivan 1984a: 19).
AssiIDilation of Vowels to a Strong TheIDatic Vowel

Such cases can only be demonstrated when the first consonant is
aleph. In most cases the thematic vowel is long, but there is reason
to think that it also occurred in cases where the thematic vowel
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44 CHAPTER TWO
was short (contra Huehnergard 1987:270). Note the following exam-

ples:
'ulp ['ullupu] « 'allupu) "chief' (1.40,3,20,29; cf. the syllabically
written personal name ul-lu-pi ['Ullupt] [PRU III, p. 194,11]); 'ibr
['ibbzru] « 'abbzru) "stallion, noble warrior" (1.4 VII,56; cf. the syl-
labic personal name i-bi-ra-na ['/bbzrana] [PRU VI, 45,3,15]); 'ufIy
['uyi?Ya] « 'aai?Ya) "my brother (nom.)" (2.41,20); 'ifIy ['il!rya] « 'aarya)
"my brother (gen.)" (2.41,18; 2.44,2); 'u!Jh ['uyuMJ « 'ayuhli) "his
brother (nom.)" (4.80,10); 'il!h ['il!i"hilj « 'aai"hli) "his brother (gen.)"
(4.l23,23); 'ry ['ryyi?] « 'qyyi? cf. Biblical Hebrew i1:.~ [Zech. 1:5])
"where" (1.6 IV,4,5,15,16); 'irby ['irbryu/'irbryu] « 'arbryu/'arbryu; cf.
Biblical Hebrew i1~1~ ITer. 46:23]) "locust" (1.14 11,50; IV,29); 'irst
['iriStu] « 'ariStu) "request" (4.626,1; cf. the attestation without the
shift, 'arst [2.45,24] and the Biblical Hebrew ,,~~tif nt{ll~ [ps 21,3]);
'iqn'u ['iqni"u/'iqni'u] « 'aqni"u/'aqni'u or 'uqni"u/'uqni'u) "lapis lazuli"
(3.1,23; cf. Akkadian uqnf1; cf. Marcus 1968:51 and Blau 1979a:60;
because of the vocalic assimilation Huehnergard [1987:270] posits
a long thematic vowel for this word, but this is not necessary); 'urbt
['urub(b)atu] « 'arub[b]atu) "window, transom" (1.4 V,61,64; the gem-
ination in the biblical cognate i1#1~~ [Hos. 13:3] seems to be sec-
ondary; for the possibility that the biblical form was originally qutul,
cf. Sperber 1938:209); 'udmCt ['udmuCatu] "tears" (1.6 1,10; the aleph
in this form may be prosthetic); 'itn ['itinu] « 'atinu) "I give" (2.15,4;
cf. Verreet 1983a:229 n. 65); 'irs ['irrir,?] « 'arrir'?) "askl, request!
(m.s.)" (1.17 VI,26; this could have been a G stem imperative rather
than a D stem imperative; cf. irifra, p. 120 and also Sivan 1990a:3l3-
315); 'iStn ['isztun(n)6/'isztan(n)6] « 'asztun[n]6I'asztan[n] 6) "I will put
(it)" (2.79,3; cf. Verreet 1988:89, contra Bordreuil and Caquot
[1979:306] who interpreted it as S stem of the root IT.N;; 'ad'
['adaCu] « 'idaCu?) "I know" (2.34,30; cf. Sivan 1990a:3l3-3l5; Pardee
[1984:227] and TO II, p. 345, n, 28 read 'agt!; KTIf2 reads 'axt!)
alongside the regular form 'it! ['idaCu] (1.6 111,8); 'amr ['ammaru?]
« 'immaru?) "lamb" (1.20 1,10; cf. TO I, p. 196, n. rand p. 478,
n. e) beside the regular form 'imr ['immaru?] (1.6 11,8,22 and else-
where); r'ibk~ ['ibkiyu] « 'abkiyu) "I will weep" (1.161,13) alongside
the regular form 'ablry ['abkiyu] (1.19 111,5,20,34; it is possible that
both forms represent different original patterns, i.e. yaqtil and yiq-
ta~. One may add here the word 'uzr ['uzuru?] « 'azuru?) "girded"
(1.17 1,2,7). It can be taken as a passive form of the G stem (cf.
Sanmartin 1977:369-370; Dietrich and Loretz 1978:65-66).
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PHONOLOGY 45
A problematic form is 'ub'a "I may enter" (1.100,72). It is writ-

ten with the n-sign instead of the 'a-sign (the two signs are some-
times confused because of the similarity in their graphic form). It
is possible that the same vowel assimilation discussed above was at
work here, that is ['ubu'a] « 'abu'a), but that explanation is a doubt-
ful solution (cf. Verreet 1984:307-308).
This assimilation was not operative in Ugaritic as a general rule.
This can be seen from the following instances: 'adr ['ad(d)uro/'ad(d)uro]
"mighty" (1.17 VI,20,21,22; cf. the syllabic writing a-du-rU [Ug 5
137 11,34']; it is not necessary to assume that in this case the the-
matic vowel was short as assumed by Blau [1985:293] and
Huehnergard [1987:270]); 'ars1r ['asi"ro/'asiro] "prisoner" (1.2 1,37; cf.
the syllabic attestation LUa-si-ri [PRU III, p. 8,24]); in yqtl forms of
the middle weak verbs in the G stem, e.g. 'amt ['amutu] "I will die"
(1.12 1,23); in forms such as 'aam ['aa@zma] "brothers (obliq.)" (1.22
1,5); 'aah ['aa@Uhitj "his brothers (nom.)" (1.12 11,48) beside 'iGh
['iG@uhitj "his brothers (nom.)" (1.24,35); 'aGh ['aa@zhil] "his broth-
ers (obliq.)" 1.4 VI,44); 'aGh ['aailzitj "his brother (gen.)" (5.9 1,10);
'qy ['qyyr?] "which, any" (1.23,6); 'almg ['almug(g)u?] "(a type of tree)"
(4.91,8; cf. Fronzaroli 1955:61); 'afiyn ['af[Yanu] "strong, mighty"
(1.4 111,23 and elsewhere); 'a~ ['ammi;s'u?] "brave" (2.33,5; cf. TO
II, p. 328, n. 7).
It is possible that the assimilation took place in the vicinity of a
syllable closing aleph, so that certain anomalous verbal forms may
be explained thus: y'u{yim [ya'ul1udu-ma] « ya'fJudu-ma) "he grasps,
holds" (1.4 IV,16); y'ufJd [ya'ul1udu] « ya'fJudu) "he grasps" (1.103+
1.145,17); y'ukl [ya'ukulu] « ya'kulu) "he will eat/eats" (4.244,16);
y'uhb [ya'uhubu]« ya'hubu) "he loves" (1.5 V,18; the form may be
considered as a yiqtal form of the G stem; cf. concerning the spellings,
irifra, p. 116). The view that these spellings represent the prefIx vowel
of the respective verbal fomis is not at all likely (cf. Huehnergard
[1987:279] who suggests yuhhubu < yahhubu < ya'hubu and similarly
for the other forms in this group).
Examples from words without an aleph can be discerned only in
syllabic script and usually there is a guttural consonant in the root.
The singular form of {hrm "pure ones" (1.4 V 19,34) is document-
ed thus: {u-u-ro [tuhuro] « (ahuro) (Ug 5 130 111,19'; cf. Blau and
GreenfIeld 1970: 16). So the alphabetic form can be read [tuhurilma].
It is possible that in the words thm "deep" (1.23,30) and thmt "depths"
(1.92,5) the assimilation had taken place, i.e. [tahamu/tahamatu]
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46 CHAPTER TWO
« tihamul tihamatu) as can be deduced from, the syllabic form ta-a-

ma-tu4 [tahlimatu] (Ug 5 137 111,34').
Other syllabic examples without alphabetic counterparts are:
[LUlMESbi-lJi-ru [b~rrU] « ba/.trru"1) "selected ones, elite troops" (PRU
VI 17:B 11,5'); and so too, forms without a guttural consonant in
the root: A.SA\~-ib-bi-ri [,fibbrn] « ~abbrn?) "collective (fields)" (PRU
III, p. 79,6; c£ Heltzer 1977:47-55); lJe-en-ni-~ [lJinni;fu?] « lJanni".fu?)
"piglet" (Ug 5 137 II, 26'; cf. Huehnergard 1987:269); mi-lJiJ~l-ma
[milJi".fUma] « malJi".fUma) "(kind of implements)" (PRU VI 142,4).
Anapryxis
Anaptyxis can be deduced in the syllabic texts only.
Anaptyxis in Masculine Nouns

With a vowel identical to the cardinal one i-zi-ir [<idir] « <idr) "help"
(Ug 5 130 111,7'; it is less likely to read i-zi-ir-[tu4], cf. H~~hnergard
1987:53-54); with a vowel other than the cardinal one A.SA.:ijI.A\mi_
!a-ar [milar] « mitr) "(fields irrigated by) rain" (PRU III, p. 47,12;
cf. Sivan 1984a:58,248, contra Kuhne 1975:257-258 and Huehnergard
[1987: 119] who read mi-da-ar-u').
Anaptyxis in FeDlinine Nouns

Through the addition of -tu morpheme and the anaptyxis of the
second radical of the root of a monosyllabic element, thus: TUGsa-
lJar-tui.fa-lJir-tu [sa<artui.fa<irtu] « sa<rtu) "wool" (PRU VI 128,5; cf.
Sivan 1984a:58-59). One may add here the place name URVia-ar-ti
[ya<artz] « ya<rtt) (PRU VI 70,18). It also can be that these forms
are in feminine disyllabic patterns.
Elision if Unstressed Vowels

This phenomenon can be traced in the syllabic texts only. The fol-
lowing are examples: \ti-tar-rlJul [ti~t)arlJu?] « tiytaralJultiytarilJu) "she
will hur&" (Ug 5 3 v, 10'; it is a Gt form, cf. Huehnergard 1987:109-
110); rL llJa-ma-ru-u rgamaruhft; "his tiro" (PRU VI 79,11) and l- raa
l
ma-ru-rma rgamarilma] "tiros" (PRU III, p. 196,1) alongsid~ L~lJa
am-ru-<su>-nu rgamrusunu] "their tiro" (PRU VI 79,9) and LU.MESlJa_
am-ru-maMES rgamrilma] "tiros" (PRU VI, p. 150 n. 3). One may find
elision of vowels in pesonal and geographical names (cf. Sivan
1984a:34-36), e.g. lJa-ga-ba-na [ijagabana] (PRU III, p. 166,6) but lJa-
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PHONOLOGY 47
og-ba-na [Qogbiina] (PRU III, p. 86,5; PRU VI 45,29); uRuu-ga-ri-it

['Ugafit] (Ug 5 22,3) alongside URUu-ga-ar-ti:ya ['Ugart!Ya] (PRU VI
79,15).
Remarks on the a > 6 shift

This shift, known from Biblical Hebrew and from the Canaanite
reflected in the El Amarna letters, did not take place at all in
Ugaritic. Proof of our assertion can be adduced both from alpha-
betic examples with aleph and from syllabic spellings of U garitic
words.
Alphabetic Exam.ples
ks'at [kis'si'atulkussz'''''atu] "chairs" (1.3 11,21,36; 1.4 VI,52); 'ar ['aru]
"light" (1.24,38); ian [ga'anu] « ga'wanulga'yanu) "pride" (1.17
VI,44); m'at [mz"atu] "hundreds" (4.14,3,14); fm'al [S'im'alu] "left" (1.2
1,40; 1.23,64; 1.92,9; 1.172,12).
Syllabic Exam.ples
The 1st c.s. independent pronoun a-na-ku ['aniikt1] "I" (Ug 5 130
111,12'; cf. the form used in the Jerusalem Amarna letters, a-nu-ki
['anokzj [EA 187,66,69]); \/Ja-mz-ti [~amitz] "(city) wall" (PRU III, p.
137,4; cf. the form from a Beirut Amarna letter, lJu-mi-tu [~omitu]
[EA 141,44]); LUsa-ki-ni [sakim] "commissioner, administrator" (PRU
VI 7 B,2; cf. the example from a Byblos Amarna letter su-ki-na
[sokina] [EA 362,69]); and also the forms a-da-nu ['adanu] "father,
lord" (Ug 5 130 11,9'); rlJa1-ra-rsu1 [~ara1u] "to plough" (Ug 5 137
111,18'); ia-~-ru-ma [yii,siriZma] "potters" (PRU III, p. 195 B 1,12); even
the negative particle, I "no", is attested syllabically, r lal-a [la] (Ug 5
130,7',12').
Some scholars (e.g. Gordon, Segert, Tropper and others) think
that there are cases in which the a > 0 shift took place.
The first instance is defmed on the basis of personal names hav-
ing the suffix [-unu]. It must be remembered that personal names
recorded on the documents found at Ugarit are not necessarily
Ugaritic; they can also be Canaanite (or from some other linguis-
tic background). At the same time, the names in question may be
truly Ugaritic but have a real [-unu] suffIx which has no connec-
tion with the [-anul-onu] suffix (cf. Sivan 1984a:27-28). Here is one
example among many, viz. the personal name a-du-nu (PRU VI
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48 CHAPTER TWO
139,2); it may be Canaanite and not Ugaritian, in which case it

would really reflect a > 0, i.e. ['adonuJ. But if it must be assumed
that this is a Ugaritian name, then it could be formed by 'adu
"father" plus the nominal suffix [-unu] that serves alongside the suf-
fixes [-anu] and [-znuJ. If that be so, then such forms have no con-
nection with the a > 0 shift (contra Segert 1984:35).
The second example is the word fut "lambs" (l.80,3) beside fat
(l.6 II,29). According to Segert (lac. cit.), Gordon (1965:31 n. 2) and
most recently Tropper (1990c:365) the form fut reflects the a > 0
shift. But its context does not require the plural, it can most like-
ly be the singular and should be read [lu'tu?] (cf. Blau and
Loewenstamm 1970:22 n. 19; also Blau 1985:293). It may very well
be that the words fut and fat are both feminine forms with dif-
ferent suffixes -fut had the suffix -tu (i.e. lu'tu?) while fat had the
suffix -atu (i.e. Matu); for the feminine singular suffix, cf. irifTa, pp.
75-76.
The third example is found in the abecedary text found in Ugarit.
The Ugaritic letter qqf is transcribed in Akkadian Q,U-sign (5.14,13)
which may apparently reflect the a > 0 shift, i.e. qapu > qopu (cf.
Cross and Lambdin 1960:25 n. 24; Dahood 1965:8). It may be
assumed that the names of the letters found in this text are not
Ugaritic but rather Canaanite (cf. Rainey 1971a:158).
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CHAPTER THREE
PRONOUNS
INDEPENDENT PRONOUNS
In Ugariticthere are several types of independent pronouns - per-

sonal pronouns in the nominative (as subject or predicate of the
sentence), personal pronouns in the accusative and dependent (gen-
itive) cases (only third person in its various forms), and especially
dual personal pronouns (the dual is used extensively in Ugaritic).
Nominative Personal Pronouns

18t c.s. 'an [' an~ "I" alongside ' ank ['anakit] = syllabic attes-
tation a.;.na-ku( Ug 5 130 111,12').
2nd m.s. 'at ['att~ « 'antlt) "you" = syllabic at-ta (Ug 5 130
11,4').
2nd f.s. 'at ['atfi1 (< ' antf) "you" .
3rd m.s. hw [huwa] "he" = syllabic u-wa (Ug 5 137 11,28').
3rd f.s. hy [hiYa] "she".
pt c.pI. Unattested.
2nd m.pI. 'atm ['attum(u)] « 'antum[u]) "you".
2nd f.pI. Unattested.
3rd m.pI. hm [hum(u)] "they".
3rd f.pI. hn [hin(n)~ "they".
3rd c.du. hm [huma] "(the two of) them" (thus also: b hm

[bi-huma] "by the two of them [f.]" [1.114,11;
Loewenstamm 1980:376]).
NOTES
1. There are two forms for the pt c.s. (cf. Biblical Hebrew '~~
and '~J~) of which most other Semitic languages have only one.
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50 CHAPTER THREE
From the standpoint of usage there is no difference in Ugaritic

between 'an and ' ank. As for distribution, it would appear that 'an
is more typical of literary texts while ' ank is characteristic of all
kinds of texts. In some texts both pronouns are used together, espe-
cially literary passages (cf. e.g. 1.4 IV,59,60; 1.6 11,15,22; 1.17
VI,32,38; et al.). It is worthy of note that 'ank is attested once with
a suffixed -n, viz. 'ankn ['aniiki'tna?] (2.42,6). This may be the ener-
gic nun typical of verb forms (cf. irifra concerning the pronominal
sufftxes for 3rd m.s. and 3rd f.s.).
2. Sometimes it is difficult to tell whether hm and hn are inde-
pendent pronouns or suffIXes. For example in a sentence such as:
t.t ktnm amIt w W;p ksp hn which could mean either "two gar-
ments, five (shekels) and a nN of their silver" or "two garments,
five (shekels) and a nN of silver are they" (4.132,6-7; cf.
Oblique
In these positions there are independent third person pronouns (mas-
culine, feminine, plural, dual).
3rd m.s. - hwt [huwatt] "him", "his, of him" (cf. Akkadian Ju'att),
for example:
kbd hwt [kabbidli huwatt] "honor him (both of you)!" (1.3 VI,20);
d'iy hwt [dtriyu huwatt] "his pinion" (1.19 111,23); nmgn hwt [nam-
gunu huwatt] "both of us will beseech him"(1.4 111,36).
3rd f.s. - hyt [hiyatt] "her", "hers, of her" (cf. Akkadian Si'att),
such as:
kbd hyt [kabbida hiyatt] "honor her (both of you)!" (1.3 111,10);
frfl'iy hyt [dd"iyu hiyatt] "her pinion" (1.19 111,31-32); rir' ~wt hyt
yl.zsl "he will destroy the strength(?) of its land [~uwwati hiyatt]"
(1.103+ 1.145,55; cf. Ditriech and Loretz 1990b:154).
3rd m.pI. - hmt [humutt?] "them", "theirs, of them", e.g.:

d'iy h fm1t [dd"iyu humutt] "their pinions" (1.19 111,13); hmt w
'anyt.hm [humutt? wa-'an(ti)yatihum(u)] "them and their boats"
(2.42,24); kl dbrm hmf t1 [kulla dabanma humutt] "all of their things"
(2.32,8).
3rd f.pI. - No documentation.
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PRONOUNS 51
3rd c.du. - hmt [humatz] "the two of them (m.lf.)", e.g.:

kbd hmt [kabbidi humatz] "honor (2 nd f.s.) the two of them (m.lf.)!"
(1.17 V,20).
This pronoun apparendy means also "of the two of them (m.lf.)",
although this meaning is not documented.
PRONOMINAL SUFFIXES
The pronominal suffIxes are attached to nouns, prepositions and

verbal forms.
Singular
1st c.s. The pronominal suffIxes affIxed to verbal forms are
different from those applied to nouns and prepositions:
(J [-z] "my" (on nouns in the nominative case);
-y [-ya] "my" (on nouns in the accusative or the gen-
itive case);
-n [-nz] "me" (generally used on verbal forms).
2nd m.s. -k [-~ "your", "you".
2nd f.s. -k [-ki] "your", "you".
3rd m.s. -h [-h~ "his", "him".
3rd f.s. -h [-Izil] "hers", "her" .
Plural
pt c.pI. No attestations to examples on nouns in the normna-
tive.
-n [-mY/ -nn?] "our" (on nouns in accusative or geni-
tive).
-n [-mY/ -nn?] "us" (suffIx to verbal forms).
2nd m.pI. -km [-kum(u)?J "yours", "you".
2nd f.pI. -kn [-kin(n)h'?] "yours", "you".
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52 CHAPTER THREE
3rd m.pI. -hm [-hum(u)?] "theirs", "them".
3nd f.pI. -hn [-hin(n)a?] "theirs", "them".
Dual
1st c.du. -ny [-nryal -nq'ya] "our", "us".
2nd c.du. -km [-kum(a)] "yours", "you".
3rd c.du. -hm [-hum(a)] "theirs" ,"them".
NOTES
1. When the pronominal suffIxes are attached to a noun in the

genitive, the case ending is preserved (concerning the cases, cf. irifra,
pp. 82-84).
2. The suffixes for the accusative and those for the genitive are
distinguished from one another only in 1st C.S. The morpheme -n
of the accusative almost certainly originates in the energic nun which
strengthens verbal forms, e.g. yqr.'un [yiqra'unz] "he calles me" (1.5
II,22). The same pronominal -n is carried over to the various prepo-
sitions, such as 'mn ['immanz] "with me" (2.38,6). This was appar-
ently by analogy with the accusative 1st c.s. suffixes.
The distinction between the 1st C.s. suffix on a nominative and
on an accusative or genitive is expressed orthographically. The fol-
lowing are examples:
w tnIJ b 'irry nps [wa-tanuIJ bi-'irtiya napSi] "and may my soul rest
in my breast" (1. 6 III, 19); 'atn bry lh [' atinu betiya lehll] "I will
give my house to him" (2.31,66); l ks'iy [le-kussZ'iyalkissi'iya]
"tolfrom my throne" (2.31,15).
There are instances when the 1st C.s. suffix is expressed ortho-
graphically by yod even when its governing noun is in the nomi-
native (it holds true in the Amarna letters too; cf. Rainey 1996
1:71-72). The yod in such cases might be a vowel marker (concerning
matres lectionis cf. supra, pp. 13-15). For example:
'umy td' fry 'rbt l pn spf ['ummz tida' k'i 'arabtll le-panz sapfzJ "may
my mother ['ummz] know that 1 have entered into the presence
of the Sun" (2.16,6-7).
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PRONOUNS 53
3. The normal suffix for 3rd m.s. is -h; e.g. bnth [bin1ituhfi/ ban1i-
tuhfi/ bun1ituhiiJ "his daughters" (4.360,3). In the syllabic texts it is
expressed by the sign ,0, thus [L]U fJa-ma-ru-u [gamaruhiiJ "his tiro"
(PRU VI 79,11) and LUfJa_ramUru'-u [gamruhiiJ (PRU VI 79,13; cf.
the Arnarna forms ba-di-u [badihiiJ "from his hand" [.&1 245,35], ma-
a!nu-u [mab,suhiiJ "they had smitten him" [.&1 245,14] and ag-ru-un-
u ['al!ronhiiJ "afterwards" [.&1 245,10]; cf. Virolleaud 1957:203 and
Rainey 1996 1:76). In one place there is -w instead of -h, thus b
btw [bi-bitiw?] "in his house" (3.9,4). This may be a rare case of
elision of the h or it may be just a case of scribal error (cf. supra,
p. 33). However, since the orthography of this tablet seems to indi-
cate an unpracticed hand, it may reflect a different school or more
likely a non-Ugaritic scribe.
Sometimes, a nun precedes the 3rd person suffix (for masculine or
feminine), i.e. -nh. This is also probably the energic nun carried over
from verbal forms. Sometimes the h is assimilated, so that the orthog-
raphy of the suffix is -n or -nn. The vocalization of those suffixes
is impossible to determine with certainty, so the vocalizations in the
following examples are conjectural (there is no basis for the sug-
gestion of Good [1981:119-120] that the suffix -nn indicates gemi-
nation).
Examples of 3rd m.s. suffIXes include 'arq'bmh ['aqburan(n)ahiiJ "I
will bury him" (1.19 111,5); tS'!ynh [taJa'liyan(n)ahfi/ tusa'liyan(n)ahiiJ "she
takes him up" (1.6 1,15); tb9nh [tabkiyan(n)ahiiJ "she weeps for him"
(1.6 1,16; the form might also be from the D stem); tbq'nn
[tibqa'an(n)annfi?] « tibqa'an(n)anhfi?) "she splits him open" (1.6 11,32;
the form could also be D stem); tsrpnn [tasrupan(n)annfi?]
« taJrupan(n)anhfi?) "she burns him" (1.6 11,33); tt~nn [tit~anannfi?]
« tit~ananhfi?) "she grinds him" (1.6 11,34).
Examples of 3rd f.s. suffixes include ,r m'nh ['imman(n)ahaj "with
her" (1.5 V,20); yblnh [yabilan(n)ahaj "he brings her" (1.100,67); ytnnn
[yatinan(n)an(n)annit?] « yatinan[n]an[n]anhit?) "he gives her" (5.9 1,9).
4. While the suffIXes for 2nd and 3rd persons plural are distin-
guished in form from one another, in the dual the masculine and
the feminine suffIXes are identical in orthography. The following are
examples: rgh'm [guhum1i/guhuma] "their (du.) voice" (1.14 VI,39);
spthm [sipatuhum1ilSip(a)tuhuma?] "their (du.) lips" (1.23,50,55).
5. Sometimes the suffix is separated from its governing word by
the word divider, e.g. yqr.'un [yiqra'unz] "he calles me" (1.5 11,22;
here it is separated together with the root radical aleph); y'msn.nn
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54 CHAPTER THREE
baca:mmisan(n)an(n)anniilyuCammisan(n)an(n)annffJ "he conveys him"

(1.114;18); bCI yms1;,.hm [baClu yimfal,tuhumii] "Baal will anoint them
(= the two horns)" (1.10 11,23); and also in the prose sentence 1m
1 ytn.hm mlk [le-ma Iii yatinuhumii malku] "why doesn't the king give
them (= the 2000 horses)?" (2.33,25-26). One may deduce from this
last example that the dual suffix [-hm] replaces the dual indepen-
dent pronoun (contra Loewenstamm 1980:77 n. 104), since it is well
known that the word divider sometimes separates the components
within a construction (c£ supra, p. 11£).
6. The suffix pronoun for the 1st c.du. is [-ny]. It is impossible
to know the nature of the nun in this suffIx. The same suffIx is
affIxed to nouns, to prepositions and also to verbal forms. Note the
following examples: bCI'9 [baclun!'Yiil bacluru!Yii] "our (du.) lord"
(2.70,1,8); 'adtny ['ada~t)un!'Yiil'ada~t)un4Yii] "our (du.) lady"
(2.n,1,5,15); cm'9 [cimman!'Yiilcimmant!:vii] "with Ito the two of us"
(2.16,14); q~'9 [qal,tan!'Yiilq~yii] "take (m.s.) both of us!" (1.82,8).
DETERMINATIVE PRONOUNS
(Concerning these pronouns, c£ Loewenstamm 1959:72-81).
m.s. d [dul diil dr] "which", "of which" (cf. the syllabic attes-
tation du-u [Ug 5 137 11,29'] with Arabic du, Biblical
Hebrew ~r/i1! and Aramaic ',).
f.s. dt [diitul ah] "which", "of which".
m.pI. dt [dutuh?] (cf. Akkadian sut).
£pI. dt [dutuh?].
NOTES
1. It is impossible to determine whether these pronouns inflected

for case endings. Comparison with Arabic permits the assumption
(without confirmation from the Ugaritic data) that the case vowel
(cf. irifra, p. 82) of these pronouns, when they were serving as the
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PRONOUNS 55
appositional possessive, was identical with that of the nouns of which

they were in apposition. And when the pronouns served as rela-
tives, they took the same case ending as the governing noun.
The following are examples of both these functions:
ykr 'r d qdm [Yakunu ezra do' qadmil qidmz] "he goes around(?) the
city of the east (accusative)" (1.100,62; cf. Pardee 1988:215 and
n.88); w yen ItPn 'il d p'ir d1 [wa:JIa'nz lafiPiinu 'ilu dil pa'idz] "and
the Compassionate, God of Mercy, answered" (1.4, IV, 58); spr
nps d 'rb bt mlk [sipru napfi dil 'araba beta malkz] "document of
the personnel (soul [s]) that have entered the king's house"
(4.338,1-2); 'irstk d !Jsrt ['iriftztM dil lJasi:rtl1] "your (m.s.) request
that you were lacking" (2.41,16-17); likewise in the sentence bd
rb ~rfm d sf'a ~wyh [badi rabbi ~rriiSima di sfj#'a ~wyh(.~] " .. .in
the charge of the chief of the craftsmen who has produced his
~wy" (4.145,9-10).
2. It would appear that the use of the pronoun [dill do'l di] (whether
as a possessive or a relative) was not constant as seen in the fol-
lowing sentences:
'abn brq d I trf fmm rgm I trf nfm [' abnil baraqi dil lii tida'il samuma
rigmu lii tida'il nafilma] "hail stones which the heavens have not
known, a word (which) the people have not known" (1.3 111,26-
27); '[SJr pldm dt ht ['as(a)r(u) paladilmalpaladima diltuli sa'artil
sa'irtz] "ten bolts(?) of wool" (4.270,8). In line 12 of this latter
text there is a similar clause without the relative pronoun: 'fr
pld ht ['as(a)r(u) paladuli sa'artilsa'irtz] "ten bolt(s)(?) (of) wool"
(4.270,12).
3. The masculine pronoun [dill diil di] sometimes serves as femi-
nine singular, masculine plural and feminine plural instead of the
customary dt. The following are examples of all these pronouns:
d [dul dal di]

Masculine Singular:
w y'n ItPn 'il d p'ird1 "and the Compassionate, the God of (dil)
Mercy, answered" (1.4, IV, 58); m'zftlm yn ~p d nkly b dbr~l
"two hundred Gars) of wine of pouring(?) which (dtJ has been
expended at the feast" (4.213,24); mrz~ d qT!)l fmmn "the marziJ;,u
which (dit) Shamumanu established" (3.9,1-3).
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56 CHAPTER THREE
Feminine Singular:
~ry . . . rd1 k n'm tnt n'mh . . . d b ~lmy 'il yl n1 "I:Iuraya . . .
whose (du) charm is like the charm of Anat . . . whom (du) EI
bestowed in my dream" (1.14 III,39-46).
Masculine Plural:
1J.tm Gzr w Cst 'sr ~rs d tb'ln b 'ugrt "twelve Gzr-personnel and
eleven craftsmen who (duft; are working in Ugarit" (4.141 III,7-
8); t~t 'aJfrlm d b grn "beneath the mighty ones that (dt; are in
the threshing floor" (1.17 V,6-7).
Sometimes the pronouns d and dt are used together, e.g.:
1J.tm Gzr w Cst 'sr ~rs d tb'ln b 'ugrt 1J.tm Gzr dt tb'ln b gt Mm "twelve
Gzr-personnel and eleven craftsmen who (du/~ are working in
Ugarit; twelve Gzr-personnel who (dutu/z) are working in Gath-
I:Iarillma" (4.141 III,7-11).
Feminine Plural:
ksp 'anyt d 'rb b 'anyt I mlk gbl "ship-money which (du) has been
given as boat-guarantee to the king of Byb10s" (4.338,11-12; cf.
Pardee 1975:364); 111 mrkbt mlk d I 1PY "three chariots of the
king that (du/~ were not plated" (4.167,5-6).
dt [datu/ali (£s.) or dutu/i (c.pl.)]

Feminine Singular:
'anykn dt l'ikt ~rm "the ship that (datu) you sent to Egypt"
(2.38,lO-11; the component kn is not clearly understood); tq~ mlk
'lmk drkt dt drdrk "take yo"ur eternal kingdom, your everlasting
dominion (duta)" (1.2 N, 10).
Sometimes the form dt stands in apposition to a masculine sin-
gular antecedent, e.g.:
sd 'ubdy 'ilftm' dt bd skn "indentured(?) field of Ilistam'u which
(datu) is in the charge of the commissioner" (4.1lO,1-2; it is pos-
sible, however, that the word fd is plural construct); dM dt n'at
"a feast/sacrifice of (datu) n'af' (1.127,3-4; following Loewen-
stamm 1980:69 n. 73a; still, dt here might be plural); kbd dt ypt
"the liver of (datu) Ypt" (1.143,1; one may determine from this
combination that the word kbd is feminine in U garitic; cf.
Ditriech and Loretz 1990b:6).
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PRONOUNS 57
Masculine Plural:
bnfm dt 'il 'alpm lhm "men who (dutu) have oxen" (lit.: "to whom
there are oxen")" (4.422,1); r'ym dt bd 'iytlm "the shepherds (dutu)
in the charge of Iyatalmu" (4.374,1); 'glm dt Int "calves of (dutu)
(one) year" (1.22 1,13); It gpnm dt ksp dt yrq nqbnm "he placed
harness of (dutt) silver, of (duti) trappings (ofj gold" (1.4 IV,10-
11); <b>hry bnt dt ksp hkly rdt1m IN 'dbt "I have built my hous-
es of (dutt) silver, my palace of (duti-ma) gold I have made" (l.4
VI,36-38); w mnm s"'alm dt tknn "and whoever the investigators
who (dutu) will be (in charge)" (3.3,5-6; cf. Pardee 1975:354).
Feminine Plural:
lmn mrkbt dt orb bt mlk "eight chariots that (dutu/z) entered the
king's house" (4.145,1-2).
There are instances when the pronouns d and dt introduce nom-

inalized clauses, i.e. they are functioning as determinative pronouns
(cf. Loewenstamm 1980:69 n. 73a and infra, p. 215), e.g.:
'bdk 'an w d 'lmk "your slave I am, and forever" (lit.: "your slave
am I, (a slave) of (du) your world [= of all that you have])"
(l.5 II,12,19-20; cf. infra, p. 215); and also 'anf dt ?,rh "collapsed
are (the muscles?) of (dutu) her back" (l.3 III,35; cf. TO I, p.
167, n. e).
DEICTIC PRONOUNS
The near and distant deictic pronouns are not attested at all III
poetry and they are not sufficiently documented in prose texts.
Near Demonstrative
hnd [hanadu] "this (m. and f.), these" - This pronoun is doubtless
composed of the deictic elements hn and d (cf. Loewenstamm
1959:78; Cunchillos 1983: 156-165). The pronoun always comes after
its antecedent whether it is singular or plural, masculine or femi-
nine. Note the following examples:
nqmd mlk 'ugrt ktb spr hnd [Niqmaddu malku 'ugafiti kataba sipra
hanadu] "Niqmaddu, king of Ugarit wrote this document" (2.19,8-
9); I ym hnd 'iwrrkll pdy 'agdn [le:Jomi hanadu 'Iwrikallu padaya
'Agdena] "from this day Iwrikallu ransomed Agdenu" (3.5,1); mkr
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58 CHAPTER THREE
hnd [makirn hanadu] "this seller" (2.42,25); 'alpm sswm hnd ['alpa-
mal i sfswumal s'isw'ima hanadu] "these two thousand horses"
(2.33,32); ml'akty hnd yl'ak 'my "may he send to me this (hanadu)
embassage of mine" (2.33,35-36).
Another form of the near demonstrative is hndt [hanadatu?J. This
may be a feminine form of hnd (cf. TO II, p. 353, n. 16). There
are two attestations for hndt: once in a broken text where its func-
tion is not clear (2.45,7), and once it serves as an independent
demonstrative (in the meaning "this", and "that"), viz.:
'anykn dt l'ikt TrI1rm hndt b ~r "the ship of yours which you sent
to Egypt, this (hanadatu?) is at Tyre" (2.38,lO-12; cf. TO II, p.
352, n. 9 and the bibliography cited there; it is possible that
this particle represents two different particles, i.e. hn and dt with
the meaning "behold, [it is at Tyre]").
Distant Demonstrative
Two forms hnk [hanaka?] and hnkt [hanakatu?], appear in very unclear
contexts. The former may be "that (m.)" and the latter may be
"that (f.)" (cf. Loewenstamm 1959:78; 1980:65-66; Cunchillos
1983: 156-165; cf. also Hartmann and Hoftijzer [1971 :529-535] who
relate these pronouns to punic). The first context is:
w mlk b'[y 1m fkn hnk I 'bdh "and the king, my master, why did
he place that (hanaka?) among his slave(s)?" (2.33,23-24).
The second example is in a very uncertain passage:
w bny hnkt yfkn 'arryt ym "and my son, may that (hanakatu?) equip
(or: provide) a ship of sea" (2.46,12-14; cf. Loewenstamm
1980:65 n. 51).
INTERROGATIVE PRONOUNS
As in other Semitic languages, the interrogative pronouns inflect for

personal and impersonal rather than masculine or feminine.
Personal
Trry [mryul alz] "who" - The yod in this pronoun is consonantal (cf.
in the Arnama letters: mi-ia [.£4 362,65,68]; mi-ia-mi [.£4 85,63],
both from Byblos; cf. Ginsberg 1936: 149 and Loewenstamm
1980:56-57). Note the following examples:
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PRONOUNS 59
7T!J' fb1 f'ilm 1 "who among the gods?" (1.16 V,14); my fim bn
dgn 7T!J' hmlt 'au bCI "who is the nation of the son of Dagan?
who is the congregation of the (holy) place of Baal?" (1.5 VI,23-
24; for the possibility that my here means "what", cf.
Note also mn(m) [mannu(ma)?] in the same usage:
mn 'ib ypC I bCI "who is the enemy (that) has appeared against
Baal?" (1.3 111,37; for the possibility that this is impersonal, cf.
Loewenstamm 1959:74) and mnm 'ib ypC I bCI "who is the enemy
(that) has appeared against Baal?" (1.3 IV,4); mn bnJ d l.'ifkt1
"who is the person that you have sent?" (2.45,25).
Impersonal
mh [mah?] ''what'' (1.4 11,39; 1.17 VI,35,36) - Blau (1968a:267)
showed that the hi was pronounced, contra Kutscher (1967:33) who
saw it as a vowel marker. Note mhy [ma(h) h!)la] "what is she?"
(2.14,9) where the first hi has been lost due to hap10graphy (KTIfJ.
p. 166 suggests to read mh <h>y). The pronoun under discussion is
apparently found in the sentence:
m'at krt k ybJry "what is it to you Qit.: what are you) Keret that
he cries?" (1.14 1,38-39).
Note also the usage of mn(m) [minu(ma)?] in the same meaning:
mn yra k m[r:!'] mn k dw kfrl[t] "(since) which month is he ver-
ily sick, (since) which (month) is Keret verily ill?" (1.16 11,19-
20); cm 'adtny mnm slm "with our (du.) lady, what is (her) wel-
fare?" (2.11,16) and Cm 'ad!,! mnm slm "with my lady, what is
(her) welfare?" (2.12,12-13; 2.68,14-16; contra Pardee [1984:214]
who translates mnm as "whatever"); w mnm slm Cm 'umy "and
what is the welfare with my mother?" (2.16,16-17).
INDEFINITE PRONOUNS
Personal
mnkm [mannukum(u)lmrnukum(u)?], "anyone, someone" - This appears
to be a personal mn + deictic k + adverbial -m (cf. Loewenstamm
1980:62). The following are examples:
mnk mfnlkm I yq~ "let no one whatever take (it)" (3.2,12-13);
mnkm I yq~ "let no one take (it)" (2.19,12).
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60 CHAPTER THREE
Note also mnm [mannuma?] in this function:

mnm S' aim dt tknn "whoever the investigators who will be (in
charge)" (3.3,5).
Impersonal
mhkm [mahkimal z?], "anything, something" - This must be the inter-
rogative mh + deictic k + adverbial -m. Note the following exam-
ple:
w ' ap mhkm b lbk ' al tIt "and do not take anything to your
heart" (2.30,22-24).
This pronoun is also documented without -m ending:
w ' a!Jy mhk blbh ' al yft "and may my brother not take any-
thing to his heart" (2.38,26-27; cf. EN-ni mi-im-am-ma i-na &4-
bi-ka la ta-fak-kdn "may our lord not take anything to your heart"
[EA 170:7-8]; cf. Aartun 1978:18; Loewenstamm 1980:61 and
TO II, p. 357).
Another form, mnm [mtnuma?] occurs in other epistles:
w mnm rgm d tfm' Pnt w ft b spr 'my "and whatever word that
you have heard there, then put (it) in a letter to me" (2.10,16-
19); mnm 'irftk d tJsrt "whatever your request that you were lack-
ing" (2.41,16-17).
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CHAPTER FOUR
THE NOUN
The noun (the substantive and the adjective) inflects for masculine
and feminine, and for singular, dual and plural. There are no spe-
cific markers of the masculine singular, but for many feminine sub-
stantives and all feminine adjectives, there are specific suffixes (cf.
below for details). Nouns inflect for case by the addition of vowel
suffixes (irifra, p. ·82) the singular is triptotic, the dual and the plur-
al are diptotic as are possibly some other proper nouns. The dual
was employed not only on natural pairs but also for other nouns.
Unlike some other Semitic languages, in Ugaritic there was no
marker for definiteness such as a definite article. Nouns may be
emphasized by the addition of the enclitic mem or the locative -h
(cf. below pp. 178 and 193f.).
NOMINAL FORMS
General Remarks
Since the orthography of U garitic does not indicate vowels, it is

extremely difficult to establish the basic formations of nominal forms.
There are, of course, some vocalized Ugaritic words imbedded in
the Akkadian texts found at Ugarit, but they are limited in num-
ber. Therefore, one must compare most of the alphabetically attest-
ed forms in Ugaritic with cognate words in the other Semitic lan-
guages (mainly Biblical Hebrew, Akkadian and Classical Arabic).
However, it has long been recognized that particular words do not
always take the same basic form in the respective languages. For
example, the syllabic texts reveal that Tiberian Hebrew i~p'O
« ma'firu) "tithe" (Gen. 14:20) was ma'saru in Ugaritic; Biblical
Hebrew 'i?~ « t.aqidu) "almond" (Jer. 1:11) was luqdu in Ugaritic;
Biblical Hebrew i1:1P « qaryatu) "city, citadel" (Deut. 2:36) was qari-
tu « qariytu) in U garitic; and Biblical Hebrew n~ « tumu) "mast"
(Ezek. 27:5) was tamu in Ugaritic, etc. Furthermore, it is difficult,
often impossible, to determine whether the vowels were long or
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62 CHAPTER FOUR
short. Therefore, one must hold considerable reservations about these

suggested forms.
Single Consonantal Forms
s [sll] « stryu?) "sheep" (1.109,8); p jpll] « piyu?) "mouth" (1.45,3);

g [gi't] "voice" (1.4 IV,30 and elsewhere).
Bi-consonantal Forms
qal - 'ab ['abu] "father" (1.4 IV,24); 'ad ['adu] "father", "lord"
(1.23,32); 'afJ. ['aau] "brother" (3.4,4); dm [damu] "blood" (1.4 IV,38);
yd [yadu] "hand" (1.14 III,13); feminine - spt [sap( a)tu] "lip"
(1.23,49); snt [sanatu] "year" (4.182,1); 'amt ['am(a)tu] "handmaiden"
(1.1411,3); 'aat ['afJiitu] "sister" (4.147,13); 'adt ['adatu] "lady" (2.11,1;
but possibly ,adattu [< ' adantu?]; cf. the example with a preserved
nun, 'adnry "my lady" [2.83,5], and cf. ir!fra, p. 30); dual - ydm
[yadamalz] "hands" (1.2 IV, 14).
qil - bn [binu] "son" (3.4,6; qal or quI patterns are also possi-
ble, c£ Fox 1996: 140); 'il ['ilu] "god" (1.4 1,12); feminine - gt
[gittu] « gintu) "wine-press" (4.243,12,14); bt [bittu] « bintu) "daugh-
ter" (3.4,7; cf. the syllabic attestation hi-it-ti [RS 1957.1,18] and bi-
it-ta [RS 1957.1,6,10]); p'it jpi'tu] "corner", "brow, temple" (1.13,15;
1.17 11,9); m'it [mi'tu] "one hundred" (1.49,10; 3.4,13); mt [sinatu]
"sleep" (1.14 1,33); ~' at [~i' atu] "going out", "sunrise" (1.3 11,8).
qui - Sm [sumu?] « simu) "name" (1.2 IV,ll); mt [mutu] "man"

(1.17 1,35).
'Iiil - ks [kasu] "cup" (1.4 III, 16); 'ar ['aru] "light" (1.4 1,16);
A.SA.MES ~a-a-i [~aCz] "basin field"
(PRU III, p. 136,6). Also in this
form are the G stem participles of verbs with second radical waw
or yod (c£ examples ir!fra, p. 158).
qil - masculine plural - \~i-~u-ma [~i;silma] "salt fields" (PRU

III, p. 124,12; its origin may be qitl, i.e. *~iy~ilma).
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THE NOUN 63
Tri-consonantal Forms
qatl, qitl, qutl - U garitic evidently formed the plurals of these
basic forms by the addition of an a-vowel between the second and
third radicals, i.e. qatal, qital and qutal respectively, and by the addi-
tion of the standard plural suffixes for masculine [-umal-rma] and
feminine [-atul-au]. The same development is known from Biblical
Hebrew (cf. Ginsberg 1967:62).
The alphabetic repertoire of Ugaritic examples shows that this
process was not carried through uniformly. There are instances
where the plural of these forms was built by addition of the plur-
al suffix to the original base form, qatl, qitl or qutl. The following
are some examples from alphabetic texts: The plural of riS [ra'su]
"head" (1.82,7) is either rafm [ra'afiima] "heads" (1.3 111,42) or raft
[ra'asiitu] "heads" (1.2 1,27,29), but there are also examples of plur-
al riSt [ra'satu] "heads" (1.2 1,23; cf. Blau and Loewenstamm 1970:22
and Verreet 1983a:254). The singular rbt [ribbatu] "myriads" (1.4
V,3; 7.47,5) has as its plural rbbt [ribabatu] "myriads" (1.4 1,28,43) .
. This phenomenon is not present in the following examples:
b'it!y1m [Bi'riitiyilma] "Beirutians" (3.4,15;the form may be Canaanite
in which case it should be interpreted Bi'ro{fyuma); forms with iden-
tical second and third radicals: rbm [rabbilma] "many (m.p!.)" (1.3
111,39); k,m [~~uma] "arrows" (4.141 111,19; qatl and qutl are also
possible); pnt [pinnatu?] "corners(?)", "vertebrae(?)" (1.2 IV, 17,26);
forms with second radical nun: czm [<izzuma] « <inzilma) "goats"
(1.80,4); ~tm [~illUma] « ~inlilma) "wheat (collective)" (4.269,25,32);
forms with second radical waw and yod: pm [ffirilma] « Jp.wrilma)
"oxen" (1.4 VI,41; 1.121,31; cf. Biblical Hebrew C'Jl~ [Hos. 12:12]);
tnt [<matu] « <o;ynatu) "springs" (1.3 IV,36; cf. Biblical Hebrew nij;~y
[2 Chron. 32:3]); ztm [zitUma] « zo;ytilma) "olives" (4.284,8;
4.429,2,3,4,5; cf. Biblical Hebrew C'f.J't [ps 128:4]); btm [betuma]
« bo;ytuma) "houses" (1.48,4; 1.94,24; these are the only occurrences
of this form in Ugaritic, the regular one is bhtm [bahatuma] [1.4 VI,27
and elsewhere]; cf. TO II" p. 167). In all the above examples, the
basic form of the singular·· served as the base for the plural.
Examples of the same process. are found in the syllabic texts: nap-
ku [napku] "water source, spring" (Ug 5 137 111,8) beside the plural
\na-pa-ki-ma [napaki'ma] (PRU III, p. 47,16; still there is another plur-
al form on the singular pattern: na-ap-ki-ma [napkfma] [PRU VI 56
v, 91); GISma-as-wa-tu [maswatul TfUl.!:Yatu] "cypress log" (PRU VI 114,7)
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64 CHAPTER FOUR
beside the plural GIS.MESma_sa_walya_tu_rmal [masawatulmasqyatu] "cy-

press logs" (PRUVI 113,5). A type of garment called ma-az-ru [mazru]
(PRU VI 123,2; the orthography seems to preclude a derivation
from the root 'ZR unless one may conjecture ma'zaru > miizaru >
mazru) was in the plural TUG.MESma_za_rrul_maMES [mazarnma] (PRU
VI 126,4). The form AS.A.MEsfja-ba-li-ma [~abatzma] "fields of ropes(?)"
(PRU III, p. 46,8) may represent a plural form of the singular ~bl
(1.11,6) attested as qatl in the Semitic languages (c( Fox 1996: 144).
In the syllabic texts from Ugarit the singular form also served as
the stem for the plural, thus fa-a/-fu-ma [lalluma] "implements (for
agriculture)" (Ug 5 84,11); GISfu-uq-du-ma [tuqduma] "almonds" (PRU
VI 159,4'; cf. Sivan 1992:235-238) and perhaps AsA.MESlJa-ar-~a-ti
[~ar~atz] "grooved fields(?)" (PRU III, p. 95,11,20; cf. Kuhne
1974:165-166).
There are times when one cannot discern if the plural is built
on the qatl pattern or on the qatal pattern. Thus the word m'id
[ma'da] "much, very" or [ma'du] "abundance" is attested in syllab-
ic transcription as plural ma-a-du-ma "much", "abundance(?)" (Ug 5
137 II,36'). It may reflect ma'duma or ma'aduma. The same holds
with the word bel [ba'lu] "owner" that its plural ba-a-lu-ma "owner"
(Ug 5 130 III, 14'; 137 II,30',33') may reflect ba'luma or ba'aluma.
qatl - 'ahl ['ahlu] "tent" (1.15 III,18; c( Arabic 'ahl, but Biblical
Hebrew ?ry~ [Exod. 28:43]); yrlJ [JarlJu] "new month" (1.41,1; cf.
Akkadian warlJu); 'arz ['arzu] "cedar" (1.4 VII,4l; cf. the syllabic
transcription ar-zu [PRUVI 114,3]); 'alp ['alpu] "ox" (1.4 V,45); mlk
[malku] "king" (1.41,50; cf. the syllabic spelling ma-al-ku [Ug 5 130
III,13'; 137 II,32']); 'ar~ ['ar~u] "land, ground" (1.6 II,19; c( the syl-
labic attestation ar-~u [Ug 5 137 III,14']); r'if [ra'fu] "head" (1.114,30);
'bd ['abdu] "slave" (2.11,4; c( the syllabic transcription ab-du [Ug 5
137 III,4]); spl [saplu] "vessel, caldron" (4.123,17; cf. the syllabic
attestation sa-ap-lu [PRU VI 168,8]); fpf [fapfu] "sun" (1.6 1,9; c(
the syllabic transcription fa-ap-fu [Ug 5 138,3']); GISta-ar-ni [tamz]
"mast" (PRU VI 19,4'; c( PRU VI, p. 21 n. 2 and AHw, p. l33la);
feminine mlkt [malaktulmalkatu] "queen" (2.12,1); s"':rt
[fa' artuifa'irtu] "wool" (4.144,6; cf. the syllabic spelling TUG fa-lJarl lJir-
tu [PRU VI 128,5]); masculine plural - r'aSm [ra'afuma] "heads"
(1.3 III,42); mlkm [mal(a)kuma] "kings" (1.22 1,17); krmm [kar(a)muma]
"vineyards" (2.61,10); feminine plural - r'ift [ra'fatu] "heads" (1.2
1,23). Roots with second nun - 'ap ['appu] « 'anpu) "nose"
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THE NOUN 65
(l.71,6,11; cf. the syllabic form ap-pu rUg 5 137 I1,19']); feminine
- 'alt ['altatu] « 'anlatu) "woman" (1.14 1,14). Roots with sec-
ond waw or yod - tr [18ru] « lawru) "ox" (l.4 III,31); mt [motu]
« mawtu) "death" (l.5 1,7); tk [toku] « tawku) "midst" (l.4 III, 13);
zt [zetu] « zaytu) "olive" (l.5 I1,5); yn [yenu] « yaynu) "wine" (l.6
1,10); bt [Mu] « baytu) "house" (l.4 IV,50); 'r ['eru] « 'ayru) "young
ass" (l.4 IV,9); lDasculine plural - trm [lorilma] « !flwrilma)
"oxen" (l.4 VI,41; 1.12 1,31; cf. Biblical Hebrew C1'Jl~ [Hos. 12:12]);
ztm [zituma] « zaytuma) "olives" (4.284,8; 4.429,2,3,4,5; cf. Biblical
Hebrew C1'[.l'f. [ps 128:4]); btm [Muma] « baytuma) "houses" (l.48,4;
1.94,24; these are the only occurrences of this form in Ugaritic, the
regular one is bhtm [bahatuma] [l.4 VI,27 and elsewhere]; cf. TO II,
p. 167); feminine plural - 'nt ['eniitu] « 'ayniitu) "springs" (l.3
IV,36). Roots with third waw or yod - gdy [gadyu] "kid"
(l.79,4); ?,by [?,abyu] "gazelle" (1.15 IV,7,18); 'atJ ['atJu] « 'atJwu?)
"meadow" (1.10 I1,9,12; cf. Biblical Hebrew 1n~ Gob 8:11]); lDas-
culine plural - gdm [gaduma] "kids" (l.3 I1,2; 1.17 VI,21; c£ TO
I, p. 157, n. d). Roots with identical second and third rad-
icals - ym [yammu] "sea" (1.4 1,14); 'm ['ammu] "people" (1.17 1,27;
I1,17); rb [rabbu] "chief', "great", "large" (3.1,13; 4.609,5); yd [yaddu]
"affection, love" (l.4 IV,38); syllabic spelling: sar-Tit [sarru] "false"
(Ug 5 137 I1,37'); feminine - 'aint ['am(a)tu] "cubit" (1.14 II, 10);
rbt [rabbatu] "great", "large", "lady" (1.4 1,13; 1.14 III,5); syllabic
attestation: \ma-ad-da-tu [maddatu] "measurement" (Ug 5 5,9); lDas-
culine plural - rbm [rabbuma] "many" (l.6 V,2); syllabic spelling:
DUGka_du_ma~f.ES [kadduma] 'jars" (PRU VI 147,4,6).
qatal > qatl (cf. Sivan 1984a:73) - This process can be dis-
cerned in syllabic attestations only, e.g. LTJtJa-ma-ru-u [gamaruhi'l] "his
tiro" (PRU VI 79,11) and rtJa1-rrlIf-ru-ma [gamarilma] "tiros" (PRU III,
p. 196,1) alongside the forms, LUf¥z-am-ru-<fu>-nu [gamrufunu] "their
tiro" (PRU VI 79,9) and LU,MEStJa_am_ru_maMES [gamrilma] "tiros"
(PRU VI, p. 150 n. 3).
qitl - spr [sipru] "letter", "document" (2.l9,9,13; cf. Biblical

Hebrew '~o. [Deut. 17:18]); fir [fi'ru] "flesh" (l.96,3); qdf [qidfu]
"holy place" (1.17 1,26,44; cf. the syllabic documentation qPidUfu1
rUg 5 137 I1I,29"] and Biblical Hebrew ilil~ [Exod. 3:5; a qutl
form]); 'ikl ['iklu] "food", "eating" (l.22 1,24; cf. Biblical Hebrew
'?~~ [Gen. 41:35, a qutl form], Arabic 'aklu, likewise Akkadian [a
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66 CHAPTER FOUR
qatl form]); syllabic forms: ti-ib-nu [tibnu] "straw" (Ug 5 130 III,IT);
ni-ilJ-rit [nigru] "to guard" (Ug 5 137 I,ll'); is-du4 ['iSdu] "founda-
tion" (Ug 5 131,8'); fenUnine - 'glt ['iglatuI'igiltu] "young heifer"
(1.5 V,18); lDasculine plural - 1qlm [liq(a)luma] "shekels" (1.14
1,29); 'glm ['ig(a)luma] "bullocks" (1.4 VI,42). Roots with second
nun - 'z ['izzu] « 'inzu) "goat" (1.127,31); fenUnine - r&ltt
[&i!tatu] « &intatu) "wheat" (1.16 III,9); lDasculine plural - 'zm
['izzuma] "goats" (1.80,4); &tm [&i!tuma] "wheat (collective)"
(4.269,25,32). Roots with second yod - dn [dinu] « diynu) "legal
case" (1.17 V,8); and perhaps also 'r ['fru] « 'iyru) "town" (1.4
VII,9; 1.62,5). Roots with third waw or yod - big [bilgu?]
"weeping" (1.16 II,41; a qatl form is also possible); pr fpin1?] « piryu?)
"fruit" (1.5 II,5; a qatl pattern is also possible); syllabic form: Vi-il-
yu [si[yu] "curse, imprecation" (Ug 5 130 III, 16'; cf. Blau and
Loewenstamm 1971:7-lO; Hillers 1976:18). Roots with identical
second and third radicals - &;;. [&i;;.;;.u] "arrow" (1.14 III, 12,
qatl and qutl are also possible); lb [libbu] "heart" (1.6 II,6, 7); '~ ['~~u]
"wood", "tree" (1.101,4; cf. the syllabic transcription ~-~u [Ug 5 130
III,8']; in Biblical Hebrew fP. ITer. 11:19] [a qil form] but Aramaic
D~ [a qal form]; cf. Fox 1996:139); pi-rit fpinu?] "flight", "separa-
tion" (Ug 5 137 II 44'; cf. Huehnergard 1987:92); fenUnine - rbt
[ribbatu] "myriad" (1.4 V,3); lDasculine plural - &;;.m [&iuuma]
"arrows" (4.141 III, 19)·, .'sm ['issilma]
.. , , feJDinine
"trees" (1.2366)·
plural - pnt fpinnatu?] "corners(?)", "vertebrae(?)" (1.2 IV,17,26);
rbbt [ribabatu] "myriads" (1.4 1,28,43).
qut' - 'udn ['udnu] "ear" (1.13,23; 1.18 IV,23); syllabic forms:

GI8.MESur_nu ['umu] "laurel" (PRU VI 114,1); UJ mur-u [mur'u] "com-
mander, officer" (PRU III, p. 194,22); feJDinine - 'u!jJt ['u!jJatu]
"quiver" (4.53,15; cf. Akkadian KUSiS-pa-tu [PRU VI 162,5] and
Biblical Hebrew iT$~~ [Isa. 22:6]); lDasculine plural - Syllabic
forms: GISfu-uq-du-ma [tuqduma] "almonds" (PRU VI 159,4');
LtJ.MESmur-u_ma [mur'uma] "commanders, officers" (PRU VI 116,5).
Roots with second waw - i;r [guru] « guwru) "mountain" (1.6
II, 16); feJDinine - nrt [nuratu] « nuwratu) "light, luminary" (1.6
II,24) may belong to this category. Roots with identical second
and third radicals - 'um ['ummu] « 'immu) "mother" (2.11,1);
mlJ [mu!J!Ju] "marrow", "upper head" (1.16 1,27); tp [tuppu] "drum"
(1.113,1,5); feJDinine - 'umt ['ummatu] « 'immatu) "nation" (1.14
1,6).
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THE NOUN 67
qatal - knp [kanapu] "wing" (1.10 11,10,11); J.uit [fuuiatu] "new"

(4.205,19); 'adm ['adamu] "man(kind)" (1.3 11,8); syllabic forms: da-
ka-rit [dakaru] "male" (Ug 5 137 ill,5); la-ba-nu [labanu] "white" (Ug
5 138,4'); A.SA.MESna-/Ja-li [na?zalz] "(fields of) inheritance" (PRU III,
p. 108,7); L0/Ja-ma-ru-u fiamaruhit] "his tiro" (PRU VI 79,11); D1as-
culine plural - lbnm [labanilma] "white" (4.182,4); syllabic form:
r/Jal-ma-ru-rma1 fiamarilma] "tiros" (PRU III, p. 196,1). Roots with
third waw or yod - Syllabic form: \sa-du-u [sadU] « sadqyu)
"field" (Ug 5 137 11,35'); D1asculine plural - fmm [samuma]
« samayilma) "skies" (1.13,26; cf. the syllabic spelling sa-mu-ma [Ug
5 137 111,13']).
qatil - yrtJ [yaritJu] "moon" (1.92,16); feminine - ml'it [mali'-

tu] "full" (2.2,7); syllabic form: qa-diS-ti [qadiStz] "devotee" (Ug 5 7,14);
D1asculine plural - y'lm [ya'iluma] "wild goats" (1.6 1,26); ~brm
[~birilmq] "friends" (1.169,10; cf. TO II, p. 56, n. 135); syllabic
form: TUGpa-rli1-du-ma [paliduma] "(type of garment)" (PRU VI 127,4;
it also can be interpreted as a qafil form). Roots with third yod
- dw [dawU] « dawiyu) "ill" (1.16 11,20); feminine - qrt [qantu]
(qariytu) "town, citadel" (1.46,12; cf. the syllabic attestation qa-ri-tu4
[Ug 5 130 111,18']).
qatul - qtn [qatzmu?] "small" (4.98,9; cf. Biblical Hebrew 1~P. [1

Sam. 2: 19] and perhaps the personal name qa-p1-na [PRU III, p.
136,4], see Grondahl 1967:72 and Sivan 1984a:262).
qutul - J.uir [~uduru?] "room" (1.14 1,26; cf. the syllabic tran-
scription rtJu1-du-rit [Ug 5 137 11,11']); syllabic form: bu-nu-su [bunu.fu?]
"man" (Ug 5 137 11,31'); feminine - 'urbt ['urub(b)atu] "window,
transom" (1.4 V,61; cf. the Latin transcription of Biblical Hebrew
tradition which confirms the basic form qutu~ i.e. orobba; cf. Sperber
1938:209); D1asculine plural - ~drm [~udurilma?] "rooms" (4.195,3);
bnfm [bunuSuma] "men" (4.243,8).
qutillqutil? - Syllabic forms: tJu-zi-rit [tJuzirultJuzzru] "pig" (Ug

5 137 11,25', cf. Sivan 1984a:91; contra Fox [1996:89,168 n.63] who
interprets the form as qutqy~; perhaps ku-ri-ku [kurikul kunku?] "(agri-
cultural implement)" (PRU VI 157,12; contra Boyd [1975:113] who
takes the form as qutqy~; feminine plural - Syllabic form: ku-ri-
ka-at [kurikiitl kunkat] "(agricultural implements)" (PRU VI 157,3).
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68 CHAPTER FOUR
qital - Syllabic form: si-a-ru [siharu?] "crescent-shaped sickle"

(PRU VI 168,6).
qatal-lll [laliilu] "three" (4.l58,7); rslm 1 [salamu] "peace" (1.23,7;

qutl is also possible); thm [tahamu?] « tihamu) "depth", "primordial
sea" (1.23,30); 'adn ['adanu] "father", "master" (1.24,33; for the pos-
sibility of seeing it as 'adu with the nominal suffix -anu see irifra);
feminine - lllt [ta1a1(a)tu] "three" (4.158,5); 'atnt ['atanatu] "she-ass"
(1.4 IV,7,12); syllabic form: ta-a-ma-tu4 [tahamatu] « tihamatu) "the
deep, the primordial sea" (Ug 5 137 III,34"); also in this form are
many G stem infinitives (cf. examples irifra, p. 123); dual - thmtm
[tahamatamalz] "the two deeps" (1.4 N,22); lDasculine plural -
lllm [taliiluma] "thirty" (1.41,19).
qatil - mr'u [man'u] "fading" (1.4 V,45); 'ars1r ['aszru] "prison-

er" (1.2 1,37; qatil is possible also); the passive participle of the G
stem can take this pattern and qatil respectively. C( also the syl-
labic attestation lJa-ri-mu [~anmu] "divided" (Ug 5 137 II,39',40',42';
qatil is also possible), which can also be an active participle (cf. irifra,
p. 122); feminine - mr'at [man'atu] "fat (f.s.)" (4.247,20); lDas-
culine plural - mr'im [man'zma] "fadings" (4.128,2).
qatitl - '?,m ['a?,umu] "mighty" (1.2 N,5; this can also be from
qatz~; note also a G passive participle, l'uk [la'uku] "sent", "an envoy"
(2.l7,4).
qital - ~mr [~imaru] "donkey" (4.380,5); 'ipd ['ipadu] "vest" in

the word 'ipdk (1.5 1,5; one can interpret it as a verbal form; cf.
de Moor 1979:642; Ditriech and Loretz 1980b:407; Margalit
1980:93-94; Verreet 1988:182); bdl [bidalu?] "merchant" (4.85,6; it
can be a qital fGrm); 'ins ['inasu] "man" (1.1 71 ,5); lDasculine plur-
al - ~mrrlm [~imarUma] "donkeys" (4.380,20); syllabic form:
LlJ.MES.DAM.GAR.MESbi_da_lu_ma [bidaluma] "merchants" (PRU III, p.
199, II,12; it can be a qital form) and [LulMESbi-da-lu-na [bidaluna]
"merchants" (PRU III, p. 204,14; for the n-morpheme cf. irifra, p.
77).
qif:il - lDasculine plural - Syllabic forms: [LU].MEsr bi1-!J.i-ru

[bi~zru] « ba~zrU?) "elite troops" (PRU VI 71 B II,5'); mi-!J.P~ul-
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THE NOUN 69
rmalMES [mitJi;fuma] « matJi;fuma) "(kind of implements)" (PRU VI

142,4).
qutiil - tJr~ [tJura,s-u] "gold" (l.43, 10; cf. the syllabic spelling tJu-
rraU~ul [Ug 5 137 II,4']).
qutul ? - Syllabic forms: tu-u-ru [tuhuru] "pure" (Ug 5 130

III,19'); E-tu4\qu-bu-ri [betu qubun?] "burial" (PRU III, p. 51,8); mas-
culine plural - thrm [tuhurilma] "pure" (l.4 V,19).
qitul ? - yrb11 [yibulu?] "produce" (2.34,29; cf. TO II, p. 345,

n. 26 and Biblical Hebrew '''~J~ [Judg. 6:4]).
qiital- '1m ['alamu] "world", "eternity" (l.2 IV,lO; 2.42,7); dual

- 'apnm ['apanama/z] "two wheels" (4.88,3,4,5); feminine plural
- 'apnt ['apanatu] "wheels" (4.145,3); 'lmt ['alamatu] "eterniti(es)"
(3.5,15).
qiitil - This is the standard form for tri-literal active partlcI-

pIes of the G stem. A number of examples from all kinds of verbs
will be presented here: sp'u [sapi'u] "eater" (l.20 II,lO; for another
interpretation cf. p. 124); mtJr~l [matJi,s-u] "smiter" (1.19 IV,39); r'~l
[ra'ryu] "sheep herder" (l.21 II,6); syllabic form: ka4-bP su1 [kabisu]
"launderer" (PRUVI 136,8); feminine - qr'it [qari'tu] "(she) calls"
(1.100,2); qnyt [qanryatu] "creatress" (l.4 1,4); and the noun ~mt
[~amltu] « ~amrytu) "(city) wall" (1.14 IV,22; cf. the syllabic attesta-
tion \tJa-mz-ti [PRU III, p. 137,4]); masculine plural -:- 'aklm ['aki-
luma] "eaters" (1.12 1,26); gzzm [gazizuma] "shearers" (4.213,30); y~rm
[ya,s-irilma] "potters" (4.99,11; cf. the syllabic corroboration ia-~i-ru-ma
[PRU III, p. 195 B, 1,12]); feminine plural - S'ibt [fa'ibiZtu] "(water)
drawers" (1.12 II,59); b/9t [bakryatu] "weepers, mourning women"
(1.19 IV,9-10); and the noun ~myt [~amryatu] "(city) walls" (1.40,36).
qattal - 'qyl ['qyyalu] "buck" (4.617,14, a personal name; cf. the

syllabic attestation a-ia-li [PRU III, p. 89,4]); feminine - 'qylt
['qyyal(a)tu] "fawn" (l.92,11); masculine plural - 'qylm ['qyyaluma]
"bucks" (l.6 1,24).
qattil - 'wr ['awwiru?] "blind (m.s.)" (1.14 II,46; though this

form may have been qitti~; 'imr ['immiru] "sheep" (1.6 II,8; this form
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70 CHAPTER FOUR
may have been qitta~; fenlinine - 'wrrlt ['awwir(a)tu] "blind (f.s.)"

(1.19 IV,5; though the fonn may have been qitti~.
quttal - ~wt [~uwwatu] "country" (2.47,13; cf. the syllabic writ-

ing rlJu1-wa-tu4 lUg 5 137 II,lO']); syllabic fonns: tu-un-na-nu [tun-
nanu] "serpent" (Ug 5 137 1,8'); pu-la-tu [pullatu] "to save" (Ug 5 137
II,20'; an infinitive form of D stem). Roots with third waw or
yod - Syllabic form: lJu-wu-u [~uwwu] « ~uwwayu) "to give life"
(Ug 5 137 II,lT; an infinitive form of D stem).
qattiil - ~rs [~arrii.fu] "craftsman" (4.141 III,7; this could also

be ~ariSu); Inn [lannanu] "archer" (1.14 II, 38; cf. the syllabic attes-
tation LUsa-na-ni [PRU III p. 194,5,6]); syllabic fonns: LUlaJba1-nu
[labbanu] "brick maker" (PRU III, ~: 19~ III,55); LUgas-la-b[u] [gal-
tabu] "barber" (PRU VI 136,10); A. A.MES al-la-an ['allan] "oak fields"
(PRU III, p. 131,4; contra Fox [1996:142] who takes it as qatl plus
the suffix -an); Dlasculine plural - s"'alm [sa"aluma] "investiga-
tors" (3.3,5); ~rsm [~arrasuma] "craftsmen" (4.155,1); kSpm [kaS'sapuma]
"wizards" (1.169,9); Innm [Iannanuma] "archers" (4.173,1; cf. the syl-
labic documentation LUsa-na-nu-ma [PRU VI 93,6]).
qittiil - knr [kinnaru] "lute" (1.108,4; cf. the divine name in syl-
labic attestation dGISki-na-rit lUg 5 18,31]).
qattil - 'a~ ['ammz;,u] "brave (m.s.)" (2.33,5; cf. TO II, p. 328,

n. 7).
qittil - 'ibr ['ibblru] « 'abblru) "cavalier" (1.10 III,20; cf. the

personal name in syllabic attestation i-bi-ra-na [PRU VI 45,3,15]).
qattitl - 'adr ['ad(d)uru] "mighty" (2.38,14; cf. the syllabic cor-

roboration a-du-rit lUg 5 137 II,34']; the form can be interpreted
as qat[t]ul, i.e. 'ad[dJuru); syllabic form: rba1-alJ-lJu-ru [baMuru] "young
fellow" (Ug 5 137 II,24'); fenlinine singular - 'adrt ['ad(d)ur(a)tu]
"upper-class (woman)" (4.102,4; the form can be interpreted as
'ad[dJ ur[a] tu).
quttitl - 'ulp ['ullupu] « 'allupu) "chief' (1.40,20; cf. the per-

sonal name in syllabic writing ul-lu-pi [PRU III, p. 194,11]).
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THE NOUN 71
qitall - plk [Pilakku] "spindle" (1.4 11,3; cf. the syllabic spelling
pi-lak-ku [Ug 5 137 11,22']).
qutull - 'unl ['unuLtu] "estate tax, feudal obligation" (3.4,19; cf.

the syllabic attestation u-un-uf-sa [PRU III, p. 53,20]; perhaps it is
a Hurrian loanword); feminine - Syllabic form: ku-bu-da-ti
[kubud(d)atz?] "honorary gift" (PRU III, p. 99,8).
Pr4ixed Forms
Prefixed mem
maqtal - ml'ak [mal'aku] "messenger" (1.13,25); mClb1 [mbabu]
"sunset" (1.87,21); mC~d [ma<,l'adu] "hoe" (4.625,3; cf. the syllabic writ-
ing ma-~a-du [PRU VI 157,15]); syllabic form: ma-am-~a-ar [ma~ar]
"dagger", "knife" (PRU VI 141,2); feminine - mrkbt [markabtu]
"chariot" (1.14 111,24; cf. the syllabic spelling mar-kab-ti7 [PRU III,
p. 96;28]); mlJ.zmt [malJ.zam(a)tu] "battle" (1.3 IV,8); mr~qt [mar~aq(a)tu]
"distance" (2.12,10); mfmCt [ma.l7na C(a)tu] "discipline" (2.72,14) dual
- ~btm [~batamalz] "tongs" (1.4 1,24); syllabic form: ma-aHa-tJa-
ma [mas1al;iimalmas1a!Jama] "two (bolts?) of m.-cloth" (PRU VI 123,3);
m.asculine plural - ~llm [~laluma?] "(a cultic functionary)"
(1.119,23; cf. Xella 1981 :32-33; the form can be a participle of D
or L stem); ml'akm [mal'akuma] "messengers" (1.14 111,33); syl-
labic forms: ma-~a-du-~s [maC~aduma] "hoes" (PRU VI 142,3);
TUG.MES.GIs·MAvza-af-tJa-tu-ma [ma1!JalUma?] "(a type of garment)" (PRU
VI 126,1). Roots with first nun and the root LQIJ - Syllabic
forms: ma-qab-bu [maqqabu] « manqabu) "hammer" (PRU VI 168,9);
\ma-aq-qa-du [maqqadu] « manqadu) "tax levied on pasturing" (PRU
III, p. 146,12); feminie singular - m!th [ma!tatah] « man!qyatah?)
"on the bed" (1.14 1,30, from the root .N71); dual - Syllabic
form: ma-qa-lJa [maqq~a] « malq~) "pair of tongs (of)" (PRU VI
157,13); m.asculine plural - Syllabic form: ma-qa-bu-ma
[maqqabuma] « manqabuma) "hammers" (PRU VI 142,5). Roots with
first waw or yod - mlb [molabu] « mawlabu) "seat" (1.4 1,13; cf.
the syllabic attestation mu-sa-bu [Ug 5 137 111,32"]); mrf [mOdaCu]
« mawdaCu) or [medaCu] « mqydaCu) "acquaintance" (4.609,4); mdld
[mOdadu] « mawdadu) or [medadu] « mqydadu) "beloved, friend" (1.4
VIII,23-24; the form may be maqti2~; mrl [meralu] (mqyralu) "new wine"
(2.34,32; cf. TO II, p. 345, n. 32); feminine - rm1ddt [mOdadatu]
« mawdadatu) or [medadatu] « mqydadatu) "beloved, friend" (1.14 11,50;
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72 CHAPTER FOUR
the form may be maqtul[a]tu); feminine plural - mlbt [mo,tabatu]

"seats" (1.41,51). Roots with second waw or yod - mrym
[maryamu] "height" (1.4 V,23); mqr [maqaru] « maqyarulmaqwaru)
"(water) source" (1.14 V,2); ~d [mll,l'adu] « mll,l'Wadulma[Yadu) "pro-
visions, food" (1.14 11,26); mqrm1 [maqamu] « maqwamulmaqyamu)
"place" (1.14 11,1); feminine - mknt [makanatu] « makwa-
natulm~anatu) "place" (1.14 1,11); feminine plural - mrmt
[maramatu] « maryamatu) "heights" (1.169,7; cf. Bordreuil and Caquot
1980:348; Caquot 1984:170; TO II, p. 57, n. 137). Roots with
third waw or yod - mIt [maftU] « maftayu?) "banquet" (1.108,9);
mdw [madwU] « madwqyu?) "sickness" (1.16 VI,35); feminine sin-
gular - mItt [maftetu?] (maftaytu?) "beverage" (4.230,8); m!th [ma!!tZtah]
« man!qyatah?) "on the bed" (1.14 1,30, from the root NTYJ.
'lnaqtil - mdb~ [madbifzu?] "altar" (1.41,41); mrz/:t [marzifzu] "funer-

ary/cultic association" (4.642,4,5,6; cf. TO II, p. 76, n. 237; cf. also
the syllabic writing LU.MJ!.Sma-ar-zi-lJi [~ria 28, p. 173, line 3] and
Biblical Hebrew nf.'lo ITer. 16:5]); masculine plural - mlrqdm
[marqiduma?] "musical instruments(?)" (1.108,4-5; though this form
may be maqtal or a participle of Dstem; cf. Pardee 1988:80,91 and
TO II, p. 115, n. 352); feminine plural - mdb~t [madbifzatu?]
"altars" (1.41,24). Roots with identical second and third rad-
icals - Syllabic forms: \ma-alJ-zi-zi [maCz~t?] "(a type of field)"
(PRU III, p. 148,17; cf. Boyd 1975:72-73); LUma-#-lu [mll,l'illu] "cym-
balist" (PRU VI 93,25; cf. Rainey 1973:45); dual -~ltm [~lta
malt] "cymbals" (1.108,4; from the root $U; cf. Biblical Hebrew
t:l:P7~1? [Neh. 12:27]).
'lnaqtul - Roots with second waw or yod - m~qr t1 [mll,l'u-

qatu?] « mll,l'Wuq[a]tulma[Yuq[a]tu?) "stress" (1.103+ 1.145,19; cf. Herd-
ner 1978:60; Dietrich and Loretz 1990b: 122; the form ~ay be con-
sidered as maqtal, i.e. mll,l'aq[a]tu).
'lnaqtUl - m'irlJd1 [ma'lJudu] "plated" (4.172,6); mlbS [malbusu]

"clothing" (4.182,3); feminine - mtrlJt [matrUlJ(a)tu] "(purchased)
bride" (1.24,10; the form could be a D stem passive participle).
Roots with first nun - dual - mplJm [mappulJamal z] « manpu-
lJamalt) "bellows" (1.4 1,23).
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THE NOUN 73
Prefixed taw
trb~ [tarba,m] "corral" (1.14 II,3; cf. the syllabic corroboration E-
tu4\ta-ar-bri-~ [PRU III, p. 91,17]); tgmr [ta;gmVrn] "total" (l.91,35);
tSlm [taflumu] "payment" (1.111,23; cf. TO II, 196, n. 164); t'iSr
[ta'surn?] "boxwood tree(?)" (4.158,4); tdrq [tadnqultadritqu?] "walking"
(1.4 II,15); feminine - t'git [ta'gVl(a)tu] "stuttering" (l.93,2; cf. TO
II, p. 38, n. 82); masculine plural - t'ifrm [ta'suritma] "boxwood
trees(?)" (4.91,7); tImdm [taImrduma?] "apprentices" (4.384,8). Roots
with second waw or yod - feminine - tmtt [tamutatu]
« tamwutatu?) "mortality" (2.38,16,22; it is less likely to take this
form as derived from mt [mutu] "man" as suggested in TO II, p.
354 and n. 17). Roots with third waw or yod - tp [topZl teP~
« tawpiyltaypiy) "the beauty of (her brother)" (l.96,2; cf. TO II, p.
43, n. 92); feminine - tfl1'iyt [tafiyatu?] "victory(?)" (1.10 III,31;
for another interpretation cf. Pope and Tigay 1971: 123); syllabic
form: ta-ap-di12-ti [tapaitz] « tapdiytt) "exchange", "redemption (price)"
(PRU III, p. 95,14; p. 129,9).
Prefixed aleph
'arb' ['arba'u] "four" (4.48,7); 'irby [,irb!)lul'irbiyu] « 'arb!)lul'arbiyu)
"locust" (l.14 II,50); 'iqn'i ['iqntil'iqni'z] « 'aqntiFaqni'i or 'uqntil
'uqni'z) "lapis lazuli" (l.14 III,43); masculine plural - 'iqn'im
['iqntzmal'iqni'zma] "lapis lazuli" (l.4 V,19); feminine plural -
'udm't ['udmu'atu?] "tears" (l.6 1,10; the aleph in this form may be
prosthetic); '~b't ['~bu'atu] "fingers" (l.2 IV, 14).
Sziffixed Forms
Suflix nun
'adn ['adanu] "father", "master" (l.24,33; cf. the syllabic spelling a-
da-nu [Ug 5 130 II,9']; for the possibility of seeing it as a qatiil form
see above); rrlgbn [rag(g)abanu?] "starvation" (1.1 03+ 1.145,5); :::;bIn
[:::;ab(b)aliinu?] "infirmity" (1.14 1,17); db~n [dab(b)~nu?] "sacrifice"
(1.:0,32); tan rga'dnu]. « ga'w.anulga'yanu) "pride" (1.17 VI,44); syl-
labIc forms: ASA.MESw-ar-qa-nz [yarqanz] "green fields" (PRU III, p.
148,9); AsA\ad-ma-ni ['admanz] "red soil" (PRU III, p. 123,8,12);
[LO].MESu-rn-ba-nu ['urnbanu] "guarantee", "guarantor" (PRU III, p.
37,7) masculine plural - 'rbnm ['urnbanuma] "guarantee", "guar-
antors" (3.3, 1,7); syllabic form: AsA.Jj.I.A\di-ip-ra-ni-ma [dipranzma]
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74 CHAPTER FOUR
"(fields of) junipers" (PRU III, p. 64,4); the nun [-anu] is suffIxed to
many place and personal names (cf. Sivan 1984a:97-99).
Suffix yod
There may be more than one suffix with consonantal yod. One such
suffIx [-(a}y?] is attached to many feminine personal names and is
usually assumed to be hypocoristic (cf. Grondahl 1967:26 and Smith
1994:38- 39). Another [-ryul -i!JIul -i9'u] is used as a nisbe, that is, it
is attached to national, ethnic and geographical names to express
relationship (cf. Richardson 1978:298-315; Sivan 1984a:99-101), e.g.
knCny [KtnaCnryu] "canaanite" (4.96,7); !Jry [ijattryu] "Hittite" (l.40,37);
'ugrry ['Ugar(~l!Yu] "Ugaritian" (4.33,8,9; cf. the syllabic attestation
URUu-ga-ar-ti-ya [PRU VI 79,15]).
Reduplicated Forms
The following are examples of nouns built on the reduplication of
a syllable, a method known in various Semitic languages:
qdqd [qadqadul qudqudu] "top of head" (l.4 VII,4); cr: r [CarCaru]
')uniper" (1.100,64); 'p'p [CapCapu] "eyelid" (1.14 VI,30); kbkb [kabkabu]
"star" (1.4 IV,17) beside the plural kkbm [kakkabilma] « kabkabuma)
or [kOkabilma] « kawkabuma) "stars" (1.10 1,4); kkr [kakkaru] « karkaru)
"talent (weight)", loaf" (4.91,9; cf. the syllabic writing ka4-ka4-ra [PRU
III, p. 153,20,22]); feminine singular - Syllabic form: !Jur-!Ju-ra-
ti [~ur~uratz] "(a plant)" (PRU VI 8,9); Dlasculine plural - Perhaps
ssnm [sassanuma?] « sansanuma?) "tamarisks(?)" (1.100,66; cf. Biblical
Hebrew "]Q~O [Cant. 7:9] which is "~OJO in the Babylonian tradi-
tion of Biblical Hebrew).
FEMININE NOUNS
General Remarks
As in the other Semitic languages, Ugaritic also has some feminine

nouns with no special suffIx, e.g. 'um ['ummu] "mother" (l.23,33);
'ar~ ['ar~u] "land, earth" (l.6 1,65); yd [yadu] "hand" (1.14 11,22); 'uz
['uzu?] "goose" (4.247,20; this clause, 'uz mr'at ml~t "a good (or: salt-
ed?) fat goose", demonstrates the gender with the feminine mark-
ers of the adjectives).
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THE NOUN 75
Generally the feminine forms are characterized by the suffIx -t

[-tu] or [-atu]. It is possible to distinguish between these two suf-
fIxal options by use of noun forms with aleph as the third radical.
The presence of 'a indicated the suffix [-atu], while the presence of
'i pointed to a [-tu] suffix. Forms with third nun, dalet, or yod also
helped to discern which feminine suffix was being employed, since
they were preserved before [-atu] but assimilated or contracted
(whenever yod was involved) before [-tu]. Likewise, the assumption
that a fInal root radical was geminated also argued for the use of
[-atu]. The following are examples of the two suffIxes:
TIe Feminine S1!ffix [-tu]
qr'it [qari'tu] "she cries" (1.100,2; a participle of the G stem); m'it

[mi'tu] "one hundred" (1.49,10; 1.50,9; the plural is m'at for which
see below); ml'it [mali'tu] "full" (2.2,7); bt [bittu] « bintu) "daughter"
(3.4,11; 4.659,7); gt [gittu] « gintu) "wine/oil press" (3.5,7); 'abt
['ab@attu] « 'ab[b]adtu) "one (f.)" (1.48,13); qrt [qaritu] « qariytu)
"town, citadel" (1.4 VIII,ll; cf. the syllabic attestation qa-ri-tu4 [Ug
5 130 UI,18']) beside qryt [qaf(o/atu] (1.14 II,28; the preservation of
the yod proves that the suffix must have been [-atu]); bmt [bfimitu]
« bamiytu) "(city) wall" (1.14 III,4; cf. the syllabic attestation \lJa-
mHi [PRU III, p. 137,4]) beside the plural bmyt [bamiyatu] "(city)
walls" (1.40,36); !wt [kisutu] « kisuwtu) or [kisitu] « kisiytu) "garment"
(4.206,5); g't [ga'itu] « ga'iytu?) "neighing" (1.14 III, 18).
Sometimes the nature of the feminine sufIix employed on a par-
ticular noun is established by comparison with a syllabic attestation,
e.g. on mrkbt "chariot" (2.31,31; 4.98,6) the suffix was [-tu] accord-
ing to mar-kab-ti7 [markabu] (PRU III, p. 96,28; cf. Biblical Hebrew
n~?""10 [Gen. 41 :43] resulting from the same suffix); likewise on s"'rt
"wool" (4.270,5,8) the suffix is [-tu] according to the syllabic docu-
mentation TUGsri-lJar-tulfri-lJir-tu [sa'artu/ sa'irtu] (PRU VI 128,5).
TIe Feminine S1!ffix [-atu]
lJm'at [lJim'atu/lJam'atu] "butter" (1.23,14); f'at [fi'atu] "going out, sun-

rise" (1.3 II,8); mr'at [man'atu] "fat" (4.247,20); tat [lu'atu?] "sheep"
(1.6 II,29); qnyt [qaniyatu] "creatress" (1.4 1,22); qryt [qar(z)yatu] "town,
citadel" (1.14 II,28); lnth [linatuhfi/lenatuhfij "his urine" (1.114,21);
'almnt ['almanatu] "widow" (1.16 VI,33,46; cf. Akkadian almattu and
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76 CHAPTER FOUR
Phoenician no?~ which indicate a [-tu] suffIx, while Biblical Hebrew

il~97~ [Gen. 38: 11] reflects original [-atu]); mt [sanatu] "year" (2.2,7;
cf. Biblical Hebrew il~~ [Gen. 6:3] which reflects -atu with Aramaic
~t;1~ and nrv in Moabite and the Samaria Ostraca which have [-tu]);
mknt [makanatu] "place" (1.14 1,11); I tmntk [le-tamunatiM] "for your
(m.s.) image" (1.169,6); tnt ['ana~ "now" (1.19 111,55,56; cf. the syl-
labic form at-ta ['a~ "now" [PRU III, p. 19,11] which indicates a
[-tu] suffix); 'atnt ['atanatu] "she-ass" (1.4 IV,7,12); rm1ddt
[medUdatul mOdUdatu] or [medadatul modadatu] "beloved, friend" (1.14
11,50); prt [parratu] "cow" (1.5 V,18); rbt [rabbatu] "great, lady" (1.4
11,28); 'amt ['ammatu] "cubit" (1.12 1,16); dqt [daqqatu] "(a small cat-
de for sacrifice)" (1.39,3,4; 1.41,13,28); r~ltt [~#tatu] « ~intatu)
"wheat" (1.16 111,9); 'umt ['ummatu] "nation" (1.6 IV,19j.
Sometimes the nature of this feminine suffix employed on a par-
ticular noun is established by comparison with a syllabic attestation,
e.g. A.SA.MESlJu_wa_rti1 [~uwwatz] "land" (RS 8.145,5) and rlJu1-wa-tu
[~uwwatu] (Ug 5 137 11,10'); \ma-ad-da-tU [maddatu] "measurement"
(Ug 5 5,9); ku-bu-da-ti [kubud(d)atz] "honoring gift" (PRU III, p. 99,8);
ra-ba-ti [rabbatz] "great" (Ug 5 7,4).
PLURAL NOUN FORMS
Masculine Plural
The plural m~ker for the unbound noun In nominative case is

[-uma] and for the accusative and dependent (genitive) case it is
[-zma]. These suffIXes are demonstrated by words with aleph as the
third radical and confirmed by Ugaritic words in syllabic tran-
scription. The following are examples of both suffIXes:
[-ulna] - mr'um [mur'uma] "commanders, officers" (4.68,69); rp'um
[rapi'uma] "Rephaim" (1.21 11,3,11); syllabic forms: LU.MES.DAM.GAR.
MES\bi-da-lu-ma [bidalumal bidaluma] "merchants" (PRU III, p. 199
11,12); ia-~i-ru-ma [Yii,liri1ma] "potters" (PRU III, p. 195 B 1,12); ma-
~a-du-maMES [ma'~aduma] "hoes" (PRUVI 142,3); ba-a-lu-ma [ba'(a)luma]
"owner" (Ug 5 130 111,14'; 137 11,30',33'); ma-qa-bu-ma [maqqabuma]
"hammers" (PRU VI 142,5; 157,4); LlJ.MESlJa-am-ru-ma [gamri1ma]
"tiros" (PRU VI, p. 150 n. 3); sa-mu-ma [samuma] « samqyuma) "the
heavens" (Ug 5 137 111,13'; cf. Biblical Hebrew C'(;l~ which seems
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TIIE NOUN 77
to reflect the dual suffIx; the Amama gloss sa-mz-ma [EA 264,16]
represents m.pl. in genitive).
[-'lna] - rp'im [rapi'ima] "Rephaim" (1.21 11,9); l ~b'im [le-

~ab'i'ima/ ~aba'ima] "to the troops", "to the soldiers" (1.3 11,22); 'iqn'im
['iqn'i'ima/'iqni'ima] "lapis lazuli" (1.4 V,19); syllabic documentations:
\na-ap-ki-ma [napkrma] "springs, water sources" (PRU III, p. 49,5;
PRU VI 56,v.5') and its variant na-pa-ki-mi [napakrmz] (PRU III, p.
79,8; it may reflect a scribal error, cf. Huehnergard !~87:299); z;i-
qa-ni-ma [z;iqanima?] "(type of fort)" (Ug 5 96,1); A.SAMESsa_ri_ma
[sanma] "(type of fields)" (PRU III, p. 148,7); ASA.Jj..I.A\di-ip-ra-ni-ma
[dzPranima] "(fields of) junipers" (PRU III, p. 64,4); ASA.MESlJa-ba-li-
ma [~abalima] "fields of ropes(?)" (PRU III, p. 46,8).
Besides the regular suffixes, there is also attestation for [-una].
Thus in the words kSmm [ ? ] "spelt" (4.345,2) alongside kSmn [ ? ]
"spelt" (4.269,4,20,30; cf. Dietrich, Loretz and Sanmartin 1973:90-
91) and [LulMESbi-da-lu-na [bidaluna/bidaluna] "merchants" (PRU III,
p. 204,14) in addition to the form discussed above with the con-
ventional suffIx. This might be a stray example of a non-Ugaritic
dialectical variation that does not reflect the norm. Such plural
markers with nun are typical of Aramaic, Moabite and Arabic (cf.
Diem 1975:239-258, especially 255-256; B1au 1979b: 143; Garr
1985:89-91). It is also known on West Semitic words attested in
Egyptian transcription, e.g. na-'a-ru.-na "elite warriors (literally
"youths")" (cf. HeIck 1971:563 no. 136) and also the geographical
name na-lJa-ri-na (cf. Erman and Grapow 1957 11:287; cf. most
recendy Sivan and Cochavi-Rainey 1992:43-44 and Hoch 1994:446).
On the other hand, it is possible that the U garitic scribe simply
made a mistake, confusing the masculine plural here with the imper-
fect plural ending of the verb which is [-una].
When the plural suffIxes are found on bound forms, they lose
the [-ma] element, the respective suffixes are thus [-u] and [-i].
Attestations to these suffIxes can be traced in alphabetic examples
of words with final aleph and in syllabic forms. Of course they can
only be identified by their contexts, e.g. fn'u hd [fani'u haddz] "(those
who) hate Hadad" (1.4 VII, 36); mr'u skn [mur'u sakim] "offIcers of
the commissioner" (4.68,63); rp'u bel [rapi'u ba'lz] "Baal's Rephaim"
(1.22 1,8); bd mr'i skn [badi mur'i sakim] "from/in the hands of the
offIcers of the commissioner" (4.92,2-3); mr'i 'ilm [man'i 'ilima]
"fatlings of the gods" (1.22 1,13); b tk rp'i r'arl[,r] [bi-toki rapi'i 'ar~z]
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78 CHAPTER FOUR
"in the midst of the earth's Rephaim" (1.15 III, 14); syllabic docu-
mentation: LU.MESmar-ia-an-ni [LUGAL] [maryannz sam] "chariot dri-
vers of [the king]" (PRU III, p. 140,6).
It is also possible to surmise that other forms without final aleph
were bound forms of the plural, e.g. nsk ksp [nasikU kaspz] "those
who melt silver" (4.68,74); bdl 'ar dt 'inn mhr lhm "merchants [bidalul
bidalu] of Am who do not have a soldier" (4.214,4-5).
Feminine Plural
The standard suffix is [-atu] for the nominative case and [-atz] for
the accusative and the dependent (genitive) cases. There are not
many attested examples of syllabic spellings for the feminine plural
suffix, note: ku-ri-ka-at [kurikatl kunkat?] "(agricultural implements)"
- r 1
(PRU VI 157,3); GIS.MESma-sa-walya-tu- rna [masawatulmasqyatu] "cy-
press logs" (PRU VI 113,5; the enclitic mem [-rna] is not part of the
word); ASA.MESaa-ar-fa-ti [«arfatz] "grooved fields(?)" (PRU III, p.
95,11,20; cf. Kuhne 1974:165-166).
The alphabetic documentation is more plentiful. Often it is pos-
sible to discern the plural ending from the context, but frequently
there are plural forms that differ from attested singulars. The fol-
lowing are some examples: m'at [mi'atu] "hundreds" (4.91,2,4) beside
m'it [mi'tu] "hundred" (1.50,9); ks'at [kussZ'atulkissi'atu] "chairs" (1.4
VI,52) beside the singular ks'u [kussZ'ul kissi'u] "chair" (1.4 V,46);
krbd'thm [kabidatihum(u)] "their livers (ace.)" (1.19 III,lO) alongside the
singular kbd [kabidu] "liver" (1.143, 1); likewise tl«nt [tul«anatul tal«anatu]
"tables" (1.4 IV,36) with a singular tl«n [tul«anul tal«anu] (1.4 1,38);
qmt [qar(a)natu] "horns" (1.17 VI,22) with the dual qmm [qamamalz]
"(pair o~ horns" (1.12 1,30); gmt [gur(a)natu] "threshing floors" (1.20
II,6) beside the singular gm [gumu] (1.191,30); bnt [binatulbanatulbuna-
tu] "daughters" (1.82,18; 2.2,9) with the singular bt [bittu] (3.4,11;
4.659,7); ktnt [kut(t)unatu?] "cloaks" (4.771,2) beside the singular ktn
[ku«t)unu?] (3.1,27; c£ Bordreuil and Caquot 1980:362).
In one instance the suffix [-atu] is added to a word ending in
the feminine singular suffix (unless it reflects dittography; cf. Dietrich,
Loretz and Sanmartin 1977:345), thus 'aatth ['aaatatuM'] "her sisters"
(1.24,36; instead of *'aath; cf. the same phenomenon in Biblical
Hebrew i1f;li9 "language" [Gen. 11: 1] but "Din~tp "his lips" [Cant.
5:13]).
On occasion there are words that have either the masculine plural
morpheme or the feminine plural morpheme, thus d[b]«m [dab(a)Mlma]
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1HE NOUN 79
"sacrifices" (1.40,32) alongside rd'b~t [dab(a)lUitu] (1.142,1; cf. Dietrich

and Loretz 1990b:12); raJm [ra'aSiZma] "heads" (1.5 1,3) beside raftkm
[ra'asatikum(u)] "your (m.pI.) heads (ace.)" (1.2 1,27) and r'iIthm
[ra'satihum(u)] "their (m.pI.) heads (ace.)" (1.2 1,23); ymm [yomuma/
yamuma] "days" (5.9 1,4) beside ymt [yomatu/yamatu] (1.108,26; cf.
Gordon 1965:555; Blau and Greenfield 1970:13; TO II, p. 118, con-
tra Ug 5, p. 557). Another form is lSnt [lafanatu] "tongues" (1.84,9;
cf. Biblical Hebrew ni;tzi,? [Zech. 8:23] and Akkadian liIanatu) along-
side lSnm [lafanuma] (1.83,5; cf. TO II, p. 29, n. 43).
There are no differences in the bound form with this feminine

plural suffIx.
DUAL NOUN FORMS
The dual is used widely in U garitic, in the pronouns, in nominal

declension and in verbal conjugation (cf. Gorton 1965:53-54 and
Fontinoy 1969:87-88).
The Alphabetic Dual Marker -m
This morpheme resembles outwardly the masculine plural mor-

pheme; therefore, it is hard to determine which is involved. Thus
for example the form kdm 'jars" (4.149,8) could be dual [kaddamalz]
or plural [kadduma].
With feminine nouns the dual can be distinguished from the plur-
al, since the dual morpheme is added to .the feminine morpheme,
i.e. mrkbtm "two chariots" (4.145,6) has to be dual. Likewise qstm is
"two bows" (4.63 1,2,26,27); sntm "two years" (2.39,16); m'itm "two
hundred" (2.77,4); qrtm "two towns" (1.3 11,20); rbtm "twenty thou-
sand" (1.4 1,30).
The dual masculine forms can often be distinguished by the con-
text, e.g. kdm "two jars" (4.41,8,9); kkrm "two talents" (4.91,6); ymm
"two days" (1.6 11,26); 'alpm "two thousand" (2.33,24,32,38); Mbm
"two hewers of wood" (4.609,20).
Sometimes it is possible to determine duality by comparison with
other Semitic languages (especially Biblical Hebrew). Thus, e.g. m~ltm
"cymbals" (1.3 1,19) is in Biblical Hebrew c'D'?~rt (Neh. 12:27); mznm
"scales" (4.385,5) is in Biblical Hebrew c:~~~b (Isa. 40: 15). Also nat-
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80 CHAPTER FOUR
ural pairs among parts of the body can be determined, such as ydm
"hands" (1.2 IV,14,16) is in Biblical Hebrew c:'): (Jos. 8:20); mtnm
"loins" (1.12 11,38) is in Biblical Hebrew c';t;'I~ (Deut. 33:11); qmm
"horns" (1.12 1,30) is in Biblical Hebrew C')lP- (Hab. 3:4); p'nm "feet"
(1.4 V,21; the Biblical Hebrew parallel is C:7rJ [Lev. 11:42]).
Forms with the -m suffix can be considered dual if their plural
is formed with -t [-atu]. For example t1J.znm "two tables" (1.3 11,30)
beside plural t1J.znt (1.3 11,36); 'nm "eyes" (1.2 IV,22,25) beside plur-
al 'nt "springs" (1.3 IV,36).
In many instances the number ttl JJl "two" precedes a dual form,
e.g. tt mrkbtm "two chariots" (4.145,6); tt 'attm "two wives"
(4.102,7,11); JJl 'alpm "two thousand" (4.295,13); tn db~m "two sac-
rifices" (1.4 111,17); rt1n Sm "two sheep" (1.105,13).
In the syllabic texts one can discern that the numeral "2" can
precede forms of the masculine or feminine plural: 2 ka4-ka4 ru1- -!
rma1 [Sina kakkariZma] "two talents" (PRU III, p. 51,23); 2 TUG.MES mu_
ru-u-~s [Sina mur'uma] "two m.-garments" (PRU VI 126,3); 2 ma-
qa-bu-rruJlI-ES [Sina maqqabuma] "two hammers" (PRU VI 142,5; 157,4;
cf.the alphabetic tn mqbm [4.625,5]); 2 qil-da-ru-rruJlI-ES [Sina qadariZma]
"two bowls(?)" (PRU VI 158,12); r21 ku-ri-ka-rat1 [Sitta kuriklitlkunkat]
"two (agricultural tools)" (PRU VI 157,3); 2 URUDUtJa-ar-mHa-tu [Sitta
tJarmi1.litu] "two sickles" (PRU VI 141,3).
There is a possible example of this phenomenon in an alphabetic
text. The undefined word kw (2.47,17) has the plural kwt which also
appears with the numeral "two" in the following: tt kwt yn "two
k.-vessels of wine" (4.691,6; the waw is hardly to be taken as a
vowel letter, contra Dietrich, Loretz and Sanmartin 1975a:560).
Morphology of the Dual Forms

Masculine dual forms were created by affIXing the dual morpheme.
On the other hand, the feminine dual forms were created by one
of two methods: the dual morpheme may be affixed to the singu-
lar feminine form or to the plural feminine form (cf. Biblical Hebrew
c:p~~ [Gen. 11: 10] and c'Ij~~ [Exod. 6:30] alongside C'Dhi [Ezek.
27:5] and 'c~lJbh ITer. 52:7]). The following are examples:
Forms Built on the Singular - m'itm "two hundred" (2.77,4; 4.247,28),
the singular is m'it [mi'tu] "hundred" (1.49,10), while the plural is
m'at [mi'atu] "hundreds" (4.91,2,4); rbtm "two myriad" (1.4 1,30), the
singular is rbt [ribbatu] "myriad" (7.47,5), while the plural is rbbt [rib-
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THE NOUN 81
abiitu] "myriads" (1.4 1,28); 11.tm "12 (= 6x2)" (4.141 111,7,9), the
plural is 11Jn "sixty" (1.4 VII,9); llltm "6 (= 3x2)" (4.360,6,7), the
plural is llJTn "thirty" (4.182,12).
Forms Built on the Plural - thmtm "the two deeps" (1.4 1V,22), the
singular is thm [tahamu?] (1.23,30) and the plural is thmt [tahiimiitu?]
(1.92,5); rJnbtm "two tails" (1.83,7), the singular is rJnb [rJanabu]
(1.114,20), while the plural must have been *rJnbt [rJanabiitu] though
it is undocumented (cf. Biblical Hebrew':m [Judg. 15:4] alongside
ni~~iJ Uudg. 15:4]).
Morphology oj the Dual Sziffix

The vocalization of the dual morpheme cannot be determined from
the alphabetic texts, but from the syllabic attestation only. The nom-
inative form of the dual suffIx is [-ama/-amz], thus on the words ma-
af-la-lJa-ma [maflafJiima/mas'1aJ}ama] "two (bolts?) of m.-cloth" (PRU VI
123,3); 2 bi-nu-ta-mz "two b.'s" (PRU VI 163 v, 5'; although the
noun is not defined, it undoubtedly has the dual sufflx).
Examples of dual forms in the oblique cases (accusative and depen-
dent/ genitive) are not found. However, on the basis of comparative
Semitics, it may be assumed that the oblique morpheme was [-ema/-
emz] « -~/-qymz). Documentation for this oblique suffIx is found
outside of Ugarit, such as ma-ga-re-ma [magarema] « magarqyma) "two
wheels" (Taanach Letters, No. 8,2), and the geographic name in
the Amarna letters KURna-ab-re-mi [nahremi] « nahrqymz) "the land of
Nahremi (= the two rivers)" (EA 194:23) .
. When the dual form is in construct (bound form) the -m [-ma/-
mz] is elided while the vowel, either ii (nominative) or e (geni-
tive/accusative) is preserved. In the syllabic texts one finds ma-qa-lJa
IZI.MES [maqqal:zii zSiitz] "a pair of tongs for fire" (PRU VI 157,13;
cf. the form from Amarna letter be-na-ia ['enqya] "my [two] eyes
[nom.]" [EA 144,18]; see Rainey 1975a:13 and 1996: 1,92,136) and
ma-qa-ba me-e [maqqal:zii me] "pair of tongs for water" (PRUVI 157,14);
i-na 2 mz-te KiJ.BABBAR kas-pu [ina $ina mi'ti kaspu] "for 200 (shekels)
of silver" (PRU III, p. 169,14).
In the alphabetic texts the construct dual forms can only be dis-
cerned by context, e.g. fkpl fmzlnm [kappe moz(a)nemah] "pans of the
scales" (1.24,35); I pen b'ly [le-pa'ne ba'lrya] "at the feet of my lord"
(2.64,13); in construct with a clause, )tl 'alt 'itrb [yii 'a1J.atii 'itrab(u)]
"0, two wives (whom) I have betrothed" (1.23,64).
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82 CHAPTER FOUR
There is no clear evidence for preservation of the -m on a bound

form, but there is the enigmatic example: w lq~ lqlm ksp "and he
took (two?) shekels (of) silver" (2.70,18-19). It is highly probable that
the form lqlm is either plural or dual and ksp is in apposition to it,
i.e. [1iqlimali kaspa]. But the -m might be the enclitic particle mem
that is sometimes added to a noun in construct state (cf. irifra, p.
193) and thus it should be reconstructed [liqli-ma kaspzJ.
THE CASE SYSTEM
The case system common to the Semitic languages is functional in

Ugaritic. Nouns, including substantives, adjectives (and participles)
all inflect for case endings, in the singular, dual and plural.
Singular
The singular inflects with vowel suffixes for three cases: nominative
[-u], accusative [-a], and dependent (genitive) [-zJ. The following are
some examples:
t'db ks'u "a chair (nom.) was set" (1.4 V,46); st ... mr'a "they
placed . . . a failing (acc.)" (1.4 V,45; or "he placed . . . a
farling"); q~ [mFr1'i "a slice of the fatted calf (gen.)" (1.4 VI,57-
58).
The construct forms also bore the case endings (as in Arabic but
unlike Akkadian, cf. Huehnergard 1981:209-218 and Sivan 1988:113-
120, contra Zevit [1983:225-232] who is of the idea that such forms
did not bear cases), e.g.:
ks'u lbth [kussr'ulkissi'u lib(a)tihflJ "the throne of his dwelling" (1.4
VIII, 13-14); l yhpk ksr'a 1 mlkk [lu-yahpuku kussr'alkissi'a mulkiklfJ
"verily he will overturn the throne of your (m.s.) kingship" (1.6
VI,28).
From these examples one may deduce that the suffixes were also
preserved on forms without final aleph, e.g.:
spr nps d orb bt mlk "document of the personnel (soul [s]) [szjJru
napszJ that have entered the king's house [beta malkz]" (4.338,1-
2).
Illustrations can be brought from the syllabic texts:
ka4-ka4-ra gur~i [kakkara gurafZJ "a talent (ace.) of gold" (PRU III,
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THE NOUN 83
p. 153,20,22); tap-di 12-tu4 eqliiti [tapditu eqliitz] "redemption price

(nom.) for the fields" (PRU III, p. 139,19); E-tu4 \ta-ar-bri-~i [betu
tarb~z] "stable building (nom.)" (PRU III. p. 92,17).
Masculine Plural
The nominative suffIx is [-uma] and in the oblique cases it is [-rma].

The construct forms drop their final [-rna] (cf. the alphabetic exam-
ples above p. 77). One may add a construct form in which claus-
es stand in the genitive role (this phenomenon is alive in Akkadian
[cf. Ungnad 1992: 123] and is also found in Biblical Hebrew [cf.
Waltke and O'Connor 1990: 138-139 and 338]; for details c£ irifra,
p. 77). Thus y bn 'as'f lld "0, sons (whom) I have begotten" (l.23,65;
c£ Albright 1941:47).
Feminine Plural
The nominative suffIx is [-atu] and in the oblique cases it is [-atz].

There is no change in the construct forms; the reserved endings
conform to the function of the word in its clause (c£ examples supra,
p. 77).
Dual
The nominative suffIx is [-amal -amz] and in the oblique cases It IS

[-emal -emz]. The construct forms drop their final [-mal -mz] ; the
reserved endings conform to the function of the word in its clause
(cf. examples above, p. 81). One may add here the sentence ~l 'all
'itrfJ "0, two wives (nom.) (whom) I have betrothed" (l.23,64), where
'alt is a construct form and the verb 'itrfJ is the genitive.
Case lriflection on Proper Nouns
According to the syllabic evidence many personal names (if they are
really Ugaritic in origin) inflect diptotically. The nominative suffix
is [-u] and the oblique suffIx is [-a]. This pertains especially to forms
with the [-anul-unul-rnu] suffIxes (cf. Liverani 1963:131-160; Sivan
1984a: 115-116; Huehnergard 1987;299). On the other hand, there
are many personal names that inflect triptotically (cf. Sivan
1984a: 114-118). Thus, a combination such as &myt 'ugrt "the walls
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84 CHAPTER FOUR
of Ugarit" (1.40,36) could be either [~iimiYiitu 'uganta] or [~miYiitu

'ugantz]; also 'at! bel "the place of Baal" (1.5 VI,24-25) could be
['agu Mla] or ['agu baelz].
Words with no Case lriflection
From the syllabic evidence it would appear that the case system
was almost completely in effect in Ugaritic. Nevertheless, one can
find some words without case inflection and some scribes did not
always use the inflection correcdy (cf. irifra). Is this a case of Hurrian
interference or is it an indication that the case system was begin-
ning to go out of use? Note the following examples: i-zi-ir [eidir]
"help" (Ug 5 130 III, 7'); ku-ri-ka-at [kurikiit/ kutikiit?] "(agricultural
implements)" (PRU VI 157,3) beside the singular ku-ri-ku
[kuriku/kutiku] (PRUVI 157,12); A.SA.MESal_la_an ['alliin] "fields of oak"
(PRU III, p. 131,4); 2 URUDUma-am-,ra-ar bu-li [mam,rar bulz] "two cat-
de knives" (PRU VI 141,2; here the construct form lacks a case
ending, perhaps in accordance with Akkadian practice).
Words with Wrong Cases
A number of forms have erroneous case endings (the same phe-

nomenon can be discerned in the Amarna letters, cf. Rainey 1996
I: 170). The following are some examples:
ina\ ,ri-,ru-ma [ina fouma] "in the canebrakes(?)" (PRU III, p. 125,
v, 4'), which should be ina *fifima (cf. Sivan 1984a:114-123); 'ilY
'ugrt ti,rk ['ift 'uganta/'uganti toMurilki] "may the gods of Ugarit pro-
tect you (f.s.)" (2.16,4-5). Since "the gods of Ugarit" are the sub-
ject of that clause, the construct form should have been *'ilu (nom~
inative plural construct). The final yod on the construct form is a
mater lectionis for -r, the suffix for construct oblique case, an error
in case (cf. Blau 1985: 292). Rainey (1987:401) saw this as a scrib-
al error. Compare the correct orthography 'il m,rrm ['ilu mi,rremah]
"the gods of Egypt" (2.23,22).
Another scribal error in case marking is 'alty 'il ylt ['allate 'iii yalat-
ta] "the two wives of El gave birth" (1.23,60). The yod is a mater
lectionis for the oblique dual construct suffix. We would have expect-
ed the nominative, viz. *'atJ.a,ta (cf. Blau and Loewenstamm 1970:26).
One may add the sentence mrby mlk tdlln "the spears of the king
will be subjugated" (1.103+1.145,7). It seems that mrby is the sub-
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THE NOUN 85
ject of the sentence and therefore the yod reflects an error in case
(cf. Dietrich and Loretz 1990b:94). The same holds in the sentence
tq~m ymy b'lhn "the days of their (f.pI.) lord will be short" (1.103+
1.145,33-34; for the possibility that the form is Dp, cf. infra, p. 137).
The yod is a mater lectionis for the oblique construct and we would
have expected the nominative (cf. Dietrich and Loretz 1990b:99,130).
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CHAPTER F1VE
NUMERALS AND NUMERIC TERMS
GENERAL REMARKS
In Ugaritic one finds both cardinal and ordinal numbers. The numer-
als may be written either by vocables or by numeric symbols. A verti-
cal wedge T expresses "one" and the -( has the value of "ten". The tens
precede the units, for example -(T = 11. The use of numeric symbols
is more frequent in the non-poetic, administrative texts (cf. 4.36; 4.38;
4.68; 4.99; 4.100), but even in these latter texts, the numbers are often
written out as words.
CARDINAL NUMBERS
Before discussing the morphology of the numerals, it should be noted

that we have no way of determining whether the forms had case end-
ings (as in Arabic) or whether they lacked them as in Akkadian. From
the limited evidence at our disposal, it would appear that a numeral
may stand in construct with the noun being numbered, but it is also
possible that the noun stood in apposition to the numeral. It would
seem that the numerals were increasingly thought to be in apposition
as may be discerned from numerals that are associated with nouns hav-
. ing aleph as the final consonant (cf. Blau 1972:78-79). The following are
some examples:
NUlDerals in Construct
m'it 'iqn'i [mi'«u) 'iqni'il'iqn'i'z] "one hundred (shekels o~ lapis
lazuli" (3.1,30,32); 'arb' 'alpm 'iqn'i ['arba'(u) 'al(a)pumal'al(a)p'ima
'iqni'il'iqn'i'z] "four thousand (shekels o~ lapis lazuli" (4.203,5).
Another example is from the syllabic texts, i-na 2 mz-te KU.BAB-
BAR Icas-pu [ina Sina mi'ti kaspu] "for two hundred (shekels) of sil-
ver" (PRU III, p. 169,14). The form mi'ti is genitive after the
numeral {ina "two".
NUlDerals in Apposition
lllm 'iqn'u [lalaffima 'iqni'ul'iqn'i'u] "thirty (shekels o~ lapis lazuli"
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NUMERALS AND NUMERIC TERMS 87
(4.182,12); ra1mfm 'iqn'u flJam(z)filma 'iqni'ul'iqnZ'u] "fifty (shekels of)

lapis lazuli" (4.182,16); m'itm 'iqn'u [mi'tamali 'iqni'ul'iqnZ'u] "two
hundred (shekels of) lapis lazuli" (4.247,28); 'fr mr'um ['as1a)r(u)
mur'ilma] "ten officers" (4.137,7; 4.163,3; 4.173,6); [Gm]S [m],at
'iqn'u [Gam(z).f(u) mi'atul i 'iqni'ul'iqnZ'u] "five hundred (shekels of)
lapis lazuli" (3.1,23).
Further evidence of the appositional syntagma may be found in the syl-
labicattestations. Here are a few of them:
2 ka4-ka4-rruUmal [sina kakkarilma] "two talents" (PRUIII, p. 51,23;
if the numeral was in construct with its noun, we would have
expected *kakkatima); 2 TUG.MESmu_ru_u_nzaMES [fina muru'ilma] "two
m.-garments" (PRUVI 126,3); 2 ma-qa-bu-ma [Szna maqqabilma] "two
hammers" (PRU VI 157,4); 2 qa-da-ru-maMES [§ina qadarilma] "two
bowls(?)" (PRU VI 158,12); 2 URUDUga-ar-mHa-tu [§itta garmiJ.iitu]
"two sickles" (PRUVI 141,3); 2 ai-nu-ta-mz [§ina?] "two a's" (PRU
VI 163 v. 5'; though the word is not identified, it is obviously in the
nominative dual; the oblique case would have ended in [-ema/z]).
The Cardinals 1-10

(1) 'af:ul ['a.{l@ad(u)] (c£ the syllabic attestation [aFa1a-du (Ug 5 138,1 "
following Borger 1969: 172) - It serves with masculine nouns. In
1.161,27 the scribe uses 'fry [ ? ] "one" as a cardinal number. 'ft
is always used in the number 11 (c£ Xella 1981:287 and Cazelles
1979:259, contra TO II, p. 109, n. 337 and Rin and Rin
[1996:846] who treat 'fry as an ordinal number).
'a.{lt ['a.{l@att(u)] « 'a.{l[~]adt[u]) - It serves with feminine nouns.
(2) In [!ina] - It goes with both masculine and feminine nouns in

the nominative. With masculine or feminine nouns in the oblique
cases the form was [!ine1 « !inay).
It [!itta] « !intli,) - It is found with feminine nouns in the nomi-
native; [1itte1 « !intay) with feminine nouns in the oblique cases.
Each of the cardinal numbers for 3 through 10 have two forms.

Those with final -t are used only with masculine nouns while those
without the -t are found with both masculine and feminine nouns.
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88 CHAPTER FIVE
~asculine/Fe~ne ~asculine only
(3) III [tala£( u)]
(4) 'arb' [' arba'(u)] 'arb't ['arba'(a)~u)]
(5) amI [aam(z)s,(u)] amst [bam(z)s(a)~u)]
(6) M [li1t(u)] « 1idl[u]) Mt [1iMa~u)] « 1idlat[u])
(7) sb' [sab'(u)] sb't [sab'a~u)/ saba'~u)]
(8) 1mn [1amanu/~ lmnt [1amanf~u)]
(9) Is'" [tis"'(u)]
(10) 'sr ['af(a)1{u)] 'srt [' af(a)1{a)~ u)]
NOTES
1. The number 2 can be expressed by a noun in the dual without

use ofa numeral (for examples, cf. irifra, pp. 79-82). The numeral 2 can
also be used and in such cases it is not necessary that the noun will be
in the dual (cf. supra, in the discussion on the dual).
Pairs of nouns can be expressed by different words: lnt [linetu]
« lina;ytu), 'a&Jm ['aM~)adamalz] (cf. Biblical Hebrew C1''JQ~ [Ezek.
37,17]) and pndm [,mmdamalz]. The following are examples:
amI lnt 'alpm "five pairs (= ten) of oxen" (4.402,5; cf. Virolleaud
1965:127); It lnt d 'alp "two pairs (= four) of oxen" (4.203,13); ams
lnt d m'it "five pairs (= ten) of hundred" (4.203,10); trm 'a&Jm "a
pair of tr's" (4.167,3); 'arb' ~mdm 'apnt "four pairs (= eight) of
wheels" (4.169,7).
2. The enumerated noun usually follows its numeral, but sometimes
it can precede it. For example: p'amt sb' rfJa'(a)matu sabe(u)] "seven times"
(1.23,20; 1.41,52) beside the regular construction sb e p'amt (1.43,7,26).
Likewise when the number is in the tens, p'amt ll1m rfJa'(a)matu lalalilma]
"thirty times" (1.109,30) beside the normal arrangement [l]llm p'amt
(1.173,15).
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3. The number 6 can be expressed by the dual of the number 3,

that is lli.tm [.lalii.l(a)tamah] "6 (= 3x2)" (4.360,6,7); likewise with the
number 12: @Tn [,tiltaffimah] "12 (= 6x2)" (4.141 111,7,9).
4. The number 8 can be expressed by the combination 'arrl[b]' 'arb'
['arba'(u) 'arba'(u)] (1.41,51).
5. There are cases in which the numeral comes without its noun, it
happens when the missing noun is understood from the context. Note
the following examples:
sb' mtYP'k bel tmn rkb 'Iptl "seven years may Baal fail, eight (years),
the Rider of the Clouds" (1.19 1,42-44); tn db~m m'a b'1111 rkb 'rpt
"Baal hates two sacrifices, three (sacrifices), the Rider of the
Clouds" (1.4111,17-18); 'arb't "four (shekels)" (4.98,20).
6. The noun which follows the numerals 3-10 usually takes its plur-
al form (the samt; holds in Biblical Hebrew, c£ Cowely 1910:433). Note
111 m'at [.lalii.l(u) mi'atuh] "three hundred" (1.14 11,36); 'arb' 'p-n
['arba'(u) '¥~mal'¥~ma] "four trees" (2.26,9); 111 sswm [..talii.l(u)
siSwilmal siSwi'ma] "three horses" (1.14 111,24).
On the other hand, one finds instances in which the noun is in the
singular, such as:
tmn Gzr [.lamtZnulZ Gzr] "eight Gzr-personnel" (4.141 111,4); Sh' kbd
[sab'(u) kabiduh] "seven heavy (shekels)" (4.123,22).
Sometimes one cannot determine whether the form is singular or
plural, for example:
'arb' 'a1.t ['arba'(u) 'a@tul'a@tt] or ['arba'(u) 'altatuh] "four women"
(4.349,2).
The Cardinals Jor 11-19

1. These numbers are expressed by combining the units with the
numeral forms for "ten", 'ir ['as1a)ru] or 'irh ['iSreh?] « 'iSrqyh?; some
have thought that the hi was a mater lectionis [cf. Kutscher 1967:33],
while others have assumed that it was consonantal [cf. Blau 1968a:267-
268]). Sometimes an alternate form, 'irt ['as1a)r(a)~u)] is employed.
2. The numeral combinations with 'ir serve to designate nouns in
both masculine and feminine, while those with 'irh or 'frt are used only
with masculine nouns. The following are examples:
111 'ir mkrm [.lalii.l(u) 'as(a)r(u) makirilmalmakifima] "thirteen merchants"
(4.163,7); 111 'sr bnf [.lalii.l(u) 'as1a)r(u) bunufuh] "thirteen men"
(4.618,2); 'arb't 'frt bel ['arba'(a)~u) 'as(a)r(a)~u) ba'iluh] "fourteen
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90 CHAPTER FIVE
workers" (1.105,17); 'arb't 'srt tN ['arba'(a)~u) 'as1a)r(a)~u) auriiyulz]

"fourteen (shekels ofj gold" (4.341,16); 11. 'srh yn [.M(u) 'iSrih yenulz]
"sixteen Gars ofj wine" (4.284,5); pnnt 'Srt ksp Ltamanz~u) 'a!(a)r(a)~u)
kaspulz] "eighteen (shekels ofj silver" (4.337,15); pnn 'Srh mrynm
[lamanulZ 'i!rih maryannilmalmaryannfma] "eighteen charioteers"
(4.173,2).
3. The number 11 is either 'st 'sr ['a!teV) 'aJ(a)r(ulz)] (4.141 III,7;
4.358,7) or 'st 'Srh ['a!tC(?) 'i!rih] (4.290,4; 4.609,52).
4. The unit numeral generally precedes that of the tens, e.g.:
1Jl 'Srh [tina 'ifrih] "twelve" (4.363,3); am! 'Srh [Gam(z)S(u) 'i!rih] "fif-
teen" (4.344,2); lmn 'srh [tamanulZ 'i!rih] "eighteen" (4.173,2); etc.
5. On occasion, 'Sr or 'M precedes the unit numeral. This may be
on analogy with the numerals from twenty one and up. Likewise, it is
possible that there was some influence from the orthography of the
ciphers used to express the numerals in which the symbol for "ten" is
followed by the symbols for units. In this kind of numbers no w-con-
junction was used. The following are examples:
'sr In ['as1a)r(u) lina] "twelve" (4.244,21); 'sr 'arb' ['aJ(a)r(u) 'arba'(u)]
"fourteen" (4.244,18); 'srt am! ['aJ(a)r(a)~u) aam(z)S(u)] "fifteen"
(4.158,9-10; 4.226,8); 'Srt 11.t ['aJ(a)r(a)~u) 1i11.a~u)] "sixteen" (4.226,7).
TIe Cardinals for the Tens

1. The form for "twenty" is 'Srm (4.22,5 and elswhere) which may be
dual, i.e. ['a!ramalz] (in Akkadian "twenty" is the dual eM), but it may
be plural, i.e. ['as1a)rnma] (cf. Biblical Hebrew c'")rq,p).
2. The numerals 20-90 are built on the form of the units 3-9 with
the addition of the masculine plural marker, for example: 111m Ltalaffima]
"thirty" (4.243,22 and elsewhere); 'arb'm ['arba'uma] "forty" (4.257,4
and elsewhere); etc. "eighty" is always written lmrrym (4.213,20 and
elsewhere). The yod is an original radical and not a mater lectionis, thus
the form was [tamanryuma].
3. The units are joined to the tens without a conjunction (in contrast
to Biblical Hebrew, c£ Waltke and O'Connor 1990:282-283). Note the
following examples:
'srm 'aM ['a!(a)rnma or 'a!rlimali 'a~@ad(u)] "twenty-one" (4.137,10);
'srm am! ['as1a)rnma or 'a!rlimali aam(z)s(u)] "twenty-five" (4.92,4-5);
111m 11. [talaffima li11.(u)] "thirty-six" (4,392,4); amsm 111 [aam(z)silma
tala1(u)] "fifty-three" (1.148,20); amfm lmn [aam(z)silma lamlinulfj
"fifty-eight" (4.141 II,24).
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4. In rare instances the connection between the tens and the units is
realized by use of the w-conjunction. For example:
lltm w !bc [.lala1Uma wa-sahC(u)] "thirty-seven" (4.658,48).
5. Sometimes the units are joined to the tens by means of the l- [le-]
preposition (cf. Pardee [1976:302] and Loewenstamm [1980:313-314]
who consider this l- as "lamed of belonging"). In such cases, the units
precede the tens. A few attestations are:
urnS l cS'rm [bam(z)J{u) le-caJ(a)'fima or ca.lTemah] "twenty-five" (4.213,9);
tmn l carhcm [.lamanuli le-carhac'ima] "forty-eight" (4.144,5); !bc l cS'rm
[sahC(u) le-caJ(a)fima or ca.lTemah] "twenty-seven" (4.775,9); 11. l Ltm
[.{il1.(u) le-.{iJfjma] "sixty-six" (1.4 VII,9).
77le Cardinals for the Hundreds

1. The word for "hundred" is m'it [mz')tu] (4.203,10 and elsewhere;
probably the combination cSri cS'r [4.158,7-8] means "hundred" [lit.:
"ten oftens"]). The dual is m'itm [mz')tamah] "two hundred" (2.77,4; cf.
the construct form in syllabic documentation, 2 m'i-te [Sina mz')te1 "two
hundred of" [PRU III, p. 169,14]). The plural is m'at [mz')atu] "hun-
dreds", e.g.: .
III m'at Ltala1(u) mi'atuh] "three hundred" (1.148,20); 'arh c m'at
['arhaC(u) mz')atuh] "four hundred" (4.296,6), and others.
2. The juncture between the tens and the hundreds is made without
the conjunction, e.g.:
m'it 'arhcm [mz')tu 'arhaCuma] "one hundred forty" (4.213,25); III m'at
lltm [.lala1(u) mz')atuli .lala1Uma] "three hundred thirty" (4.171,1); urnS
m'at 'arhcm [bam(z)J{u) mz')atuli 'arhaCuma] "five hundred forty"
(4.338, lO).
Sometimes the numeral for tens precedes the numeral for hundreds,
e.g.:
umS'm m'itm [bam(z)suma mz')tamah] "two hundred fifty" (4.143,2; con-
tra KTlf2, p. 268 which reads umS'm <l> m'itm).
3. Sometimes the tens are joined to the hundreds by the preposition
l- [le-]. In such cases the tens precede the hundreds, e.g.:
umS'm l m'it [bam(z)suma le-mi'tz] "one hundred fifty" (4.163,14); !bcm
l m'itm [sah(a)'uma le-mi'temah] "two hundred seventy" (4.243,45);
tm'f!YT'll m'it [.lamllnryuma le-mi'tz] "one hundred eighty" (4.243,15).
4. The hundreds are joined to the tens and the units without a con-
junction:
m'it cS'rm In [mi'tu Cas1a)rilma or ca.lTamali .{ina] "one hundred twenty-
two" (4.345,3).
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92 CHAPTER FIVE
There are instances when the hundreds and the tens are joined while
the units are appended asyndetically, thus, e.g.:
,arb'm l m'it 1Tt ['arba'uma le-mi'ti pna] "one hundred and forty-two"
(4.179,16-17); amfm l m'it 'arb' [!Jam(z).ruma le-mi'ti 'arba'(u)] "one
hundred and fIfty-four" (4.143,4-5).
The Cardinals Jor the Thousands

1. The term for "thousand" is 'alp ['alpu] (4.43,6 and elsewhere) and
its dual is 'alpm ['alpamalz] "two thousand" (2.33,24 and elsewhere).
The plural orthography is 'alpm ['al(a)puma] "thousands" (1.4 1,28 and
elsewhere).
2. The term for "ten thousand" is rbtm [ribbatu] "a myriad" (1.24,20)
with a dual rbtm [ribbatamalz] "two myriad (= twenty thousand)" (1.4
1,30) and the plural is rbbt [ribabatu] "myriads" (1.4 1,28).
The Multiplicative
The multiplicative is expressed by addition of the suffix -'id [-'ida?]
« yada?) or the shorter form -d [-da?J. This suffIx is added to the
numeral to express "times" (cf. Renfroe 1992:11-13). Note the follow-
ing examples:
1Tt'id [1inii-'ida] "twice" (2.64,14; it seems thatthe form 1Ttm means
"twice", thus, hlmn 1Ttm ldq1d."strike him twice" [1.18 IV,22,33];
1Ttm tSqy msk hwt "twice she drinks that mixture" [1.19 IV,62]); l.lfid
[laliila-'ida] "three times" (1.19 11,30); Shoid [fab'a-'ida] "seven
times" (2.12,9).
The short and the long forms are often used in tandem:
1Tt'id Sh'd [pna-'ida fab'a-da] "two times, seven times" (2.64,14); with
enclitic mem, fb'dm [fab'a-da-ma] "seven times" (1.23,15; it has been
suggested that this is a dual, "twice seven times", cf. Gordon
1965:492).
ORDINAL NUMBERS
Various basic forms are used to express the ordinals in the different
Semitic languages. In Hebrew the customary form is r/uft, in Aramaic
it is r/ulay, in Arabic it is qatil, in Akkadian it is qatul, while Ethiopic
uses qatel and qatul. Therefore, it is impossible to suggest a common
Semitic form that might have served in Ugaritic. In the following dis-
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cussion the forms will be given without attempting a vocalized recon-

struction.
There are both masculine and feminine forms for the ordinals in
U garitic, the latter carrying the -t suffix.
The masculine ordinals are as follows: The words pre in ym pre
(4.279,1) and 'aM in ym 'aM (l.l15,14) apparently mean "first" (cf.
irifra); In "second"; lit "third"; rb' "fourth";arnf"fifth"; ldl "sixth"; fb'
"seventh"; tJnn "eighth"; tS' "ninth"; 'fr "tenth".
NOTES
1. The word pre may be related to Mishnaic Hebrew expression

.p"J~r;l7 (Berachot 2:3; Nidda 7:2). However, it could mean "fruit" as can
be deduced from the expression pre q?: "summer fruit" (1.19 I,18; cf.
Loewenstamm 1980: 199).
The expression ym 'aM may be compared with Biblical Hebrew tJi:
'l:r~ "day one" (Gen. 1:5; cf. Ug 5, p. 586 and TO II, p. 202). It has
been suggested that the expression's meaning is "every day, each day"
(de Moor 1970:317 and Blau and Greenfield 1970:14-15; for discus-
sion cf. TO II, p. 202, n. 180).
2. Generally, a noun in the singular at the head of a string of ordi-
nal numerals also has the meaning "first" (cf. Rin and Rin 1996:845-
847). For example:
ylk ym w In 111 rb' ym "they went (the first) day and the second, the
third and the fourth day" (1.14 IV,44-45).
ym w !Jl 111 rb' ymarnf #1 ym "(the first) day and the second, the
third, the fourth day, the fifth, the sixth day" (1.14 m,lO-ll).
hn ~lm w!Jl t'ikl 'ift b bhtm "behold (the first) day and the second
the fire eats into the house(s)" (1.4 VI,24-25).
It seems that the ancients did not seem it necessary to indicate the
first item by means of an ordinal numeral, because its place in first
position was obvious in itself, while the second item got an ordinal
number in order to distinguish it from its predecessor (a similar phe-
nomenon may be present in Biblical Hebrew, cf. Exod. 28: 17 -18,
where the meaning of1jtb is "first row" as it is translated in the Targum
of Onkelos, i1~O'p ~1'O).
3. The ordinals for "fourth" and "sixth" are different from their car-
dinal counterparts: 'arb' "four", beside rb' "fourth"; 11. "six" beside #1
"sixth" (see examples below).
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94 CHAPTER FIVE
4. The ordinals above "ten" are identical to the cardinals.

5. The ordinals precede their nouns; in this respect Ugaritic resem-
bles Akkadian. The following are some examples:
rb' ym "fourth day" (1.14 III, 11); b 11frn ym "in the thirtieth day"
(1.163,7); 111 rb'ym "the third (and) the forth day" (1.4 VI,26); b sb'
ymm "on the seventh day" (1.17 1,15) and !!il yrtJm "the sixth
month" (1.14 11,31). In these latter examples, the -m is not the
plural marker but rather the enclitic mem (cf. concerning this, p.
192f.).
6. When a preposition governs an expression with an ordinal, it can
be attached to the ordinal or to the noun; e.g.:
b sb'ymm "on the seventh day" (1.17 1,15; cf. Blau 1972:77) beside
s"'"b1[J b yrm1m "on the seventh day" (1.17 V, 3-4).
7. There are cases in which the ordinal comes without its noun, it
happens when the missing noun is understood from the context. Thus
for example:
b rb' "in the forth (day)" (1.14 IV,46; 4.279,4; cf. Xella 1981 :45);
b tJmf "in the fifth (day)" (1.41,38); b ldl "in the sixth (day)"
(1.41,45; cf. Dietrich, Loretz and Sanmartin 1975b:144-146).
8. One cannot establish the syntactic relationship between the ordi-
nal and its noun. It may be apposition (as in Akkadian and Biblical
Hebrew) or it might be construct.
FRACTIONS
The attestation of fractions in Ugaritic is quite limited. From what

we have, it appears that two types of fractions were in use - forms
with prefixed m- and others without it.
Those with the prefix are known in both masculine and feminine,
e.g. mrb' "fourth" (4.751,9,10); ml1lt "third", mrb't "fourth", mtJmft
"fifth", m!!ilt "sixth", mfb't "seventh" (1.141,16-20; for the possibility to
see these forms as "times three, "times four", etc., or "third time",
"fourth" time", etc., cf. Margalit 1976:138-139 and de Moor 1979:643-
644).
Morphologically, those forms could be the D stem passive participle
(cf. irifra, p. 138), that is [mutalla1(a)tu], etc. (cf. Segert 1984:54). If these
forms really do signifY fractions, then they could be in the maqtal form
as may be deduced from the syllabic attestation of "tithe", "tenth", (not
documented in alphabetic texts), viz. ma-sa-ra [ma'sara] "tithe" (PRUIII,
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p. 93,7) and with Akkadian suffix ma-a'-sa-ri-sa [maCSariSa] "its tithe"

(PRU III, p. 146,11); cf. Biblical Hebrew '(P.P,~ "tithe" (Num. 18:26) in
the maqtil form, and Arabic mz"Siiru in the form miqtal.
A fraction without the prefIx m- is attested one time in the following
phrase:
lqlm w rbet "two shekels and a fourth (of a shekel)" (4.707,12).
If that interpretation is correct, then it means that in Ugaritic the
forms rbet, mrbet, mrbe expressed the fraction, "fourth".
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CHAPTER SIX
THE VERB
THE TENSES
General Remarks
The use of tenses and not aspects is quite striking in the prose
texts. That is, the qtl forms (the suffix conjugation) expressed the
past, while the yqtl forms (the prefix conjugation) expressed the pre-
sent-future. For example, pdy [padqya] "he ransomed" (3.4,2) followed
in the same text by tl1bn [talaffbilnal tulaffbilna] "they will return"
(3.4,17); orb ['arabil] "they entered" (3.3,2) and further on tknn
[takilnilna] "they will be" (3.3,6) and there are other examples of this
type.
Blau (1977a:23-27) and most recendy Rainey (1987:397-399 and
1988b:37-38) have shown that Ugaritic poetry also operates accord-
ing to tenses and not aspects.
The Functions oj qd
Preterite - The qtl forms serve to express the past in both prose
and poetry.
The following are examples from poetry:
[b ]ph rgm I yla "from his mouth a word verily went (lhad not
gone) forth [yll,l'a'a]" (1.2 IV,6).
npf tJsrt bn nfm npf hmlt 'ar.f mgt I n'my 'ar.f dbr "a soul I removed
[tJasirtitl tJassirtilJ from among mankind, a soul from the masses
of the earth; I arrived [magetilJ at the goodness of the land of
Dbr" (1.6 II,17-20).
ftt tJptr I 'ift "she put [fatat] tJptr on the fire" (1.4 II,8).
<b>hry bnt dt ksp hkly rdt'm tJr.f 'dbt "my house(s) I built
[banetitl banztilJ of silver, my palace of gold have I made ['adabtilJ"
(1.4 VI,36-38; for the possibility of taking these forms as 2nd
m.s. cf. TO I, p. 213, n. z).
qfthn 'atJd b ydh "his bow he grasped ['atJada] in his hand" (1.10
II,6).
npl b,r/' "Baal fell [napalaJ" (1.12 II,53).
The following are examples from prose:
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THE VERB 97
'iw'1k1l pdy 'agdn "Iwirkallu ransomed [padf91a] Agdenu" (3.4,2-

3).
'mrykn dt fikt m~rm "your ship which you sent [la'iktt¥] to Egypt"
(2.38,10-11 ).
l pen b'ly ... qlt "at the feet of my lord ... I have fallen [qiltitJ"
(2.64,13-16).
l~t spr d fikt em Pyl "the tablets of the document which I sent
[la'iktitJ to Taryelli" (2.14,6-8).
Present Tense - The qtl forms can express the present, usually
with intransitive verbs, but also with transitive.
The following are some examples from poetry:
With intransitive verbs:
rbt 'ilm l ~kmt "you are great [rabbatt¥], El, verily you are WIse
[~akamt~/~mtt¥]" (1.4 V,3).
yd't k r~mt "I know that you are merciful [ra~ammlr~imtt¥]" (1.16
1,33).
yd'tfkl bt k 'anIt "I know you daughter, that you are meek
['anaftil'aniftZ'J" (1.18 1,16; c£ Smith 1995:792).
w l fbet "she is not satisfied [fabieat]" (1.3 11,19).
'atm Htm w 'an fnt "you (m.pI.) are slow [buftum(u)] and I am
fast [fanota?]" (1.3 IV,33; cf. Ginsberg 1969:137; Smith 1994:44
and n. 44 and 1995:792).
rgb rgbt ... hm gm'u gm'it "are you verily hungry [ragibtZ'J or are
you verily thirsty [gami'tZ'J ?" (1.4 IV,33-34).
With transitive verbs:
yd't k r~mt "I know [yada'titJ that you are merciful" (1.16 1,33).
yd'tf kl bt k 'anIt "I know you [yada'titkz"j daughter, that you are
meek" (1.18 1,16; cf. Smith 1995:792).
ytt n~fm mhrk "I give [yatattit] snakes (to be) your bride-price"
(1.100,75; following Astour 1968:27 and Pardee 1978b:84-85).
1n db~m fn' a b'l III rkb 'rpt "two sacrifices Baal hates [fani' a],
three the Rider of the Clouds" (1.4 111,17-18).
With intransitive verbs:
w pn mlk nr bn "and the face of the king shines [nilriZ] upon
us" (2.13,17-18).
With transitive verbs:
hn 'ibm f~q ly "behold, the enemIes are afflicting [fa~lqu] me"
(2.33,27).
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98 CHAPTER SIX
Optative Usage - The qtl forms also can express wishes and
requests. Note the following examples:
~wt 'aat "may you live [~awwitij, my sister!" (1.10 II,20).
'm '1m ~yt "may you (m.s.) live [&f91etA'/~f91ita] forever!" (1.4 IV,42).
I yrt b nps bn 'ilm mt "may you go down [lui la yaratta'] into the
throat of the son of the gods, Mot" (1.5 1,6-7; since the qtl can
express a wish by itself, the particle 1- may be only for empha-
sis, cf. infra, p. 191f.).
Future Tense - In prose result clauses, qtl forms preceded by

the w-conjunction express the future (cf. Parker 1967:§3.22). The
following are examples:
w hm at 'I w l'ikt 'mk "and if the Hittite has attacked, then I
will send [wa-la'iktUj (a letter) to you ... " (2.30,17-18).
[w] ['u]rnll 'inn Irh1m 'd t11.bn ksp 'iwrkl w lb I 'unlhm "and they
do not have a feudal obligation until they return the money of
Iwirkallu, then they return [wa-labu] to their feudal obligation"
(3.4,16-19).
Ike Functions qf yqd

Recendy Rainey (1990:407-420 and 1996 II:221-264) has shown that
in the Northwest Semitic languages (including Ugaritic; cf. Verreet
1988) the prefix forms (yqt~ expressed tenses rather than aspects. In
his view there were two modes, indicative and injunctive. In the
indicative, the yqtlf) (without suffixes) expressed the preterite (past),
while the yqtlu forms (with final short vowels) expressed the imper-
fect (the present-future and continued action in the past) (cf. Hamori
1973:319-324). In the injunctive, the yqtlf} expressed the jussive and
yqtla expressed the volitive. To both modes, there was an energic,
yaqtulun(n)a for the indicative and yaqtulan(n)a for the injunctive. The
system as suggested by Rainey is as follows (the second form in
each category is 3rd m.pl.):
Indicative Injunctive
Preterite yaqtul, taqtulil Jussive yaqtu~ taqtulil
Imperfect yaqtulu, taqtulilna Volitive yaqtula, taqtulil
Energic yaqtulun(n)a Energic yaqtulan(n)a
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THE VERB 99
It would seem that these same two modes, indicative and injunc-
tive, were also present in Ugaritic, but unlike Biblical Hebrew and
the Akkadian texts from Canaan in the Amarna archives, the
U garitic script, which generally lacks vowels, makes it impossible to
distinguish the various forms. Therefore, in order to identifY the
modal and tense forms, one must utilize the contexts and the diag-
nostic forms from certain roots, e.g. the absence or presence of the
third radical in third waw/yod verbs, and the vowels accompanying
final aleph's. Likewise, the plural forms of the yqtlu singulars had
final nun (based, e.g. on the 3rd m.pI. taqtuluna). The 2nd f.s. of the
yqtlu pattern also had a final -n (i.e. taqtulina). The plurals and 2nd
f.s. of the preterite, the jussive and the volitive (yqtlf2) and yqtla) did
not have the final -n (thus, taqtuli for the jussive and taqtuli for the
volitive). The presence or absence of the nun on such forms would
also be diagnostic; the presence of potential energic forms compli-
cates the problem. The ensuing discussion will treat each of these
conjugation patterns.
THE INDICATIVE MODE
Preterite - The past tense is expressed by the short forms, that

is yqtl0 without vocalic suffixes having plurals and 2nd f.s. forms
without final nun (cf. Biblical Hebrew ':J~: "he established" [Deut.
32,8] along with :J'~: "he establishes" O"os. 6:26]). It is easier to
identifY such preterite forms in Ugaritic poetry (rather than prose),
since they often appear in contexts where the carrying out of the
action was the direct result of previous imperatives. Though a few
such preterite forms do occur in prose, they are usually replaced
by qtl in its past tense function. The following are some examples:
fy'ipl lI;m damI "he baked [ya'p~ bread for the fifth (month)"
(1.14 IV,ll).
mi;y ~m l bth w ystql l ~?:rh "I;Ioron arrived at his house and
entered [wa-yiStaqil!wa-yiStaqa~ his courtyard" (1.100,67-68).
b ns'i 'nh rw1 fypl<h>rnl yM hrgb 'ab rn1fr1m "upon lifting his
eyes, then he saw him [wa-yiphan(n)z1], he sighted [yaM~ Hargab,
the father of the eagles" (1.19 111,14-15).
lilY 'ilm r'iSthm "the gods lowered [taglryu] their heads" (1.2 1,23).
yslr~lm rk1trt w yssq bnt rh1ll "he fed [yaSall;im/yuSal~im] the
Kotharot, he gave drink [yaSaSqZlyusaSq~ to the daughters of
HilaIu" (1.17 11,30-31).
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100 CHAPTER SIX
'd sb't snt ybk I 'aqht "until the seventh year they wept [yabkU]
« yabkiyu) for Aqhat" (1.19 IV,14-16).
ts'""u 'ilm r'afthm l;;,r brkthm "the gods lifted [tiSsa'u] their heads
from off their knees" (1.2 1,29).
[k] bkbm tm tpl k rIb1nt "the stars fell [tappulu] there like bricks"
(1.13,13).
w ymg ml' akk 'm ~ t1n "your messenger reached [yamgz1 Ditanu"
(1.124,10-11; this example is from a ritual text).
IlIlprefect- This mode expresses both present-future and past con-

tinuous.
Present-Future-- Forms that express present-future are those with
the vocalic suffix (yqtlu) on the singulars and 1st c.p!. and with the
final -n [-una] on the plurals and on the 2 nd f.s. [-rna]. They are
used in these tense functions in both prose and poetry.
The following are examples from poetry:
Smm smn tmtrr n1 "the heavens rain down [tam{urilna] oil" (1. 6
III, 12).
tl~mn 'ilm w lslln 1 tstn y<n> 'd sb' trt r'd1 rskrl "the gods eat
[til~amuna] and drink [tiStuna], they drink wine to satiety, new
wine to drunkenness" (1.114,2-4).
'nrt1 w 'ttrt t/dn1 "An at and Athtart prepare victuals [tll,l'udanz]"
(1.114,22-23).
yml'u lbh b SmGt "her heart is filled [yimla'u] with happiness" (1.3
II,25-26).
tblry pgt brm1 lb tdm' bm rkbd1 "Pugatu weeps [tabkryu] in (her)
heart, sheds tears [tidma'u] in (her) liver" (1.19 1,34-35).
w brn1 mlk w bt mlk t'ln rp'a1mt sb' "and the sons of the king
and the daughter of the king go up [ta'luna] seven times"
(1.112,6-8; this example is from a retual text).
'd t!J.bn ksp 'iwrkl w tb I 'unthm "(they do not have a feudal oblig-
ation) until they return [tataffbilnal tutaffbuna] IwirkalIu's money,
then they will return to their feudal obligation" (3.4,16-19).
'ank 'af/'uk1 "I will bring you (m.s.) out ['aso,ri'ukil']" (2.3,17).
w mnm s'alm dt tknn 'I 'rbnm "and whoever the investigators who
will be [takununa] in charge of the guaranties" (3.3,5-7).
In U garitic the present-future is employed in literary narrative
passages where there is a sequence of actions. The following is a
typical example:
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THE VERB 101
'idk I ttn pnm em 'il mbk nhrm qrb 'apq thmtm tg[y rid 'il w tb'u qrs
mlk 'ab fum I pen 'il thbr w tql tStI;U()I tkbdnh "then she verily
directs [tatinu] her face towards El (at) the sources of the two
rivers, amidst the sources of the two deeps; she turns [tagl&u]
to the dwelling of El and she enters [tabu'u] the abode of the
king, the Father of Years; at the feet of El she bows down [tah-
buru] and falls [taqzlu], she prostrates herself [tifta.{zw&u], she hon-
ors [takabbidan(n)ah/1ltukabbidan(n)ahii] him" (1.4 IV,20-26).
Thus it can be seen that yqtl@ expressed the past while yqtlu
expressed the present-future. On the other hand, there are a few
contexts in which yqtl@ appears to express the present-future. These
are short forms of verbs 3rd wawlyod, but they are actually origi-
nal yqtlu forms in which the final triphthongs have contracted caus-
ing the disappearance of the final radical (cf. Sivan 1984b:279-293).
Here are some examples:
tg[y rid 'il w tb'u qrs mlk 'ab snm "she turns to the dwelling of
El and she comes to the abode of the king, the Father of Years"
(1.6 1,34-36).
The form tb'u prove.s that the parallel verb, tg[y is also present-
future, i.e. [tagl&u]. However, there is also a parallel passage where
the 3rd wawlyod verb lacks the final radical, viz.:
tgl rfd1 'ifl1 fw1 tb'u [qrJ! mWk 'a fb1 [snm] "she turns to the
dwelling of El and she comes to the [abo]de of the k[in]g, the
Father [of Years]" (1.3 V,7-8).
As a parallel to tb'u one would expect *tg[y [tagl&u], but here the
final triphthong has contracted, apparently representing [taglU]
« tagl&u).
An additional instance of this phenomenon is found in the fol-
lowing clause:
yks m'izrtm gr b 'abn ydy psltm b y'f r1 yhdy Ibm w f dq1n "(his body)
he covers with a mourning garment, groaning, with a stone he
slashed the ... , with a razor he cuts the cheeks and beard" (1.5
VI,16-19).
The forms ydy (root uncertain) and yhdy have final yod and sug-
gest that the preceding yks ought to have been ;ykry, since it seems
to express present-future [YakassulyukassU] « yakassiyulyukass&u).
One may find the same phenomenon in the following verbal
sequence:
yk[y ... yd'u ... y~'u ... ysp'u "he will destroy ... he will take
wings ... he will go out ... he will eat" (1.103+1.145,40-51).
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102 CHAPTER SIX
The verbs represent present-future as can be discerned from their

final u-vowel. Therefore it seems that the form yrfu expresses yirffl
« yirfayu).
Past Continuous - One of Moran's most valuable contributions

was the delineation of the past continuous function of the yqtlu con-
jugation pattern in the Amarna letters from Byblos (Moran 1950a:43-
47). The same function is known in Biblical Hebrew:
i1\!?~~ "~'.P.~ '~~iJ rD't.' '?~l~~~ l'?~ r~ c~v C'P~~ "In those days there
was no king in Israel; every man did what was right in his
own eyes" (Judg. 21 :25).
Because of the limitations of the Ugaritic orthography, it is hard
to discern the imperfect forms in this usage (cf. Verreet 1988:45-
49). Therefore, the examples brought here are doubtful at best:
tlkn ym w 1Tl "they went [talikilna] one day and then a second"
(1.14 IV,31-32; the verb may mean "they go").
sb e Int tmt [mn nqpt ed r'i1lm nemm ttlkn sd qdn p'at mdbr "seven
complete years, eight cycles, the goodly gods were still going
(/went) [ti~t)alikilnal ti~t)alalrilna] in the field and they were still
hunting (/hunted) [ta,l'i1duna] on the corners of the desert"
(1.23,66-68; the imperfect forms may expressed narrative pre-
sent; cf. TO I, p. 378).
Energic - Forms of the energic serve to strengthen the imper-

fect in the Amarna tablets from Canaan (cf. Rainey 1990:407-420
and 1996 11:234-244). In Biblical Hebrew such forms have been
preserved only with the attachment of accusative 3rd m.s. and 3rd
f.s. (and occasionally 2nd m.s.) pronominal suffIxes (cf. bibliography
and discussion by Rainey, ibid.). But it is exceedingly difficult to
identify such forms in U garitic. We do not possess clear cut forms
with final aleph that could reveal the existence of such energic forms.
The examples that we do have are quite obscure:
yr'a'un 'afiyn bel "Mighty Baal fears him" (1.5 11,6).
The double writing of the aleph in the verbal form makes inter-
pretation difficult. The orthography may represent a form such as
[yzra'unnU] « yiyra'un(n)hit;. If this reconstruction is correct, then the
form represents the imperfect yqtlu plus the energic. (cf. Rainey
1987:398). But one may interpret the form as an absolute infinitive
functioning as a finite verb plus 3rd m.s. suffix, i.e. [yarli'unnU] (cf.
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THE VERB 103
Gordon 1965: 18 and also Verreet 1988:27, nn. 8-9 with bibliogra-
phy).
int tl'u'an "sleep overcame him [til'uwanni'l] (1.14 1,33).
There also might be a spelling error in the verbal form, since
the cuneiform signs for 'a and nun are almost similar (KTlJ2 [po 36,
n. 3] is mistaken in reading tl'un and in commenting that here the
nun is lengthened and looks like 'a plus taw). In such a case, one
might restore another nun in place of the 'a so as to read *tl'unn,
that is [til'un(n)anni'l] « til'un(n)annfi < til' ayun(n)anhU?). If that restora-
tion be correct, then we have another example of the energic of
the indicative mode.
The next example would be indicative energic in an interroga-
tive clause, if Ugaritic goes with Amarna Canaanite:
'ap 'ab 'ik mtm tmtn "also, my father, how can you most cer-
tainly die [miitu-ma/ miltu-ma tamiltun(n)a] ?" (1.16 1,3-4; in Classical
Arabic the [-an(n)a] energic forms serve with questions [cf. Zewi
1987:72-73] where the indicative energic of Amarna Canaanite
is not present).
On occasion there are instances where energic forms are dis-
cerned according to their contexts. Note the following example:
rbk1m tmdln 'r bkm ~md Pbl brkm1 tf'u 'abh "while weeping she
saddles a young ass, while weeping she harnesses a donkey,
while weeping she lifts up her father" (1.19 Il,8-9).
The forms tf'u [tiSfa'u] and tfmd [tafmudu] represent indicative and
therefore they indicate that tmdln should be interpreted as energic,
namely tamdulun(n)a.
THE INJUNCTIVE MODE
Jussive - The jussive is expressed by the short forms, yqtl0. Such

forms can be identified in Ugaritic by the context, since in poetry
there are examples of commands which the hearer is expected to
fulfill. Those commands are expressed in second person by the
imperative and the jussive and in third person by the jussive. Forms
with final aleph or final waw/yod are sometimes helpful. The fol-
lowing are examples:
tf'i km r~ npsh "may his soul go forth [t~'J like the wind" (1.18
IV,24-25).
'al tkl bn rqrl 'nk "do not exhaust [takallll tukall~, my son, the
well spring of your eyes" (1.16 1,26-27).
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104 CHAPTER SIX
fip fll~m d amI "let him bake [ya'p~ bread of (/for) a fifth"
(1.14 11,30).
'afkl1 fmlkfyl [1l Pum1ry "let me destroy ['akaltz] the destroyer
of my nation" (1.19 IV,34-35).
y~~ 'a1Tt w bnh "may Ashera and her sons shout [yafilzu]" (1.3
V,36-37).
tSma ht ' aJ.rt w bnh "now may Ashera and her sons rejoice
[tifmalJu]" (1.6 1,39-40). I
W 'al t/'u1 "and do not go forth (m.pL) [ta,Ii'u]" (1.164,19).
[I pen 'i~ f'a11 tpl 'al tft~wy Par [m'dJ "[at the feet of El], po
not fall (du.) [tappula], do not do pbeisance [tiJt~wryii] to the
council of [the assembly]" (1.2 1,14-15).
Volitive - The form of the volitive is yqtla. These formsI are fourid
in Ugaritic especially in cohortative contexts (cf. in the Amarna let-
ters [Moran 1960: 1-19] and in Biblical Hebrew [Cowley 1910: 130]).
The forms may be discerned with verbs having final aleph (one can
hardly find such forms in regular verbs; contra Verreet 1988: 131-151
and Tropper 1991b:341-352). Note the following examples:
f'i1qr'a 'ilm nC[mm] "let me invoke ['iqra'a] the goodly gods"
(1.23,1; the same form is found in 1.21 11,2; it also occurs with
a 2nd m.pL pronominal suffIx 'iqr'akm ['iqra'akum(u)] "let me
invoke you" [1.21 11,10]).
ta!,a I gbk w trl I tmntk "you (m.s.) sin [tiGta'a] against your
body(?) and act wickedly [wa-tirsa'a] against your image"
(1.169,5-6; cf. Bordreuil and Caquot 1980:347 and Verreet
1988:203 n. 3 and the bibliography cited there);
yqr'a mt b npSh "(may) Mot cry out [yiqra'a] in his soul" (1.4
VII,47-48).
The subject of this clause might be a messenger of Baal (cf.
Verreet 1988:156), but it is most likely Mot himself (cf. Verreet loco
cit.).
ymi,y 'aklm w ym$:'a 'qqm "he reaches [yamgiya] the 'eaters', he
comes [yim$:a'a] to the 'devourers" (1.12 1,36-37).
In Biblical Hebrew there are only a few forms of yqtla from third
wawlyod verbs: il.;~m~ "I will moan" [ps 77:4] and il.t'~~ "I may
probe" [ps 119: 117]).
Forms of yqtla also serve in purpose clauses, e.g.:
ft1n f'aM1 b 'aafk1 f'isp'a 1 "give one of your brothers, so that I
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THE VERB 105
may devour rzSpa'a] (him)" (1.6 V, 19-20).

Perhaps the following clause also belongs here:
pt/:t bt w 'ub'a(!) "open the house, so that I may enter ['ubil'a]"
(1.100,72).
The form 'ubn probably has an error of nun for 'a. If this cor-
rection is in order, then the original form was probably intended
for ['ubil'a] « 'abU'a?) (cf. Verreet 1988:164).
Energic - These forms have final suffix -n and are documented

numerous times in Ugaritic. Sometimes it would appear that the
difference between forms with n-sufiix and forms without it became
effaced. This is prominent in passages with two lines (hi-cola), in
which one had a form with n-suffix while the other has a form
without it. The differences may be due to metric requirements (ef.
Segert 1983a:298 and Greenstein 1988:12-13). The following are
some examples:
b l;yk 'abn nIm!J b I mtk ngln "in your life, our father, let us be
happy, in your immortality let us rejoice [nagflan(n)a]" (1.16 1,14-
15).
I ktp 'nt k tfth ... tStnn b lJrt 'ilm ' ar~ "onto the shoulders of Anat
she verily places him ... she places him [taSi"tan(n)an;2J in the
grave of the deities of the earth" (1.6 1,14-15,17).
dn'il bth ym.gyn ystql dn'il I hklh "Daniel arrives [yaTl',giyan(n)a] at
his house, Daniel enters his palace" (1.19 IV,8-9).
r'i1qra 'ilm n'[mm] "let me invoke the goodly gods" (1.23,1)
alongside 'iqr'an1 'ilm n'mm (1.23,23) with the same meaning.
It would appear that the morpheme for the Ugaritic injunctive
energic was [*-an(n)a]. It is hard to know whether there was a final
vowel, neither can it be demonstrated whether there was gemina-
tion of the nun (it may be that in Biblical Hebrew the energic mor-
pheme became the particle ~~, viz. ~~-i1l~J?~ "may I be allowed to
pass through" [Deut. 3:25]. It seems that the gemination of the nun
is for the sake of euphony [ef. Cowley 1910:72]. If this conjecture
is correct, then the Northwest Semitic energic morpheme was not
geminated [cf. Blau 1977a:29-30]).
The initial vowel of the energic morpheme was a as can be
deduced from forms like 'iqrr'an1 [,iqra'an(n)a] "let me invoke"
(1.23,23) and ylan [y~'an(n)a] "let him go forth" (1.165,3). These
examples show that the volitive yqtla is the form that took the ener-
gic ending. Since most of the examples in Ugaritic are not from
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106 CHAPTER SIX
verbs with third aleph, one cannot know if they are the energic of
the injunctive or of the indicative. In the following examples, we
will transcribe with the vowel of the injunctive, but some of them
may well have been indicative:
r'a11bn 'ank W 'anfJn "let me sit ['a1iban(n)a] and let me rest
['anufJan(n)a]" (1.17 II,12-13).
tn ks yn w 'iftn "give a cup of wine so that I may drink it
['iftan(n)OI'iftan(n)it] (the cup [f.s.] or the wine [m.s.])" (5.9 1,15-
16).
Energic forms also appear with pronominal suffixes and it is dif-
ficult to determine whether they are energic forms of the indicative
mode or of the injunctive (cf. Rainey 1996 II:264 and the bibliog-
raphy cited), e.g.:
I pen r'i11 thbr w tql tIt~wy w tkbdnh "at the feet of El she bows,
she falls down, she does obeisance, and she honors him [tukabbi-
dan(n)ahfll takabbidan(n)ahit]" (1.6 1,36-38).
hm bt lbn rt1 ry1'msnh "if he will erect it as a house of bricks
[yu'ammisan(n)ahfllya'ammisan(n)ahit]" (1.4 V,ll; sometimes the yd
m.s. suffIx pronun is expressed by an additional -n, cf. p. 53).
VIOLATIONS OF THE INDICATIVE/Il'UUNCTIVE SYSTEM
From the examples that will be brought below, it appears that the
functions of the yqtlu and the yqt10 were often confused. Since the
number of forms is limited, there is no justification for drawing far
reaching conclusions. The following are examples:
smm fmn tmtm nfJlm tlk nbtm "the heavens rain down oil, the
brooks run with honey" (1.6 III,6-7,12-13; cf. Ginsberg 1936:63).
The form tlk [taliku] stands in place of *tlkn [talikuna] (in paral-
lelism with tmtm[tamturnna]). Of course the -n on tmtm could be an
optional energic marker though that explanation is somewhat forced.
tl~m rp'um tstyn 1t11 rb' ym fJms #1 ym tl~mn rp'um tstyn "the
Rephaim eat, they drink, the third, the fourth day, the fifth,
the sixth day, the Rephaim eat, they drink" (1.22 1,21-24).
Since tl~mn [til~amuna] and tstyn [tiftqyuna] are imperfect forms, i.e.
yqtlu, they indicate that tl~m [til~amu] should have been the same
(i.e. with a final -n). It does not seem realistic to assume a scribal
error here (cf. Rainey 1974:184 and Verreet 1988:38).
bhth tbnn ... trmm hklh "they will build his house(s), they will
raise up his palace" (1.4 VI,16-18; for other possible interpre-
tations cf. irifTa, p. 128).
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THE VERB 107
In this parallelism the two verbal forms are evidendy both 3rd
m.pl. The first is a long form [tabnuna] « tabniyilna) and it is doubt-
ful that the final -n is merely energic (as suggested by Verreet
1988:63). The second form is short [taramimil/ turamimil].
rt1qrtn1~n w tldn rtld1 ['Wlm1 nemm "they (du.) bow down in child-
birth and give birth, they give birth to the goodly gods"
(1.23,58).
The forms rt1qr tn1~n [tiqtan~ani/ tiqtan~anz] and tldn [talidanz] are
dual forms of the yaqtlu conjugation in contrast to r tld1 [talida] which
belongs to yqt10, i.e. we would have expected that the latter would
be *tldn also.
[y]r~r1kn w yfl.tmm "they burn(?) and they are scorched(?)"
(1.175,7; cf. Bordreuil and Caquot 1979:297).
The form [y]r~r1kn [y~rukilna?] belongs to yqtlu beside yfl.tmm
[yaS~mimil/yu.f~mimil] which belongs to yqtl0.
The following example is from a broken tablet but the verbal
forms are clear enough:
[ ... rp]r'u1m erdb~n1/[ ... ])1m rtI1~mn/[ ... ]rm tfryn/[ ... ]rtd1b~
'amr "[ ... ] the Rephaim sacrifice [ ... ]day(?), they eat [ ...
], they drink [ ... ], they sacrifice a lamb" (1.20 1,1,6-7,10;
concerning the word 'amr cf. TO I, p. 478, n. e and supra, p.
44).
The forms erdb~n1 [tidb~ilna], rtl1~mn [tilluzmilna] and tfryn [tiStayilna]
are from the yaqtlu pattern beside r td1b~ [tidb~il] which is of the
yqt10 pattern (where we would have expected *tdb~n). The attempt
to see r td1b~ as a preterite following forms of the present-future is
forced (cf. e.g. Verreet 1988:76-77).
ALTERNATION OF Q7L/ rQ.TL AND rQ.TL/ Q.TL SEQUENCES
Alternation of qtllyqtl and yqtll qtl of identical verbs is typical pat-

tern in Biblical Hebrew and Ugaritic poetry. Held (1962:282) was
of the opinion that yqtl is in these cases a preterite and should be
translated by the past tense. However, it would appear that there
are instances where yqtl forms reflect present-future (cf. Blau 1971a:
234-240 and Smith 1994:49-51 and 1995:797, especially n. 45). Note
knp nfrm bel ylbr bel lbr d'iy hmt "the wings of the eagles may
Baal break [yalburu], Baal broke [,labara] the pinions of them"
(1.19 111,8-9).
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108 CHAPTER SIX
ftt ... b ll~ny qlt rb1 ks 'iftynh "I drank [fatfti1] ... from my table,
scorn from a cup do I drink it ['ifttryan(n)aMJ" (1.4 III,14-l6).
brky tkfd r'umm 'n krJd 'trylt "the buffaloes longed for [takfudu] the
water pool(?), the hinds longed for [kadadu] the spring" (1.5 I,16-
17; for another interpretation cf. supra, p. 22).
bht[h bjly'db hd'db ... hklh "his house(s) Baal prepare [ya'dubu],
Haddu prepared ['adaba] ... his palace" (1.4 VI,38-40).
yrd1 mfHt 'arql[h]rt1 gzr tmfH 'alpm 'lb 1 "the hand (that) smote
[maGll,I'at] the hero Aqhat will smite [timaatu] thousands of foes"
(1.19 N,58-59).
THE MORPHOLOGY OF THE VERB
As in all the Semitic languages, also in Ugaritic there are conju-

gation patterns with suffixes as the person markers (henceforth qt~,
and conjugation patterns with prefixes as the person markers (hence-
forth yqt~. There are also imperatives, active and passive participles,
and infinitives.
The Verbal Stems

Also, as in other Semitic languages, there are several stem forms in
the verbal system, each with its characteristic semantic field. The
stems will be identified by the symbols usually accepted in Semitic
studies.
G The basic stem (Grundstamm) corresponding to the Qg1 in

Biblical Hebrew.
Gt The G stem with a t-morpheme infixed after the first rad-
ical, generally reflexive in meaning; it appears in Moabite,
Phoenician and Aramaic; it survives in Biblical Hebrew in
the two place names ?it;l;t;'Irq~ (Jos. 15:33; 19:41) and 119nili~
(Jos. 21:14) and possibly ~i2n7~ (Jos. 21:23), i1Pt;1?~ (Jos.
19:44). One may perhaps add the forms '11p~rl'] (Judg. 20: 15)
and l"P~l!iJ "they were mustered" (Judg. 20: 15); c£ Cowley
1910: 151.
Gp The passive of the G stem as in Arabic and the Amarna
letters from Canaan (c£ Biblical Hebrew 1,tp "it was de-
stroyed" [Isa. 15: 1]).
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THE VERB 109
N A reflexive-passive stem with an n-morpheme (prefixed to

the first radical) as in Akkadian Naprusu and in Biblical
Hebrew Niphcal.
D Characterized by gemination of the second radical; it is fac-
titive, causative, intensive; corresponds, e.g. to Biblical
Hebrew Piccel.
Dp Passive of D stem.
tD Reflexive of D with affixed t-morpheme; corresponds to
Biblical Hebrew Hithpaccel.
L Corresponds to the D stem, but is evidently characterized
by lengthening of the vowel after the first radical and the
reduplication of the last radical; it is employed only with
hollow roots; it corresponds to Biblical Hebrew pal£l.
Lp Passive of L.
R Corresponds to the D stem, but is applied to bi-radical
'oots; the two radicals are reduplicated and produce qua-
dr ·teral stems.
S Cau ative stem characterized by the morpheme s- placed
befo the first radical; it corresponds to the S stem of
l 'Akkadian and functions like the H causative (HiphCt~ of
Biblical Hebrew.
Sp Passive of S.
St A rarely documented stem; perhaps in Ugaritic only with
one verb, yst!.zwyl tft!.z'li!Y (root *lfW1).
The evidence for the Gp, Dp and Sp is based mainly on con-
text.
The U garitic verbal system as documented is deficient in that,

that there are not complete attestations for all of the stems for all
of the possible formations. The consonantal orthography without
vowels also makes interpretation difficult. For example, the conso-
nantal orthography of most verbs in the G or the D stems is iden-
tical. Therefore, it is often hard to decide whether a given form is
G or D. Also, when it seems to be G stem, it is not always easy
to determine what its vocalization may be. So that one must treat
the reconstructions proposed below with great reservation.
Person Markers
THE SUFFIX (QTL) MORPHEMES
The personal suffix morphemes are as follows:
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110 CHAPTER SIX
Person Singular Plural Dual
1st c. -t [-til] *-n [-nit, -nil] -ny [-nqya? I n!ya?]
2nd m. -t [-td] -tm [-tum(u)?]
2nd m.& f. -tm [-tuma]
2nd f. -t [-tZJ -tn [-tinal tinna?]
3rd m. fl [-a] fl[-U] fl [-a]
3rd f. -t [-at] fl [-a?] -t [-til]
NOTES
1. With the exception of the pt e.pl. all the suffIxes are encoun-
tered in the Ugaritic texts.
2. The consonantal morpheme for 1st c.s. is -t [-til] (cf. -tf in
Biblical Hebrew and Amarna letters from Canaan). Blau (1979a:61;
1979b: 146-148; 1985:293) noted the connection between the vowel
of this morpheme and the final vowel of the 1st c.s. independent
pronoun. The suffIx [-tf] « -tft) developed in languages where the
final vowel of the 1st e.s. independent pronoun shifted from -i'i to
-z (carried over from the pt c.s. possessive suffix), i.e. ['anokz] « 'anoki'i
< 'anakft) as in Biblical Hebrew and the Amarna letters from Canaan.
Therefore, since the pt c.s. independent pronoun in Ugaritic is
['anakil] (as confirmed by the syllabic attestation of a-na-ku rUg 5
130 III,12']), Blau conjectures that the vowel of the Ugaritic pt c.s.
verbal suffix did not shift to -z and must have remained [-til].
3. Concerning the final [-a] of the 3rd m.s., one may see it on
forms of verbs with final aleph, e.g. y~'a [ya~a'a] "he (lit) went worth"
(1.2 IV,6; 4.341,21); fn'a [fani'a] "he hates" (1.4 III,! 7); ml'a [mal-
i'a] "it was full" (1.4 I,38). It is probably attested also in syllabic
documentation, viz. i-pi-a [z,ra'a] « y~a'a) "it went out" (PRU VI
101,4'; cf. Rainey 1973:45-47, contra Huehnergard 1987:133); ~a-ma
rta' [~amata] "it was transferred" (PRU III, p. 51,16; cf. Boyd
1975:205-206; this form is also attested without final -a, cf.
Huehnergard 1987: 171).
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THE VERB III
4. As for the 3rd f.s. suffIx, it can be seen in ylat [yll,l'a'at] "it
went forth" (1.18 IV,36) and qr'at [qara'at] "she called" (1.116,2); cf.
the syllabic attestation from the Amarna tablets a-ba-da-at ['abadat]
"it perished" (EA 288,52).
5. For the 3rd m.pI. suffIx [u] one may note ns"'u [nas"a'ulnafi'u]
"they lifted up, raised" (1.16 111,12) and ql'u1 [qara'u] "they have
invoked" (1.161,8). Cf. the syllabic documentation ~a-ma-tU [~amatu]
"they transferred property" (PRU III, p. 90,13) and the Amarna
forms [la]-qa-au [laq~u] "they took" (EA 287,36) and the N stem
form na-a,z-a-qu [naz'aqu] "they hastened" (EA 366,25).
6. Due to the defective Ugaritic orthography and the absence of
a form with final aleph, one cannot tell if the 3rd f.pI. suffIx was
different or identical with that of 3rd m.pI. Perhaps Ugaritic pre-
served the ancient suffix [-a] as in Akkadian and as in a few Biblical
Hebrew examples:
i1~F;lt;l~ n;l~~iJl n;li,piJ 'i11f'?~ "the toWns have been captured and
the forts have been taken" aero 48:41).
~~~~l i1~~~ ~7 ~J't "our hands did not shed" (Deut. 21:7).
THE PREFIX (YQTL) MORPHEMES

1st c. ,
- - - (u) n - - - (u)
2nd m. t - - - (u) t - - - u(na)
2nd m.& f. t - - - a(nz)
2nd f. t - - - i(na) t---nti
3rd m. y - - - (u) ylt - - - u(na)
3rd m.& f. ylt - - - a(nz)
3rd f. t - - - (u) t - - - u(na)
NOTES
1. On the short forms (yqtI0; preterite and jussive) the short u-
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112 CHAPTER SIX
vowel is absent. Likewise, the long suffixes [-rna] and [-una] are
shortened to [-~ and [-u] respectively. In the dual the [-anz] is short-
ened to [-a]. Those distinguishing components are placed in paren-
theses in the table above.
2. The prefIx for 3rd c.du. is y- or t- and the same is true for
the 3rd c.pl. The overwhelming majority of 3rd c.pl. forms have the
t- prefIx (cf. the Amarna letters from Canaan, see Izre'el 1987:79-
90 and Rainey 1996: 11,43-45). Some argue that the plural mor-
pheme is always t- and that the instances of y- can be explained
in another way (cf. Dobrusin 1981:5-14; Izre'el loco cit.). We will see
below that there is no basis for this view and that the U garitic
morpheme can be either y- or t-.
3. The prefIx for 3rd f.pl. is always t- (as in Hebrew) unlike
Arabic where the prefIx is y-. Since 3rd f.pl. forms with third rad-
ical aleph are not documented in Ugaritic, it is difficult to vocalize
the forms at our disposal. We hereby reconstructed them as taqtu-
luna although taqtulnlf is also possible (cf. Arabic yaqtulna and Hebrew
tiqtolna.
4. The forms with fInal -n may not be imperfect only; they can
also be energic or they can be a pt c.pl. suffIx pronoun. Therefore,
it is often difficult to decide between these three alternatives.
THE IMPERATIVE MORPHEMES
The person markers for the imperative are the same for all verb
stems; they are found in fInal position on all forms.
[-8] [ -u]
[-a]
[-r] [-a?]
NOTES
There is no certain attestation to the 2nd f.pl. The form Jrn' (1.24,11)
"hear! (2 nd f.pl.)" may be either an imperative or an absolute infIni-
tive functioning as a fInite verb (see below).
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THE VERB 113
The Strong Verbs

In the following discussion, forms from weak roots may be employed
when they have something to contribute to the subject. Furthermore,
verbs with gutturals are also included, since U garitic distinguishes
no special features for them.
THE G STEM
qtl
In the Semitic languages three basic forms are employed, qatala, qati-
la, qatula. The absence of vowels in U garitic orthography makes it
difficult to discern the vocalic patterns used here. Forms with aleph
as the second radical will give some indication. The examples are
all from qatila, e.g. fik [la'ika] "he sent" (2.46,9); lid [sa'ida] "he
served food" (1.3 1,3); rjl'il [sa'ila] "he asked" (2.63,12).
In the consonantal texts no form was discovered from the qatala
or the qatula pattern, but forms in the qatala pattern are documented
in the syllabic texts, e.g. ~a-ma-r tal bs'amata] "the property was trans-
ferred" (PRU III, p. 51,16); ta-ba-'a [taba'a] "he went away, depart-
ed" (PRUVI 77,1; cf. Rainey 1973:40); ~a-ma-tU bs'amatil] "they trans-
ferred property" (PRU ill, p. 90,13). Further reconstructions are
dependent on comparison with other Semitic languages, e.g. Skb
[sakaba] "he laid down" (1.5 V,19; cf. Biblical Hebrew ::J~tif [Gen.
26:10]); mr~ [manL,fa] "he fell sick" (1.16 1,56,59; cf. the Akkadian
G stative manL,f), etc. However, since the Semitic languages are not
uniform in their choice of basic forms for qt!, the reconstructions
given below may be far from certain and therefore remain hypo-
thetical. Here are some samples:
SINGULAR
pt c.s. - fikt [la'ikti'lj "I sent" (2.14,7); fm't [sami'ti'lj "I heard"
(2.10,7; cf. Biblical Hebrew 3rd m.pI. ~llO~ ITudg. 2:17], and 3rd m.s .
.l2p.~ ITer. 36:13], and in the EA texts, pt c.s. sa-mi-ti7 [sami'tf] [EA
362:5]); 'dbt ['adabtt2J "I have arranged" (1.4 VI,38); rgmt [ragamtt2J
"I spoke" (1.2 IV, 7); 'rbt ['arabti'lj "I entered" (2.16,7); sb't [sabi'ti1J
"I have been satisfied" (1.17 11,20).
2nd m,s. - fikt [la'ik~ "you have sent" (2.39,18); !Jsrt [Gasir~ "you
were lacking" (2.41,17; the form may be D stem); sb't [sabi'~ "you
have been satisfied" (1.17 11,6); I yrt [lui la yarattOj « lui la yaradtD:j
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114 CHAPTER SIX
"may you go down" (1.5 1,6); 'afJt ['afJattdJ « 'afJadtl.tj "you seized,
you held" (1.16 VI,51; following Rainey 1973:55 and contra Segert
[1984:143] who sees a numeral here); rgmt [ragamtOJ "you said"
(2.45,23); r~mt [r~amalr~imtOJ "you are merciful" (1.16 1,33).
2nd f.s. - ribt [raiibn:! "are you verily hungry?" (1.4 IV,33; cf.
Biblical Hebrew pausal 3rd m.pl. ~:lPl [ps 34: 11 ]); gm'it [iami'n:! "are
you verily thirsty?" (1.4 IV,34); l'ikt [la'ikn:! "you sent" (2.82,3; cf.
Bordreuil and Caquot 1980:360); 'anIt ['anafti'1'anifn:! "you are meek"
(1.18 1,16; cf. Smith 1995:792).
3rd m.s. - Skb [fakaba] "he laid down" (1.5 V,19); sgr [sagara] "he
closed (his house)" (1.1411,43); 'afJd ['afJada] "he grasped" (1.10 11,6);
s'id [sa'ida] "he served food" (1.3 1,3); SmtJ [famitJa] "he was happy"
(1.6 111,14); fn'a [fani'a] "he hates" (1.4 111,17); lq~ [laq~] "he took"
(4.338,15); mlk [malaka] "he reigned" (2.47,12); qr'a [qara'a] "he has
invoked" (1.161,4,5,6,7; contra Caquot [TO II, p. 106, n. 322] who
interprets it as Gp stem; this form may be interpreted as an imper-
ative with the volitive -a; cf. irifra, p. 120).
3rd f.s. - l'ikt [la'ikat] "she sent" (2.34,5; 2.36,5,14); rgmt [ragamat]
"she spoke" (2.14,9); qr' at [qara' at] "she called" (1.116,2); 'rbt ['ara-
bat] "(the sun) went down" (1.78,2); tJlqr t1 [tJalaqat] "it perished"
(2.61,13) and perhaps mrl'a1<t> [mali'at] "it was full" (1.10 11,9).
PLURAL
2nd m.pl. - qr'itm [qara'tum(u)] "you have invoked" (1.161,2; cf.

Levine and de Tarragon 1984:650 and 652; contra Caquot [TO II,
p. 106, n. 319] who interprets the form as Gp stem); qb'itm [qaba'-
tum(u)] "you called" (1.161,2; cf. TO II, p. 106, n. 320).
3rd m.pl. - lq~ [laqa~u] "they took" (4,630,7); 'rb ['arabu] "they
entered" (3.3,2); tJlq [tJalaqu] "(the vineyards) perished" (2.61,11); qrr'u1
[qara'u] "they have invoked" (1.161,8). From First waw/yod verbs:
ylb [yatabu] "they were sitting" (1.2 1,21; the form could be G stem
yqtl, cf. irifra, p. 148).
3rd f.pl. - 'rb ['arabii?] "they entered" (1.17 11,26; 1.19 IV,9;
4.145,2); tb' [taba'a?] "they departed" (1.17 11,39).
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THE VERB 115
DUAL
2nd c.du. - mgntm [magantuma] "have you entreated?" (1.4 III,30;

the form may be D stem). For other dual forms in other persons,
cf. the discussion of First wawlyod and Third wawlyod verbs, irifra,
pp. 147 and 163).
3rd c.du. - tb' [taba'a] "(Anat and Baal) departed" (1.4 IV,19) and
also "(Gpn and Ugr) departed" (1.5 1,9); hlk [halaka] "(the two) went
forth" (1.14 II,41; cf. Ginsberg 1946:16 and TO I, p. 518).
yqtl
The Semitic languages distinguished three basic vocalizations for G
stem yqtl - yaqtul(u), yaqtil(u) and yaqtal(u). Yaqattal forms typical of
Akkadian and Ethiopic are not attested in Ugaritic and in other
Northwest Semitic languages (cf. Fenton 1970:31-41 and Marcus
1970b:75-104).
As in Biblical Hebrew (cf. Barth 1894:4-6) and the Canaanite in
the Amarna tablets (cf. Rainey 1978:8*-13* and 1996 II:62-75),
Ugaritic yaqtal(u) shifted to yiqtal(u) (cf. Ginsberg 1939:319-322). In
fact Barth believed that yiqtal(u) was actually the original pattern
and that yaqtal(u) in Arabic was a later development by analogy with
yaqtul(u) andyaqtil(u) (cf. Bloch 1967:22-29). In view of Akkadian and
Amorite evidence, the yaqtal(u) pattern must be recognized as very
ancient. This ancient process may be the result of vocalic polarity
(i.e. dissimilation; cf. Qjmron and Sivan 1995: 17 and nn. 50,51).
The dissimilation of [yiqtal(u)] « yaqtal[u]) occurred with verbs in
which the qtl had the form qatila (or perhaps qatula). For example,
fik [la'ika] "he sent" (2.46,9) alongside 'ifak ['ifaku] "I will send"
(2.30,20); rfl'il [fa'ila] "he asked" (2.63,12) beside 'is"'al ['is"'alu] "I
will ask" (2.32,4). Likewise, this process took place with verbs hav-
ing a guttural consonant in the second or third position, e.g. 'ibq'
['ibqa'u] "I will cleave" (1.19 III, 3); 'il~m ['il~amu] "I eat" (1.16
VI,18); ys"'al [yif'alu] "he asks" (1.124,3); tmt' [timta'u] "she tears (her
clothing)" (1.4 II,6; cf. Ginsberg 1969:132); ysp'u [yispa'u] "he will
eat" (1.1 03+ 1.145,51); ybl' [yibla'u] "he swallows (his tears)"
(1.161,16).
It is possible that many verbs shifted to the yiqtal(u) pattern
although their original form was one of the others, e.g. ys"'ul [yas"'ulu]
"he asks" (5.11 ,2); tfik [tafiku] "you are sending" (2.26,4) and tfikn
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116 CHAPTER SIX
[tafikzna] "you (£s.) send" (2.72,10; for the possibility that these lat-
ter forms are D stem, cf. irifra, p. 135 and TO II, p. 317, n. 3).
These verbs normally take the yiqtal(u) pattern (c£ Segert 1983b:219-
221; note also the Biblical Hebrew '?:l?9t:1 "it acted unfaithfully"
[Lev.5,15] and cll\~ "I am indignant" [Num. 23,8] where one would
expect the yiqtalu pattern).
This pattern of correspondences between the thematic vowel with
the second radical and the prefix vowel (thematic u and i taking
prefix vowel a; thematic a taking prefix z) is helpful in reconstruct-
ing the vocalized forms of the G stem prefix conjugation.
Here are examples of verbal forms from the three G stem pat-
terns (sometimes forms have been used from patterns other than
the strong verbs):
yaqtul(u) - 'amlk ['amluku] "I will reign" (l.6 1,62); 'aqbmh ['aqbu-
ran(n)ahffJ "I will bury him" (1.19 III,5,34); r'arglmk ['argumuka'] "I
will tell you" (l.3 IV,13); 'al 'atJdhm ['a I 'iifJudhum(u)?] « 'al
'a'fJudhum(u)?) "I will surely take them" (l.3 V,22; 1.18 1,9; it is pos-
sible that the form is participle, cf. Verreet 1983a:228); 'aim ['iilumu]
« 'ahlumu) "I strike" (l.82,8, from the root HLM; cf. TO II, p. 66,
n. 182; concerning the absence of the hi cf. supra, p. 34); 'ask ['aSsuku]
( < 'ansuku, from the root NS10 "I will pour" (l.3 IV,24,29); 'amt
['amutu, from the root MW7J "I will die" (1.17 VI,38); 'anfJrn1
['anufJan(n)a, from the root NWij] "I will rest" (l.6 III,18).
yaqtil(u) - 'abky ['abkryu, from the root BlCY] "I will weep" (1.19
III,5,20,34; it is possible that the form is D stem); 'aqny ['aqnryu,
from the root Q,Nl1 "I will create" (1.14 II,4); 'amgy ['amgiyu, from
the root MGl'] "I arrive" (l.21 II,7; this may also be D stem); 'alb
['alibu, from the root lTE] "I will sit" (1.16 VI,38,53); 'ard ['aridu,
from the root YRD] "I will go down" (l.5 VI,25); 'air ['aszru, from
the root SYR] "I will sing" (l.24,38,40); 'astk ['asztukl, from the root
SrI] "I will place you (f.s.)" (1.18 IV,17). One may add here the
syllabic documentation [z] a-ab-,ri-ru [yab,riru] "he will cut down" (Ug
5 153,1).
The yaqtil(u) pattern can also express a causative nuance and some
of the verbs that appear to have that form might also be D stem
since it, too, can have causative meaning (among others). For exam-
ple: bl nmlk [bal namlik] "shall we not enthrone (Yd'-Ylgn)?" (l.6
1,48; which could be D stem, bal namalliklnumallik) and bit nmlk "shall
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we will not enthrone (Athtar the Terrible)?" (1.6 1,54); 'am'id ['am'idu]
"I will multiply" (1.1411,5; this is most likely D stem, i.e. ['ama"idu]);
ts1mk [taflimuld'j "may they see to your (f.s.) welfare" (2.16,6; this is
also most likely D stem, i.e. [tafallimilkiltufallimilkiJ).
yiqtal(u) - 'il'ak ['il'aku] "I will send" (2.30,20); 'is""al ['is""alu] "I
will ask" (2.32,4); 'isp'i. ['ispa'] "let me eat" (1.5 1,5; a jussive form);
r'isp'a1 ['ispa'a] "may I eat" (1.6 V,20; a volitive form); r'ilSlIJ- ['i.f~u]
"I will send" (1.24,21); 'illJ-m ['illJ-amu] "I eat" (1.16 VI, 18); 'iJrm
['ip-amu] "may I dine" (1.16 VI,18); yraf lJirafu] "(the horse) suf-
fers from head sickness" (1.85,18; cf. Cohen and Sivan 1983:32-35);
ykr' lJikra'u] "he knees" (1.10 11,18); yml'u lJimla'u] "(her heart) is
full" (1.3 11,25); ytb' lJitba'u] "he departs" (1.16, VI,39); ysp'u lJis-
pa'u] "he will eat" (1.103+1.145,51); tqru [tiqra'u] "she calls"
(1.100,8,14; 1.107,9,15); ts'ad [tis'adu] "she serves food" (1.17 V,30);
'iq~ ['iqq~u, from the root LQJfJ "I will take" (1.14 IV,H); 'ibi,yh
['ibgayuhli, from the root BG1'] "I will seek her out" (1.3 111,29);
'i.ftynh ['i.ftayan(n)ah/i from the root STI] "I will drink it" (1.4111,16);
'i.ftn ['i.ftannill'i.ftannli] "I may drink it (m.s. or f.s.)" (5.9 1,16); 'iGd
['iGdtlJ « 'iGdaya?) "I am happy" (2.15,10; cf. Verreet 1983a:229-
230 and 1988:218-219; TO II, p. 332, n. 22); 'iphn ['iphan(n)a]
« 'iphayan(n)a, from the root PRy) "I (will) see" (2.31,39) and r'iphl
['iphU] « 'iphayu) "I (will) see" (1.10 11,32; concerning the root PRY
cf. irifTa, p. 168).
The following are examples of G stem verb forms from the var-
ious persons. Due to the limitations of the orthography, many of
the vocalizations are not conclusive.
SINGULAR
1st c.s. - Cf. the many examples cited above.
2nd m.s. - trgml [targumu]. "you shall say" (2.3,18); trp'a [tirpa'a]
"may you heal" (1.114,28); tafa [liBta'a] "you sin" (1.169,5; cf.
Caquot 1984:167; Verreet 1988:204 and TO II, p. 56, n. 132); trs-
[tirsa'a] "you sin" (1.169,6; a yqtla form after tfJ!'a; this is the only
occurrence of the root RS< in U garitic; cf. Caquot and Borderui1
1980:348; Caqout 1984:167-168 and TO II, p. 56, n. 133).
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118 CHAPTER SIX
2nd f.s. - ttbm [tatbunna] "you will break" (2.72,16). Short fonns:
'al td~l(.~ ['al tid~altJ "do not be afraid!" (2.30,21; contra Pardee
[1984:221] who reads ' al tw#n "may she not be discourage"); tmfH
[timlJa,fiJ "may you smite" (1.19 IV, 39); 'al fsr1gn ['al tafrugfnz] "do
not deceive me, (0 Virgin)!" (1.17 VI,34).
3rd m.s. - yml'u [yimla'u] "(her heart) is full" (l.3 1I,25);y:l'~q [Yi,!'~qu]
"he laughs" (1.17 11,10); yp'r [yip'aru] "he pronounces (their names)"
(1.12 1,28); rypl* [yipta~u] "he will open" (l.4 VII,25); ylfzm [yilfzamu]
"he will eat (everything)" (1.115,10; cf. Rainey 1974:194; for the
possibility of interpreting the fonn as 3rd m.pI. cf. Verreet 1988: 117
and n. 42);y!m1lJ [yiSmalJu] "he will rejoice" (1.10 11I,37);ykr' [yikra'u]
"he knees" (1.10 11,18); ymr'u [yimra'u] "he will command" (1.4
VII,50); ytrlJ [yitralJu] "he will pay the bride-price" (l.24,33); Y:l'gd
[yi,!'gadu] "he advances" (1.174,1; cf. Bordreuil and Caqout 1980:346);
ySlm [yis'1am] "may it be well" (2.16,4); yqr'a [yiqra'a] "may he call"
(1.4 VII,47). With suffix pronouns: yqr.'un [yiqra'unz] "he calls me"
(l.5 11,22); y.lmn [yalumannil?] « yahlumanhil, from the root HIM;
concerning the absence of the hi, cf. supra, p. 34) "he strikes him"
(1.114,8); y~mdnh [y~mudan(n)ahit] "(Baal) desires him" (l.92,29).
3rd f.s. - ttM [ti!balJu] "she slaughters" (l.6 1,18); ts'ad [tis'adu] "she
serves food" (1.17 V,30); tqr'u [tiqra'u] "she calls" (1.107,9,15); ttb'
[titba'u] "she departs" (1.16 VI,2); tsp'i [tispa'] "she ate" (l.96,3); tmz'
[timza'u] "she rends (the gannent of Daniel)" (1.19 1,36; cf. Ginsberg
1969:153); t1ld [ta,lkulu] "she bereaves" (1.100,61; cf. Astour 1968:22);
tIpkm [taIpuku-ma] "she spills" (1.17 VI,15); tmdln [tamdulun(n)a] "she
harnesses" (1.19 11,8). With suffIx pronouns: tIrpnn [taIrupan(n)annit]
« taIrupan(n)anhfi) "she burns him" (l.6 11,33); tqbmh [taqburan(n)aMJ
"she buries him" (l.6 1,17).
PLURAL
pt c.pI. - ndb~ [nidb~u] "we will sacrifice" (l.40,41); nlJt'u [nilJta'u]

"we are being destroyed(?)" (2.10,8,10; for the possibility of inter-
preting the fonn as in N stem cf. Gordon 1949: 11 7 and irifra, p.
131); nWm1 [nil~amu/nil~ama] "we eat" (l.23,72); nImlJ [niSmalJ] "let
us be happy" (1.16 1,14); n!,n [n#'anu] "we will thrust" (1.10 11,24;
cf. Ginsberg 1969: 142).
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THE VERB 119
2nd f.pI. - tfJ{'in [titJta'naJ "you are sinning" (1.40,22,23; for the
interpretation "you make purification" cf. TO II, p. 147).
3rd m.pI. - tl~mn [ til~amuna] "they are eating" (1.114,2); t'ikln

[ta'kuluna] "they are eating" (1.12 1,10); tmtlnl [tamturnna] "(the heav-
ens) rain down" (1.6 III,12); tb'ln [tib'aluna] "they are working" (4.141
III,6,8,10); tq~m [tiq~arnna?] "they will be short(?)" (1.103+1.145,33;
cf. Verreet 1988:214); rt1snpn [taSnupuna?] "they offer a snpt-offer"
(1.50,6; this form is probably denominative, cf. Verreet 1988:59).
Short forms: tl~m [til~amu] "they eat" (1.22 1,21); tsmtJ [tiSinatJu] "may
they rejoice" (1.6 1,39); ydm' [yidma'u] "they shed tears" (1.19
IV, 12, 16; cf. Verreet 1988:69); rt1lpln [ta~punu?] "they hided them-
selves(?)" (1.13,15; perhaps the root ZPNis related to Biblical Hebrew
$PN; cf. Verreet 1988:73; TO II, p. 25 interprets the form as 2nd
m.s.).
3rd f.pI. - tf:tspn [taf:tsupuna] "they pour (water)" (1.3 II,38; IV,42);
t'tqn [ta'tuquna] "they will pass" (2.36,17; cf. TO II, p. 408, n. 189).
A short form: t'itJd [ta'tJudu] "they took" (1.19 1,9).
DUAL
pt c.du. - nmgn [namgunu] "we two would entreat" (1.4 III,33; this
could be a D stern form).
2nd c.du. - ttJt'an [titJta'anz] "both of you (= the messengers) crushed

(I defeated)" (1.4 VIII,20; cf. Margalit 1980:84); t'dbn [ta'dubanz] "both
of you prepare" (1.114,13); tmgnn [tamgunanz] "both of you should
entreat" (1.4 III,25; the form may be D stern). A short form: 'al
tqrb ['al tiqraba] "the two of you must not draw near!" (1.4 VIII,15-
16).
3rd c.du. - Short forms: ttb' [titba'a] "the two (messengers) depart-
ed" (1.14 VI,35); tlM [til~aka] "(the two tongs) lick (the heavens)"
(1.83,5; the form may be D stern); trp'a [tirpa'a] "may (Anat and
Athtart) heal (El)" (1.114,28; cf. Rainey 1974:187 and Loewenstamm
1980:380, contra Verreet [1980:224] who interprets the form as 2nd
m.s).
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120 CHAPTER SIX
Imperative
The thematic vowel of the imperative\was evidently ideI\tical to the
thematic vowel in the yqtl(u~ forms. Th~refore, one must assume that
in Ugaritic, as in the other Semitic languages, there were three basic
forms in use in which the vowel of the first radical was identical
\
to the thematic vow~l (cf., e.g. the syllabic example from Arnarna
Canaanite, nu-pu-ul-mz\ [nupul-ml] "fall down!" [EA 252,25]). Thus,
the forms of the imperative in Ugaritic~must have been qatal, qutul
and qitil. It is naturally difficult to disc9m the vowels of imperative
forms. According' to verbs W:ith first aleph, it would appear that the
imperative forms in~luded a vowel with the first radical (rather than
shewa as in Biblical Hebrew). So, for example, 'at ['all] « 'ataw'i/'atay~
\
"come! (f.s.)" (1.6 II,12; \cf. Bl~u 1977a':30-31, contra Ullendorf
[1978:22*] who saw this fOl:m as an indepen~ent 2nd f.s. pronoun);
r'ilrs ['iriS] "request!" (1.17 VI,27; cf. Blau 1977a:30-31 and
1985:293; for the possibilitY that'this might be a D stem impera-
tive, cf. irifTa, p. 136). The following are some examples of imperL
ative forms:
SINGULAR
2nd m.s. - rgm [rugum] "say!" (2.4,2); him [hulum] "smite!" (1.2 IV,21)
and hlmn [huluman(n)a] "smite!" (1.18 IV,22); Pt~ [pata~] "open!"
(1.23,70); l'ak [la'ak] "send!" (2.10,10); rkb [rakab] "mount!" (1.14
II,21); rhlrg [hurug] "kill!" (1.13,5; cf. TO II, p. 22, n. 8); fpl [sapa~
"lower yorselfl" (1.161,22); qr'a [qara'a] "call· out!" (1.161,4,5,6,7,8;
this is evidently an imperative with the\ volitive -a but orthograph-
ically it could also be a qtl form, cf. supra, p. 114). With suffix pro-
nouns: r qrl'an [qara'an(n)'i] "call me!" (1.5 1,23; this form may be
energic without a suffix pronoun, i.e. [qara'an(n)a]).
2nd f.s. - l~m [la~am'i] "eat!" (1.4 IV,35); s'ad [sa'adf] "serve food!"
(1.17 V,20); tbtJ [tabatJ~ "slaughter!" (1.16 VI,17).
PLURAL
2nd m.pI. - Wm 1 [la~amu] "eat!" (1.23,6, following Ginsberg

1936:79); 'db ['adabu] "prepare!" (1.23,54; for the possibility that this
might be a noun cf. TO I, p. 376, n. k).
2nd f.pI. - The only example of an imperative in 2nd f.pI. is in the
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THE VERB 121
following phrase: fmc r'illht krtTl [t] "hear, 0 goddesses, Kotharot!"

(1.24,11) where we would have expected *fmcn. The form could pos-
sibly be an absolute infinitive (i.e. [samaCu]) serving as an infinitive
(cf. discussion further on), but it is also possible that the form of
the 2nd f.pI. imperative did not have a -n suffIx (unlike Hebrew and
Arabic); it may have been like Akkadian and Aramaic, thus, samaca
(cf. Gordon 1965:77).
DUAL
2nd c.du. - hbr [hubura] "(both of you) bow down!" (1.4 VIII,28;
concerning the root HBR in Ugaritic and in Biblical Hebrew, cf.
Blau 1957: 183-184; for the Arabic identical verb cf. Renfroe
1992:42-45); rgm [ruguma] "(both of you) speak!" (1.3 I11,11); tb C
[tabaCa] "(both of you) depart!" (1.5 I1,8).
Active Participle
Singular
Masculine - 'afJd ydy ['aaidu yadiJIa] "(he who) holds my hand" (1.1 7
II, 19); fib [sa'ibu] "(the one ,who) draws (water),' (4.609,15). With
suffix pronouns: n'i/kl [n1i'~ "(he who) reviles you (m.s.)" (1.17
I1,3); n'i,v [na'i,liya] "(he who) reviles me" (1.17 II, 18); sp'u [sapi'u]
"(the one who) eats" (1,17 I1,21; 1.20 I1,1O; cf. further on for the
absolute infinitive); ngr [nagiru] "guard" (1.23,68,69,73; cf. the syl-
labic attestation LUna-IJi-ru [PRU VI 136,9]).
Feminine - qr'it [qari'tu] "(she) is calling" (1.100,2; cf. Verreet

1983a:241; for the possibility of interpreting it as a qtl form cf.
Levine and de Tarragon 1984:652); qrryt [qaniJIatu] "(the one who)
creates, creatress" (1.4 1,22; III,26,30; from the root Q}/'f); rIJpt
[raaip(a)tu] "she hovers(?)" (1.108,8; cf. Rainey 1974:188; contra Pardee
[1988: 105] who interprets it as a qtl form of G or D stem).
Plural
Masculine - mfHm [maai,fuma] "smiters" (4.99,15; 4.124,1); mkrm
[makiriZma] "sellers, merchants" (4.126,9); nqdm [naqiduma] "herdsmen"
(4.126,5); 'aklm ['akiluma] "eaters" (1.12 1,26); y~rm [y~iriZma, from
the root rSRJ "potters" (4.99:11; 4.126,28; it is confirmed by the
syllabic form ia-ri-ru-ma [PRU III, p. 195 B 1,12]); nskm [nasikilma,
from the root NSK] "pourers" (4.43,4; 4.337,3; the form could also
be a noun in the qattal form).
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122 CHAPTER SIX
Feminine - l'ibt [la'ibatu] "drawers (of water),' (1.12 II,59); b/lryt

[bakiyatu] "weepers, mourning women" (1.19 IV,9-1O; from the root
BKr;.
Passive Participle
There are very few forms that can be considered as passive par-
ticiples. The form of these participles can be qaul (as in Biblical
Hebrew and Aramaic [in Aramaic it has become q"um, or it can
be qatil ~ike the verbal adjective in Akkadian), or it can be qatul
(as in Biblical Hebrew and in the Canaanite of the Amarna tablets;
cf. \!Ja-mu-du [~amudu] "desirable" [EA 138:126]).
In the syllabic texts from Ugarit one finds fJa-ri-mu "divided" (Ug
5 137 II,39',40',42'; from the root /fRM;. If this is really a passive
participle, then the reconstructed form would be either [~anmu] or
[~arimu]. But it could be an active participle, i.e. [~arimu]. Also the
form LUa-si-ri ['aszri/'asin] "prisoner" (PRU III, p. 8,24) may be
either qaul or qatil.
It would seem that qatiil also served as a passive participle in
Ugaritic. Thus may be adduced from the alphabetic form l'uk [la'iiku]
"sent", "an envoy" (2.17,4; cf. Gordon 1965:426; Segert 1983b:220
n. 16; Ullendorf 1978:*22b). The following are passive participles:
Masculine singular - l'uk [la'iiku] "sent", "an envoy" (2.17,4; con-

tra TO II, p. 306, n. 7 which interprets it as a qutul form); fkl£y
[kaliiyu/ katryu/ kaliyu] "used up" (1.16 III,13; from the root KLY); ~py
[~apuyu/ ~apryu/ ~apiyu] "plated, overlaid" (2.79,10; from the root SPY;
the form could be 3rd m.s. or m.pI. of qtl, viz. [~upqya] "it was plat-
ed" or [~apqyii] "they plated"); 'uzr ['uziiru?] « 'aziiru?) "girded" (1.17
1,2,7 and passim.; cf. Sanmartin 1977:369-370 and Dietrich and
Loretz 1978:65-66); brr [bariiru/ banru/ bariru] "(the king) is purified"
(1.41,7; cf. TO II, p. 154, n. 45). With suffix pronoun: lbyn
[labuyunn/ d, labryunilld or labiyunn/ tZI "our prisoner(?)" (1.2 IV,30;
from the root SBY).
Feminine singular - ltlt [latiil(a)tu/ latzl(a)tullatis,,(a)tu] "burnished" (1.2

1,32); perhaps also f b1rf ktm1 [bariik(a)tu-ma/ bank(a)tu-ma/ barik(a)tu-ma]
"blessed" (1.l9 IV,32; cf. Gordon 1965:78 and Ginsberg 1969:155).
Feminine plural - bnwt [baniiwatu] « banuyatu?) "creatures, created

things" (1.6 III,5,1l; from the root BM; the waw may have devel-
oped here as a glide); ~pyt [~apuyatu/ ~apryatu/ ~apiyatu] "plated, over-
laid" (4.167,2; from the root SPy).
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THE VERB 123
There were apparently some passive participles built on the maqtul

pattern (as in Arabic), for example m'irtJd1 [ma'tJudu] "plated"
(4.172,6); mdld [modildulmedildu] « mawdudulmaydudu) "beloved,
friend" (1.4 VIII,23-24; the form could also be maqtal; cf. Biblical
Hebrew ,.,)'0. [Num. 11 :26,27]). Feminine singular: mddt [modildatul
medudatu] "beloved, friend" (1.14 II,50; IV,28); mtrtJt [matri1tJ(a)tu]
"(purchased) bride" (1,14 1,13; 1.24,10; the form could be a D stem
passive participle); m~rlt [ma~ri11(a)tu] "ploughed (land)" (1.6 IV,3,14).
Infinitive
Ugaritic has both an absolute and a construct infinitive. These are
identical in their form and vocalization. They are expressed by the
qatalu or the qitlu form (qitlu is used in Biblical Hebrew ;~~iD7 "to
resist him" [Zach. 3: 1], i'!~-;'Pf "while dealing deceitfully with her"
[Exod. 21 :8] ; it is also used in Arabic as m~dar, cf. Blau and
Greenfield 1970: 17). The following are examples:
w yqrb b sal krt "and he drew near while asking [bi-sa'alz] Keret"
(1.14 1,37-38); l'akm 'il'ak [la'aku-ma 'il'aku] "I will surely send"
(2.30,19-20); and likewise in the syllabic documentations: rtJa1-ra-su
[~ara1u] "to plough" (Ug 5 137 III,18'); ba-ta-qu [bataqu] "cut off" (Ug
5 137 II,38'; contra Huehnergard [1987:88] who reads ba-td-lu); pi-
it_r rn1 [Pitru] "to divide" (Ug 5 137 III,2); ni-itJ-rn [nigru] "to guard"
(Ug 5 137 I,ll').
The following are the functions of the absolute and the construct
infinitive. It is clear that in functions documented here, the infini-
tives of other verbal stems can also serve.
The Absolute Infinitive

The absolute infinitive emphasizes a finite verb and precedes it, e.g.:
gm'u gm'it [gama'u gami'tz:] "are you verily thirsty?" (1.4 IV, 34); rgb
rgbt [ragabu ragibtz:] "are you verily hungry?" (1.4 IV,33); mz/ ymzl
[mazalu yamzulu] "verily does he suffer(?)" (1.14 IV,25; cf. Ginsberg
1946:34); skr tSKr [sakaru tasKuru] "verily she will hire(?)" (1.14 IV,22-
23); r'ad1m t'idm ['adamu ti'dam?] "she did indeed rouge (herself)"
(1.19 IV,42; cf. Pardee 1975:376, nn. 69,70); forms with the addi-
tion of enclitic mem: l'akm 'il'ak [la'aku-ma 'il'aku] "I will surely send"
(2.30,19-20); ~mdm y~mdm [~amadu-ma ya~mudu-ma] "verily he will
covet" (1.12 1,38); yd'm l yd't [yada'u-ma la yada'tttj "verily you (m.s.)
knew not" (2.39,14). Forms from middle weak verbs: b'u tb'u [bu'ul
ba'u tabu'u] "verily she comes" (1.16 VI,3); sr ysr sr [sarulsfru yaszru
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124 CHAPTER SIX
Era] "verily he will sing a song" (1.106,15-16); with the addition of

enclitic mem: mtm 'amt [matu-ma/miltu-ma 'amiltu] "verily I will die"
(1.17 VI,38).
There seems to be a lone example in Ugaritic literature in which
the absolute inflnitive follows its flnite verb: ysp'i sp'u [yispa' sapa'u]
"verily he ate" (1.20 11,10). Actually, the form sp'u may be the par-
ticiple [sapi'u] and the meaning of the clause is "the eater ate".
The absolute inflnitive can serve as a flnite verb (cf. Loewenstamm
1980:366, contra Marcus 1969:55-61 and 1970b:64-74). The same
function is found in the Amarna letters from Canaan (cf. Rainey
1996 11:383-390), in Phoenician (cf. Huesman 1956:271-284) and in
Biblical Hebrew ('.~~ n#~l "and I praised" [Eccl. 4,2]; C'''~9 T1i?~~1
"and episdes were sent" [Esth. 3,13]; ~~i11i~;:m "and it was reversed"
[Esth. 9,1]). Typical of these constructions is the lack of agreement
between the subject (person, gender, number) and the verb form
that precedes it, since the inflnitive is a non-flnite form. The inflni-
tive in these constructions always precedes its subject.
The following examples are taken mainly from the strong verbs
with some from weak verbs as the occasion demands:
SmfJ btlt Cnt [samiif!u batul(a)tu canatu] "the Virgin Anat rejoiced" (1.4
V,20); rjlm!J rbt 'a rl1[rt] 'Ylm [samiibu rabbatu 'alir(a)tuyammz] "the Lady
Ashera of the Sea rejoiced" (1.4 11,28-29); ~~q btlt Cnt [m~aqu batul(a)tu
canatu] "the Virgin Anat laughed" (1.4 V,25); w Pt~ rh1w rPa~u
huwa] "and he opened" (1.23,70; it also can be taken as qtl 3rd
m.s.); at'u hw [!Jatli'u huwa] "he is crushed(?)" (1.6 11,23; KTIJ2, p.
26 reads <n>at'u hw; if this is the case then the form may be con-
sidered as absolute inflnitive or participle of N stem); tbC 'ank [tabaCu
'aniiknJ "I departed" (2.17,6); r'a1rkyd 'il ['arlikuyadu 'iii] "the 'hand'
of El grew long" (1.23,34); cbdnn 'ank <k> 'imr b py [cadabun(n)anni'i
'anlikii ka-'immari/'immiri bi-p!ya] "I made him as a lamb in my mouth"
(1.6 11,22; for examples of absolute inflnitives with energic suffixes
cf. Verreet 1988:95); rm1gy hy [magqyu hrya] "she arrived" (2.31,45);
mfyl crtflt Pi1lm [magqyu Cidatu 'ilfma] "the council of the gods arrived"
(1.15 11,11; from the root MG1'); fa smm [la'd samuma] « la'qyu) "the
heavens became strong" (1.6 11,25; from the root L'1'); cn rbt 'atrt
ym [Cand rabbatu 'alir(a)tuyammz] "the Lady Ashera of the Sea answered
[Cand] « Canayu)" (1.6 1,53; from the root cN1').
It happens that in the same sentence a scribe used forms from
one root, once in a flnite form and once as an inflnitive, e.g.:
ttr ks'at I mhr tr 11~nt I ~b'im "she prepares [titaru] chairs for
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THE VERB 125
the soldiers, prepares [ta'aru] tables for the soldiers" (1.3 II,20-
22; for a different translation cf. Cassuto 1965:64).
The infinitive may have served for the imperative in U garitic,
but we do not have clear cut examples. A doubtful one is:
fm' r'i'lht krtr'[t] "hear, 0 goddesses, Kotharot!" (1.24,11).
Since comparison with other Semitic languages indicates that the
imperative should have been *fm'n, it is possible here that fm' is a
command expressed by the infinitive (i.e. fama'u). At the same time,
there is the possibility that fm' is a 2nd f.pI. imperative without the
n-suffix (cf. Akkadian and Aramaic; furthermore cf. p. 121).
The Construct Infinitive

The construct infinitive appears as a bound form with its subject
or its object, and in these instances, the noun stands in the depen-
dent case (genitive).
The construct infinitive may serve as the gerund, e.g.:
hlk klr k yen [halakal hilka k61ari ki':}'a'fnu] "the going of Kothar he
verily sees" (1.17 V,10-11).
hlk bel 'alrt k ten [halakalhilka ba'li 'alir(a)tu kz-ta'fnu] "the going
of Baal Ashera verily sees" (1. 4 II, 13-14).
The construct infinitive can express a circumstantial adverbial
complement dependent on the preposition b- [bi-]. Thus, e.g.:
b ns"'i 'nh w tphn [bi-naia'il nis"'i 'enehli wa-tiphan(n)a] "upon lifting
her eyes, then she saw" (1.4 II,12).
w yqrb b fal krt [wa:}'iqrab bi-fa'ali karta] "and he drew near
while asking Keret" (1.14 1,37-38).
b Jf m" n'mn glm [bi-dama'il bi-dim'i na'mani galmilgulamz] "while
the goodly lad wept" (1.14 II,8).
b rd'm'h [bi-dama'ihf1lbi-dim'ihilJ "during his weeping" (1.14 1,32).
yrIJ b ,rl'[yh] [yarlJu bi-'alliyihf1lbi-'i{yihilJ "during the (moon's)
ascendant" (1.163,12; from the root 'LY).
b y,r'ih[m] [bi:}'a,ra'ihum(il)I bi-yi,r'ihum(il)] "with their going out"
(3.8,9; from the root Y$').
With enclitic mem:
bkm t,rmd p&l [baM-mal biM-ma ta,rmudu pa&lalpu&ala] "while weep-
ing she saddles a young ass" (1.19 II,9), this time without the
preposition.
The construct infinitive can express goal or purpose, usually
dependent on the preposition 1- [le-]. Note the following examples:
npsh I l&m tpt& [napsahil le-la&amille-li&mi tipta&u] "she opens his
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126 CHAPTER SIX
throat (appetite) to eat" (1.16 VI, 11).

'ap 'ilm l <l>~[m] y1.b ['appa 'ilflma le-lalJiimil le-liJ.tmi ya1.abfl] "now
the gods were sitting to eat" (1.2 1,20-21).
l lI}m l sty ~~tkm [le-laf.tamil le-liJ.tmi le-satliyil le-Jityi ~a~tukum(fl)1 ~i~tu
kum(fl)] "to eat and to drink have I called you" (1.15 IV,27;
V, 10; VI,4).
r'a1tltlh .f'ib y~'at ['afJatuhii Ji'ba y~a'at] "his sister has gone to
draw water" (1.16 1,51), this time without the preposition.
THE Gp STEM
The U garitic orthography does not permit the unequivocal identi-

fication of forms from the Gp stem, the passive of G stem (cf.
Marcus 1970a: 102-111). Since there is not documentations of any
pt C.S. forms, the prefix vowel remains unattested in the Ugaritic
consonantal texts. Furthermore, most of the alleged forms of Gp
could also be interpreted as 3rd m.pI. with indefinite subject (cf.
Verreet 1985:324-329). They could likewise be considered as forms
of the N stem. In the following examples, the vocalizations are in
conformance with the evidence from Biblical Hebrew, Arabic and
the Amama letters from Canaan (cf. Jotion and Muraoka 1991:166-
168 and Rainey 1996 11:75-76):
l yrgm l 'al'iryn1 bCl (1.4 V,12) "may it be said [yurgamu or yir-
ragimu (N stem)] to Mighty Baal" or (less likely) "may they say
[yargumfl] to Mighty Baal".
ksp fdb (1.50,11) "silver will be prepared [yucdabu or yiccadibu (N
stem)]", but it might be "they will prepare [yacdubfl] silver" (cf.
Verreet 1988: 112).
tdb ks'u (1.4 V,46) "a chair was prepared [tuCdab or tiCCadib (N
stem)]".
w ltl trrl[k] ks'u (1.106,27-28) "a chair was arranged [tuCrak or
ticcarik (N stem)] for U". (These latter two examples show that
ks'u "chair" is the subject of the respective verbs; it is feminine
as in Akkadian and in Phoenician).
yrpt~l ~ln b bhtm (1.4 VII,17) "a window will be opened [yupta~u
or yippati~u (N stem)] in the house(s)" or (less likely) "they will
open [yipt~fl] a window in the house(s)".
k tl'akn glmm (1.4 V,42-43) "when the two lads are sent [tul'akanz]"
(cf. Rainey 1996 11:75-76, but this could also be passive D stem)
or "when they send [til'akflna] the two lads" (cf. Verreet
1988:226).
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THE VERB 127
hm qrt t'ufJd (1.127,30) "if the city was taken [tu'ltadJ" or "if they
took [ta'audu] the city" (cf. Verreet 1988:234 and Dietrich and
Loretz 1990b:34 n. 199).
ardn yhpk I mlk (1.1 03+ 1.145,52) "our ard will (then) become
fyuhpaku or yihhapiku (N stem)] king" or "they will make fyah-
puku] our ard king" (cf. further Ug 7, p. 57; it seems less like-
ly to interpret the -n as an emphatic element or as n-apodiseos
and not a pronominal suffix, cf. Dietrich and Loretz 1990a:l06
and n. 15).
w hm 'a!p1 I ts'<n m~rm tmkm (3.8,13-16) "and if the thousand
(men) do not travel, they will be sold [tumkarilna or timmakirilna
(N stem)] to Egypt".
rt1fnpn (1.50,6) "they are sacrificed [tufnapuna or tiffanipuna (N
stem)] (cf. TO II, p. 171; the form can also be interpreted with
an active meaning, viz. [tafnupuna] "they sacrifice").
Examples from weak roots:
First yod Verbs:
I ytn bt I ber /1 k 'ilm (1.3 V,3) "let a house be given fyutan] to
Baal like the gods" or "may they give fyatinu] a house to Baal
like the gods" (from the root rTNj.
mlbfytn Ihm (4.168,7-8) "clothing has been given fyutan] to them"
or "they gave fyatanulyatinu] clothing to them".
'ap qfth r/1 rtt1n [y (1.19 1,16-17) "also his bow was not given
[Ia tUtan] to me" or "they did not give [lli tatinu] his bow to
me".
k yld bn [y km 'afly (1.17 II,14-15) "for a son is born fyuladu] to
me like my brothers" (from the root YW).
rgm I 'il ybl (1.23,52,59) "word was brought fyubaO to El" or
"they brought fyabalulyabilu] word to El" (from the root YEL).
y~q b 'aph (1.85,6) "(and the remedy) should be poured
fy~~aquly~aqu] into his nose" (cf. Cohen and Sivan 1983: 18)
or "they should pour fy~iqu] (the remedy) into his nose" (from
the root Y$Q}.
First nun Verbs:
spsg ysk [0 rr1'if (1.17 VI,36-37) "glaze was poured fyussak]
« yunsak) on the head" or "they poured fyassuku] glaze on the
head" (from the root NSK or from YSK or SWK).
Third yodl waw Verbs:
ybn bt I bel km 'ilm (1.4 IV,62-V,1) "let a house be built fyubne]
« yubnay) for Baal like the gods" or "let them build fyabnu]
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128 CHAPTER SIX
« yabniyil) a house for Baal like the gods", and the verb could
also be N stem (i.e. [yibban~ [< yinbaniy]).
bhth tbnn (1.4 VI,16) "his house(s) will be built [tubnuna] « tub-
nayilna)" or "they will build [tabnuna] « tabniyilna) his house(s)",
(the form could have been N stem, i.e. [tibbanuna] [< tinbaniyli-
na]).
111 mrkbt mlk d I ~py (4.167,5-6) "three chariots of the king that
were not overlaid [~upayli/ ~upiyli?] (cf. Gordon 1965:88) or "three
chariots of the king that they have not overlaid [~apqyil]" (from
the root SPY; the form could also be 3rd m.pl. from the D
stem [~appiyil]).
Thus also with regard to the sentence:
~py b !Jr~ n'mm (2.79,10) " ... it was overlaid [~upqya] with choice
gold" or " ... they overlaid [~apqyil/ ~appiyil] with choice gold" (cf.
Bordreuil and Caquot 1979:307; for another interpretation cf.
supra, p. 122).
THE Gt STEM
This stem generally is reflexive of the G stem. It is characterized

by the addition of a t-infix after the first radical. It survives in
Biblical Hebrew in the two place names '?i~Dtq~ (Jos. 15:33; 19:41)
and l!~I;1tq~ (Jos. 21:14) and possibly ~i?I;17~ (Jos. 21:23) and i1P.I;17~
(Jos. 19:44). One may perhaps add the forms "iP~l7l'} (Judg. 20:15)
and "'Pffl7liJ "they were mustered" (Judg. 20:15); cf. Cowley 1910:151.
On the other hand, Gt is known in Aramaic, Arabic and there are
a few traces in Phoenician (=]onnn and l::lnnn [.RAJ 1,2]) and in
Moabite (e.g. cnn'?~, [Mesha' inscription, line 19]).
In Ugaritic the object of a Gt verb usually precedes it, but there
are a few instances when the object follows the verb. Thus, e.g.:
mamft y'itsp rs'fpl "the fifth, Resheph gathered up (to himself)"
(1.14 1,18-19).
ytmr b'l bnth "Baal beholds his daughters" (1.3 1,22-23).
qtl
Hoftijzer (1971a:361-364) followed by Tropper (1990b:373) saw that
in U garitic there are two attested forms of Gt qtl from the root S'R
"to remain", viz.:
'ift'ir "It remained ['ifta'ira] (in the fields)" (1.18 IV,15).
'arb' 'frh fmn d lq~t llgrjy w kd 'ift'ir 'm qrt "fourteen Gars) of oil
which Tlggy has taken and (one) jar remained ['ifta'ira] for the
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THE VERB 129
city" (4.290,1-3; for the view that 'ift'ir was the name of a type
of wine, cf. Loewenstamm 1980:81-82; for the view that it is
a kind of food, cf. de Moor 1965:361 or a kind of commodi-
ty, cf. Pardee 1976:250).
If Hoftijzer's proposal is correct, then the Gt qtl has a prosthet-
ic aleph and a thematic i-vowel (cf. Sivan 1990b:311-313).
yqtl
The prefIx vowel is i (cf. examples below). The thematic vowel is
hard to determine. The only verb in which we have documenta-
tion for the thematic vowel is S'L "to ask", and the attested forms
are tft'il and yst'al. These examples show both i and a. The inven-
tory of other· Semitic languages is not uniform. In some languages
the thematic vowel of Gt yqtl is i (as in Aramaic) and there are
others where it is a (as in Arabic). Seemingly, the Ugaritic evidence
points to both i and a.
The form that supports thematic i is tfril [tifta'ilu] "you will inves-
tigate, take an interest" (2.17,15; cf. Rainey 1987:395). The context
is badly broken and the whole tablet is in bad shape. The editors
of KJV separated the components of the word, tft 'il "you will
place, 0 E1" (a suggestion that does not help the understanding of
the text; in the second edition [1995] the editors read tfril, name-
ly one word). Therefore, this is not a firm context on which to
base the thematic vowel.
The form that supports an a-vowel is ysr al [yifta' alu] "he will
inquire" (2.42,23; 2.70,12; 2.71,10). In all three instances the con-
text is solid and the meaning is perfectly clear. Some recognized
here the true thematic vowel (B1au 1979a:61-62; and cf. Amarna
yi-if-ta-al [EA 280,25]). There is no cause to take these forms as Dt
(i.e. tD with metathesis) as Huehnergard (1985:402) suggested, or to
see them as a passive Gt as proposed Rainey (1971a:167; 1987:395)
following the Arabic; nor can it be taken as an a-vowel that devel-
oped from original i-vowel under the influence of the aleph (cf.
Herdner 1978:77).
Mter all that has been said above, it would seem that the evi-
dence is not sufficient to make a definitive judgment about the Gt
yqtl thematic vowel. Therefore, in all the proposed reconstructions
given below, both possibilities will be given (cf. further Sivan
1990b:311-312 and Tropper 1990b:371-373). The following are
examples from yqtl:
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130 CHAPTER SIX
Singular
pt C.s. - 'i~trs ['i~taraSul'i~tarisu] "1 will perform sorcery" (1.16
V,26); 'irm1tIH ['imtaa~ul'imtaa~u] "1 will smite" (1.3 IIl,46); 'istql
['iStaqalal'iStaqila) "1 may enter" (1.100,72; the root is SQL and not
QYL in the St stem; cf. Greenfield 1979:327; Loewenstamm 1984:
357-358; Tsumura 1974:412 n. 54; contra Segert 1984:199 and
Pardee 1988:59).
2nd m.s. - tmtrIH1 [timtaaafuitimtaa~u] "you will smite" (1.6 Vl,24-25).
3rd m.s. - y'itmr [yi'tamarulyi'tamiru] "he views (a burnished sword)"

(1.2 1,32; for the suggestion that this form is 3rd m.pl., cf. Watson
1981:191) and ytmr [yitamarulyitamiru or yittamarulyittamiru] « yi'ta-
marulyi'tamiru) "he views (his daughters)" (1.3 1,22; cf. Rainey 1996
II:93); yrt~ [yirta~~ulyirta~~u] "he washes himself' (1.14 IIl,52); y'it-
sp [yi'tasaplyi'tasip] "(the pestilence) gathered in" (1.14 1,18); y'itlm
[yi'talamulyi'talimu] "he is guilty" (4.398,5); fy'iltbd [yi'tabadulyi'tabidu]
"he will be lost" (1.14 1,24); ystql [yiStaqalulyiStaqilu] "he enters"
(1.1 00,68; 1.114,17); ystkn [yiStakanulyiStakinu] "he will establish (a land
of sovereignty)" (1.4 VII,44; the form might be from the root KWN,
in that case the form has to be interpreted as a St stem, but it is
less likely, cf. Dietrich and Loretz 1974:47-53).
3rd f.s. - tmtaf [timtaaaful timtaaifU] "she fights" (1. 3 II,5-6); tatfb
[tia~abul tiat~ibu] "she struggles" (1.3 II,6); tstql [tiStaqalul tistaqilu]
"she enters" (1. 3 II, 18); tptf rl' [tiptara'ul tiptari'u] "she washes herself'
(1.13,19; cf. TO II, p. 25 and n. 26; contra K77J2 which reads tkr')
and with the energic suffix: tmtafn [timtaa~an(n)al timtaa~an(n)a] "she
fights" (1.3 II,23).
Plural
3rd m.pl. - t'it1mn [ti'talamflnal ti'talimflna] "they will be guilty"
(4.398,2,3; cf. Sanmartin 1978:351).
Dual
3rd c.du. - rt1qr tn1fn [tiqtan~ani/tiqtan~anzJ "(the two of them) bow
down in childbirth" (1.23,58; cf. TO 1, p. 376, n. h).
Imperative
The imperative has a prosthetic ['i-] as can be demonstrated from
the form 'iStm' ['iStama'I'istami'] "give heed!" (1.16 VI,29,42). Another
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1HE VERB 131
form is w tqg [wa-~t)aqaglwa-~t)aqzg] « wa-'iwtaqaglwa-'iwtaqig or wa-

'fytaqag/wa-'fytaqij; "and attune (the ear)!" (1.16 VI,30,42; for anoth-
er explanation that sees this form as being G stem from the root
TQ,G, cf. Oberman 1946:244 n. 25 and Blau 1977b:71). In anoth-
er context, the scribe chose to use the jussive instead of the imper-
ative, thus: htlM [tirtaJ;011 tirtaJ;i1] "wash yourself!" (1.14 11,9).
THE N STEM
The forms from this stem are few and difficult to interpret. The
characteristic feature of the stem is the [n-] morpheme which is
preserved in the qtl conjugation and on the participle; it assimilates
to the first radical in the yqtl conjugation.
qtl
These forms begin with the [na-] morpheme as can be seen in the
syllabic attestation of the 3rd m.pl. na-ap-fa-ru [napfaril] "they
exchanged" (PRU III, p. 89,5; cf. Huehnergard 1987:167). The same
morpheme is preserved in Biblical Hebrew ('Ji~ [< naw/ada] [Bcd.
4:14], :J9~ [< nasbaba] O"os. 18:14], etc.) and the Arnarna letters from
Canaan as seen in the forms na-az-a-qu [naz'aqu] "they hastened"
(EA 366,25), na-aq-~a-ap-ti [naq~aPtf] "I am upset" (EA 93,4-5) and
na-aq-~a-pu [naq~apu] "they were angry" (EA 82,51; cf. Rainey 1996
11:376-377). The following are examples from Ugarit in the alpha-
betic script and in the syllabic documentation:
Singular
3rd m.s. - n11~ [naslalza] "he was sent" (2.34,14); ns1J:t [nas'ka{za] "it
was found" (2.38,15; cf. Pardee 1976:289 and n. 634); nplt [naplafa]
"he was saved" (2.82,4; cf. Bordreuil and Caquot 1980:359; Pardee
1984:222); nkfy [naklqya] "It was used up" (4.213,24; from the root
KLy;'
3rd f.s. - nlq~t [nalq~at] "it was taken" (4.659,1).
Plural
3rd m.pl. - nat'u [naata'u] "they have been crushed" (2.lO,10; cf.
Gordon 1949: 11 7; it could also be pt c.pl. of G stem, cf. p. 118);
syllabic attestation: na-ap-fa-ru [nap/aril] "they exchanged" (PRU III,
p. 89,5; cf. Huehnergard 1987:167).
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132 CHAPTER SIX
yqtl
Singular
1st c.s. 'il~mn ['illa~iman(n)a] « 'inla~iman[n]a) "let me make war"
(2.82,20; cf. Bordreuil and Caquot 1980:360; the root LlfM in this
same meaning appears in ml~mt [mal~am(a)tu] "war" [1.3 III, 15;
IV,8,28]).
Plural
3rd m.pI. - tmkm [timmakirilna] « tinmakirilna) "they will be sold"
(3.8,16; the form could also be Gp stem).
3rd f.pI. - tntkn [tinnatikuna] "(the tears) are poured out" (1.14 1,28;
from the root NTl0.
Dual
3rd c.du. - ym~!Jn [yimm~i!Janz] « yinm~i!Janz) "they tread on each
other" (1.6 VI,20); 0grn [tiMagiranz] « tin~agiranz) "both of them are
girded" (1.23,17).
Imperative
There are no attestations for the imperative; however, the jussive is
used, thus:
f tlrt~~ w t' adm r~~ [yFdk1 'amt "wash yourself and redden
[ti"adim] « tin'adim) yourself, wash your hands up to the
forearm!" (1.14 II,9-1O).
Participle
Singular
Masculine - nkbd [nakbadu] "honored" (1.39,2; for another reading,
cf. Herdner 1963:118 and also KTIJ2, p. 74); np?-l [nap?-alu?] " ? "
(1.169,15; the root PZL is unknown elsewhere, perhaps it should be
compared with Biblical Hebrew P$L "to split"; cf. Bordreuil and
Caquot 1980:348 and TO II, p. 59, n. 154).
Irifinitive
The syllabic attestations show that the infinitive forms are naqtalu.
Thus, na-ap-ta-\ra [naNara] "exchange, to exchange" (PRU III, p.
80,14-15; cf. Huehnergard 1987:167); with Akkadian pronoun: na-
ba-dZ-fsuUnu1 [na'badisunu] "their flight" (PRU III, p. 37,7).
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lHE VERB 133
THE D STEM
This stem expresses factitive, causative, and intensive (c£ Blau

1970a:228-233). This was certainly the situation in Ugaritic.
qtl
From the syllabic attestations it has been established that the vow-
els of this pattern are a after the first radical and thematic i after
the middle radical, i.e. qattila. Note the form sal-li-ma [sallima] "he
paid" (Ug 5 96,1,16,18,21,23) and sa-li-ma [sallima] (Ug 5 96,3,5,8).
This information can shed light on the problem of the vocalization
of the D stem suffIx conjugation in the Northwest Semitic languages
(cf. Blau 1971b:152-158; Izre'el 1976:60-64; Huehnergard 1992:216-
218"; Rainey 1996 11:310-311). Since the vocalization of the D stem
is the same as that of the H or S stems, it is possible to determine
the vocalization for Ugaritic S stem suffix conjugation forms (cf.
irifra, p. 138, and Huehnergard 1987:182). The following are exam-
ples of the D stem qtl:
Singular
pt c.s. - tJsrt [bassirti't] "I took away" (1.6 11,17; for this root in G
stem, c£ supra, p. 113).
3rd m.s. - l slm [ta sallima] "he did not pay" (4.755,1); l 'abd [ta
'abbida] "he did not caused to be destroyed" (1.2 IV,3; c£ TO I,
p. 134, n. e; for another explanation cf. Ginsberg 1936:75-76).
Plural
3rd m.pI. - slm [sallimu] "they paid" (4.342,5).
Dual
2nd c.du. - mgntm [maggintumii] "have the two of you entreated?"
(1.4 111,30; the form could also be G stem).
yqtl
It is diffIcult to identifY D stem forms because their consonantal
structure is identical to the G and N stems. The vowel of the 1st
c.s. prefix is a. There is no documentation for the prefix vowel of
the other persons; it could be a as in the 1st c.s. or it could be u
as in other Semitic languages and in the D participle at Ugarit (c£
below). .
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134 CHAPTER SIX
The a in 18t C.s. shows that Ugaritic behaved like Biblical Hebrew
in the D stem as seen by the ~ataph-pata~ in Biblical Hebrew forms
(e.g. '#1~). In this regard Ugaritic and Biblical Hebrew differ from
Akkadian or Arabic where the 18t c.s. prefix vowel is u.
The Amarna letters from Canaan might suggest a third possibil-
ity, viz. an i-vowel; note e.g. la-a ti-ka-pi-lu [la tikappilil] "they do
not curl up" (EA 252,18; following von Soden 1967b:42; c£ Steiner
1980:513-518). In fact, it is more likely that the verbal form in
question is G stem here in the pattern of the Akkadian present-
future (cf. Rainey 1989-90:68-69). The prefix i-vowel of D stem
verbs in the Amarna texts from Canaan is evidently analogy to the
G stem where the analogous extension of the i-prefix vowel (from
3rd m.s.) was at work (cf. Rainey 1996 II: 135-136).
The vowel in 18t C.S. is not decisive for fixing the vowel of the
other persons. In addition, many forms that one might take for D
stem could also be G. For example, 'abql "I will request" (1:6 IV,20)
is interpreted in accordance with the comparison to Biblical Hebrew
tlip:;;l~ [2 Sam. 4: 11] as D stem [' abbaqilu]. As a G stem form, it
might be something like ['abqilu].
SOl1'etimes the texts themselves help us to distinguish the stem,
e.g. 'isl~ ['ifla~u] "I will send" (1.14 V,2l; 1.24,21) is G stem, while
'asl~k ['asalli~ukff] "I will dispatch you (m.s.)" (1.17 VI,28) can be
taken as D stem. The following are examples of probably D stem
from the vanous persons.
Singular
pt C.s. - 'am'id ['ama"idu ] "I will multiply" (1.14 II,5; the form
could be i-theme G stem); 'abql ['abbaqilu] "I will request" (1.6 IV,20);
'ang~ ['anaggi~u] "I will gor~" (1.172,8); 'arrb1p ['arabbzjJU] "I will
hover" (1.18 IV,21; it can also be interpreted as G stem). With suf-
fix pronouns: 'agrs"km ['agarrifukum(il)]; "I will expell you (m.pl.)" (3.9,6-
7); r'a1bSrkm ['abassirukum(il)] "I bring you (m.pl.) tidings" (1.19 II,37;
cf. TO I p. 448, n. k); 'aWm 1 ['abakkiranna] « 'abakkiranht/) "I will
give her birthright" (1.15 III, 16); 'almdk [' alammiduka] "I will instruct
you (m.s.)" (1.18 1,29); ~am.lkn ['amallikannit] « 'amallikanhli) "I will
I
enthrone him" (1.6 1,46; possibly a G stem).
2nd m.s. - tl'ik [tala"ikultula"iku] "you are sending" (2.26,4; cf. TO

II, p. 317, n. 3; for the possibility of seeing here a G stem, c£
Segert 1983b:221, and our remarks supra, p. 115).
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THE VERB 135
2nd f.s. - t'arinl [ta'amSi"naltu'arrnlna] "you are requesting" (l.3

V,28; here it is virtually impossible to take the form as G stem
because the 'a almost never acts as vowelless aleph, cf. supra, p. 17);
tl'ikn [tala"ikinal tula"ikina] "you will dispatch" (2.72, lO; cf. Verreet
1988:53; it could perhaps be G stem [cf. Segert 1983b:221] or N
stem [cf. Tropper 1991a:356-358], also cf. supra, p. 115-6). Short
forms: tfdlbr [tadabbiiiltudabbiii] "you manage(d)" (2.72,18); 'al t'apq
['al ta'appiqzltu'appiqz] "do not restrain(?)" (1.169,12; cf. Caquot and
Bordreuil 1980:349).
3rd m.s. - yml'u [yamalli'ulyumalli'u] "he will fill" (1.16 V,28); y'ars
[ya'amsulyu'arriSu] "he will request" (1.14 1,42); yIJms [yalJammiSul
yuIJammisu] "he will quintuple" (1.16 V,17); ysb' [yafabbi'ulyufabbi'u]
"he will multiply seven times" (1.16 V,20); ybqt [yabaqqitulyubaqqitu]
"he will seek out" (2.42,26); yb'r [yaba"irulyuba"iru] "he will destroy,
exterminate" (1.1 03+ 1.145,58); yrlmr [yarlammirulyurlammiru] "he will
sing" (1.108,3); ykbd [yakabbidulyukabbidu] "the king is honoring"
(1.171,4); ybrkn [yabamkan(n)alyubamkan(n)a] "he blesses" (l.77,2); yq~n
[yaqalli!;an(n)alyuqalli!;an(n)a] "he cries defiance(?)" (l. 4 III,12; cf.
Ginsberg 1969: 132); y'ar slp [ya'assipulyu'assipu] "he assembles"
(1.107,36; cf. the G stem orthographies, y'isphm [ya'supuhum(u)] "he
collects them" [1.12 II,24] and t'ispk [ta'supuk~ "[the hand of Aqhat]
collects you (m.s.)" [1.19 II, 17], and cf. supra, p. 17).) With suffIx
pronouns: ypl!k [yapallitukt1lyupallituk~ "he will deliver you (m.s.)"
(1.18 1,13); yl;slnn [yabassi,lan(n)anntflyubassilan(n)annlij "he will devastate
it (= the land)" (1.1 03+ 1.145,38).
3rd f.s. - tkbd [takabbidultukabbidu] ",she honors" (1.17 V,30). With

suffIx pronouns: tkbdnh [takabbidan(n)ahlll tukabbidan(n)ahflJ "she honors
him" (1.6 1,38).
Plural
pt c.pI. - nml'u [namalli'ulnumalli'u] "we will fill" (1.119,31,32); nmlk
[namallikulnumalliku] "we will enthrone" (1.6 1,48,54; this could be
G stem, causative with i-theme).
3rd m.pI. - trIJpn [taraIJIJipunalturaIJIJipuna] "they hover" (1.18 IV,20,

31; it can also be interpreted as G stem); tbqm [tabaqqirunal tubaqqirnna]
"they attend to(?)" (1. 78,5). A short form: tbrk [tabarrikill tubarriku]
"may (the gods) bless" (1.15 III,17).
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136 CHAFfER SIX
Dual
2nd c.du. - tmgnn [tamagginaniltumagginanz] "are (the two of) you
entreating?" (1.4 111,28; this could also be G stem).
3rd c.du. - tmgnn [tamagginaniltumagginanz] "both of them should

entreat" (1.4 111,25; this could also be G stem). With suffIx pro-
noun: y'msn.nn fya<ammisan(n)an(n)anntilyu<ammisan(n)an(n)anniij "(Tkmn
and Snm) carry him (= E1)" (1.114,18; it seems that E1 is not the
subject of this verb; cf. TO II, p. 76 and n. 239). A short form:
trp'a [tarappi'alturappi'a] "may (Anat and Athtart) heal (E1)" (1.114,28;
cf. Rainey 1974:186; this form could also be G stem).
Imperative
Singular
2nd m.s. - bql [baqqil] "seek (him)!" (2.39,34); r'ilrs ['irris1 « 'arris')
"request!" (1.17 VI,27; in accordance with the yqtl forms of this
verb it is more likely that they and the imperatives are D stem and
not G stem; concerning the assimilation of the first vowel in the
imperative, cf. supra, p. 120 and also Sivan 1990a:313-315).
2nd f.s. - ems m< ['ammisz ma,] "load up!" (1.6 1,12); kbd [kabbidf]
"honor!" (1.17 V,20).
Dual
2nd c.du. - kbd [kabbida] "(both of you) honor!" (1.3 111,10).
Participle
Akkadian and Arabic indicate that the principle morpheme for the
D participle is a prefix [mu-]. It would appear that the same held
true for the Northwest Semitic languages as indicated by the per-
sonal name attested in syllabic script, viz. mu-na-tJi-mu [munaNzimu]
"Menahem" (PRU VI 40,31), cf. mn&m (4.232,45 and many other
passages). That the name is attested at Ugarit is not conclusive proof
that it is Ugaritic, but the many alphabetic attestations strongly sug-
gest that it is. That particular root, NlfM "to console", is not native
to Akkadian. It is highly likely, therefore, that the D participle in
V garitic was muqattilu.
Singular
Masculine - ml¥ [mulatJtJiSu] "a conjurer" (1.100,42,53); m'atJr
[mu'atJtJiru] "one who comes late" (1.166,8; cf. Bordreuil and Caquot
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THE VERB 137
1979:303, contra Cazelles [1979:264], who took the vocable for the
preposition m(n) plus 'alJr). With suffix pronoun: mCmsh [muCammisuhd]
"he carries her" (1.17 1,30); mCmsy [muCammist] "he carries me" (1.17
11,20; for the yod as a mater lectionis, cf. supra, p. 14).
Plural
Masculine - ml rqdm [muraqqiduma] "dancers" (1.108,4-5; cf. Pardee
1975:344 and Loewenstamm 1980:325 and n. 13a; for its interpre-
tation as a noun, cf supra, p. 72).
Feminine - mmfat [mumalli'atu] "the ones who fill" (1.14 111,10;

V,2).
lrifinitive
The infinitive is documented in the syllabic texts, pu-la-fu [pullafu]
"to deliver, to rescue" (Ug 5 137 11,20'). The thematic vowel is
probably not long, since the parallel hybrid forms in the Amarna
texts from Canaan do not reflect the shift of a to o. Note, for exam-
ple, u-sa-ar [uSsar] "to send, dispatch" (EA 117,44,50; cf. Rainey
1970a:181; Sivan and Cochavi-Rainey 1992:57-58, contra Blau and
Greenfield 1970: 17). The Amarna texts also have another D infini-
tive form, lJal-li-iq rtJalliq] "to destroy, to cause loss" (EA 250:7; cf.
Rainey 1996 11:379). An apparent alphabetically D infinitive is also
documented: brk:m ybrk [burraku-ma yabarrikulyubarriku] "he verily will
bless" (1.15 11,18).
THE Dp STEM(?)
The form tfakn (1.4 V,42) is usually taken as Gp or as a 3rd m.pI.
G form (cf. supra, p. 126). On the other hand, it is more likely that
this is an example of the Dp, i.e. [tala" akiinil tula" akam] "(the two
lads) are sent". It w'ould appear that the Dp thematic vowel is in
accordance with Arabic and with the attestation from Kamed el-
L8z tu-wa-aS-sa-ru-na [tuwaSsarilna] "they may be sent" (KL 72:600,11-
12; cf. Rainey 1996 11:12).
It would appear that a Dp form is attested in the following sen-
tence:
tqrm ymy bClhn "the days of their (f.pI.) lord will be short(?)
[taq01~ariltlaltuq01~arilna]" (1.103+ 1.145,33; cf. Dietrich and Loretz
1990b:99,130; for the possibility that the form is G stem, cf.
supra, p. 119).
More problematic is the form m;.m'a (1.15 1,2). This may be a
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138 CHAPTER SIX
passive participle of the D stem, i.e. [mu~amma'a] "shriveled up" (cf

Blau 1977b:75 followed by Verreet 1983a:248), but it might also be
a noun meaning "thirst".
THE tD STEM (?)

qtl
Singular
3r~ m.s. - w tk:ms [wa-~t)akammisalwa-~t)akammasa or w8-takammisal
w8-takammasa] « wa-'it[a]kammisalwa-'it[a]kammasa?) "and he stretched"
(1.12 11,54). There is no way to know if the w-conjunction obvi-
ated an original prosthetic aleph, that is [*'i~a)kammasal*'i~a)kammisa]
or whether the form did not have such a morpheme.
Imperative
Singular
2nd m.s. - tbIr [tabaffarltabafSir] "receive good news!" (1.4 V,26).
This form could also be a yqtl form of Dp jussive [tabaffarltubaffar]
(cf. TO I, p. 209, n. d and Verreet 1988:190, n. lO).
THE S STEM
The causative stem in U garitic has a f- prefIxed and infIxed mor-
pheme as its marker, as in Akkadian and unlike Aramaic (which
has ha- or 'a-), Biblical Hebrew (which has ha- or hi-), Canaanite
(which has hi, e.g. lJi-ifJ-bi-e [EA 256,7]), or Phoenician (which has
y-). Dahood (1957:62-73 and 1965:24-25) sought to prove that there
were also Aphel forms in Ugaritic, but Merrill (1974:40-49) has con-
vincingly refuted all his arguments.
qtl
Since the vocalization of the D stem was identical to that of the
causative stem in the Semitic languages, one may conjecture that
the vowels in the S stem in Ugaritic were thematic i with a as the
vowel of the stem marker, i.e. faqtila (cf. discussion of the D stem
morphology, supra, p. 133).
Singular
3rd m.s. - fr~q [far~iqa] "he drove ofF' (1.3 IV,40). With suffix pro-
noun: flbfn [falbifan(n)i't] "(Baal) has dressed him" (1.5 V,23; cf. TO
I, p. 249; Rin and Rin 1996:299, contra Verreet [1988:97] who inter-
prets it as an infInitive with pronominal suffIx).
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THE VERB 139
3rd f.s. - flyt [fa'liYat] "she raised up" (6.13,1; from the root 'Lf).
Plural
3rd m.p!. - fqrb [faqribu] "they offered a sacrifice" (1.40,26).
yqtl
The form is evidently yafaqtilulyufaqtilu. The vowel of the 1st c.s.
prefIx is a, as seen in the examples given below. As with the D
stem, the 1st C.S. vowel may not represent the vocalization of the
other persons; the latter might be either a as with 1st c.s. or it
could be u as in Arabic and Akkadian. The thematic vowel is i as
demonstrated by the S stem example from the root S L "to ask",
namley yf?il [j>afas"'ilulyufas"'ilu] "he causes to ask" (2.18,5). Note the
following examples:
Singular
pt C.S. - 'afrb' ['afarbi'u] "I will make fourthfo1d" (1.17 V,3; cf.
Rabin 1963:111 and Gibson 1978:107, contra Gordon [1965:482]
who translates "to bring"); 'asnlk ['afahliku] "I will lead" (1.3 V,24;
for the root HLK cf. p. 146). With suffix pronoun: 'afsprk ['afaspiruMJ
"I will cause you (m.s.) to count" (1.17 VI,28).
2nd m.s. - With suffIx pronouns: w 'al ts"'ilJrhrm1 [wa-'al

tafa'tJirhum(u)I tufa'tJirhum(itJ] "do not cause them (m.p!.) to delay"
(2.79,4; cf. Bordreuil and Caquot 1979:306).
3rd m.s. - yfs"'il [j>afas"'ilulyufas"'ilu] "he causes to ask" (2.18,5); yfl~m

[j>afal~imulyufal(zimu] "he causes to eat" (1.17 11,32).
3rd f.s. - tfl~m [tafal~imultufal~imu] "she causes to eat" (1.17 V,29);

ts'<rb [tafa'ribultufa'ribu] "she causes to enter" (1.15 IV,17); tf~~q
[taf~~iqultuf~~iqu] "she causes to laugh" (2.25,5).
Plural
3rd m. pI. - tfflmn [tafaflimunal tufaflimuna] "they render (service or
taxtes)" (4.95,1; cf. Gordon 1965:491a; according to KT7J2 the form
is an error for *tflmn). One may add here the form tiJ.krn
[taMkirnnaltulalkirnna] " ? " (1.15 1,3, from the root TKR(?); cf. TO
I, p. 536, n. b). A short form: l yfb'l [la-yafab'ilulyufab'ilu] "they did
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140 CHAPTER SIX
not cause to make" (2.70,27; cf. Herdner 1978:78; Verreet 1988:170,

n. 93). With suffIx pronouns: ts7J!'a.nn [taJa!J#'an(n)annfiJtu.fa!Jti'
ar(n)annitj "they aroused(?) him" (1.19 111,45; the aleph may be a
mater lectionis and the root is {fWT; cf. Caquot 1956:39; Gordon
,1965:401; Verreet 1988:28).
Imperative
2nd m.s. - Sf qrb1 [saqrib] "present!" (1.16 1,44); sskn m [saskin ma,]
C
"give heed (to)!" (1.4 1,20; cf. Dietrich and Loretz 1990b:78-79).
2nd f.s. - Sl~m [salfzimr] "give to eat!" (1.17 V,19).
Participle
There is no direct documentation for the prefIx vowel, but it may
be assumed that it is like the D stem. The other vowels are con-
jectural, based on analogy with other Semitic languages.
Singular
Masculine - mfm!r [mufam#ru] "the god who rains" (1.174,9; cf.
Bordreuil and Caquot 1980:346).
Plural
Feminine - mSspfd't [mufaspidiitu] "mourners" (1.19 IV, 10).
Irifinitive
Shcr [subcaru?] "to illuminate", "to gleam" (1.4 IV,16; perhaps sbcr is
a noun meaning "torch"); S'mtr [Sitmtaru.~ "cutting(?)" (1.41,2; cf.
Levine and de Tarragon 1993:93-94).
The First NUN Verbs and the Root LQIf

THE G STEM
qtl
Singular
2nd m.s. - nprl1t [napal~ "you fell" (1.107,10).
3rd m.s. - npl [napala] "he has fallen" (1.12 11,53). With suffix pro-
noun: ngfnn [nagafan(n)an(n)itj "he approached him" (1.114,19; cf. TO
II, p. 76).
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THE VERB 141
3rd f.s. - lq~t [laqabat] "she took" (4.290,2); ns""at [na.l'Z")atlnaJa'at] "she
lifted up" (1.92,27).
Plural
3rd m.pl. - ns"'u [na.l'Z")ul naJa'u] "they lifted up, raised" (1.16 111,12);
ndr [nadaril] "they devoted" (2.13,14; 2.30,13).
yqtl
The first radical nun verbs and the lamed of the root LQJI assimi-
late to the following consonant whenever they are vowelless.
Therefore, in cases when one of them appears in the consonantal
orthography, it must be assumed that a vowel separates them from
the next consonant, so the form should be either D stem or N
stem. The assimilation of the lamed in LOll is also typical of Biblical
Hebrew and Phoenician. Examples of the various forms follow:
Singular
pt c.s. - 'iq~ ['iqq~u] « 'ilq~u) "I will take" (1.14 IV,41); 'ask
['assuku] « 'ansuku) "I pour out" (1.3 IV,24,29).
3rd m.s. - ypl [yappulu] « yanpulu) "he falls" (1.2 IV,5); yf ql [yiffaqu]
« yinfaqu) "he kisses" (1.23,49); ytk [yattuku] « yantuku) "he pours
forth (tears)" (1.19 11,33); yfu [yifsa'u] « yinfa'u) "he lifts" (1.10
11,13,14 and elsewhere); yq~ [yiqq~u] « yilq~u) "he will take"
(1.23,35). A short form: 'al ypC ['al yippal « 'al yinpaC) "let it not
flourish" (1.19 111,54).
3rd f.s. '- ts"'u [tzSsa'u] « tinfa'u) "she carries", "she raises" (1.6 1,14;
11,11); tg~ [taMu:ru] « tan~) "she trembles" (1.3 111,34; 1.4 11,19);
l tbt [lui la tabbutul tabbitu] « tanbutul tanbitu) "verily she looks" (1.4
111,21); fq~l [tiqq~u] « tilq~u) "she takes" (1.19 IV,55).
Plural
2nd m.pl. - ts"'un [tzSsa'una] « tinfa'una) "you raise" (1.119,27; cf.
TO II, p. 210).
3rd m.pl. - tim [toggurilna] « tani,urilna) "they protect" (2.23,22); l

&SCn [tal lal lu tissaCuna] « tinsacuna) "they will not (or: they will ver-
ily) travel" (3.8,12,14; cf. Verreet 1988:216); tq~n [tiqqa~una]
« tilq~una) "they will buy" (4.395,2,4). Short forms: ys' [yissaCu]
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142 CHAPTER SIX
« yinsa'u) "they paid(?)" (3.9,17; cf. Friedman 1979:204); y's"'u

[yiSfa'u] « yinfa'u) "they carry" (1.14 II,46; the form can be Gp
stem, i.e. [yuIsa'u] "he is carried", cf. Ginsberg 1946: 16); tpl [tap-
pulu] « tanpulu) "(the stars) fell" (1.13,13; TO II, p. 24 interprets
the form as jussive). With suffIx pronoun: tgrk [taggurilk~ « tangurillaj
"may (the gods) protect you (f.s.)" (2.11,8; cf. Rainey 1971b:11-15;
for the suggestion to derive this form from the root GWR, cf.
Loewenstamm 1972:67-70).
Dual
2nd c.du. - A short form: f'a'l tpl ['al tappula] « 'al tanpula) "don't
fall down!" (1.2 1,15).
3rd c.du. - f ts'" a' [n] [tiSsa' am] « tinfa' am) "the two of them raIse
(their voice)" (1.14 Vl,2). Short forms: ts"'a [tiSsa'a] « tinfa'a) "the
two of them raised (their voice)" (1.5 II, 16); ft'pl [tappula] « tan-
pula) "(the two messengers of Yammu) fell" (1.2 1,31).
Imperative
In the attested imperative forms, the first radical nun and the lamed
of LQIf are absent. Perhaps that is accidental. In the Northwest
Semitic languages there are some forms in which the nun is pre-
sent. For example in Biblical Hebrew, JjJ~ "drive! (m.s.)" (2 Kgs
4:24), ~~~ "lift up! (m.s.)" (Ps 10: 12); ,~~ "keep! (m.s.)" (Ps 34: 14)
and in the Amarna letters from Canaan, nu-pu-ul-mz [nupul-mz] "fall!
(m.s.)" (EA 252,25). In Biblical Hebrew there are four instances
where the lamed of LQIf is present, thus ni?1 "take! (m.s.)" (Exod.
29:1; Ezek. 37:16; Provo 20:16) and 'np? "take! (f.s)" (1 Kgs 17:11).
The following are examples from U garitic:
Singular
2nd m.s. - q~ [qa~] "take!" (1.4 II,32); f'a [sa'a] "lift!" (1.4 VIII,5;
1.14 II,22). With suffix pronoun: q~ny [qa~an'tYa/ qa~anlfya] "take (both
of us)!" (1.82,8; cf. TO II, p. 66).
2nd f.s. - sk [suM] "pour!" (1.3 III,16; the root may be SW10; q~n
[qa~rn(n)a?] "take!" (1.19 IV,53).
Plural
2nd m.pl. - fu [sa'u] "lift up!" (1.2 1,27; 1.23,54,65).
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THE VERB 143
Participle
Singular
Masculine - ngr [nagirn] "guard" (1.23,68,69,73) and in syllabic
script na-bi-rn [nagirn] "guard" (PRU VI 136,9); n~b [n~ibu] "the one
who erects (a stele)" (1.17 1,26). With suffix pronoun: n'~h [na'~uhii]
"(he who) reviles him" (1.17 1,29).
Plural
Masculine - nskm [nasikilma] "pourers" (4.43,4; 4.337,3; this could
be a noun on the qatwl pattern).
lrifinitive
Construct - b ns"'i 'nh w tphn "upon lifting [bi-nafa'il bi-nis"'zJ her
eyes, then she saw" (1.4 11,12).
THE Gp STEM
yqtl
3rd m.s. - spsg ysk [~ r r1'if "glaze was poured [yussak] on the head"
(1.17 VI,36-37; this form might also be 3rd m.pl., i.e. "they poured
[yassuku] glaze on the head" cf. supra, p. 127).
THE Gt STEM
In this stem, the first radical assimilates to the infixed -t-. The qtl
conjugation pattern is not documented for this class of verbs.
yqtl
Singular
3rd m.s. - ytS'u [yittafi'ulyittafa'u] « yintafi'ulyintafa'u) "he lifts him-
self up" (1.17 V,6; 1.19 1,21). A short form: ytS'i [yittasi'lyittafa']
« yintasi'lyintafa') "indeed he lifts himself up" (1.40,16,25,33).
3rd f.s. - ttpr 11 [tittapilul tittapalu] « tintapilul tintapalu) "(one-seventh)

fell (by sword)" (1.14 1,21; cf. Verreet 1985:324-329).
Participle
Plural
Masculine - mrt1db[m] [muttadibuma.~ « muntadibuma?) "volunteers(?),
donors(?)" (4.775,1; cf. Bordreuil and Caqout 1980:364).
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144 CHAPTER SIX
THE N STEM
qtl
Singular
3rd f.s. - nlq~t [nalqafzat] "it was taken" (4.659,1).
yqtl
Singular
3rd m.s. - ynp' [yinnapt"Cu] "(Daniel) appears(?)" (1.19 11,16; the form
might be D stem; perhaps the nun is a mistake and the form should
be yp' [yippa'u], cf. KTIf2, p. 57) and also "(Baal) is flourish [yin-
napi'u]" (1.5 IV,8; cf. Gordon 1965:446; the text is badly preserved).
Plural
3rd f.pI. - tngpz [tinnoii:s'ilna] "they are shaken(?)" (1.2 IV,17,26); tntkn
[tinnatikUna] "(the tears) are poured out" (1.14 1,28).
Dual
3rd c.du. - yng~n [yinnagilzanz] "the two of them gore one another"
(1.6 VI,17; the form can be taken as D stem); tns"'an [tinnas?anz] "the
two (spears of the king) will be lifted up" (1.103+1.145,47; contra
Dietrich and Loretz [1990b: 143] who take the form as plural).
THE D STEM
qtl
Singular
3rd m.s. - n1fc [naffika] "he bit" (1.100,4; the form can be consid-
ered either N stem or G stem).
yqtl
In these forms the nun is preserved rather than assirnilatied as III
the G stem; thus, there must have been a vowel after it.
Singular
pt c.s. - r'a1ns"q ['anafsiqu] "I will kiss" (1.2 IV,4).
3rd m.s. - yns"q [yanassiqulyunafSiqu] "he kisses" (1.19 11,15); ynsk

[yanassikulyunassiku] "he pours out (metal)" (1.82,1); yn~t [yanafz~itul
yuna~~itu] "he lowers" (1.2 IV,11,18; the form might be G stem, in
such case the nun did not assimilate to the following guttural); y~l
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1HE VERB 145
[Janll,f,silulyunll,f,silu] "(the king) will get gifts" (1.90,22; cf. TO II,

p. 173, n. 103). With suffix pronoun: ynCmh [Janacciran(n)ahlil
yuna iran(n)ahI1J "he will shake her" (1.100,65; the form might be G
CC
stem, in such case the nun did not assimilate to the following gut-
tural; cf. Verreet 1988:93).
3rd f.s. - tnfq [tanafSiqultunafSiqu] "(Anath) kisses" (1.22 1,4). With

suffIx pronouns: tng!.h [tanaggiPlhliltunaggit.uhit] "she seeks him" (1.6
11,6; the root is NCT and it cannot be associated with the Biblical
Hebrew root ~~; cf. Ginsberg 1936:61 and Smith 1994:124 n. 14).
Dual
3rd c.du. - yntJcn [Jana.ttikiinilyuna1likanz] "the two of them bite one
another" (1.6 VI,19; the form can be interpreted as N stem).
THE S STEM
The only documented form from this stem is 3rd m.s. in the sen-
tence:
hn ksp d fs'n "here is the silver which he brought to me [fassicanz]
« fansican~" (2.81,24; from the root NSC).
THE Sp STEM
Participle
Plural
Feminine - mfdpt [mufaddapiitu?] « mufandapatu?) "those who are
released(?)" (1.14 111,14; from the root NDP, cf. TO I, p. 522, n. p
with bibliography).
The First WAWIYOD Verbs and the Root HLK

GENERAL REMARKS
In Ugaritic as in the other Northwest Semitic languages, the first

waw verbs behave as first yod when the waw comes in first position
(cf. Ginsberg 1967:62). In Ugaritic there are two instances of first
waw verbs where the waw is perserved: the root WPT "to spit" (cf.
Renfroe 1992:157) and the root WSR "to instruct". Although in the
majority of instances, the root WW appears as YW, there is a
small number of cases where it appears that the original waw is
preserved. However, these might be w-conjunctions followed by a
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146 CHAPTER SIX
verbal form in which the yod has been elided (cf. Ginsberg 1946:40
and Tsumura 1979:779-782).
The root HLK behaves in Ugaritic, as in Biblical Hebrew, part-
ly as a strong verb and partly like the verbs first wawlyod. It is pos-
sible that in both languages, there were two roots interacting here
(HLK and TLK). On the other hand, the original root may have
been bi-radical (LilLj augmented by the initial hi, just as the first
wawlyod verbs may be bi-radical verbs augmented by original waw.
It is noteworthy that the verb "to give" with the root NTN appears
in U garitic as in Phoenician as UN. Again, the original may have
been bi-radical (TiN) augmented by the first nun. However, the
Phoenician and Ugaritic suffix forms with initial yod may simply be
back formations from the yqtl in which the initial nun does not
appear.
THE G STEM
qtl
Singular
pt c.s. - yblt fyabaltl1lyabiltllJ "I have brought" (1.4 V,27; 2.17,1);
ytt fyatattllJ « yatantti) "I give" (1.1 00,75). With suffix pronoun: yd'n1
fyada'tl11d1 "I know you (f.s.)" (1.18 1,16; cf. Smith 1995:792)
2nd m.s. - ytnt fyatantOJ "you have given" (1.6 VI, 14; concerning
the non-assimilated nun, cf. supra, p. 30); I yrt [lui la:J'arattOJ « lui la
:J'aradtOJ "may you go down" (1.5 1,6).
3rd m.s. - y~)a fy~a'a] "it went forth" (1.2 IV,6; 4.166,1; cf. the
syllabic documentation i-~a-'a [£fa'a] [< y~a'a] "it went out" r!'RU
VI lOl,4'; cf. Huehnergard 1987:133);ypC fyapaCa] "he has appeared"
(1.3 111,37); i-bi-la [fbila?] (yabila?) "he brought" (PRU VI 134,3,5,7;
145,2; cf. Huehnergard 1987:133).
3rd f.s. - hlkt [halakat] "she went" (1.96,1); y~)at fy~a)at] "she went
forth" (1.18 IV,36).
Plural
2nd f.pI. - yr'itn fyari'tinalyari'tinna] "you feared" (2.31,45).
3rd m.pl. - ybl fyabalulyabilu] "they brought" (4.272,7); ylb fyalabu]

"they sat down" (4.86,29).
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THE VERB 147
Dual
3rd f.du. - yr 11 t [yalatta?) « yaladata) "the two of them gave birth"
(l.23,53; it seems that assimilation took place although there was a
vowel after the d; cf. supra, p. 29).
yqtl
In Ugaritic as III other Semitic languages (with the exception of
Akkadian; cf. Moscati 1964: 164), the first radical is missing from
the prefix conjugation pattern. It would appear that the basic form
for verbs in this class was yaqtil.
Singular
pt e.s. - 'ard ['aridu] "I go down" (l.5 VI,25); 'atn ['atinu] "I will
give" (1.14 IV,43) beside 'itn ['itinu] « 'atinu) "I will give" (2.15,4;
further remarks on that form, cf. supra, p. 44); 'arlm ['arilu-ma] "I
would inherit" (l.2 1,35); likewise r'alb 1n ['aliban(n)a] "I will sit down"
(l.17 II,12; note the presumed Ugaritic form in an Akkadian text
from Ugarit, la-a a-si-ib, which might be for [ta 'alib] "I am not
seated (= located)" [Ug 5 81,26; cf. Huehnergard 1987:135]; but
that form may simply be a misused Akkadian stative); 'abl ['abilu]
"I will bring" (l.82,33); 'a rlk1 ['aliku] "I will go" (1.19 IV,32); 'id'
['ida(ul'idi(u?] "I know" (l.6 III,8) along with 'ael ['ada(u?] « 'ida(u)
(2.34,30; cf. Verreet 1984:309 and 1988:191; Sivan 1990a:313-315;
Pardee [1984:227] followed by TO II, p. 345, n. 28 reads 'agel)'
K71J2 reads 'axel).
3rd m.s. - Since these forms begin with yod, it is not easy to dis-
tinguish them from the qtl form. Note for example:
w yrd krt r 11 ggt "and Keret came down from the roofs" (1.14
II,26-27).
The orthography yrd could be a suffix form, viz. [yarada], or it
may be a prefix form, i.e. [yarid(u)]. Therefore, the interpretations
and vocalizations given below are conjectural:
ytn [yatinu] "he gives" (1.16 1,13); Yf'U [yafi'u] "it goes (lwill go)
forth" (1.103+1.145,45);ysn [yzsanu] «yfysanu) "he falls asleep" (1.14
1,31); yzn [yazinu] "he weighs" (2.81,22; cf. Bordreui1 and Caquot
1980:358); ylq [yaliqu] "he binds, ties" (1.100,17; cf. Astour 1968:18
and Cunchillos 1990:123); yrr'u1 [yzra'u] « yfyra'u?) "he fears" (l.6
VI,30); Yf'an [yafi'an(n)a] "let him go forth" (1.165,3). Short form:
Yf'i [yafi'] "it went forth" (1.14 II,32,34). With suffix pronouns:
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148 CHAPTER SIX
[yFt1nn [yatinannU] « yatinanhft) "he gives him" (3.2,8); yr'a'un

[yzra'unnU] « yzra'unhft) "he fears him" (l.5 II,6; following Rainey
1987:399; this could also be an infinitive functioning as a finite verb,
i.e. [yara'unnU], cf. Gordon 1965:12; Herdner 1952:170 and finally
Verreet 1988:27); yblnh [yabilan(n)aM] "he fetches her" (1.100,67).
3rd f.s. - ttd [talidu] "she will give birth" (1.15 III,7,8,9,1O; 1.24,5);
trd [taridu] "(the Luminary of the Gods) goes down" (1.6 1,8); tlk
[taliku] "she goes" (1.92,3); ttn [tatinu] "she gives" (1.6 1,32; IV,7);
tldn [talidan(n)a] "she gives birth" (1.5 V,22). Perhaps one may add
here the form tr [tzm?] « #yrtryu?) "she speeds (in flight)" (1.10 II,ll,
from the root YRY; cf. Ginsberg 1969:142; Gordon 1965:415; con-
tra TO I, p. 283, n. m which interprets the form as infinitive of the
root 1WR). A short form: ~'i [ta,lP] "may it go forth" (1.18 IV,24).
With suffix pronoun: tsrk [tasiruk~ "it instructs you" (1.4 V,4; cf.
the use of the D stem of this root below; in Biblical Hebrew that
verb generally appears in the D stem though it is also attested in
the G stem, l:l'i~, 19;cr "he who disciplines the nations" [ps 94: 10],
l:lJ9.~l "and I will discipline them" [Hos. 10: 10], cf. Ginsberg
1946:48).
Plural
pt c.pI. - nrd [naridu] "we will go down" (1.6 1,7); nbln [nabilan(n)a]
"we will bring" (1.3 V,34).
2nd m.pI. - A short form: 'al tl'u 1 ['al ta,li'u] "don't go forth!"
(1.164,19; for the interpretation "they indeed went forth" cf. TO II,
p. 231, n. 255).
3rd m.pI. - tlkn [talikuna] "they go" (1.14 IV,31; 1.20 II,5); y,l'unn
[ya,li'unan(n)a] "they go forth" (2.31,36; KTlJ2, p. 174 incorrectly reads
y,l'u; cf. [t,l],un [ta,li'una] "they go forth" [1.83,3]); yrdn [yariduna] "they
go down" (1.112,18). A short form: t,l'U [ta,li'u] "they went out"
(1.169,2).
The following could be either qtl or yqtl:
y,lq fmn flm b l "they poured whole oil into the chalice" (1.3
II,31-32), where y~q could be suffix conjugation [ya,laqu] or pre-
fix conjugation [ya,liqu].
Pa1p 'ilm l <l>r~l[m] ylb (1.2 1,20-21) "now the gods were sit-
ting to eat", where ylb could be suffix [yalabu] or prefix [yalibu].
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THE VERB 149
Dual
2nd c.du. - A short form: 'al ttn pnm ['al tatina panzma] "(the two
of you) do not turn your faces!" (1.4 VIII, 1).
3rd c.du. - rtlldn [talidanz] "the two of them give birth" (1.23,52).
Short forms: r tldl [talida] "the two of them give birth" (1.23,58); ytn
[yatina] "(the two messengers) gave" (1.14 VI,37; this form could be
qtl and the yod could be the first radical).
Imperative
In the few documented forms of the imperative, the first radical
(yod or the hi of HLl0 is missing.
Singular
2nd m.s. - rd [rid] "go down!" (1.4 VIII,7; 1.5 V,14); tn [tin] "give!"
(1.14 III,39; 5.9 1,15); lk [lik] "go!" (1.16 VI,27; 1.82,lO; 1.169,lO);
lql [,I'aql,mq] "pour!" (1.14 II,18); d' [da'] "know!" (2.61,13); bl [bi~
"bring (the word)!" (1.100,2; cf. Blau and Greenfield 1970:14).
2nd f.s. - ~'i [~i'f] "go forth!" (1.12 1,14,19).
Plural
3rd m.pI. - lb [libu] "sit!" (1.16 V,24; this could be imperative from
the root TWB "to return", cf. irifra, p. 157).
Active Participle
Plural
Masculine - y,l'rm [yli,firnma] "potters" (4.99,11; in syllabic script ia-,I'i-
ru-ma [PRU III, p. 195 B 1,12]); ynqm [yaniquma] "those who nurse,
suck" (1.23,24,61); yrdm 'ar,l' [yaridu-ma 'ar,l'z] "those who descend to
the earth" (1.114,22; a construct form with enclitic mem, for such
construct forms cf. irifra, p. 193).
Passive Participle
Singular
Masculine - mdl d [m6dudulmedudu] « mawdudulmaydudu) "beloved,
friend" (1.4 VIII,23-24; the form could also be a noun of the maq-
tal pattern; cf. the Biblical Hebrew personal name "'1'0 [Num.
11:26]).
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150 CHAPTER SIX
Feminine - mddt [mOdildatul medildatu] « mawdildatul moydildatu)

"beloved, friend" (1.14 IV, 28) and with suffIx pronoun: rm1ddth
[m8dfldatuMiI medildatuhliJ "his beloved, friend" (1.14 II,50).
lrifinitive
In Ugaritic there seem to be two infinitive formations, one that pre-
serves all three radicals and another in which the first radical is
missing and which bears the feminine t-sufiix (cf. Biblical Hebrew
n~7 "to go" [2 Sam. 19:25], n.!!l "to know" [Jos. 4:24], n~~ "to
sit" [Deut. 1:6], n:;r';! "to do down" [Deut. 28:52]). The following
are examples:
hlk kbkbm [haliikulhilku kabkabzma] "the course of the stars" (1.19
II,3,7; IV,38); ~'at !p1s [si'atu sap.ft] "the going forth of the sun" (l.3
II,8); ~'at npSh [si'atu napSihifJ "the outpouring of her soul" (1.16 1,35).
With suffIx pronouns: bYlih[m] [bi-:y~li'ihum(if:)1 bi-:yi1'ihum(fl)] "on their
going forth" (3.8,9); .l.bth [.J.ib(a)tuMi] "his dwelling (lsitting)" (1.141,23).
From the root WLDIYLD there is an infinitival form that begins
with waw, e.g.:
w tqrb wr lrJI bn r 11 h "she drew near to bearing him a son" (1.15
III,20).
wId sp~ I krt "an heir to Keret is born" (1.14 III,48; VI,33).
It is likely that the waw is actually the conjunction and that the
initialyod has been contracted from a triphthong, i.e. [wallidu] « wa-
yallidu) (cf. Ginsberg 1946:40; Tsumura 1979:779-782 and also TO
I, p. 526, n. I with more bibliography).
THE Gp STEM
Cf. some examples in the section of Gp in the strong verbs, supra,
p. 126f.
THR Gt STEM
There are no Gt qtl attestations for verbs in this class.
yqtl
There is no way to know if the first radical (waw, yod or hi of the
root HLf0 assimilates to the infixed tawas it does in Akkadian. At
any rate, the first radical does not appear in the orthography. If
the assimilation does not take place, then perhaps there was com-
pensatory lengthening of the prefix vowel. However, this is all spec-
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THE VERB 151
ulative. In the reconstructions that follow, the conjectural assimilat-

ed radical is in parenthesis.
Singular
pt c.s. - 'itlk ['i(t)talakul'i(t)taliku] "I go (around)" (1.6 11,15); 'itr!
['i(~taratul'i(t)taritu] "I will inherit" (1.3 111,47).
3rd m.s. - yr tllk [yi(t)talakulyi(t)taliku] "he goes (around)" (1.12 1,34).
3rd £s. - ttlk [ti(t)talakulti(t)taliku] "she goes (around)" (1.5 VI,26). It

would appear that the root rRlj "to hurry" is attested in syllabic
documentation, viz. \ti-tar-t![u] [ti~t)arau?] « tiytaraaultiytarifJu?) "she
will hurry(?)" (Ug 5 3 rev.,10'; for the possibility of viewing it as
from the root 'Rlj c£ Huehnergard 1987:109-110).
Plural
3rd m.pI. - ttlkn [ti(t)talakunalti(~talikflna] "they were going (/went)"
(1.23,67).
Dual
3rd c.du. - A short form: twtIJ [tiwtt$iltiwti(ul?] « tiwtalJ,ayliltiwta/:tiyli?)
"both of them dispatched" (1.3 111,20; 1V,12; the existence of the
first radical waw is problematic; c£ Gordon 1965:393; Pardee
1975:346; Segert 1984:185; Verreet 1988:82; for the possibility that
the root is wQr or rQr cf. Renfroe 1992:156).
Imperative
The only documented Gt imperative in this class is from the root
rQG "to wake up, to be awake", in the sentence 'i!tm' wtqg "give
heed and attune (the ear)!" (1.16 VI,30,42). If the form in question
is really an imperative of Gt stem, then the prosthetic aleph has
been elided (from the form *'itqg ['i(t)taqagl'i(t)taqig]) after the con-
junction waw (cf. Ginsberg 1946:48; TO I, p. 571, n. x). The root
of this form might be TQG "to incline (the ear)"; in such a case
the form would be G imperative, i.e. [taqag?] (cf. Oberman 1946:244
n. 25 and B1au 1977b:71).
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152 CHAPTER SIX
THE N STEM
qtl
Singular
srd m.s. - ntn [nitanalnotana] « naytanalnawtana) "(wine that) was
given" (4.219,1).
THE D STEM
The only forms that seem to belong to the D stem are from the
roots J.11PT "to spit" and WSR "to instruct, to discipline". Because
the waw is preserved, it seems more likely that they are D stem
forms (cf. Ginsberg 1946:48).
qtl
3rd m.s. - wPlm [wappila-ma] "he spit" (1.4 VI,13).
yqtl
3rd m.s. - With suffix pronouns: YWPln fyawappilun'ilyuwappilun'i] "he
spits on me" (1.4 III, 13; cf. TO I, p. 200; the nun may simply be
energic and not a 1st c.s. pronominal sifIix, i.e. fyawappilan(n)alyuwap-
pilan(n)a]); ywsmn fyawassiran(n)annillyuwassiran(n)annfiJ "he instructed
him" (1.16 VI,26; if not for the waw this form could have been G
stem; cf. Verreet 1988:86). The preservation of the waw would seem
to be more likely if the prefIx vowel was u.
THE S STEM
The initial radical (wawlyodJ contracts in all forms of this stem. On
the other hand, the verb HLK does not behave in the same man-
ner as the fIrst waw and fIrst yod verbs (unlike the situation in Biblical
Hebrew); instead HLK conjugates like a strong verb. This is seen
in the lone example, 'afhlk ['asahliku] "I will cause to go" (1.18 I,ll).
qtl
Singular
2nd m.s. - stnt [setintltl sotintlt] « saytintltl sawtintlt] "you caused to
give" (2.36,13; cf. TO II, p. 402, n. 174).
3rd m.s. - srd [sorida] « sawrida) "he brought down", "he entreat-
ed (by sacrifIces)" 1.14 IV,6); s~'a [so~i'a] « saw~i'a) "he has pro-
duced" (4.145,10).
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THE VERB 153
3rd f.s. - (.~r,l'l'at [f8,si'at] « faw,si'a~ "she caused to go out" (1.19

11,38).
yqtl
Singular
pt C.s. - 'all1d ['af8Iidu] « 'afawlidu) "I will beget" (1.23,65); 'aflu
['af8,l'i'u] « 'afaw,si'u) "I will cause to go out" (2.34,31,33). With suf-
fIx pronoun: 'afl'uk1 ['af8,si'uU] « 'afaw,si'uklt) "I will bring you (m.s.)
out" (2.3,17).
2nd m.s. - L tffy [La taf8fiyu/ tuf8fiyu] « La tafawfiyu/ tufawfiyu) "do

not suppress (your lips)!" (1.82,5; it seems that the root is WSr; less
probable to interpret· the form from the root NSr "to forget" as
suggested by de Moor and Spronk 1984:239; TO II, p. 64).
3rd m.s. - yfla [yaf8,si'a/yuf8,si'a] "he will bring forth" (2.15,5; con-
tra KTlJ2 which reads f,l"a and puts the yod at the end of the pre-
vious word). A short form: yf,l"i [yaf8,si' /yuf8,si'] « yafaw,si' /yufaw,l'Z)
"he causes to go out" (1.15 V,24).
Imperative
Singular
2nd m.s. - frd [f8ridJ « fawrirf) "bring down!", "entreat (by offer-
ings)!" (1.14 11,24).
Participle
Singular
Masculine - W,l"U [muf8,l'i'u] « mufaw,si'u) "the one who brings
forth" (1.17 1,27,45).
Plural
Feminine - rm1Mqt1 [mufeniqatu?] « mufayniqatu?) "they who suck-
le" (1.15 11,28; the subject in the sentence can be Anat, and 10
that case the verb should be interpreted as feminine singular).
Irifinitive
flu [su,sa'u?] « fuw,l'a'u?) "to cause to go out" (2.34,31; the vocal-
ization is based on that of the infInitive of the D stem, cf. supra,
p. 137).
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154 CHAPTER SIX
THE Sp STEM (?)

Note the following:
b'r [I ryl1f bn1 [l ks'z] mH1h (1.6 VI,33-34).
The meaning may be: "Baal is seated [yaffilaban(n)alyu18laban(n)a]
[on the throne] of his kingdom", in which case the verb would be
Sp and the nun would be energic. On the other hand, the mean-
ing could also be: "they seat [ya181abunalyu181ibuna] Baal [on the
throne] of his kingdom".
t'db ks'u w y11.b (1.4 V,46-47)
This sentence may be rendered: "a chair was arranged and
(Kothar and ijasis) was seated [wa-yaffilablwa-yuffilab] (to the right of
Baal)" (cf. Gordon 1965:416b and TO I, p. 2lO). But it could also
mean: "a chair was arranged and they seated [wa-yaffipbul wa-yu18Pbu]
(Kothar and ijassis to the right of Baal)" (cf. Verreet 1988:68; con-
cerning the form t'db, cf. supra, p. 126).
The Second WAWIYOD Verbs

GENERAL REMARKS
The vocalization of forms in this class are somewhat speculative due

to the scarcity of forms with 'aleph. It may be assumed that the
forms were not very different from those in the other Northwest
Semitic languages. Therefore, it is almost certain that in the yqtl
forms the thematic vowel was long when there was a vocalic suf-
fIx, e.g. in the imperfect [yamutu] and the volitive [yamuta] but in
the jussive [yamut] .
Some of the roots in this class adopt the pattern of the L stem
which is a variation of the D stem. In such cases, a third radical
is added which is identical with the fInal radical (cf. Biblical Hebrew
RWM and RMM).
THE G STEM
qtl
Singular
pt C.S. - nllt [nalltitl nUllti1?] "I rested" (2.11,14; cf. Biblical Hebrew
pausal form 'r:1l;T~-~?,1 Gob 3:26] and the syllabic attestation nu-ull-ti
[nulltz] (EA 147:56) from Canaan; the latter reflects the same use of
the original thematic vowel in a closed syllable as in Arabic); qlt
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THE VERB 155
[qiltil] "I have fallen" (2.12,11; the root is QYL, not QIL, cf. AHw,
p. 918b and von Soden 1967a:295-296). With suffix pronoun: ~~tkm
[~a~ttikum(ii)/~i~tt1kum(ii)] "I have called you" (1.15 IV,27; V, 10; VI,4;
the form can be a qatila conjugation).
2nd m.s. - ft [fatMJ "you placed" (2.10,18); mtt [mitttlj "you are
dead" (1.5 V,17; cf. Gordon 1949:42; TO I, p. 248; Aartun 1978:93;
Rin and Rin 1996:294; the reduplicated taw can be explained as
dittography or scribal error, contra Verreet [1988: 193] who suggests
that the form shoud be transcribed mitVta, i.e. there exists a vowel
between the taw's).
3rd m.s. - qm [qama] "he stood (lwas standing)" (1.2 I,21); ft [fata]
"he placed" (1.4 IV,10); mt [mzta?] "(Mighty Baal) has died" (1.6
I,41); ~d [~iida] "he prepared provisions" (1.114,1); I bn [Iii banal bTna]
"he did not understand" (1.107,6).
3rd f.s. - mtt [mTtat?] "(the ship) has died" (2.38,13; contra KTrJ2, p.
178 which reads <t>mtt); b'at [ba'at] "she has come" (1.19 IV,5l);
ftt [fatat] "she placed" (2.36,7).
Plural
2nd m.pI. - Htm [buftum(ii)] "you are delay" (1.3 IV,33; cf. Smith
1995:792).
3rd m.pI. - ft [fatii] "they placed" (1.4 V,45; the form can be 3rd
m.s.); b. 'u [ba'ii] "they have come" (4.395,1); kn [kanii] "they were"
(4.624,1); nr [narii] "they shine" (2.13,18; one could take the form
with an optative usage, "may they shine", cf. Verreet 1988: 119).
Dual
18t c.du. - qlny [qTLVnqyal qiLVnrya] "the two of us have fallen"
(2.11,7;2.70,10).
yqtl
Singular
18t C.S. - 'amt ['amiitu] "I will die" (1.17 VI,38); 'aW ['a~iifu] "I am
in a hurry" (2.34,11; cf. Pardee 1984:227); I 'aW [fa 'a~iifu] "I will
not feel" (1.82,2); 'afr ['asiru] "I will sing" (1.24,1,38); 'anfJn ['anii-
fJan(n)a] "I will rest" (1.1 7 II,13); 'iftn ['isitul an(n)a] « 'asitul an[n] a)
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156 CHAPTER SIX
"I will put it" (2.79,3; cf. Verreet 1988:89; contra Bordreuil and
Caquot [1979:306] who interpreted the form as S stem of rTN; for
this vowel harmony cf. supra, p. 44); 'igr ['igaru] "I will stay" (2.34,12,
from the root GWR; cf. Pardee 1984:228; for the several interpre-
tations of this verb cf. TO II, p. 343, n. 17); 'ub'a(!) ['ubu'a?] "I
may enter" (1.100,72). The actual orthography of that form is 'ubn
and it may be a scribal error, since the signs for 'a and nun are
somewhat similar. If that be true, then the reconstruction proposed
here may reflect a vowel assimilation, ['ubu'a] « 'abu' a; cf. Caquot
1984: 176; Verreet 1984:307-308; less likey to interpret the form as
a noun meaning "entrance" as suggested by Fisher 1971 a:356).
Furthermore, the basic vocalization shows that this verb could not
be yiqtal as in Akkadian.
2nd m.s. - t1b [ta1ubu] "you will return" (1.4 VI,2,15); tmtn
[tamutan(n)a] "you will die" (1.16 1,4,18). Short forms: 'al tb'i ['al
tabu'?] "do not come!" (1.169,18); 'al t~r ['al ~ur] "do not besiege!"
(1.14 III, 29).
2nd f.s. - ~dn [t~udfna] "you are hunting, you prepare provisions"
(1.17 VI,40; the nun could be energic). A short form: 'al tft ['al
taszlZ] "do not put!" (2.30,23-24).
3rd m.s.- y1b [ya1ubu] "he returns" (1.6 VI,12); w l y1b [wa-la ya1ubu]
"and he will not return" (1.5 1,9); ygl [yagrlu] "he will rejoice" (1.82,1);
yb1 [yiba1u] "he is ashamed" (1.2 IV,31; cf. Ginsberg 1936:75 and
1969:131; the root might be BIT, cf. Verreet 1988:94); ystn
[yasztan(n)a] "he places" (1.4 IV, 14); ydn [yadunulyadfnu] "he judges"
(1.17 V,7). A short form: yln [yalun] "he slept" (1.17 1,15). With suf-
fIx pronoun: y'ark [yi'aruk~ "(the moon) will illuminate you (f.s.)"
(1.24,39; in the yiqtal(u) pattern; note that the cognate Biblical
Hebrew i1n~t;1] [Rub i1~~"'t;l1] [1 Sam. 14:27] is intransitive, cf. TO
I, p. 395, n. a).
3rd f.s. - tb'u [tabu'u?] "she comes" (1.16 VI,3,4); tqm [taqumu] "she
arises" (1.82,39); tst [tasztu] "she places" (1.19 IV,45); t'n [ta'rnu] "she
sees" (1.10 II,27); rtb'a1 [tabu'a?] "she comes" (1.5 VI,l; that could
be a dual, i.e. [tabu' a], cf. Verreet 1988:71); tql [taqrlu] "she falls,
bows" (1.4 IV,25). With suffix pronoun: tstnn [tasztan(n)annil] "she
places him" (1.6 1,17; 1.19 II, 10).
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THE VERB 157
Plural
pt c.pI. - ngln [nagilan(n)a] "let us rejoice" (1.16 1,15).
3rd m.pI. - tb'un [tabu'una?] "they come" (1.15 IV,21); tqln [taqzluna]
"they will fall, bow" (1.103+1.145,1; 1.109,4); qdn [ta,sUduna] "they
were hunting (/hunted)" (1.23,68); ylbrn1 [yaffibilna] "they return"
(1.23,56); tpn [taCupuna] "they fly" (1.19 111,44); tknn [takUnuna] "they
will establish (an investigation)" (3.3,6,9; cf. Rainey 1971a:160, con-
tra Verreet [1988:134] who interpreted it as a short form in L stem);
yzr fin [yaliZSUna] "they wallow" (1.114,20; it seems that Tkmn, Snm
and I;Iby are the subject of this verb; cf. TO II, p. 77 and n. 241).
Short forms: y~~ [y~u] "may they shout" (1.3 V,36); ts'f t1 [taSi"tu]
"they put" (1.4 VI,22; the form could also be Gp 3rd f.s. meaning
"[fire] was put [into the house(s)]"); tkn [takUnu] "they were" (1.14
1,15).
3rd £pI. - tgwln [tagwuluna] "(when your teeth) speak" (1.82,4; the
root is conjugated as a strong one; for the possibility that the form
is D stem cf. de Moor and Sprong 1984:239).
Dual
3rd c.du. - q~n [~anz] "the two of them shout" (1.23,46); q rdn1
[ta,sUdiinz] "the two of them prepare victuals", or "the two of them
hunt" (1.114,23). A short form: q~ [~a] "the two of them shout"
(1.5 11,17).
Imperative
Singular
2nd m.s. - ql [qi~ "fall!" (1.4 VIII,27); bn [bin] "understand!" (1.4
V,60); ft [Sit] "put!" (1.3 IV,41; this could be a qtl form i.e. [fatal);
bl [ball "be ashamed!" (1.2 IV,28,29; if the root is BIT, then the
form could be [bul], cf. TO I, p. 139). With· suffIx pronoun: ftn
[Si"tanni'tJ « Si"tanhti) "send him (to me)!" (2.39,35; c£ Dijkstra
1976:438; Verreet 1988:123; Pardee 1981:152).
Plural
3rd m.pI. - lb [luku] "return!" (1.16 V,24; this could be an imper-
ative from the root rrB, cf. supra, p. 149).
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158 CHAPTER SIX
Dual
2nd c.du. - ql [qzw] "(both of you) fall down!" (1.3 III, 10; 1.4
VIII,27).
Participle
Singular
Masculine - 'ar ['aru] "(the moon) illuminates" (1.24,38); ql [qelul
qzlu] "(Mot) falls" (1.6 VI, 2 1); rs [rasu] "he who is impoverished"
(1.14 1,10,22; but it can be from the root RSS, cf. irifra, p. 173);
'ib ['ebul'zbu] "hostile one, enemy" (1.2 IV,8,9; 1.10 II,24; c( syl-
labic attestations: e-bu [Ug 5 130 III, 15'] beside Canaanite i-bi ['zbz]
"my enemy" [EA 252,28]).
Plural
Masculine - Accusative construct qm 'afJk [qamz 'afJz~ "the ene-
mies of your (m.s.) brother" (1.10 II,25).
Infinitive
The syllabic attestations reveal that the infinitive for verbs with sec-
ond yod were formed on the qzlu pattern, e.g. si-i-ru [siru] « fiyru)
"to sing" (Ug 5 130 III,7'; but perhaps this form is simply the noun,
"song" and not an infinitive); fi-tu [situ] « siytu) "to put, place" (Ug
5 130 III, 10'). The infinitive of verbs with second waw may have
been on the pattern qalu or qillu (cf. Cowley 1910:198). For ex-
ample, b'u tb'u [bil'ul ba'u tabil'u?] "verily you come" (1.16 VI,3); b
'p [bi-Cilpil bi-Capt] "by flying" (1.1 0 II,23); with enclitic mem, mtm tmtn
[miltu-malmatu-ma tamutan(n)a] "verily will you die" (1.16 1,3-4, 17-
18; cf. Verreet 1988:88).
THE Gp STEM (?)

yqtl
Singular
3rd m.s. - ydk [yudaku] "it should be pulverized" (1.85,3; the root
might be DKK, cf. Cohen and Sivan 1983:13-14).
Plural
3rd m.pI. - tr! k1n [tudakilna] "they should be pulverized" (1.72,39;
the root might be DKK, cf. Cohen and Sivan 1983:43).
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1HE VERB 159
THE Gt STEM
yqtl
3rd m.s. - l yltn [la yilfinulyiUfinu] « yijJ;ayinulyiUayanu) "(if a horse
does not) urinate" (1.71,9; from the root TYN; cf. Cohen and Sivan
1983:24-; Wheeler 1970-71 :21-22, n. 5).
THE L STEM
It would seem that the verbs in this class did not conjugate in the
D stem because the second radical would have to be geminated.
Instead, the L stem is preferred, that is with reduplicated final rad-
ical and a presumably long vowel after the first radical (hence
"L[ong]" stem). There are not many attested examples.
yqtl
Singular
2nd m.s. - A short form: 'al tlbb ['al ta1.libibltu1.libib] "do not return!"
(transitive) (1.169,19; and cf. Bordreuil and Caquot 1980:34-9).
3rd m.s. - With suffix pronouns: yrmmh [yaramimuhfilyuramimuhl'iJ "he

will raise up (the building)" (1.9,9; perhaps the hi can be taken as
the beginning of the following damaged word).
3rd f.s. - t'pp [ta'apipul tu'apipu] "she propitiates(?) (him)" (1.4- 11,10;
the root might be 'Pp). With suffIx pronoun: t'rrrlk [ta'arirukil
tu'arirukzj "does (my love) arouse you (f.s.)?" (1,4 IV, 39).
Plural
3rd f.s. - trrnmn [taramimilnalturamimilna] "they raise up (the build-
ings)" (1.4- V,54-; this could be from the Lp stem, i.e. [taramamilnaltura-
mamilna] "(the buildings) will be built"; cf. Held 1965:273 and TO
I, p. 210). A short form: trrnm [taramimillturamimil] "they will raise
up (his palace)" (1.4- VI,17).
Imperative
2nd m.s. - rmm [ramim] "raise up! (/build!)" (1,4 V,52).
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160 CHAPTER SIX
THE S STEM
qtl
Singular
2nd m.s. sqlt [saqilta] "you felled" (1.16 VI,44; cf. von Soden
1967a:295).
3rd m.s.- sql [saqzla] "he felled" (1.4 VI,41; 1.22 1,12; in those con-
texts sql is in parallel with tbfJ [tabafJa] "he slaughtered", cf. Loewen-
stamm 1984:357-358); s~q [Safiqa] "(the enemy) harassed" (2.33,27;
the form could be 3rd m.pI., i.e. [Safiqil] "[the enemies] harassed").
In the clause lb rgm (1.106,23) it is likely that a 1 has dropped, i.e.
it should be *J1.b Ltaffba] as corrected by KTIf2, p. 122, n. 2; and
the meaning should be "he replied" (lit.: "he returned a word").
Another suggestion is to take lb as Gp, i.e. [Fba] (cf. Ug 7, p. 30).
yqtl
Singular
pt c.s. - 'as"kn ['afaki"nu] "I will prepare" (1.16 V,27; 2.26,5; the
root could be SKN rather than KWN; concerning those two roots
in Ugaritic, cf. Dietrich and Loretz 1974:47-53 and TO I, p. 566,
n. f).
2nd m.s. - ts"knn [tafaki"nan(n)al tufaki"nan(n)a] "you will establish"

(2.47,3,5; this could be from the root SKN in the D stem, i.e.
[taSakkinan(n)al tufakkinan(n)a]).
3rd m.s. - yJ1.b [yalaffbulyulaffbu] "he brings back", "he causes to

return" (1.41,45).
3rd f.s. - tJ1.b [talaffbul tulaffbu] "she brings back", "she causes to
return" (2.16,19); !fir [tafaurultufauru] "she brings back" (1.22 I,ll;
from the root TWR, cf. Ginsberg 1936:433). With SUfflX pronoun:
!f,lln1 [h] [tafafiqan(n)ahtil tuS~zqan(n)ahliJ "she harasses him" (1.6 11,10).
Plural
3rd m.pl. - tJ1.bn [talaffbilnaltulaffbilna] « tafaffbilnaltufaffbilna) "they
will return" (1.41,54; 3.4,17).
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THE VERB 161
Imperative
2nd m.s. - 1l.b [1alib] « salib) "cause to return!" (2.34,9).
2nd f.s. - 1l.b [1alibr] « salib~ "send back (a message)!" (2.11,17).
Irifinitive
1l.b 'ank [1uliibu 'anaku] "I caused to return" (2.38,23). In this case
the infinitive serves as finite verb (cf. TO II, p. 356, n. 26 and
supra, p. 124).
THE SpSTEM
yqtl
Singular
3rd f.s. - t1l.b [tu1aliibu?] "she was caused to return" (1.114,27; cf.
TO II, p. 77, n. 243).
The Third WAWIYOD Verbs

GENERAL REMARKS
Most of the Third waw verbs had shifted to Third yod (as in Biblical
Hebrew and the other Northwest Semitic languages; cf. Moscati
1969:166). Two roots kept waw as the third radical, SLW"to repose",
in the form 'as1w ['afluwa?] "let me repose" (1.14 111,45) and the
root '7W "to come", in the form 'atwt ['atawat] "she came" (1.4
IV,32) (the other forms from these two roots behave as Third yod
verbs; cf. below). Another, somewhat doubtful root is SNw "to has-
ten" in the form Snwt [sanawat] "she hastened(?)" (1.96,1; cf.
Virol1eaud 1961:182, but perhaps the root is .NWY, "to be lovely"
in the S stem; cf. TO II, p. 42, n. 91).
Triphthongs and diphthongs are characteristic of forms from verbs
in this class. The diphthongs qy, aw and uw, iY always contract. It
would appear that there was no consistent behavior for the triph-
thongs, i.e. some of them contract while others do not (cf. Sivan
1984b:279-293 and supra, p. 41f.).
The elision or the preservation of the yod or the waw in the
orthography is not an effective key for the interpretation of forms
in this verb class, since the verb stem is often obscure. This is true
as in the verb classes discussed above.
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162 CHAPTER SIX
THE G STEM
qtl
Singular
pt c.s. - bnt [baneti'Ubanztt!] « banqytfilbaniYttt; "I built" (1.4 VI,36;
cf. the syllabic form from Amarna letters r baU niU til [banzu] [EA
292,29] and Biblical Hebrew 'I:1',~~ [2 Chron. 6:2]); mgt [magetfilmagztfiJ
« magqytfilmagiyttt; "I arrived" (1.6 II, 19); stt [satZ'tt!] « satfytit) "I
drank" (1.4 III,14; 2.34,32; the form was certainly qatil as demon-
strated by the yiqtal(u) pattern in the prefix conjugation, cf. below);
tnt [tanetfiltanztfiJ « t.anqytiilt.aniYtit) "I recounted" (1.2 IV,8; it is more
likely that this form is D stem, cf. below); mt [sanotfi?] « sanawtii?)
"I am fast", "I do quit" (1.3 IV,33; cf. TO I, p. 171; Smith 1994:44
and n. 44 and 1995:792-793).
3rd m.s. - 'lY ['alaya] "he went up" (1.4 1,23), beside 'l ['ala] « 'alaya)
"he has attacked" (2.30,17,19); prfy [padqya] "he ransomed" (3.4,2);
qny [qanaya] "he acquired" (3.9,2); mi;y [magqya] "he arrived"
(1.100,67). With suffix pronoun: 'nhm [,anahum(u)] « 'anqyahum[u])
"he answered them" (1.23,73; Kl1f2, p. 69 separates the form into
two, i.e. 'n hm, this separation does not make any sense):
3rd f.s. - )atwt [)atawat] "she came" (1.4 IV,32); 'ryt ['arqyat] "(your
ship) came back(?)" (2.38,25; cf. TO II, p. 357 and n. 29 for other
interpretations); mi;yt [magqyat] "she arrived" (1.4 IV,31); 'lYt ['alayat]
"she went up" (1.176,6; the form can be interpreted as 2nd m.s.,
cf. Bordreuil and Caquot 1980:351) beside 'It ['alat] « 'alayat) "she
went up" (1.82,9; cf. Biblical Hebrew 'n~~ "she did" (Lev. 25:21),
n'il [hqyat] "it was" (Siloam Inscription, line 3; cf. Blau 1983:158-
159); mwt [sanawat?] "she hastened(?)" (1.96,1; cf. Virolleaud
1961 : 182, but perhaps the root is NWY "to be lovely" in the S
stem, cf. TO II, p. 42, n. 91).
Plural
3rd m.pI. - mi;y [magqyu] "(the Rephaim) arrived" (1.20 II,6) beside
mg )ilm [magu )iluma] « magqyu) "the gods arrived" (1.82,42; this
form may very well be an absolute infinitive serving as a finite verb,
cf. below); sry [satfyu] "they drank" (1.4 VI,55); ~py [~apqyu] "they
overlaid" (4.167,6; cf. Verreet 1985:329; it is quite possible that the
form is D stem or even Gp for which cf. supra, p. 128).
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THE VERB 163
Dual
pt c.du. - rrziny [magenqyiilmagen!yii] « magqynqyiilmagqyn!yii) "the two
of us have come" (1.5 VI,5,8).
2nd c.du. - g?,tm [ga?,ctumii] « ga?,qytumii) "have the two of you

entreated?" (1.4 111,31).
yqtl
The final radical is preserved when there is a vowel after it. When
it is not followed by a vowel (preterite or jussive), it contracts because
it is the second member of a diphthong, so it is not represented in
the orthography. On the other hand, a triphthong does sometimes
contract and its final vowel then dominates as a long vowel (c£
supra, p. 42, for discussion).
Note that there is no possibility to know whether the forms
brought here are indeed G stem. There is good reason to believe
that some of the forms with prefix vowel a are actually D stem.
The same would apply to forms of these verbs in the other per-
sons as given below.
There follow examples of the various forms (the proposed recon-
structions are not always certain):
Singular
pt C.s. - 'aflw ['as1uwa?] "let me repose" (1.14 I!I,45; for this recon-
struction, cf. Ginsberg 1946:40); 'amgy ['amgiyu] "I arrive" (1.21 11,7);
'iphn ['iphan(n)a] "I see" (2.31,39); r'iph1 ['iphi2?] « 'iphqyu) "I will
see" (1.10 11,32; the root is PHY and not PWH, cf. below); 'itJd
['itJdU] « 'i!Jdqyu) "I am happy" (2.33,21; c£ Verreet 1983a:230, n.
72) and 'itJd ['i!Jda] « 'i!Jdqya) "I am happy" (2.15,10; the form is
yqtla as can be deduced from yf~'a [yafo~i'alyufo,li'a] in line 5; c£
also Verreet 1983a:229); r'ibkly ['ibkiyu] « 'abkiyu) or ['ibkayu] "I will
weep" (1.161,13; cf. supra, p. 44). A short form: 'abn ['abn~ « 'abniy)
"I will repair" (1.18 IV,40; but most likely it is D stem ['abann~
[< 'abanniy]). With suffix pronouns: 'ibgyh [,ibgqyuM] "I will seek her"
(1.3 111,29); 'alnyk ['alniyuki] "I will recount to you (f.s.)" (1.3 111,22;
this is most likely factitive D stem); 'iftn ['iftanna;>iftann~ "I may
drink it (m. or £)" (5.9 1,16); 'ifrynh ['iftqyan(n)~ "I drink it" (1.4
111,16).
2nd m.s. - tmgy [tamgiyu] "you will arrive" (1.14 111,4); tplg [tapkiyu]
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164 CHAPTER SIX
"you cry" (1.107,11; for b > P cf. supra, p. 27). A short form: 'al
till ['al tagl~ « 'al tagliy) "do not bow (your head)!" (1.3 1,1).
2nd f.s. - tlqyn [tafqiyzn(n)a] "you serve drink" (1.19 IV,53; this might
also be imperfect [tafqiyzna]).
3rd m.s. - ymgy [yamgiyu] "he arrives" (1.14 IV,47); ymgyn

[yamgiyan(n)a] "he arrives" (1.17 II,24); y'ny [ya'niyu] "he answers"
(1.107,12); yl'ny [yalniyu] "he tells" (1.4 VII,30; most likely factitive
D stem); ybl9' [yabkiyu] "he weeps" (1.107,8); y'l [ya'lu] « ya'liyu) "he
goes up" (1.17 1,14; this form is in a chain of imperfects so it can-
not be a jussive or preterite, contra Verreet 1988:75-76); yd'u [yid'u]
«yid'ayu) "he will take wing" (1.103+1.145,42);yM [yaMu] «yaMiyu)
"he sees" (1.19 III,15); yr [yirU] « yiyrqyu) "he shoots" (1.23,38).
Short forms: ymg [yamizl « yamgiy ) "he arrived" (1.15 V,18); ylt
[yifte] « yiftay) "he drank" (1.175,13); y'l [ya'lt] « ya'liy) "he went
up" (1.6 1,57); yph [yiphe] « yiphqy) "he saw" (1.19 II, 14); ybg [yibge]
« yibgqy) "he desired" (1.172,20); y~ [ya~~ « ya~yiy?) "may he live!"
(1.17 1,36; 2.7,9; 6.30,1); yphn [yiphan(n)a] « yiphqyan(n)a) "he sees"
(1.17 V,9). With suffix pronoun: y'dynh [ya'diyan(n)aMJ "he moves
her" (1.1 00,66).
3rd f.s. - tqry [taqriyu] "she encounters" (1.3 II,4); tgfy [tagliyu] "she
reaches" (1.16 VI,4); tlqy [tafqiyu] "she serves drinks" (1.19 IV,62);
t~dy [ta~diyu] "she sees" (1.3 II,24); tbl9' [tabkiyu] "she cries" (1.16
1,55; this could also be D stem meaning "she mourns"); td'u [tid'U]
« tid'qyu) "she takes wing" (1.16 VI,6,7); tl'u [til'U] « til'ayu) "she
overcomes" or "she becomes weak" (1.100,68; contrary to the view
of Verreet [1988:44], who sees here an original [tal'uwu]); t;:g [ta;:gu]
« ta;:guwu?) "she moans" (1.15 1,5); tr [tiru?] « tiyrayu?) "she speeds
(in flight)" (1.10 II,ll; cf. Ginsberg 1969:142; Gordon 1965:415; con-
tra TO I, p. 283, n. m which interprets the form as absolute infini-
tive of the root TWR); lhrln [tahran(n)a?] « tahriyan[n]a) "she con-
ceives" (1.5 V,22). Short forms: tIt [tifte] « tiltay) "she drank"
(1.96,4); t'l [ta'l~ « ta'liy) "she ascended" (1.10 III,29; 1.13,20); tmg
[tamgzl (tamgiy) "she arrived" (1.5 VI,28); tph [tiphe] « tiphqy) "she
saw" (1.3 III,32; there is no need to view the form as subjunctive
as Verreet [1988:236] does). With suffix pronouns: tbl9'k [tabkiyuka]
"she bewails you (m.s.)" (1.16 1,6; II,44; the form is most likely D
stem); tbl9'nh [tabkiyan(n)ahilJ "she bewails him" (1.6 1,16; the form is
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THE VERB 165
most likely D stem); tl'u'an "(sleep) overcame him" (1.14 1,33; the
scribe may have intended to write *tl'unn [til'un(n)annit?], cf. supra,
p. 13); tpnn [tapnan(n)i't] « tapniyanhit) "he turns towards him" (1.96,5).
Plural
pt c.pI. - Short forms: nst [nifte1 « niStay) "let us drink" (1.23,72;
the form could be [niStdJ [< niStaya?], c£ Verreet 1988:167); n'l [na'l~
« na'liy) "let us go up" (l.l19,33).
3rd m.pI. - tStyn [tiStayuna] "they drink" (1.22 1,23) beside l fll n1
[tiStUna] « tiStayuna) "they drink" (l.l14,3); t'nyn [ta'niyuna] "they
answer" (1.23,12); tln [ta'luna] « ta'liyuna) "they ascend" (1.20 11,4;
l.l12,7). Short forms: t'ity [ti'tayu] "they came" (l.l5 III,17,18); tgly
[tagliyu] "they bowed (their heads)" (1.2 1,23); t'it [ta'tu] « ta'tiyu)
"they came" (1.20 lI,lO; cf. Dijkstra and de Moor 1975:214-215;
Verreet 1988:135-136 and n. 30, contra TO I, p. 478 which inter-
prets the form as 2nd m.s.); tel [ta'lu] « ta'liyu) "they will go up"
(2.33,37; cf. TO II, p. 340, n. 46).
Dual
pt c.du. - Short forms: [n]fg~l [nag~u?] « nag~iyu?) "the two of us
entreat" (1.4 111,35). The form mg~ (1.4 1,22) indicates that this verb
could be D stem, but this latter form could be simply a noun.
2nd c.du. - tign [tag~iyanz] "(how) the two of you entreat (the
Creatress of the Gods)?" (1.4 111,29).
3rd c.du. - tmgyn [tamgiyanz] "the two of them arrive" (1.2 1,30) and
l tmgyn [ta tamgiyanz] "(his feet do not) reach (the footstool)" (1.6
1,59). Short forms: ymgy [yamgiya] "(Anat and Athtart) arrive"
(l.l14,9); tmgyy [tamgiya(y)] "(two thousand horses) arrive" (2.33,31;
concerning the otiose yod, c£ supra, p. 15).
Imperative
Singular
2nd m.s. - 'l ['il~ « 'iliy) "go up!" (l.l4 11,20,21); &d [&id~ « &idiy)
"watch!" (2.77,8); mg [mi~ « migiy) "come!" (1.3 VI, 11); bfnl [bin~
« biniy) "build!" (1.2 111,7; 1.4 V,18,33); ng [nigiJ « nigiy) "flee!"
(l.l4 III,27); ph m' [paM mae] « pahay) "see!" (l.l5 III,28; for the
root PH'Y, c£ below); w slm1 [wa-sate-ma] « wa-fatay-ma) "and drink!"
(1.5 1,25).
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166 CHAPTER SIX
There are, nevertheless, forms with imperative force that have the
final yod. These could be interpreted as absolute infinitives func-
tioning as imperatives, e.g. lrry "recount!" (1.16 VI,28; a command
given to Ya~ibu). The possible forms would then be G stem [lanl!Jlu]
or D stem [.lunnf9'u]. But if these can be taken as real imperatives,
then they may be lengthened forms with the volitive suffIX a of the
G stem, i.e. [1infya] or (most likely) of the D stem, i.e. [,lannfya]).
2nd f.s. - There are both, forms that preserve the final yod and
those that do not. The following are examples: qryy [qiriyt(y)?] "meet!"
(1.3 IV,8; for the otiose yod cf. supra, p. 15); st [satZ] « satay~ "drink!"
(1.4 IV,36) and also with enclitic mem, stym [satayr-ma] "drink!" (1.4
IV,35); rfi' [la'~ « la'f9'~ "conquer!, overcome!" (1.16 VI,2); rfi
[da'~ « da'afiJ "take wing!, soar!" (1.16 V,48; in 1.108,8 rfi should
not be taken as imperative as Rainey [1974: 187 -188] suggests or as
absolute infinitive [cf. TO II, p. 116, n. 356], but rather we propably
should delete rfi as dittography before the next form rfit, cf.
Loewenstamm 1980:327, n. l6a); 'at ['atz1 « 'ataw:;Patf9'~ "come!"
(1.1 III,16; IV,17) and also with enclitic mem, 'atm ['au-ma] « 'ataWi-
mal'atayr-ma) (1.3 III,28).
Plural
2nd m.s. - rsty' [satf9'u] "drink!" (1.23,6); rfu [da'U] « da'f9'u) "take
wing!" (1.19 III, 14).
Dual
2nd c.du. - tny [linfya] "(the two of you) recount!" (1.3 III, 12; 1.5
II,9; but this verb is most likely D stem).
Active Participle
Singular
Masculine - bny [banfyu] "builder, creator" (1.4 III,32).
Feminine - qnyt [qanfyatu] "creatress" (1.4 1,22) and the nominal

form \!Ja-mHi [~amztzJ « ~amfytz) "wall" (PRU III, p. 137,4); rfit [da'z-
tu] « da'fytu) "she flies" (1.108,8; cf. Rainey 1974:187-188; Loewen-
stamm 1980:327, n. 16a and TO II, p. 116, n. 356).
Plural
Masculine- r'ym [ra'fyuma] "shepherds" (4.243,45). With suffIX pro-
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THE VERB 167
nouns: ssk [siisl2kHJ « sasi:Jflklt) "your (m.s.) despoilers" (1.13,6; cf. TO

II, p. 23, n. 10 for other interpretations).
Feminine - bllgt [bakiylitu] "weepers, mourning women" (1.19 IV,9-

10).
Passive Participle
Singular
Masculine - rklty [kalilyulkatzyulkali:Ju] "used up, finished" (1.16
111,13,14); ~py [sapilyu/~ap'[yu/~aPi:Ju] "plated" (2.79,10; the form could
be 3rd m.pl. [~apqyu] and it could thus be D stem). With suffix pro-
noun: sbyn [sabilyuniil it, sab'[yuniil it or sabi:Juniil ltJ "our prisoner" (1.2
IV,30).
Plural
Feminine - bnwt [banuwlitu] « banilylitu?) "created things" (1.6
111,5,11; here the waw may have developed as a glide); ~pyt [~apilylitul
~ap'[ylitul ~aPi:Jlitu] "overlaid, coated" (4.167,2).
lrifinitive
rm1gy hy [magtryu hi:Ja] "she arrived" (2.31,45); rbm1 blgh [bi-ma baktry-
ihii or bi-ma bilgihi't] "as he weeps" (1.14 1,31); l sty [le-sattryil.fityz]
"in order to drink" (1.15 IV,27). With contraction of the triphthong:
fa smm [la'a samuma] « la'tryu samuma) "the heavens became strong"
(1.6 11,25; concerning this type of contraction, cf. supra, p. 43); w
'n rbt 'a1rt ym "and Ashera of the Sea answered [wa-'an~ « wa-
'anayu)" (1.6 1,53); b bk krt "when Keret weeps [bi-bakalbikz1 « bi-
bakiiyil bilgz) " (1.14 11,7).
Frequently it is hard to determine whether the form in question
is an infinitive or a qtl finite verb in 3rd m.s. or 3rd m.pl. For exam-
ple:
w 'n 'afi[yn] bel "and Mighty Baal answered" (1.4 VI,7), 'n could
be 3rd m.s. ['an~ « 'anqya) or absolute infinitive ['an~ « 'antryu).
w k mg 'ilm "and when the gods arrive(d)" (1.82,42), mg could
be 3rd m.pl. [magu] « magqyu) but is more likely an absolute
infinitive, e.g. [mag~ « magqyu).
Likewise with the following forms: mg hw [maga huwa] « magqya)
or [maga huwa] « magqyu) "he arrived" (1.23,75); sl hw [sala huwa]
« salawa) or « saliiwu) "he relaxed" (2.61,6).
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168 CHAPTER SIX
THE Gp STEM
Forms of this verb class in the Gpstem have been discussed along
with the strong verbs, supra, p. 127-128.
THE Gt STEM
yqtl
Singular
1st C.S. - 'iftbm ['iftabi-ma/'iftabe-ma] « 'iftabiy-ma/'iftabqy-ma) "I cap-
tured" (1.3 111,40; certainly the root is SBT, cf. Greenstein 1982:204-
216 and CDUL [forthcoming]; contra Gordon [1965:487], Barr
[1973:17-39], Loewenstamm [1980:466], Renfroe [1992:144-145],
Rin and Rin [1996:139] and TO II, p. 29, n. 46 who interpret the
form as Gt stem of the root SBM "to muzzle" [found in Arabic]).
THE N STEM
qtl
Singular
3rd m.s. - nkly [naklaya] "finished, used up" (4.279,1); nen [naentZ]
« naenqya] "it was answered" (1.24,31; cf. Gordon 1967:100 and n.
53; Herrmann 1968:18; Rainey 1970b:535).
yqtl
Singular
3rd m.s. - the lone form is in the following sentence:
III 'id ynphy yrlJ b yrlJ 'alJrm "three times the moon is seen in the
month of Abram" (1.163,5, for the possibility of taking the form
ynphy as 3rd m.pl. "they are visible", cf. Dietrich and Loretz
1990a:99).
ynphy [yinpahiyu] is N stem in which the stem morpheme n-
did not assimilate (cf. sUpra, p. 31; and also Bordreuil and Caquot
1980:352-353). The root PRY in Ugaritic was first discerned by
Rainey (1971a:172; cf. also Verreet 1984:310-312).
THE D STEM
qtl
Singular
pt C.S. - klt [kallZti't] « kalliytf1) "I destroyed" (1.3 111,46).
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THE VERB 169
2nd f.s. - ~wt [~awwztiJ « ~awwiytt; "may you live (my sister)" (1.10
11,20).
yqtl
Singular
pt c.s. - Beside long forms as '~wy ['~awwiyu] "I will grant life"
(1.17 VI,32) and r'akryl ['akalliyu] "I will destroy" (1.6 V,25), there
are also short forms: '~w [' ~aww~ « '~awwiy) "I will grant life"
(1.82,19); l '~w [La '~wz1 « La '~awwiy) "I did not give life"
(1.19 1,16; for the use of D stem lfWT alongside G stem lfrr, cf.
Marcus 1972:76-82); 'arkfl ['akallZ] « 'akalliy) "let me destroy" (1.19
IV, 34).
2nd m.s. - tkry [takalliyultukalliyu] "you will destroy" (1.5 1,2).
2nd f.s. - Short forms: tkl [takallil tukallZ] « takalliyrl tukalliy~ "may
you destroy" (1.19 IV,40) and perhaps tr~l[wy] [~awwiyr/~awwiyr]
"may you grant life" (1.18 IV,13).
3rd m.s. - ykry [yakalliyulyukalliyu] "he (will) destroy(s)" (1.2 IV,27;

1.103+1.145,40); y~ry [yl¥alliyuly~alliyu] "he prays" (1.19 1,39); yks
[yakassulyukassU] « yakassiyulyukassiyu) "he covers (himself)" (1.5
VI,16; contra Verreet [ 1988:241] who sees this as a short form).
With suffix pronoun: k ypt.hm [ki-yapattthumalyupattZhumii] « yapattiy-
humalyupattiyhumii) "he surley seduced the two of them" (1.23,39).
3rd f.s. - tpry [tapalliyultupalliyu] "she adorns" (1.101,5; the form can
be interpreted as G stem; cf. Rainey 1974: 189 and TO II, p. 48,
n. 105).
Plural
3rd £pI. - A short form: l tkry [Lii takalliyul tukalliyu] "they verily
(ldid not/may they) eat" (1.6 11,36).
Participle
Singular
Masculine - mrkl!i [mukalliyu] "he who destroys, destroyer" (1.19
IV,40).
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170 CHAPTER SIX
lrifinitive
The alphabetic documentation does not support an interpretation of
the D stern infinitive but there is evidence in the syllabic texts.
From the root ijWr there is tJu-wu-u [~uwwU] « ~uwwayu) "to grant
life" (Ug 5 137 II, 17'). Of course, one could transcribe tJu-wa-u, but
then it is hard to explain why there is no orthographic represen-
tation of the yod.
THE Dp STEM
yqtl
Singular
3rd m.s. - The form ykl is found in the following passage:
yn d ykl bd [ ... ] "wine that has been used up in the posses-
sion of [ ... ]" (1.91,1).
The verbal form can very well be Dp fyakallelyukalliJ
« yakallaylyukallay).
THE is STEM
qtl
Singular
3rd m.s. - t·ly [sa'lrya] "he set up" (6.14,1).
yd f.s. - s"'lyt [sa'lryat] "she set up" (6.13.1).
yqtl
Singular
2nd m.s. - l tHy [lil tas"osryultusosryu] « lil tas"awsryultusawsryu) "do
not suppress (your lips)!" (1.82,5; it seems that the root is WSr; less
probable to interpret the form from the root NSr "to forget", cf.
de Moor and Spronk 1984:239 and TO II, p. 64). A short form:
'al ts"'l ['al tas"a'lUtusa'l~ « 'al tasa'liyltuIa'iy) "do not cause to go
up!" (1.14 III, 12).
3rd m.s. - 'js"'lyl fyas"a'liyulyusa'liyu] "he causes to go up" (1.19

IV,23). A short form: yssq fyas"asqUyusasq~ « yas"as"qiylyusasaqiy) "he
served drinks" (1.17 II,33,35,38).
3rd f.s. - tssqy [tas"as"qiyultusasqiyu] "she serves drinks" (1.17 V,29).

With suffix pronoun: ts"'lynh [tas"a'liyan(n)ahlll tusa'liyan(n)ahUJ "she brings
him up" (1.6 1,15).
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THE VERB 171
Imperative
2nd f.s. - ssqy [safqiJIi'] "serve drinks!" (1.17 V,19).
THE St STEM
This stem is known from other Semitic languages (Biblical Aramaic,

in Akkadian and in Arabic). The examples from Ugaritic are:
2nd c.du. - tftl;wy [tiSta{!wiJIa] "do obeisance" (1.3 111,10; 1.4 VIII,28).
3rd c.du. - l tft~wy [la tiSt~wiJIu] "both of them do not obeisance"

(1.2 1,31).
The root of these verbal forms is debated. If one assumes that

it is ijWr, then the forms must represent St stem. On the other
hand, if the root was SijW/ Sijr, then they are Gt stem (cf. Emerton
1977:41-56; Fenton 1980: 273; Blau 1985:294). The Ugaritic forms
are strongly in favor of ijWY as the root. The Biblical Hebrew
cognate forms also support ijwr as the root.
The Verbs with Reduplicated Second Radical

THE G STEM
qtl
Singular
2nd m.s. - rbt [rabba~ "you are great" (1.4 V,3).
3rd m.s. - sb [sabba] "it turned (to)" (1.4 VI,34); ~l [~lla] "he pro-
faned" (1.119,24; the form can be a participle of G stem, cf. TO
II, p. 209); lJr [!Jarra] "(the horse) discharged (a putrid liquid)"
(1.85,5,7; the form might be a participle, cf. Cohen and Sivan
1983:18). As a strong verb: ndd [nadada] "he wandered, departed"
(1.23,63).
3rd f.s. - As a strong verb: nttt [nata/at] "she trembled(?)" "she

jumped(?)" (1.82,9; cf. Tall, p. 66, n. 184).
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172 CHAPTER SIX
yqtl
Singular
pt c.s. - 'apr ['apurru] "I shall break (an agreement)" (1.15 III,30;
cf. Ginsberg 1946:42 and TO I, p. 542, n. u). With suffIx pronoun:
'amrk ['amurruka) "I bless you (m.s.)" (2.33,13; from the root MRR
in parallel with BRK; the forms from this root with the meaning
"to bless" do not behave like strong verbs. On the other hand, it
has been suggested that the root might not be MRR, cf. Pardee
1978a:249-288, note especially p. 257 n. 52).
2nd m.s. - A short form: 'al ld1m ['al tadum?] "do not observe
silence (for me)!" (1.16 1,25-26; from the root DMM "to mourn, to
observe silence"). With suffIx pronoun: tmmn [tamurran(n)annil] "you
bless him" (1.17 1,24).
3rd m.s. - ygz [yaguzzu] "he will shear" (1.80,5; from the root GZZl;
ymr [yamurru] "he blesses" (1.17 1,35); ysb [yasubbu] "he turns around"
(1.19 II,19); ykr [yakurru] "he goes around(?)" (1.100,62; from the
root KRR, cf. Pardee 1988:203 and 215); yql [yaquMu] "he drags,
draws" (1.2 IV,27; from the root Q..1T, cf. Ginsberg 1936:76 and
Gordon 1965:481); ydd [yaddudu] « yandudu) "he goes away" (1.10
II,17). As strong verbs: ytll [yatlulu] "(the dew) comes down" (1.19
1,41; this could have another vocalization or even a different stem).
Short forms: rylSdd [yafdudJ "may he lay waste (the land)"
(1.103+ 1.145,37); y'zz [yi'zaz] "may he be strong" (1.103+ 1.145,57).
3rd f.s. - td [taddu] « tandudu) "(fire) wanders (through the hous-

es)" (1.4 VI,32). As strong verbs: tbrr [tabruru] "(the bird) burns(?)"
or "(the bird) is burned(?)" (1.23,44; the form could also be D stem
or L stem); tgll [taglulu] "she wades" (1.3 II,27; this could be either
D or L stem); tmll [tamlulu] "she rubs" (1.1 01,6; this could be either
D or L; cf. Pardee 1988:144 and n. 127; cf. also TO II, p. 48, n.
108); tgdd [tagdudu] "she exults" (1.3 II,25).
Plural
2nd m.pI. - Short forms: r tplr [tapurm] "may you fly" (1.19 III, 14;
for the possibility that the root is NPR cf. Loewenstamm 1980:35;
it is less likely to interpret the form as a noun as suggested by
Herdner 1963:89, line 120).
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THE VERB 173
2nd f.pI. - tqt!n [taqtu!n!J "you transgress" (1.40,23,40).
3rd m.pI. - A short form: trrh1 [tamurrU] "(the heavens) blessed"

(1.13,26); ttfdl [taddudu] « tandudu) "they wander, leave" (1.20 II,2);
Dual
3rd c.du. - ttt [tattutii] « tantu{a) "(the feet) trembled" (1.3 III,33;
cf. TO I, p. 166, n. b).
Imperative
Singular
2nd m.s. - dm [dum?] "be silent!" (1.14 III,10; cf. Ginsberg 1946:16
and TO I, p. 521, contra Gordon [1965:385] who interprets this
word as a presentation particle); mr [marlmur?] "remove, oust!" 1.2
IV,19; from the root MRR; for this meaning c( Sivan 1984a:249).
Active Participle
Singular
Masculine - rb [rabbu] "great", "master" (3.1,26); 'z ['azzu] "strong"
(1.6 VI,20; 2.10,13); rf [rafSit] "he who is attenuated" (1.14 1,10,22;
but it can be from the root RW.s, cf. irifra, p. 158). As a strong
verb: ~~ [m~u] "one who suckles" (1.15 II,27).
Feminine - rbt [rabbatu] "great" (1.14 III,30; 1.100,63).
Plural
Masculine .'-- As a strong verb: gzzm [giizizuma] "shearers" (4.213,30).
Passive Participle
1?ingular
Masculine - brr [barilrulbanrulbariru] "(the king is) purified" (1.41,7;
cf. TO II, p. 154, n., 45).
Irifinitive
b ~nth [bi-~innatihit] "while he beseeched" (1.17 1,16; cf. Biblical
Hebrew ni~1J [ps 77:10]).
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174 CHAPTER SIX
THE Gp STEM
yqtl
Singular
3rd m.s. - ydl [yudattu?] "he will be crushed(?)" (1.18 1,19; from the
root DTT, cf. Ginsberg 1969: 152 and TO I, p. 436 and n. J5.
Plural
3rd m.pI. - trf k1n [tudakkuna] "they should be pulverized" (1. 72,39;
the root might be DWK, cf. Cohen and Sivan 1983:43).
THE N STEM
qtl
3rd m.s. - nsb [nasabba] « nasbaba?) "(it) was turned, turned into"
(l.4 VI,35).
THE D AND L STEMS

Some of the forms discussed here might also be G stem. It is not
certain whether a particular form is D stem, with gemination (length-
ening) of the second radical, or L stem, with lengthening of the
vowel after the first radical.
yqtl
Singular
pt c.s. - 'amn ['araninul'aranninu] "I will exalt" (l.82,6; cf. van Zijl
1975:73 and 83). With suffix pronoun: 'atJnnn ['atJaninannu or 'atJanni-
nannU] "I shall favor him" (2.15,9; concerning ljNN for lfNN cf.
supra, p. 26).
3rd m.s.- ysnn [yafaninulyusaninu or yasanninulyusanninu] "he grinds

his teeth" (1.16 1,13); yhrrm [yahariru-malyuhariru-ma or yaharriru-mal
yuharriru-ma] "he burns(?)" "he desires(?)" (1.12 1,39; cf. Gordon 1965:
392 and 1967:92; TO I, p. 343 and n. u). With suffix pronoun:
ytJssk [yatJasisuklilyutJasisukli or yatJassisuklilyutJassisuktfJ "it excites you
(m.s.)" (l.4 IV,39); ykllnh [yakalilan(n)ahulyukalilan(n)ahU or yakalli-
lan(n)ahulyukallilan(n)ahU] "let him complete it" (1.4 V, 10).
3rd f.s. - t'pp [ta'apipultu'apipu or ta'appipultu'appipu] "she propltl-

ates(?) (him)" (1.4 11,10; the root might be 'WP); ttJl sl [tatJasisul
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THE VERB 175
tutJlisisu or tatJassisultutJassisu] "(Ashera) remembers" (1.15 II1,25).
Plural
3rd m.pI. - With suffix pronoun: t';:;;d. [ta'ii;:;i;:;il!d11 tu'ii;:;i;:;il!d1 or
ta'a;:;;:;i;:;il!d1ltu'a;:;;:;i;:;ilkt1j "may (the gods) make you (m.s.) strong" (5.9
1,4).
Participle
Plural
Masculine - m~llm [mu~iilililmalmu~allililma] "those who profane"
(1.119,23; cf. TO II, p. 209).
Imperative
Singular
2nd m.s. - With suffix pronoun: ~nny [~iinin'il ~annin'i] "favor me!"
(2.15,3; the yod is mater lectionis; cf. Liverani 1964:175; de Moor
1965:360; Krahmalkov 1969:264; Dietrich, Loretz and Sanmartin
1974a:471).
THE Lp OR Dp STEMS
yqtl
Singular
3rd m.s. - ymnn uamiinanulyumiinanu or yamannanulyumannanu] "it is
lowered" (1.23,37; this could be active G stem meaning "he relax-
es"); ymss uamlisasulyumlisasu or yamassasulyumassasu] "it shoud be
liquified" (1.85,3; this might be active 3rd m.pI. "they melted", cf.
Verreet 1988:112-113);yd>d<ll uadiilalulyudiilalu or yadallalulyudallalu]
"(the king) will be subjugated" (1.103+1.145,46; the reduplicative
dalet is dittography, contra Dietrich and Loretz [1990b: 142] who inter-
pret it as respesenting gemination).
Plural
3rd m.pI. - tdlln [tadiilalilnal tudiilalilna or tadallalilnal tudallalilna] "(the
spears of the king) will be subjugated" (1.1 03+ 1.145,7; contra Dietrich
and Loretz [1990b:94] who interpret the form as active).
Participle
Singular
Masculine - mmnnm [mumiinanu-malmumannanu-ma] "(the staff of your
'penis') is relaxed" (1.23,40,44,47).
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176 CHAPTER SIX
THE tL OR tD STEM
yqtl
3rd m.s. - Only one possible form is attested, in a difficult con-
text, viz. yt'dd [yata'lididu/yuta'adidu or yata'addidu/yuta'addidu] "he is
encouraged(?)", "he is admonished(?)" (1.4 III,ll). The broken con-
text in which this form occurs makes it impossible to deduce a plau-
sible interpretation (cf. Renfroe 1992:87 and Smith 1994:282 and
n. 104)
THE S STEM
qtl
Singular
3rd m.s. - fSb [sasibba] « sasbiba?) "it turns (transitive)" (4.167,8).
yqtl
Plural
3rd m.pI. - Short form: ys~mm [yaSa~mimiZ/yufa~mimiZ] "they are
scorched(?)" (1.175,7; cf. Bordreuil and Caquot 1979:297).
The form Sldlt (1.16 II,28) may belong to this category, but its
person is impossible to determine due to the context.
Qy,adrilateral Verbs
There are very few verbs in this class. They may be developed
from roots with reduplicated final radical or they may be ono-
matopoeic. The most likely stem formation is that of the R which
emulates the D stem (since the D stem gemination of the second
radical creates a quadriliteral stem form).
qtl
3rd f.s. - ~m~mt [~am~imat?] "she became sexually aroused" (1.17
I,41; 1.23,51; the original root may be lfMM or YlfM); [~rrt [[a~rirat?]
"(the sun) scorches/scorched" (1.6 II,24).
yqtl
Singular
3rd m.s. - ykrkr [yakarkiru/yukarkiru] "he twiddles (his fingers)" (1.4
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THlfvERB 177
IV,29; cf. Avishur 1976:260-261) or "he intertwines (his fingers) =

folds his hands" (cf. Ginsberg 1936:29); yqlql [yaqalqilulyuqalqilu] "he
swishes (his tail)" (1.114,5; cf. Pardee 1988:42-43 and TO II, p. 74,
n. 227); yprs~ [yaparsi~ulyuparsi~u] "he bows, collapses(?)" (1.2 IV,22,
25; cf. TO I, p. 138, n. y).
Plural
2nd m.pl. - A short form: tgrgr [tagargirnltugargiru] "you dwell" (1.23,
66; cf. Ginsberg 1936:85; TO I, p. 378 interprets the form as 3rd
m.pl.).
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CHAPTER SEVEN
ADVERBIAL SUFFIXES AND ADVERBS
ADVERBIAL SUFFIXES
Adverbial accusative-It seems that as in other Semitic languages

so in Ugaritic nouns in adverbial function can stand in the accusative
case (cf. Ungnad 1922:14 and Moscati 1969:120). Note the following
examples:
ttlk w t# kl iT ... kl gb' "she goes around and she hunts in every
mountain [kulla gum] ... in every hill [kulla gab'z]" (1.5 VI,26-27);
'rb bt mlk "he entered the king's house [bita mal/a]" (4.338,2); bt rklrt
tb'un "to the house [bita] of Keret they come" (1.15 IV,21); rM
[y]fd1k 'amt "wash (m.s.) your arms to the forearm ['ammata]" (1.14
U,lO; cf. 1.14 III, 53, where 'amt has the directive -h); w bel tb' mrym
!pn "and Baal departed for the height of ~apanu [maryama $apanz]"
(1.4 IV,19); w trM tl fmm smn 'aT! "and she may wash with dew of
heaven [talla sami'ma], (with) oil of earth [samna 'arflJ" (1.3 IV,42-
43); 'd r'i1lm n'mm ttlkn sd "until the goodly gods were going (/went)
in the field [saddJ « sadaya)" (1.23,67-68); s"'u r'db 1 tk mdbr qds"raise
an offering in the midst [toka] of the holy steppe land" (1.23,65); w
tr 'ar! "and she returned to the earth ['ar,m]" (1.4 V,24).
This accusative adverbial may be added to a noun in construct state
followed by enclitic mem (cf. irifra). Note the following example:
rkb rtk1mm ~mt "he mounted the shoulder of the wall [takma-
maltikma-ma ~ami'tz]" (1.14 IV, 3-4).
Suffix 'id ['ida?] « yada?)-Attached to numerals to express distribu-

tive, or multiplicative, e.g.:
tn'id [tina'ida] "twice" (2.64,14) and sb"id [sab'a'ida] "seven times"
(2.12,9) (cf. supra, p. 92 and Dahood 1965:11; for its use in Arabic
cf. Renfroe 1992:11-12).
Directive (Locative) -h-The fact that this morpheme is represent-

ed in the orthography may indicate that it was really pronounced (thus
also in Biblical Hebrew, cf. Blau 1968a:267). The directive morpheme
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ADVERBIAL SUFFIXES AND ADVERBS 179
may not have had a vowel of its own, but was added to nouns with
accusative/adverbial -a (cf. Blau 1974:22). The following are some
examples:
'lmh ['alamah] "forever" (1.19 IV,6); fmmh [samumah] "heavenward"
(1.23,38) alongside b fmm [bi-samzma] "heavenward" in the same
context (1.23,38) where the scribe preferred to use prepositional b-
instead of directive -h; qrth [qantah] "to the city" (1.14 III,13); 'amth
['ammatah] "up to the forearm" (1.14 III,53; cf. 1.14 H,lO where
the adverbial -h is absent); mtth [mattdtah] « mantqyatah?) "on the
bed" (1.14 1,30); 'ar.fh [' ar.fah] "earthward" (1.14 1,29); mswnh [ ? ]
"to the camp" (1.14 IH,21); m.fdh [ma,fadah] "to the fortress"
(1.112,19; cf. also Ug 7, pp. 25-26 with bibliography).
The directive -h is also appended to geographical names and per-
sonal names, e.g.:
m'atJdh [Ma'aadah] "to Ma'badu" (4.149,5); In fm amnh "two lambs
for lJamanu [ijamanah] (1.112,3; cf. Herdner 1978:23 and Xella
1981:45-46).
Adverbial -m [-am(alz)]-This suffIx is attached to nouns to create

adverbs (cf. Biblical Hebrew l:Ij?''1 [Gen. 31:42], l:I#IJ [Exod. 21:2] and
EI-Amarna letters aa-ia-ma "alive" [EA 245,6], le-16,-ma "evening" [EA
195,12-13], ri-qa-mi "empty[-handedJ" [EA 137,21]). It is also possible
that the orthography conceals [-um(alz)] in the locative as in Akkadian
(cf. Singer 1943:54-62). The following are examples:
gm [gam(alz)/gam(alz)] "aloud" (1.4 H,29; 1.6 1,10,43); 5pfm [sap-
sam(alz)] "at sunrise" (1.14 III, 14); bkm [biktim(a/i/bakiim(alz)]
« bi9am[alz]/b9am[alz])) "while weeping" (1.10 III,29); mtm [mat-
tdm(alz)] « mantiYam[alz]) "with a staff' (1.3 H,15); slmm [sala-
mam(alz)/Sulmam(alz)] "in peace" (1.14 III,26; contra Gordon
[1965:490] who interprets "peace offerings"); mr~qtm [mar~aqa
tam(alz) or mar~aq(a)tam(alz)/mar~aq(a)tum(alz)] "from afar", "from a
distance" (2.64,15) and the singular mr~qm [mar~aqam(alz)] "from
afar", "from a distance" (1.127,32;2.33,3; some see the prefIx m-
here as evidence for the preposition m(n) in Ugaritic, cf. irifra, p.
197); 'ilystk 'rm "E1 will put you in town ['zram(alz)]" (1.169,13; cf.
Bordreuil and Caqout 1980:349).
Sometimes this adverbial -m is appended to a preposition, e.g. w '1m
[wa-'alem(alz)] "and above all" (1.164,10).
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180 CHAPTER SEVEN
LOCATIVE ADVERBS
pm [.lamma?] "there"-(1.14 IV,36; 2.31,54). There are also other vari-

ants:
tmt [,lammat(a)?] "there" (2.10,18; perhaps Biblical Hebrew i1~~
"there" [Gen. 43:30] derives from tmt, while i1~~ "to there" [Deut.
32:52] is from tm plus locative -h; cf. Blau 1985:296); tmn [,lamman?]
"there" (2.41,21); tmrry [,lammanrya?] "there" (2.34,7; 2.38,7; 2.46,7).
him [halumma?] "here, hither":

b'at b hlm "she has entered here" (1.19 IV,52; cf. Biblical Hebrew
C/O [Gen 17:13]; KTIJ2, p. 61 and Pardee [1975:341] read b'at b
<'a>hlm "she has come to the tents", this reading is also possible).
hlny [hallinrya?] "here, hither"-(2.1,3; 2.13,9; 2.30,8,12; 2.77,8;

2.79,2). The reconstruction is based on the syllabic documentation al-
li.;..ni-ya (Ug 5 138,5'; c£ Huehnergard 1987:68). The form hlny may also
be a presentation particle (c£ hln, irifra, p. 186).
hnny [hanninrya?] "here"-(2.11,1O; 2.38,6). In both these contexts hnrry

stands in contrast to tmrry "there" (cf. Loewenstamm 1980:451-454).
TEMPORAL ADVERBS
Cnt ['anata'?] "now"-(1.19 111,55; 1.19 IV,6; cf. Biblical Aramaic l"\~,p"
n,p, and W and i1~.\i in Biblical Hebrew). It would appear that this voca-
ble is documented syllabically with assimilation of the nun, thus at-ta
[Ca~ « Canta'?) "now" (PRU III, p. 19,11; cf. PRU III, p. 19 n. 2 and
Sivan 1984a: 131).
Cm [?] "now"-(2.16,13). This could be the adverb Cnt with metathe-
sis (c£ Dietrich, Loretz and Sanmartin 1974b:34), or it may be that the
nun is a suffIx appended to Ct (cf. tmn above which seems to be tm plus
suffix -n). If the latter possibility is correct, then the reconstruction may
have been [Cattan] « Cantan?).
ht [hitta?] « hinta?) "now"-There is no cognate to this vocable in the

other Semitic languages. Its interpretation is revealed by its parallelism
with Cnt "now" (c£ Loewenstamm 1980:500). The following are exam-
ples:
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tfmIJ ht 'apt w bnh 'ilt w ~brt 'aryh "now, let Ashera and her sons
rejoice, the goddess and the band of her kinsmen" (1.6 1,39); l ht
w elmh "from now and forevermore" (1.19 IV,5-6).
In one context it might be taken as a presentation particle:
ht 'ibk belm ht 'ibk tmfH "behold your enemies, 0 Baal, behold your
enemies will you smite" (1.2 IV,8-9; C£ Biblical Hebrew I ~.~~~ itf.l-·~
~,~~. ~.~~~ i1}.iT·~ i1ji1,~ [ps 92,10]; cf. also Greenstein 1977:82-83;
and further Aartun 1974:67; contra Loewenstamm [1980:500] who
interprets the form ht here as temporal adverb).
'apnk ['appunaka?] "thereupon, then"-(For the -k as a deictic element,

cf. Loewenstamm 1980:62, and Aartun 1974:105). Examples:
'apnk ltpn 'il d P'zfd1 'jr1d l ks'i "thereupon the Compassionate, God
of Mercy, went down from the throne" (1.5 VI,ll); 'apnk dn'il ...
gm l 'atth "then Daniel ... shouted aloud to his wife" (1.17 V,13).
'idk ['iddiika?] "then, thereupon"-(Cf. Loewenstamm 1980:62), e.g.:

'idk l ttn pnm em 'il "then she verily sets face toward EI" (1.4 IV,20;
1.6 IV,7); Pi1dk lytnpnrm1 tk'/J Smk "then he verily sets face toward
the marsh of fish(?)" (1.10 II,8)
There may be one instance of a shortened form without the deictic
-k, i.e.:
'id ydb~ mlk "then will the king sacrifice" (1.115,1; one may inter-
pret "when the king sacrifices", cf. Aartun 1978:44; on the other
hand, the particle 'id may mean "twice, two times").
'al.!r ['a!Jral'a!JreJ « 'a!Jral'a!Jrqy) "afterwards, after":

'a/Jr mgy 'al'fyn bel "afterwards, Mighty Baal arrived" (1.4 III,23);
,a/Jr mgy ktr w !Jss it 'alp qdmh "afterwords, Kothar and tlasis arrived,
he set an ox in front of him" (1.4 V,44-45; the verbal form it can
be interpreted as 3rd m.s.); r'a1/Jr Spfm "after the sunrise" (1.14
IV,32,46).
MULTIPUCATIVE ADVERBIALS
pat [tanzta] « tanfyta) "for the second time", "secondly"-(1.175,16; the

context is not clear enough, cf. Bordreuil and Caquot 1979:297).
mapa" « mafflqya?) "secondly"-This adverbial is attested in the sy1-
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182 CHAPTER SEVEN
labic texts only, i. e. ma-aS-na (PRUIII, p. 109,4; cf. CAD Mil, p. 381b
and AHw, p. 628b).
MANNER ADVERBIALS
,alJ.dh ['alz@adah?] "together":

w k I ylJr'u w I y1.tn sSw [ms] rsl It qlql w It crgz
(y~k ' alzdh "Or if a
horse does not defecate or urinate, the sap of a It-measure of the
qlql-plant and a It-measure of the crgz-plant should be pulverized
together" (1.85,9-10).
It seems that this adverb is built of the number 'alzd ['alz@adu] "one"
and the adverbial -h (c£ Akkadian iSteniS and Biblical Hebrew "JJ;!: [Gen.
13:6], see Cohen andSivan 1983:21-22).
INTERROGATIVE ADVERBIALS
'ik ['eka] « c~ka) and with the enclitic mem ['eka-ma] (1.161,20) "how",
e.g.:
'ik tmgnn rbt 'apt ym "how are you entreating the Lady Ashera of
the Sea?" (1.4 111,28-29);
Sometimes it has the meaning "why" as in:
'ik mgy gpn w 'ugr "why have Gupanu and Ugaru come?" (1.3
III,36).
Another variant is 'iJg ['ek!Ya?] (2.14,6). There is no satisfactory
explanation of the fmal yod. It may be a secondary form of 'ik with a
deictic suffix (cf. Loewenstamm 1980:87). It might also be 'ik combined
with the 3rd f.s. independent pronoun hy (c£ Hoftijzer 1971b:360).
'~ ['iPyr?] « '~yr?) "where":

'iP 'al'iPn bCI 'iP zbl bCI 'ar~ "where is Mighty Baal? where is the
Prince, Lord of Earth?" (1.6 IV,4,5,15,16; cf. Biblical Hebrew il~~
"where" [2 Kgs 2: 14] and E1-Amarna a-ia-mi "where" [EA
131,43]).
This particle is also written 'i ['e?] « '~? c£ Biblical Hebrew '~
"where" [Gen. 4:9]), thus yJ'u gh [w y~~] 'i 'ap bC[~ 'i hd "he lifts up his
voice [and cries out]: 'where then is BaaU], where is Hadadu?'" (1.5
IV,5-7).
'an ['ana?] « '~na) "where"-(Cf. Hebrew l~ [1 Sam. 10:14] and il~~
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[Gen. 37:30] alongside 1'.!!lo. [Gen. 29:4]). This particle is known only
from one passage in all of Ugaritic literature, viz.:
'an I 'any SjJs 'an I 'an 'il "where 0 sun-goddess? where 0 El?" (1.6
IV,22; this might be the 1st c.s. independent pronoun; cf. Gordon
1965:361, no. 237, and also TO I, p. 264, n. n).
1m [Ie-mit?/ lam(m)a.1 "why, for what"-The following are two exam-

ples:
1m lb bn yn w Iq~ lqlm ksp bd ' amtk "why did Bn 'yn return and take
shekels of silver from your maiden?" (2.70,16-19; 1m 'ank ksp w yrq
tJr~ "what (use have) I for silver and green(ish-yellow) gold?" (1.14
III,33).
For 1m with the meaning "to, from" (cf. below).
md' [mOdu'(a)/medu'(a)?] « mawdu'[a]/mqydil'[a]?) or perhaps [maddil'a?]

"why"-(Cf. Biblical Hebrew .p11o. [Gen. 26:27 and elsewhere]). This
particle is known from only one passage in all Ugaritic literature, viz.:
mrf npf/1t "why did you (m.s.) fall down?" (1.107,10; cf. TO II, p.
98 and n. 301).
NEGATIVE PARTICLES
I [ta] "not"-(Cf. the syllabic documentation fla1-a [Ug 5 130,7']). This

particle negates verbs in the indicative and it is widely documented.
Two examples will suffice:
,abn brq d I trf fmm rgm I trf nSm "hail stones which the heavens have
not known, a word (which) the people have not known" (1.3
III,26-27); w k I ytJr'u w I yltn ssw "or if a horse does not defecate
or urinate ... " (1.85,9).
On occasion this particle negates adjectives, e.g.:
tJmf 'sr yn tb w ts"<m kdm kbdyn d I tb "15 Gars) of good wine and 90
jars, heavy of wine that is not good" (4.213,1-2).
The orthography lamed may represent other particles in different
contexts, e.g. a wish, or a vocative or reinforcement. Therefore, fre-
quently it is hard to distinguish between the various meanings (cf.
below).
'al ['a~ "don't"-This particle negates the jussive, e.g.:

'al lSt ['al tasztf] "don't put! (f.s.)" (2.30,24-25); 'al td~t(.0 ['at tid~atz]
"do not fear! (f.s.)" (2.30,21); 'at thbt ['at tahbut] "don't abase (m.s.)
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184 CHAPTER SEVEN
(the family)!" (2.47,16); 'al yst ['al YaSit] "may he not place"
(2.38,27); 'al frgml['al targum] "don't tell!" (1.16 1,31); r'a11 tpl ['al
tappulii] "(the two of you) don't fall!" (1.2 1,15); 'al ysm,rk1 ['al
yifma'kA'] "may he not heed you (m.s.)" (1.6 Vl,26); 'al tl'u 1 ['al
fa,Ii'u] "don't go forth (pl.)!" (1.164,19); 'al yb'm ['al yib'amf] "let
him not turn me down" (2.41,22; c£ Gordon 1965:375 and
Verreet 1988:87).
This particle may negate also the volitive, e.g.:
['a]rll rt1qy ['al tad(d)iJIa] "don't cast (m.s.)!" (1.119,27; if the verbal
form was indicative, it should have been negated by the particle I;
cf. Pardee 1979:689 and Verreet 1988: 128; it seems less likely that
here 'al has a positive meaning, c£ Miller 1975:610 and TO H, p.
231, n. 255).
'al also serves in rhetorical sentences in which case it has a positive
nuance (for this usage, c£ Ginsberg 1948: 140; for the possibility of a
similar nuance in Biblical Hebrew, c£ Dahood 1963:293-294). Note
'idk 'al ttn pnm "then, she verily did direct her face" (1.3 Vl,12-13;
1.4 VIH,1,10-11); 'al tj,rll "she verily came" (1.3 1,1); dll 'al 'il'ak I
bn 'ilm mt "a gift have 1 verily sent to the son of El, Mot" (1.4
VIl,45-46).
Naturally, it is often difficult to discern whether the meaning is neg-
ative or positive.
bl [ba~ "no, without"-This vocable serves to negate nominal clauses,

e.g.:
bl rt11 bl rbb "no dew, no rain" (or: "there is no dew, there is no
rain") (1.19 1,44); w 'atnk bl mt "and 1 will make you immortal
(deathless)" (1.17 VI,27); bl 'it bn lh "there is no son to him" (= "he
has no son", "he is without a son") (1.17 1,20; c£ the Biblical
Hebrew phrase t:liJ'~:t I1iT(Ij'T~ "there is no spirit in their mouth"
[ps 135: 17]); 'u mlk 'u bl mlk "shall he be either king or not king?"
(1.4 VIl,43; cf. Held 1969:71-79 and Smith 1994:256); fJPt d bl spr
"yeomen without number" (1.14 H,37); b ~yk 'abn nfmfJ bl mtk ngln
"by your life, our father, let us be happy, (by) your immortality let
us rejoice" (1.16 1,14-15); tsp'i s"'irh I bl ~rb tst dmh I bl ks "she truly
ate his flesh without a knife, she truly drank his blood without a
cup" (1.96,3-5).
bl also serves in rhetorical sentences in which it has positive signifi-
cance. For example:
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bl 'aft 'urbt b brhl[tm] "shall I not put a window in the house(s)?"

(1.4 V,6l); bl nmlkyd' yf~ln "shall we not enthrone Yd'-YlI:m?" (1.6
1,48).
This particle has a variation with the suffIx -t [balfil bilt£], thus in the
following sentence:
blt nmlk 'itr 'r~ "shall we not enthrone Athtar the Terrible?" (1.6
1,54).
QUANfITATIVE M'ID
The word m'id [ma'da] "many, much, very" is mostly used adverbially
(c£ Marcus 1974:406; for its use as a noun c£ irifra, p. 208). It can come
either before the verb (or the adjective) or after it. Note the following
examples:
pn Sps nr by m'id "the face of the Sun shines upon me very much"
(2.l6,9-l0); m'id tmtfHn "she smites fiercely" (1.3 II,23); m'id rml
[krt] "[Keret] is very exalted" (1.15 m,13); w yd 'ilm ... 'z m'id
"and the love of the gods ... is very strong" (2.lO,II-13).
This adverb is attested in syllabic documentation in plural, i.e. ma-
a-du-ma [ma'(a)aduma] "much" (Ug 5 137 II,36'; cf. Sivan 1984a:241;
perhaps it reflects a noun in plural meaning "abundance").
PRESENTATION PARTICLES
These particles are constructed from compound deictic elements (c£

Aartun 1974:32-35). It is diffIcult to reconstruct their forms.
hi [halu?lhala?] "behold", "is it not?"-(Cf. Brown 1987:202-207 [espe-

cially p. 203 n. 4]; Rainey 1988a:2l4-2l9 and most recently Sivan and
Schniedewind 1993:209-226). For example:
hl gfmtl llld brn1 "behold, the maiden is bearing a son" (1.24,7).
It also occurs with the enclitic mem:
hlm 'il yphnh "behold, El verily sees her" (1.4 IV,27; perhaps hlm
should be considered a subordinating particle, cf. irifra, p. 189).
hn [hinnt?] "behold, here"-(C£ Biblical Hebrew iT,m [Gen. 34:21 and

elsewhere]). The following are examples:
hn ym w In t'ikl 'iSt b bhtm "behold, a day and a second the fire eats
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186 CHAPTER SEVEN
into the house" (1.4 VI,24); w hn 'aJjm ~~n "and behold, the two
wives shout" (1.23,46); hn ksp d Ss'n "here is the silver which he
brought to me" (2.81,24).
This particle is also documented with elision of the consonantal h (cf.
supra, p. 34) as in the following example:
wn 'in bt 1 bCl "and behold, there is no house for Baal" (1.4 IV,50).
klk [haliika?lhali1ka?] "behold"-In the sentences:

hlk 1 'alpm lJdrJ "behold, lJdrJ-troops by the thousands" (1.14 IT,39;
cf. Loewenstamm 1980:62; hlk could also be interpreted as a ver-
bal form, i.e. [halakil] "they marched", cf. Ginsberg 1946: I 7); hlk
qftyrb1ln "behold, he fetches an arc" (1.17 V,12).
kin [halan? I halun?] "behold"-in the sentence:

w hln Cnt tmtfH b cmq "and behold, Anat fights in the valley" (1.3
IT,S); w hln Cnt 1 bth tmgyn tStql 'ilt 1 hklh "and behold, Anat reaches
her house, the goddess enters her palace" (1.3 IT,17-18; it is less
likely to interpret this particle "as soon as", cf. Gordon 1949:18).
kn [kin(na)?] "behold"-In the sentence:

kn npl bcr [I "behold, Baal has fallen" (1.12 IT,53; cf. Biblical
Hebrew 1# with the same meaning in Neh. 2:16).
7nk [ ? ] "behold":
mk spfm rb1 Sll w tmgy 1 'udm "behold, at sunrise on the seventh
(day) you will arrive at Udumu" (1.14 ITI,3-4); mk b Sll !nt1
"behold, in seven years ... " (1.15 ITI,22).
The origin of this particle. is obscure. It has been suggested that it is
Egyptian, but it could just as well be comprised of Semitic deictic ele-
ments (cf. Aartun 1974:72). It could also be from the root MWK, in
which case it could be the active participle [maku] of the G stem in the
meaning "low" (cf. Ginsberg 1936:42; Loewenstamm 1980:528 and
Margalit 1980:80).
VOCATIVE PARTICLES
I [la?llu?] "O"-Examples:
fmc mC1 krt "listen please, 0 Keret!" (1.16 VI,41); mh t'arfn 1 btlt Cnt
"what are you requesting, 0 Virgin Anat?" (1.6 IT,13-14); rf1mc l
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ADVERBIAL SUFTIXES AND ADVERBS 187
'al'iyn bel bn I rkb 'rpt "listen, 0 Mighty Baal, understand, 0 Rider

of the Clouds!" (1.4 V,59-60); fm' m' I bn 'ilm mt "listen please 0
son of E1, Mot!" (1.6 VI,23-24).
For other functions of a particle 1- cf. supra the negative particles and
also irifra.
y [ya] "0" (cf. Singer 1948:98-108; this vocative particle is used in

Imperial Aramaic [Ahiqar, lines 127 and 129] and in Arabic)-For
example:
y fpf "0 Sun-goddess!" (1.6 IV,1,12,22); y 'ad 'ad "0 father,
father!" (1.23,43); y rkVt1 "0 Keret!" (1.15 II,21); y bn "0 (my)
son!" (1.16 VI,55); y ntr "0 guard!" (1.23,69).
With enclitic mem connected to the noun that follows they (cf. Singer
1948: 102-103):
'al Ur1gn y btltm "do not deceive me, 0 Virgin!" (1.17 VI,34); y
b'r 11m "0 Baal!" (1.119,28); y ymm "0 Yammu!" (1.2 1,36).
EXISTENTIAL PARTICLES (POSITIVE AND NEGATIVE)
'it. ['il~ « 'ilay) "there is"-(Cf. Biblical Hebrew tl.i' and Aramaic ml;,
'm~, see Blau 1972:61). This particle serves in nominal clauses such as:
rgm 'il!Y "I have a word" (1.3 III,20-21); w hm 'il zbl b'[l 'ar,l'] "and
if the Prince, Lord of the Earth, exists" (1.6 III,3); 'ilyn "there is
wine" (1.23,74).
'in ['ena] « 'ayna) "there is not"-This particle negates nominal claus-

es, e.g.:
w 'unl 'in bh "and no feudal obligation is attached to him" (3.5,20-
21); w 'in ',I'r "and there is no bird" (1.50,8); 'in bt I bel "Baal has
no house" (1.3 V,38); 'in fmt 'in '?m "there is no fat, there is no
bone" (1.19 III, 11,25).
With the suffIx -n (typical of administrative texts) in the clauses:
9 'akl b ~wtk 'inn "because there is no food in your house"
(2.39,19-20; the -n may be the 3rd m.s. suffIx, i.e. ['enanit) "it is
not"; cf. irifra, p. 217); mdrg,lm d 'inn msgm lhm "m.-s that have no
weapons(?)" (4.53,1-2).
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188 CHAPTER SEVEN
CONJUNCTIONS
w [wa-] "and"-This is the most widely used conjunction in Ugaritic.
p [pa-] "and"-(Cf. Arabic fo). This conjunction coordinates especially

clauses, such as:
p d 'in b bty tin "but what is not in my house, you shall give" (1.14
111,38).
This conjunction rarely joins nouns, e.g.:
p btlt ern1[t] W p n'mt r'a1!Jt rb1 [eq "and the Virgin Anat, and the
fearest of Baal's sisters" (1.1 0 III,9-1O).
'ap ['appa?] "also":

'ap mpz rgmm 'argmk "also something else 1 will tell you" (1.4, 1,19-
20); 'ap ent ttlk w qd kl gr "also Anat goes around and she hunts in
every mountain" (1.5 VI,25-26).
'u ['0] « 'aw) "or"-This is the adversative conjunction; it is usually

written adjacent to the following word, e.g.: .
bn 'il krt Ip~ ItPn w qdS 'u 'ilm tmtn Ip~ ItPn I y~ "Keret is E1's son,
scion of the Compassionate and Qudsu or do gods die nor the
Compassionate's scion live" (1.16 1,20-23).
Sometimes it appears twice in the same sequence, e.g.:
'u mlk'u bl mlk "shall he be either king or not king?" (1.4 VII,43;
cf. Held 1969:71-79 and Smith 1994:256); 'u ymn 'u fm'al "both
right and left" (lit.: "either right or left") (1.23,63-64).
SUBORDINATING PARTICLES
'id ['ida.~ "when, after"-This particle has this meaning in only four
contexts, all from the corpus of RIH:
'id yph mlk rIp "when the king saw Resheph ... " (1.90,1-2 and
1.168,1; cf. TO II, p. 172 and n. 100); 'id yph mlk tnt "when the
king saw Anat" (1.168,8); 'id l'ikt 'lg nplt 'bdmlk "after you sent (the
message) to Akko, Abdirnilku was saved" (2.82,3-5; cf. Bordreuil
and Caquot 1980:360).
d [du/da/di] "that", "which"-(Cf. Aramaic '1 and Biblical Hebrew ~t

[Isa. 43,21; Ps 9: 16] and il} [Isa. 25:9; Ps 74:2]):
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ADVERBIAL SUFF1XES AND ADVERBS 189
'argmn nqmd mlk 'ugrt dybll sps mlk rb belh "the tribute ofNiqmaddu,
king ofUgarit, which he brings to the Sun, the great king, his mas-
ter" (3.1,24-26); w yen l{pn 'il d p'ir dl "and the Compassionate, God
of Mercy, answered" (1.4 IV,58, and elsewhere).
For details concerning this particle cf. supra, p. 55£
him. [halumma?] "when, as soon as":

him 'il k yphnh yprq ~b w Yf~q "as soon as (lwhen) E1 verily sees her,
he parts his jaws and laughs" (1.4 IV,27; perhaps him should be
considered a presentation particle, cf. supra, p. 185).
hm. [him(ma)] "if, or":

hm ~ry bty 'iq~ "if! take l:Iuraya to my house ... " (1.14 IV,40-41);
l~m hm stym "eat (f.s.) or drink" (1.4 IV,35); rgb rgbt ... hm gm'u gm'it
"are you verily hungry (£s.) ...or are you verily thirsty?" (1.4
IV,33-34).
Sometimes this particle is written 'im ['im(ma)], thus:
'im 'ar&dl b 'arakl "if one of my brothers ... " (1.6 V,21-22); 'im
mlkytnyrgm "if Malkiyatanu says" (2.l5,8).
This same use is typical of Biblical Hebrew, cf. the following:
,~t\iQ '7-P t:I'~t;1-'? n(rt:l~ '~~~t:I:il "am I a sea or a whale, that you set
a watch over me?" (Job 7:12; cf. Held 1969:71-79 and Avishur
1973:421-464).
k [k~ « kiy/kqy.~ "since, because, if, when, which"-The meaning of

this particle depends on its various contexts. The following are exam-
ples:
w l~t 'alpm Mm k rgmt !y "and the tablets of the ploughing oxen
which [k~ you said to me (about)" (2.45,22-23); k tmaf ltn btn br~
"since/when [k~ you smote Lotanu, the evil serpent ... " (1.5 1,1);
w 'id' k ~y 'al'jyn rbell "so I will know that [k~ Mighty Baal lives!"
(1.6 III,8); w tna b 'irty nps k ~y 'azr'ilyn bel k 'il zbrll bel 'arf "and
may my soul rest in my breast because [k~ Mighty Baal lives,
because [k~ the Prince, the Lord of the Earth exists" (1. 6 III, 19-
21); w k 'aad 'akl ssw "and if [k~ the horse has taken food ... "
(1.85,15).
Sometimes this particle is written fully, i.e. ky, namely in prose texts
(cf. supra, p. 13), e.g.:
rgm ky l'ikt bt mlk "the message that [k~ the king's daughter sent (to
me)" (2.36,14).
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190 CHAPTER SEVEN
For additional uses of this particle, cf. below.
Cd [cad(~] "until":
cd tfb c tmt{H "she smites until [cad(e)] she is satisfied (or: "until she
is sated") (1.3 II,29); 'd tsb' bk tst k yn 'udm't "until ['ad(e)] she is
sated with weeping, she drinks tears like wine" (1.6 1,9).
For 'd as a preposition, cf. below.
EMPHATIC PARTICLES
'i ['i?] "verily, surely" (cf. Arabic 'iIY]), e.g.:

'i 'ilt 'aJrt ~rm w 'ilt ~dynm "(as) surely (as) Ashera of the Two Tyres
exists, the Goddess of the ~idonians" (1.14 IV,38-39); ,ap 'ab 'i k
mtm tmtn "shall you then, 0 father, verily die like (mortal) men?"
(1.16 1,3-4; cf. Biblical Hebrew pt;:li0t;l 011:9 p~, "you (pI.) will veri-
1y die like [mortal] men" [ps 82:7]. This comparison proves that
semantically Ugaritic 'i parallels Biblical Hebrew p~, "surely, truly,
verily"; cf. CDUL [forthcoming]).
k [ki-?] « kiYlkay?) "verily, certainly"-This particle precedes the verb

and strengthens its force. This same use is attested in Biblical Hebrew,
e.g.:
'~9 i11:;J~ '? Ot;"lN~Dl i1~T'~ i1"JbR1 oll? nj?R! "the outcry of Sodom and
Gomorah is verily great and their sin is certainly very heavy"
(Gen. 18:20).
'~JJi?' '? ",~tt'~p ,t4i~~, i1;r~' o'i'i"~n~ "but God will redeem me from
the hand of Saul, he will verily take me" (Ps 49: 16; cf. Gordis
1943: 176-178; Muilengerg 1961: 135-160 and Muraoka 1984: 158-
164).
In U garitic the particle k- attracts the verbal form from its regular
place before the direct object to a position at the end of the clause.
The following are examples of the use of this particle:
Examples with transitive verbs:
l ktp 'nt k tfth "onto the shoulders of Anat she verily places him [ki'-
tasztuhfiJ" (1. 6 1,14-15); gm [ ... ] b'l k y~& "loudly [ ... ] Baal veri-
1y calls out [ki:y~I&u]" (1.4 VII,52-53); hlk bel 'alrt k t'n "the going
of Baal Ashera verily sees [ki'-ta'Inu]" (1.4 II,13-14); hlk klr k yen "the
going of Kothar he verily sees [ki:ya'Inu]" (1.1 7 V,l 0-11 ); hlm 'il k
yphnh "As soon as (lwhen), El verily sees her [ki'yiphan(n)ahliJ" (1.4
IV,27); in prosaic text: l&t 'akl fry l'ikt 'm fps b'lk "tablets of food
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have you verily sent [kf-la'~ to the Sun your lord" (2.39,17-19;
in this instance the particle [~ is written fully, cf. supra, p. 13).
Examples with stative verbs:
mn yrtJ k m[r:S'] mn k dw krrl [t] "(since) which month is he verily sick
[kf-ma1U:fa], (since) which (month) is Keret verily ill [kf-dawU]?" (1.16
II,19-20); in prosaic text: mibS Jrmnm k yIn "clothing of the diners
has been verily worn out [kf::JIagzna]" (4.168,5-6; cf. Rainey
1975b:89).
In rare instances the verb does not always change its position with
this particle k-, e.g.:
k fn rl'Um 'irl' rd' rp'i1[dJ "verily answered [kf yaenij the
Compassionate, God of Mercy" (1.16 IV,9).
I [la-?] (following Geeez and Arabic) or [Iu-?] (following Akkadian)

"truly, verily". A similar usage may be present in Biblical Hebrew, e.g.:
'iI~ij C!'07 :Ji~7 iI~m:rc~ "if you will be truly good to this people" (2
Chron. 10:7; c£ Megia 1963:179-190; Driver 1973:107-114;
Whitley 1975:202-204; Sivan and Schniedewind 1993:209-226).
In Ugaritic the particle 1- also expresses a wish (cf. Huehnergard
1983:583-584). It is usually attached to verbs. Note the following exam-
ples:
'idk I ttn pnm "then she verily sets her face" (1.6 IV,7); r'i1[dk] [pnm]
I ytn tk gr II "then he verily tum sets his face) towards mount U"
(1.2 1,19-20); Iyhpk k/'a1 mlkk "verily he will overturn the throne
of your kingship" (1.6 VI,28; this may also be an expression of a
wish); w I tiki w I tr1t] "and may you verily eat and may you ver-
ily drink" (1.88,3; c£ Verreet 1988:116; Gordon [1965:357a] inter-
prets this lamed as the negative particle); I ydb& mik "the king veri-
ly sacrifices" (1.119,13; cf. Herdner 1978:34 and Xella 1981:31);
ym I mt "Yammu is surely dead" (1.2 IV,32-33; cf. Smith
1995:791); Iyrt b nps bn 'ilm mt "may you go down into the throat
of the son of the gods, Mot" (1.5 1,6-7); trp'i S'irh I bl &rb tSt dmh I
bl ks "she truly ate his flesh without a knife, she truly drank his
blood without a cup" (1.96,3-5).
In rare instances the particle 1- is attached to a noun or adjective,
e.g.:
'ugr I r&q "Ugaru is verily far away" (1.3 IV, 34); I bel nrpll I 'ar:S'
"verily Baal has fallen to earth" (1.5 VI,8-9).
It is often difficult to distinguish between the optative-precative l-
and the asseverative 1-, e.g.:
I tbrkn I l.r 'il ' aby "may you bless him to Bull, El, my father" or
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192 CHAPTER SEVEN
"will you verily bless him to Bull, El, my father" (1.17 1,23); I tbrk
[krt] "you will verily bless [KeretJ" or "may you bless [KeretJ"
(1.15 11,14-15; the negative is also possible, i.e. "you do not bless
[Keret],,); S'irh I t'ikl e/ rm1 "may the birds eat his flesh" or "the
birds verily eat his flesh" (1.6 11,35-36; the negative is also possible,
"the birds do not eat his flesh", c£ Gordon 1949:45).
In addition to the functions described above, it must be kept in mind
that there is the negative particle writen 1-. Therefore, it is frequendy
difficult to establish the correct function of a particular 1- in various
clauses, e.g.:
I tdn dn 'almnt tIP! 1/J! qrr nps "you do not judge (or: "you verily
judge") the case of the widow, do not (or: "verily") adjudicate the
trial of the oppressed" (1.16 VI,45-47; the negative nuance seems
preferable here); penh I tmi;yn hdm "his feet do not (or: "verily")
reach the footstool" (1.61,59-60; the positive nuance seems prefer-
able here); I rgmt lk "have I not (or: "I have verily") told you" (1.2
IV, 7-8; 1.4 VII,23; this sentence can be interpreted as a rhetori-
cal question or as a positive affirmation); b ph rgm·l y~' a "from my
mouth a word had not gone forth (or: "verily went forth")" (1.2
IV,6; 1.19 11,26); I (Sen "they will not (or: they will verily) travel"
(3.8,14; cf. Verreet 1988:216).
Sometimes the grammatical form precludes a negative interpretation
of the I-particle, e.g.:
I ~'i [lui la ta,fi'] "you (lit) must certainly go forth" (2.8,2).
The 'i is not capable of being taken as the negative particle, since
the negative I [ta] would require an imperfect form, *~'u [tf1:\-z"'u] but the
form is jussive here. The same holds true for this senteces:
f f1 'a f flli [lui la 'aJ8~'] "let me verily bring (them)" (1.2 IV,2); erb
Ips I ymfg1 krt "upon the entering in (= going down) of the sun,
Keret verily arrived" (1.15 V,18-19).
If the 1- had been the negative particle, then the verb form would
have had to be imperfect *Ymgy or perhaps suffIx form *mgy or perhaps
it is a short form functioning as past tense, i.e. [yamit1 « yamgiy).
1n [-ma or -mi'i.~-This apparendy enclitic particle may be attached to

any part of speech (c£ Rainey 1996111:227-234).
With the infinitive for emphasizing the verbal action:
'an mtm 'amt "I will verily [matu-malmutu-ma] die" (1.17 VI,38); bel
~mdmy~mdm "Baal verily [~madu-ma] desires" (1.12 1,38).
With finite verbal forms:
'ib t'rbm b bhth "enemies entered (taerubu-ma) his palace" (1.24,18-
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19); lJr~ y~qm I rbbt "gold he pours out [Ya#qu-ma] in myriads" (1.4-
1,28-29); tge rm eJjrt "Athtart rebukes [ugearu-ma]" (1.2 IV,28); firkm
yd 'irl' k ym "El's 'hand' becomes long [ti'raku-ma] as the sea"
(1.23,33); tfpkm "she spills [tafpuku-ma] (1.17 VI,15).
With nouns:
'al f fr'gn y btltm "do not deceive me, 0 Virgin [ya-batul(a)tu-ma]"
(1.17 VI,34);y ymm "0 Yammu [ya:yammu-ma]" (1.2 1,36);y berl'm
"0 Baal [ya-baelu-ma]" (1.119,28).
With the prepositions 1-, b-, and k-, the m- morpheme stands between
the preposition and the word dependent on it. Comparison with
Biblical Hebrew indicates that the vowel of the enclitic particle is long
in these cases, i.e. [lema], [bima] and [kamalkima] (cf. Biblical Hebrew
iCf, iC,? and i9~). On the other hand, it is just possible that this was a
short vowel that was lengthened in Hebrew to a and afterwards shifted
to jj (cf. below for examples in the section on prepositions).
The enclitic mem is found on a word in construct (this is also known
in Biblical Hebrew: ni~~~ I c'iT'~ "the God of Hosts" [ps 59:6 intend-
ed for ni~~~ c-'f.i?~], ~9.~ c'~Q "dross of silver" [Ezek. 22:18, instead of
~9.~ C-'~Q], C!, C'j'1~'? "the mighty one of the people" Uudg. 5:13, for
C!, C-''J'1~'?], and finally "~p, C')~~ rCrQ "smite the loins of his attackers"
[Deut. 33:11, for "~p, C-'~~~ rCrQ]; a similar use is found in the Amarna
letters: Su-su-mr. abrya [sosi2mi 'abrya] "the plunderers of my father" [EA
252,30] and u-bi-li-mi lJarriinlit sam "the guides of the king's caravans"
[EA 287,55] [cf. Rainey 1996 111:236]; for enclitic mem in the Semitic
languages, especially in Biblical Hebrew cf. Humel 1957:85-107;
Robertson 1972:79-110; Cohen 1990:30-36 and most recently Emerton
1966:321-338, especially pp. 337-338). The following are examples of
construct constructions with enclitic mem on the first member:
I lJfn'm bel [lallu lJatnu-ma baelt] "he is verily the son-in-law of Baal"
(1.24,25-26); rk'rpnm yn [karpanu-ma yem] "goblets of wine" (1.4
111,43); bnm 'umy [binu-mal binu-ma 'ummiYa] "son(s) of my mother"
(1.6 VI,11,15); rkr't bnm 'il [Keret binu-ma 'ilt] "Keret is the son of
El" (1.16, 1,10); lkmm ~mt [1f1.k:ma-malJj.k:ma-ma ~mttz] "the shoulder
of the wall" (1.14 11,22; IV,4); 'ilm 'ar~ ['ilu-ma 'ar~] "the gods of
the earth" (1.5 V,6; 1.6 1,18); lb'im thw [lab(~'r-ma tuhwz] "lions of
(lin) the wasteland" (1.133,3; cf. Pardee 1988:157); ,alpm 'irb'
['al(a)pr-ma 'ibt] "thousands of foes" (1.19 IV,59).
This phenomenon may also be present when an adjective is in con-
struct with a noun, e.g.:
bht tJtrm 'iqn'im [bahatu tulJ.un-ma 'iqn'rma] "houses of pure lapis
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194 CHAPTER SEVEN
lazuli" (1.4 V,19; cf. Ginsberg 1936:32; less probable to interpret

tJzrm as an adjective preceding the noun and not construct at all,
for discussion cf. irifra, p. 207).
m C[maC?]-The origin of this particle is obscure. It is not widely attest-

ed, but in every case it follows an imperative. Its usage seems to par-
allel that of the particle ~~ in Hebrew after imperatives. Note the fol-
lowing examples:
pit mC [paM maj "look (m.s.)!" (1.15 111,28); cmrsl mC [,ammi5Z maj
"load (f.s.)!" (1.6 1,12); fmC mC [samaC maj "listen (m.s.)!" (1.4 VI,4;
1.6 VI,23); ssm mC [saskin maj "give heed (to) (m.s)!" (1.4 1,20).
PREposmoNS
General Remarks
Some prepositions in the Semitic Languages were originally ancient
nouns functioning as adverbs (in adverbial accusative; cf. Brockelmann
1908-13 1:494£1' and Moscati 1969: 121), while others derive not from
nouns but from deictic particles, e.g. k- "like, as". In other cases the
derivation is obscure, e.g. b- "in, with, by", and 1- "to, towards".
As in the other Semitic languages, in U garitic the prepositions func-
tion as bound forms followed by either pronominal suffixes or nouns
in the dependent (genitive) case, e.g. I ks'i [lc-kusst'il lc-kissi'i "from the
throne" (1.5 VI, 12), et al. Prepositions take the entire range of person-
al pronominal suffIXes. Thus for example: bh [bi-hit] "with him", bhm
[bi-hum(u)] "with them", c!y [Ca/gla] "on me", cmh ['immahit] "to him, with
him", 'atrh ['atrahit] "after him, behind him", et al. Likewise, the prepo-
sitions can take the enclitic mem, apparendy for emphasis.
Some of the prepositions have several meanings and the context must
be invoked to properly interpret the prepositions (cf. Rainey 1965:1-7;
for an extensive study of the prepositions in U garitic cf. Pardee
1975:329-378; 1976:215-324 and 1979:685-692). The prepositions will
be presented here with examples of their principle meanings.
Mono-Consonantal Prepositions
b- [bi-] "with, in, from, to"-(Cf. the syllabic attestation bi-i [Ug 5 130
111,6']; the syllabic i-sign is a phonetic compliment to show that the
vowel is i and not e; cf. Sivan 1986:309, contra Blau and Greenfield
[1970:17] who assume that the vowel in question is long). The follow-
ing are some examples:
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b ~rb tbq'nn "with a sword she cleaves him" (1.6 11,31-32); 'a/r1tn
b'at b ridk "our lady employer has come to your (m.s.) dwelling"
(1.19 IV,51); 'ard b 'ar~ "I will descend into the earth" (1.5 VI,25).
In prose texts, it may be written by (2.38,13,25).
The preposition b- may be separated from its dependent noun by
the enclitic mem [-rna?] (cf. Biblical Hebrew io~ [< bima] [lsa. 43:2]; c£
Robertson 1972:109-110), e.g.:
tb~ Pit brm1 lb tdm( bm rkbd1 "Pugatu weeps within (her) heart, she
sheds tears within (her) liver" (1.19 1,34-35); rb1m nSq w hr "with
kissing and (there is) pregnancy" (1.23,51); bmymn m!H "within the
right (hand) a (type of tool)" (1.2 1,39).
Especially striking is the use of b- in the meaning "from';, e.g.:
tn '~d b brnk1 'am.lkn "give (f.s.) one of your sons (so that) I may
enthrone him" (1.6 1,45-46); rb1 ks 'iStzynh "from a cup I drink it"
(1.4111,16); lI}m b Wm1 "eat (f.s.) from the bread (lfood)" (1.23,6;
the same combination is attested in Biblical Hebrew, thus: I:lIj,?~-,?:;;I~
cO'~.p~~~ "and let me not eat from their dainties" [ps 141:4] and
'Pt)?? ~9t)7 ~~,?, "come, eat from my bread" {prov. 9:5]); w b bt mlk
mlbfytn lhm "and from the king's house clothing has been given to
them" (4.168,6-8); b ph rgm lyla "from his mouth the word had
not gone forth (or: "verily went forth")" (1.19 11,26); kllyll}m bh "he
will eat everything from it" (1.115,10; c£ Rainey 1974:191, contra
Gordon [1965:553] who interprets kll as "all"); w ptfy.h[m] 'iwrkl
rm1'it ksp b ryd1 b'irtzym "and Ewirkallu ransomed them with one
hundred (shekels) of silver from the hands of the Beirutians"
(3.4,12-15); w ryq~l rb 1hm r'a1qht "and he took Aqhat from them"
(1.19 111,39-40).
Similar usage is attested in Biblical Hebrew. Note the following
examples:
CIJ?:;;I~ i(qil~ ipi~iJl "and the remainder from the flesh and from the
bread" (Lev. 8:32); )~t?#~ i~iml "and the remainder from the oil"
(Lev. 14:18); c?,in~ ~~tj ~" [:1:9 ~~19~1 "and they will bind you with
them so that you cam II It go forth from among them" (Ezek. 3:25);
c:~~liJ 9i.;':t~ i1-:r~iJ n;lJ~ ::::;: ::J::;~'-'?~ ''??1?~1 ri~v '?;J.~Q I 1;t'?l! "therefore
the land mourns and all who dwell in it will languish from the
beasts of the field and the fowl of the heavens" (Hos. 4:3); ~~,?,
't:l=?I?1? 1';~ ~lit\i~ 'Pt)?? ~9t)? "come, eat from my bread and drink from
the wine that I have mixed" (Prov. 9:5).
1- [le-] "to, on, from"-(Cf. the syllabic attestation le-e [Ug 5 130111,5']
and see the discussion concerning b- [bi-] above).
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196 CHAPTER SEVEN
The use of 1- in the meaning "to" is ubiquitous in the Ugaritic texts

as in the other Semitic languages. Sometimes the 1- also bears the
enclitic mem· [rna?] which separates it from its dependent noun (for
Biblical Hebrew iO? Uob 29:21], cf. Robertson 1972:109-110; this form
must be distinguished from 1m "why", "for what" discussed above).
Example:
yber 11Jz Pa1J.th 1m nk:r rm1ddth "he leads(?) his wife to another, to a
stranger his beloved" (1.14 11,48-50).
1- may have the meaning "on" as can be discerned from the follow-
ing examples:
ylb I k/;l r'a1fiyn bel "he sat on the throne of Mighty Baal" (1.61,58);
ylb I ks'i mlk "he sat on the throne of the kingdom" (1.16 VI,23-
24).
Noteworthy is the use of 1- in the meaning "from", e.g.:
I ht w elmh "from now and for evermore" (1.19 IV,5-6; cf. the for-
mula in Biblical Hebrew poetry c'7i.sr,.pl 'i1I;1.p~ "from now and for-
ever" [Isa. 9:6; 59:21 et al.], Imperial Aramaic C?ll?' p' ~o" 10 [cf.
Yardeni 1995:28] and Babylonian Aramaic C?ll?' p' ~O"O [Giffin
85,2 et al.]; for the formula and its components in Ugaritic cf.
Loewenstamm 1963:313-316); lym hnd "from this day" (3.4,1; it is
an opening formula of legal documents corresponding to the
Akkadian iStu ilmi annzm); ltlm 'il d p'zf d1 yrd I ks'i "the
Compassionate, God of Mercy, went down from the throne" (1.5
VI,II-12); w yrd krt r 11 ggt "and Keret came down from the roofs"
(1.1411,26-27); lymm lyrbm lyrbm l:mt "from days to months, from
months to years" (1.19 IV,13-l4); w mlkYT¥llly "and the king will
get gifts from TV' (1.90,20-21).
Similar usage is known from Biblical Hebrew. Note the following
examples:
i1~O?~7 c'!:9iJ ~~~iJ '~~~-?~ liJ~iJ lW?~ ,~~!, "and Eleazar the priest,
said unto the men of war who come from the war" (Num. 31:21;
cf. verse 14: i1~O?~iJ tII;t¥~ c'!:9iJ "who come from the army of the
war"); 'p'io ?;:;r~ 't.~'?~ 07~~T lill:tp-,~~ i1~~7 i1C?t;j tII:J~j "and
Solomon came from the high place which is in Gibeon to
Jerusalem from before the tent of meeting" (2 Chron. 1:13);
,~~t;jt?,i i1~~;:;r ... ~\;I~71 :lin7 'C'7~-?~ "all the vessels of gold and of sil-
ver ... Sheshbazzar brought up" (Ezra 1: 11); ?~~ ~":;>tllh ~':? 'cT?~l
i1QiJ~71 ~i.?7 C?'\.1:Jt;jio "and all the blood you will not eat in all your
settlements from the fowl and from the animals" (Lev. 7:26).
The absence of the preposition m(n) "from" (known from Arabic,
Hebrew and Aramaic) in Ugaritic is a striking feature as is the fact that
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b- and /- serve to express "from" (cf. Zevit 1975:103-112 and Pardee

1976:288,322). On the other hand, there are some scholars who insist
that m(n) is attested in Ugaritic (cf. the summary by Deitrich and Loretz
1980a:183-187). It would appear that none of the evidence adduced
carries conviction. The following are the presumed examples:
1. mr~qtm, "from afar" (2.64,15) and mr~qm "from afar", "from a dis-
tance" (1.127,31)-Since these forms correspond in letters to the stan-
dard Akkadian iJtu rilqiJ "from afar" (cf. Biblical Hebrew Pi:rl~ [Exod.
2:4; 20: 18]), it is tempting to analyze them as prepositional m(n) plus
r~q(t)m (cf. Pardee 1976:315, n. 5 and Dietrich and Loretz 1990b:37).
But it is more likely here that the initial mem is the prefIx of a maqtal
noun in a masculine or feminine (singular or plural), while the fInal mem
is probably an adverbial suffix, i.e. [plural mar~aqatam(alz)lmar~aqatumali
or singular mar~q(a)tam(alz)lmar~aq(a)tum(alz)] (cf. Blau 1978a:296-297;
1985:294).
2. w 'um tfmlJ m'ab (2.16,10-1 I)-According to the orthography it
could mean: "and (the) mother will rejoice more than (the) father". But
there may be a scribal error here, namely m'ab may be corrected to
m'ad(!) (cf. Deitrich and Loretz 1980a:186 n. 35; Blau 1978a:296-297;
Verreet 1988:87, contra Pardee 1976:270,287;1984: 220 who interprets
m'ab as a personal name, i.e. Ma'abu).
3. m'alJr (1. 166,7)-Some try to see here a combination of the pre-
position m(n) and the preposition 'a!Jr "after" (cf. Cazelles 1979:264).
The context mitigates against such an interpretation, so it is better to
see here a D stem participle, i.e. [mu'a!J!Jiru] "one who comes late" (cf.
supra, p. 136).
Inasmuch as all the supposed instances of the alleged m(n) in Ugaritic
are few and of questionable interpretation, there is no justifIcation for
assuming that it is found in Ugaritic. Only if some unequivocal con-
text should be found will there be a fIrm basis for positing a m(n) prepo-
sition in that language.
k- [ki-I ka-?] "as, like":

rk1 rk1lb [kilka-kalbz] "like a dog" (1.161,2); k 'inr [ki-lka-?] "like a cur"
(1.16 1,2).
This k- can also take the enclitic mem [-rna] to form a separate prepo-
sition [kimal kama?] (cf. Biblical Hebrew i9f [Isa. 26: 17]). The following
are some examples:
km 'ilm "like the gods" (1.4 V,l); km d'iy "like a bird" (1.18 IV, 18);
km sps "like the sun" (2.19,2); km rk1[Wb1 yq1q1 "(the moon god)
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198 CHAPTER SEVEN
swishes (his tail) like a dog" (1.114,5). With enclitic mem(?): kmm
[kimama/kamllma] "like" (1.164,7,8; 1.168,3, lO; cf. Bordreuil and
Caquot 1979:298).
Bi-Consonantal and longer Prepositions

These prepositions will be listed alphabetically.
'alJr ['abra/'abr~ « 'abra/'abray) "after, afterwards":
'abr SfJSm "after the sunrise" (1.14 IV,32,46); 'abr mgy 'al'iyn bel "after-
wards, Mighty Baal arrived" (1.4 111,23); 'atJr mgy kg- w !Jss st 'alp qdmh
"afterwords, Kothar and 1j:asis arrived, he set an ox in front of him"
(1.4 V,44-45; the verbal form st can be interpreted as 3rd m.s.).
'ap- ['aga?] "after" (cf. Aramaic in~::J):

'ag btlt ent "after the Virgin Anat" (1.4 IV,18); 'ag JTt JTt hlk 'ag ill
klhm "after two by two, they marched, after three, all of them"
(1.1411,41-42; unless 'ag is a verb here meaning "they marched");
'ag bel 'ard b 'ar~ "after Baal I will go down into the earth" (1.5
VI,24-25).
bd [badi/ bade?] « bi-yadi/ bi-yaday) "In the hand(s), from the hand(s)"-
(Cf. the syllabic attestation from the Amarna letters ba-di-u [badihi'tJ
"from his hand" (EA 245,35; cf. Rainey 1965:4). Examples:
bnf mlk d bd prl "men of the king who are in the charge of PIt"
(4.144,1-2); w ytn 'ilm bdhrm1 "and he gave the gods into their
hands" (2.4,21); bd!Jss ~btm "in the hands of1j:asis are tongs" (1.4
1,24); w lq~ lqlm ksp bd 'amtk "and he took two shekels of silver from
the hand(s) of your handmaid" (2.70,18-19); bnf bnJrn lyq~nn bd beln
"no one will take it from the hand(s) of Bae1anu" (3.5,16-18).
bn [bina] « bayna) "between":

bn enm "between the eyes" (1.2 IV,22); bn nfrm "between the vul-
tures" (1.18 IV,21); hlm ktp zblym bnydm [ffJ]t nhr "he smote the
shoulder of the Prince of the Sea, between the arms, the Judge
River" (1.2 IV,14-15); bnny [binanrya/binanqya] "between the two of
us" (2.33,34; contra TO II, p. 339; cf. ibid. n. 42 for other interpre-
tations).
bed [baedu/ baeda?] "behind":

bedh bhtm "behind it, the houses" (1.100,70); w Pt~ rh1w pr~ bedhm
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"and he broke through an opening behind them" (1.23,70); bCdn ksl

tJ.br "behind her you will break the back" (1.3 111,33).
yd [yada?] "with" (cf. Virolleaud 1965:105):

yramyd tn bnh "Yrbm with his two sons" (4.360,4);yd nNh "with his
clothes" (4.107,1,2,3); gnn mrkbt dt crb bt mlkyd 'apnthyd ~tftn "eight
chariots that entered the house of the king with their wheels, with
their (f.pI.) arrows" (4.145,1-4).
kbd [kabida] "midst":

kl it" l kbd ' ar~ kl gbCl kbd sdm "every mountain to the midst of the
earth, every hill to the midst of the fields" (1.6 11,17).
lpn [le-pani?] "before (temporal)", "in front of"-Cf. Biblical Hebrew

'"~7 and Phoenician JEl"):
lpnk "before you" (1.16 VI,48); ~n'!)' Lpn mlk "favor me before the
king" (2.15,3); 'umy ttl ky Crbt Lpn Ips "my mother, may you know
that 1 have entered into the presence of the Sun" (2.16,6-7).
Cd [cad(e)?] « cad[qy]) "until, up to":

tItn y<n> cd Shc"tr1. rCd1 rfkr1 "(the gods) drink wine until satiety, new
wine until drunkenness" (1.114,3-4); cd clm "forever" (2.19,5,15);
y,*- w y'adm yrM ydh 'amth '~bcth cd 1km "he washes and reddens
himself, he washes his hands up to the forearm, his fmgers up to
the shoulder" (1.14 111,52-54).
Cl « Cal[qy]) "upon, over":

[Cal(e).~
hm t'pn cl qbr brnyl " ... if they fly over the grave of my son" (1.19
111,44); cl bt 'abh nfrm frWPn 1 "over the house of his father the vul-
tures hover" (1.191,32); 'arb c c~ cl 'ar w III cl 'ubr'y "four trees ~ogs)
on (the account of) Aru and three on (the account of) Ubarcayu"
(2.26,9-12).
It may be that Cl means "in the presence of" in the following pas-
sage:
y~b tlm cl 'abh y'rb "the lad Ya~ibu entered in the presence of his
father" (1.16 VI,39-40).
m [Cimma?] "with, towards, to" (cf. Rainey 1965:2), e.g.:

C
cm'!)' [Cimmanryii/cimmanq'yii] "with the two of us" (2.11,10); cmn

[Cimmani?] "with me" (2.38,6); cmn [Cimma~/i1] "with us" (2.77,17);
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200 CHAPTER SEVEN
'm 'adty mnm Ilm "with my lady, what is the news?" (2.12,12-13);
'm '1m f:i:yt "may you (m.s.) live forever" (1.3 V,31); lk 'm krt "go
towards Keret!" (1.14 HI,20); w tel e f ml 'il 'abh "and she went up
towards El her father" (1.13,20); ybnn hlk em mlk 'amr "Yabmnu
went to the king of Amurru" (2.72,25-26); 'my t!J.b rgm "to me may
she send back word" (2.16,19-20); 'aIsprk em b'l Int em bn 'il tspr yr!Jm
"I will cause you to count years with Baal, with the sons of El you
will count months" (1.17 VI,28-29; it has been suggested that em
means "for, in behalf of'; cf. Dietrich and Loretz 1988: 113, but
this seems unnecessary).
Sometime this preposition gets enclitic mem, e.g.:
'idk pnm Iytn 'mm pbl f m[k1 "then they turned to Pbl the king" (1.14
VI,36-38).
qdm [qudama?] "before, in front of'-(Cf. Aramaic CllR. and Arabic

qudam):
It 'alp qdmh "he put an ox in front of him" (1.3 IV,41); 'n bel qdm
ydh "Baal's eye seeks out for his hand" ~it.: "Baal's eye is in front
of his hand") (1.4 VII,40).
qrb [qirbul qirba] "midst":

fyPt~1 ~ln b bhtm 'u frb 1t b qrb f h1kim "he opens a window in the
house(s), a transom in the midst of the palace" (1.4 VII,17-19); bl
'aft 'urbt b bfhl[tm] ~ln b qrb hklm "shall I not put a transom in the
house(s), a window in the midst of the palace?" (1.4 V,61-62).
tlJ.t [ta~tu/~ta?] or [ta~te] « ta~tqy?) "under, beneath"-(Cf. the syl-

labic attestation in an Amarna letter, ta-atJ-ta-mu "beneath them" [E4
252:26]):
t~th [ta~tahit?] "beneath her" (1.3 H,9); t~t ks'i zbl ym "under the
throne of the Prince of the Sea" (1.2 IV,7); km fkl[l]fb l yqlql t~t1I~nt
"like a dog he swishes (his tail) beneath the tables" (1.114,5-6).
tk [tokultoka] « tawkultawka) "within, inside, midst":

fylqm w YWPln b tk fp!Jlr bn 'ilm "he stands and he spits in the midst
of the assembly of the sons of the gods" (1. 4 III, 13-14); b tk mdbr
'it.fry "within the steppe land of IlSa'iya" (1.12 1,21); fu fedb l tk
mdbr qdf "raise an offerng in the midst of the steppe land of
Qjdshu" (1.23,65).
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CHAPTER EIGHT
SEVERAL SYNTACTICAL POINTS
INTRODUCTION
It is well-known that morphology anQ syntax are often connected.

Accordingly, there are several matters pertaining to syntax which have
already discussed in the chapters on morphology, and will, therefore,
not be repeated here. So, for instance, we discussed at previous occa-
sions the syntactical behavior of case endings (p. 82f.), of nominative
and oblique personal independent pronouns (p. 49f.), of the pronomi-
nal suffix of the first person(p. 52), of the determinative pronouns
(p. 54f.), of the verb tenses (including the interchange of yqtl/ qtl and
qtl/yqt~ (p. 96f.), of the absolute infinitive (p. 123f.) and of the various
particles (p. l78f.) and prepositions (p. 194[;).
It is often very difficult to fully understand the context of many sen-
tences inUgaritic. Many Ugaritic texts are poorly preserved, and even
when the text is not damaged and the words can be cleafly read, the
meaning of the sentences often remains obscure. Furthermore, many
texts are in fact only lists of personal names, villages, or professions, at
the most accompanied by numbers but lacking any further context.
Their laconic style, syntax and formulation make precise exegesis often
impossible.
Finally, in a discussion on syntax it is necessary to distinguish
between poetry and prose texts. Since most of the readable texts at our
disposal are poetry, any study of Ugaritic syntax will basically be a
description of the syntax of such texts, and will not necessarily be rep-
resentative for the syntax of the prosaic texts.
NON-VERBAL CLAUSES
General Remarks
A nominal clause, by definition, is either verbless or it may contain a
copulative verb which connects the subject to the predicate and deter-
mines the tense of the nominal close. There are two distinct types of
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202 CHAPTER EIGHT
copulative verbs, namely, stative copulas and dynamic copulas as illus-

trated by the following examples:
Stative copulas
w ykn bnh b bt Srs b qrb hklh "And may there be a son in the house,
a scion in the midst of his palace" (lit.: "And may his son be in
the house, a scion in the midst of his palace") (1.17 1,25-26).
rgm 'i! !y "I have a word" (1.3 111,20-21).
'in bt I bel k:m 'ilm "Baal had not a house like the gods" (lit.: "No
house had Baal like the gods" (1.3 V,38; 1.4 IV,50-5l).
r'inl bel b bhth r'ill hd b qrb hklh "Baal is not in his house(s), the god
Haddu (is not) in the midst of his palace" (1.10 11,4-5).
Dynamic copulas
The roots SBB "to turn" and HPK "to tum (/ change) into, become"
are used as dynamic copulas in the following examples:
sb ksp I ,r q1m tJr~ nab llbnt "The silver turned into blocks, the gold
was turned into bricks" (1.4 VI,34-35).
tJrdn yhpk I mlk "Our tJrd will (then) become king" (1.103+
1.145,52; contra Dietrich and Loretz [1 990a:96] who translate
"The king's guard will tum away").
Syntactically nominal sentences may be divided into four categories

depending on the kind of predicate used in the sentence: (1) Adjectival
complementation, (2) Nominal complementation, (3) Prepositional
complementation, (4) Existential clauses.
Adjectival Complementation
The predicative adjective in a verbless clause makes an assertion
regarding the subject of the clause. It fully agrees in number and gen-
der with its subject. The following sentences contain predicate adjec-
tives:
spthm mtqtm "Their lips are sweet" (1.23,50).
mt ez bel ez "Mot is strong, Baal is strong" (1.6 VI,20).
Nominal Complementation
Nominal clauses of this kind are essentially, i.e. subject = predicate,
whereby the subject is the topic and the predicate is the comment
which identifies the subject. The word order in such clauses is normally
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SEVERAL SYNTACTICAL POINTS 203
subject-predicate, and any deviation from this sequence is for reasons

of emphasis or for some specific pragmatic reason. The following sen-
tences are examples of nominal complementations:
nprSinl nps lb'im thw "My soul is the soul of lions of (lin) the waste-
land" (1.133,2-4; cf. Pardee 1988:157).
'a[!ltm 'ay 'il 'ay 'il w clmlz "The two El's wives are the wives of El,
wives of El and his forever" (1.23,42).
cbdk 'an "Your (m.s.) slave I am" (1.5 11,12; cf. the Amarna letters
lR LUGAL a-na-ku [EA 289,51]).
kptr ks'u lbth "Kaphtor is the throne of his dwelling" (1.3 VI,14-15).
I}kpt 'ar~ nf.zlth "I;Ikpt is the land of his inheritance" (1.3 VI,15-16).
Sbyn 1P! nhr "Our captor is Judge River" (1.2 IV,30).
rm r[{/b 1 'il m;;;trll bnh "The abode of El is the shelter of his son"
(1.4 1,13).
mlb rbt 'airt ym mlb klt knyt· "The abode of Lady Ashera of the Sea
is the abode of the perfect brides" (1.41,13-15).
spr 'ilmlk "The scribe is llmilku" (1.6 VI,54).
'udmytnt 'il w 'uSn 'ab 'adm "Udum is a gift of EI, and a present of
the Father of Man(kind)" (1.14111,31-32).
In identifYing equations the roots SBB "to tum" and HPK "to tum
(lchange) into, become" function as dynamic copulas as is illustrated
by the following examples:
sb ksp l rrq1m lJr~ nab llbnt "The silver turned into blocks, the gold
was turned into bricks" (1.4 VI,34-35).
The root SBB occurs in the G stem (sb) and in the N stem (nsb), and
in both cases it serves as copula.
lJrdn yhpk l mlk "Our lJrd will (then) become king" (1.103+
1.145,52; contra Dietrich and Loretz [1990a:96] who translate
"The king's guard will tum away").
There exists specific kind of identifYing equation, namely when the
subject is not fully identified with the predicate but only with regard to
one particular feature. In these sentences "equative Kaph" introduces
the predicate. Note the following examples:
km tsm cJ.trt tlmlz1 "Her beauty is like the beauty of Athtart" (lit.:
"Like the beauty of Athtart is her beauty") (1.14 111,42).
'amrr k kbkb l pnm "Amraru is like a star in front" (1.4 IV,17).
k nCm Cnt nCmlz "Her charm is like the charm of Anat" (lit.: "Like
the charm of Anat is her charm") (1.14111,41).
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204 CHAPTER EIGHT
Prepositional Complementation
COMMITATIVE CLAUSES
The predicate in these clauses is preceded by the preposition em "with,

together with", and as such expresses the notion of accompaniment
(partnership and companionship), as may be seen in the following
examples:
emn nrkll atny "With Nikkalu is my wedding" (1.24,32).
emk SIlt glmk "With you your seven lads" (1.5 V,8-9).
emkptlrly brtl 'ar "With you is Pidraya, the girl of light" (1.5 V,lO).
LOCATIVE CLAUSES
en bel qdm ydh "Baal's eye seeks out for his hand" (lit.: "Baal's eye
is in front of his hand") (1.4 VII,40).
r'iln bel b bhth r'i{l hd b qrb hklh "Baal is not in his house(s), the god
Haddu (is not) in the midst of his palace" (1.10 11,4-5).
w 'in d elnh "And there is none that is above him" (1.4 IV,44; in
this sentence the nucleus "something/someone" is omitted).
'akl b f.zwtk 'inn "There is no food in your land(s)" (2.39,19-20; for
the possibility that we have here a casus pendens see below).
w ykn bnh b bt Srs b qrb hklh "And may there be a son in the house,
a scion in the midst of his palace" (lit.: "And may be his son in
the house, a scion in the midst of his palace") (1.17 1,25-26).
[rilbln ykn b bwt "Hunger will be in (your) land(s)" (1.103+
1.145,3).
POSSESSIVE CLAUSES
The predicate in these clauses is preceded by the preposition 1-, and as

such expresses the notion of possession, ownership, belonging to. It
always follows its subject. Several examples of possessive clauses may
be cited:
d sb e fa]am lh 1Jlmt bn 'um "He who had seven brothers, eight sons
from (one) mother" (1.14 1,8-9).
rgm 'i1. !y "I have a word" (1.3 III,20-21).
palr 'ufml tkn lh "He had flesh of kinship" (1.14 1,15).
'in bt I bel km 'ilm "Baal had not a house like the gods" (lit.: "No
house had Baal like the gods") (1.3 V,38; 1.4 IV,50-51).
'ank 'in bt [l]fyl [km] r'ilml "As for me, 1 have no house like the
gods" (1.2 111,19; this sentence is a casus pendens, see below).
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mnm 'it I ebdk "What does your servant have?" (2.70,29).

fu/n1t 'inn fhlm "They do not have feudal obligation" (3.4,16; this
sentence should be interpreted as casus pendens, see below).
mrJrglm d 'inn msgm lhm "m.-s that have no weapons(?)" (4.53,1-2).
w I 1.t mrkbtm 'inn 'u!,pt "And the tWo chariots have no quiver"
(4.145,6-7).
'it 'alpm lhm "They have oxen" (4.422,1).
There are some instances in which the noun bel is used instead of
the preposition 1-, namely:
~by bel qmm w rinb "J:Iby has horns and a tail" (1.114,19-20).
'adm'D' bel bt "Admny has a house" (lit.: "Admny is the owner of a
house) (4.15,2; see there more examples).
POSSESSIVE-LoCATIVE CLAUSES
The deep structure of possessive/locative clauses seems to be the same

as both possessive clauses and locative clauses, and therefore, it is dif-
ficult to differentiate between them. These clauses are formulated in
two different ways: "X is in 1'" or "X has 1'" (there is a preposition
before the predicate) and "There is X to 1'" or "There is X in 1"'. These
patterns are so close that they are indistinguishable and cause ambigu-
ity. At first sight it seems that these clauses are locative in meaning, but
their deep structure shows that they also have a possessive meaning.
Note the following examples:
hn b py lp1rhn b spry mnthn "Behold, in my mouth is their (f.pI.)
number (= the number of them), on my lips is their ((pI.) count-
ing" (1.24,45-47).
at at
bdh lid bdh 'ulmn "In his hand(s) is the scepter(?) of childless-
ness, in his hand(s) is the scepter(?) of widowness" (1.23,8-9).
bhm qmm km trm "Upon them are horns like bulls (= they have
horns like bulls)" (1.12 1,30-31).
bd tJss mtbtm "In the hand(s) of ijasis are the tongs" (1.4 1,24).
w 'in lSn bh "And (if) there is no tongue in it ... " (1.1 03+ 1.145,31).
w 'in 'udn fm'al b[h] "And (ifj it has no left ear ... "
(1.103+ 1.145,37).
spr mlk hnd b yd ~tqflm ed elm "This document of the king is in the
hand(s) of ~tqslm forever" (2.19,13-15).
Existential Clauses
Existential and non-existential clauses include the adverbs of existence
'it "there is" and 'in "there is not". Both words always precede their
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206 CHAPTER EIGHT
subjects. The following are examples of existential and non-existential

clauses:
'it smt ... r'i1[t} '::,m "There is fat ... there is bone" (l.l9 III,4-5).
'it zbl bel 'arf "The Prince, the Lord of the Earth, exists" (l.6 III,3;
IV,S).
'ityn "There is wine" (l.23,74).
'in fmt 'in '::,m "There is no fat, there is no bone" (l.19 III,ll).
'in b 'ilm 'nyh "There is none among the gods who answers him"
(l.l6 V,19,22).
Occasionally the word bl is used instead of 'in as predicate in non-
existential clauses, such as:
bl rt11 bl rbb bl rsr'l thmtm "There is no dew, there is no rain, there
is no welling-up of the two deeps" (l.l9 1,44-45).
One can treat this sentence as having three subjects without predi-
cates indicating non-existence, i.e. "no dew, no rain, no welling-up of
the two deeps" (cf. Segert 1984:111).
In one instance the root KWN "to be" serves as predicate and it fol-
lows the subject, thus:
'drt tk[n} "There will be help" (l.l40,8).
WORD ORDER OF NOMINAL PHRASES
General Remarks
Attributes are found in both nominal clauses and verbal clauses. As in
the other Semitic languages an attribute in Ugaritic precedes its nucle-
us excluding the various intensifiers and quantifiers. The following are
examples:
The attribute is an adjective in:
gsm 'adr "a strong rain" (2.38,14).
snt ml'it "one year" (2.2,7).
ytmt dlt "a poor orphan(m.f.)" (1.82,22).
b'ltsmm rmm "the lady of the huge heavens" (l.108,7).
The attribute is a demonstrative pronoun in:

lym hnd "from this day" (3.4,1).
The attribute is nonten regens in:

hlk kbkbm "the course of the stars" (l.l9 II,7).
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bnJ bnJrn I yq~nn "Every single man (= no one; lit.: man of men)
will not take it" (3.5,16-17).
mnk mrn1km I yq~ "Nobody (lit.: Anybody of anybodies) will take
... " (3.2,12-13).
The attribute is a dependent pronoun in:

'aJ.t fdqh "his legitimate wife" (1.141,12).
The attribute is a prepositional phrase in:

tn ksp lql d 'mnk "Give silver, the shekel which is with you" (3.9,15-
16).
The attribute precedes its nucleus, especially when it is quan-
tifier, namely numeral (cf. supra, p. 87£) or the word kl "all, every"
in phrases like:
kl ir ... kl gb' "every mountain ... every hill" (1.5 VI,26-27; 1.6
11,16).
kl dbrm "all things (= everything)" (2.32,8).
rk11 nps "everybody" (lit.: "every soul") (2.38,20).
[kJlklh "its everything, all that pertains thereto" (3.5,10; cf. Dietrich
and Loretz 1984:351-52).
However, there are some problematic cases where the attribute pre-
cedes its nucleus without any obvious reason as is illustrated below:
Adjectival Attribute
q~ ksp w yrq tJrf "Take silver and green(ish-yellow) gold" (1.14
III,22).
The phrase yrq tJrf seems to be correspond to a construction of an
adjective followed by a noun (c£ Biblical Hebrew F1D P,)Pl'~
[ps.68:14]; cf. Blau 1972:76). If so, the Ugaritic construction is differ-
ent from the Akkadian tJuriifu arqu. One has to take note that the word
yrq is also attested in Ugaritic as a regular substantive denoting "gold"
(1.4 N 6,11).
PilIl~ ::-hrm r'i1qn'im "I will send pure lapis lazuli" (lit.: "I will send
pure of lapis lazuli") (1.24,21-22).
w bn bht ksp w tJrf bht thrm 'iqn'im "And build a house of silver and
gold, a house of pure lapis lazuli" (1.4 V,33-35).
In both sentences the word ::-hrml thrm is most probably an adjective,
meaning "pure", which stands in the construct state and is followed by
the genitive 'iqn'im "lapis lazuli" (c£ Blau 1972:77). The construct chain
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208 CHAPTER EIGHT
is interrupted by the insertion of enclitic mem of ?,hnnl {hnn between the

nomen regens and the nomen rectum (cf. supra, p. 193).
'ib 'iqn'i "pure lapis lazuli" (lit.: "pure of lapis lazuli") (1.14 III,43;
VI,29).
According to Ginsberg (1969:144), this phrase is a construct state of
two substantives, i.e. "the pureness of lapis lazuli". However, it seems
better to consider 'ib as an adjective in construct relation to a substan-
tive, being semantically identical with an adjectival attribute following
its substantival head. In other words, *'ibbu 'iqnZ'il'iqni'i is semantical-
ly identical with 'iqnZ'ul'iqni'u 'ibbu, both meaning "pure lapis lazuli"
(cf. Blau 1972:76-77).
n'mn 'mq nfm "0 good one, strongest of men" (l.17 VI,45).
The word 'mq "strong" is most likely an adjective in construct rela-
tion with nfm "men". However, it is also possible that the phrase 'mq
nfm is a superlative construction which would then explain why the
adjective precedes its nucleus.
Adverbial Attribute
The quantifier m'idlm'adlm'ud "very, much, many" may as well pre-

cede its nucleus (noun or adjective) and sometimes follows it. (On the
use m'idlm'adlm'ud as an adverb cf. supra, p. 185). Whenever m'idl
m'adlm'ud precedes a noun, it can be analyzed as a substantive in the
construct state (cf. Marcus 1974:405-407; for m'id as a noun cf. m'idy
[ma'diyaJ "my abundance" [2.46,11] and Biblical Hebrew ~l1k9-?;91
"and with all your might" [Deut. 6:5]). The following are examples of
the use of m'idlm'adlm'ud:
m'idlm'adlm'ud Preceding its Nucleus:
m'id rml [krtj "Be very exalted, Keret" (1.15 m,13).
rm1'ud lin "abundance of flocks" (= "many flocks/much cattle")
(l.5 III,23).
m>'u<'id dm "much blood" (l.5 m,24-25).
m'id ksp "much silver" (lit.: "a lot of silver") (l.4 V,15,38).
'm ips kll m'idm slm "With his majesty, the Sun, everything is very
fine" (2.39,3-4).
This formula seems to be Akkadian as can be discerned from the fol-
lowing example:
it-ti dSamSi (UW-si) gab-bu dan-rnifl su-ul-mu (Ug 5 33,3'-4'; cf.
Rainey 1975c:25). The word is m'idm almost certainly plural; cf.
ma-a-du-ma "much", "abundance (?)" rUg 5 137 II,36']).
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m'idlm'adlm'ud Following its Nucleus:

,b'uk, 'ul m'ad ''Your army is very strong" (1.14 11,35; cf. Ginsberg
1946:37, contra Marcus [1974:405] who interprets it as "many").
w yd 'ilm ... 'z m'id "And the love of the gods is very strong"
(2.10,11-13).
sgr mVdI "many offsprings(?)" (1.5 111,17; the context is not suffi-
ciently clear).
CONSTRUCT STATE IN UGARITIC
We have already mentioned that the noun in U garitic retains its case
ending even when used in the construct state (cf. supra, p. 82f.).
Occasionally enclitic mem stands between the nomen regens and the nomen
rectum (cf. supra, p. 193). The following are the types of the nomen rec-
tum and the nomen regens:
Construct State of Noun + Noun:
q, mr'i "ribs of fat beef" (1.3 1,8).
Construct State of Preposition + Noun:

t/J,t ks'i zbl ym "under the throne of the Prince of the Sea" (1.2
IV,7).
Construct State of Adjective + Noun:

see examples above.
Construct State of Nwneral + Noun:

m'it 'iqn'i "one hundred (shekels of) lapis lazuli" (3.1,30,32).
'arb' 'alpm 'iqn'i "four thousand (shekels of) lapis lazuli" (4.203,5).
Sometimes the numeral is appositional to its noun; see examples
supra, p. 86f.
Construct State of Noun + Sentence:

y bn 'as'flld "0 sons (whom) 1 have begotten" (1.23,65)~
y 'aJ.t 'itrtJ "0 two wives (whom) I have betrothed" (1.23,64).
The nouns bn and ' aJ.t in these examples do not end in mem, which
proves that they are in construct state (cf. supra, p. 83).
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2lO CHAPTER EIGHT
VERBAL SENTENCES
Word Order
WORD ORDER OF VERBAL SENTENCES IN PROSE
Plain prose is represented by only a few samples. Most of the prosaic

texts are formulaic and are in fact imitations of Akkadian legal episto-
lary. From the Ugaritic texts at our disposal, it seems that the subject,
verb, object and adverb may occur in any order. One may discern that
this flexibility of word order is often exploited in order to emphasize a
certain part of the sentence. Nevertheless, it is still true that in most
instances the subject precedes its verb. The following are examples
showing the various structures of verbal sentences:
Subject-Verb-Object:
nqmd mlk 'ugrt ktb spr hnd "Niqmaddu, king of Ugarit, has written
this document" (2.19,8-9).
Adverb-Subject-Object-Verb:
lym hnd 'iwlk11 pdy 'agdn "From this day, lwirkallu has redeemed
Agdenu" (3.4,1-2).
Object-Subject-Verb-Object:
'irst 'arst I 'a!Jy "I asked a request for my brother" (lit.: "A request
I asked for my brother") (5.9 1,7-8).
Subject-Object-Verb:
efT ksdm yd lmdhm lq~ "Ten ~s took the hands of their apprentice"
(lit.: "Ten k's the hands of their apprentice took") (4.125,8).
Verb-Subject-Adverb:
k t'rb etprt sd bt mlk k t'rbn rspm bt mlk ''When Athtart of the Field
enters the house of the king, when the Reshaphim enter the house
of the king" (lit.: "When enters Athtart of the Field the house of
the king, when enter the Reshaphim the house of the king")
(1.91,lO-II).
In the case of chiasmus (a feature characteristic of poetry), one may
find changes in word order, thus:
I yblt !Jb!JnII'ap ksphrn I yblt "I did (not) bring the t/sllalso
their silver I did (not) bring" (2.17,1-3).
WORD ORDER OF VERBAL SENTENCES IN POETRY
The word order of verbal sentences in poetry is flexible, but specific

poetic structures, such as parallelism or chiasmus, often determine the
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place of each constituent in the sentence. However, it should be kept

in mind that such structures do not reflect spoken language, and tell us
nothing about the word order in verbal sentence in Ugaritic as it was
spoken by its people. Parallelism of two or more cola is often encoun-
tered in poetry. From the point of view of syntax, one should consid-
er the parallelism as one unit even if each colon consists of a separate
sentence. It occasionally happens that a specific element which was
mentioned in the first colon is not repeated in the second or third one.
The following sentences illustrate the flexible word order in poetic ver-
bal sentences:
Subject-Verb-Object:
tq~ mlk 'lmk ''You will take your eternal kingdom" (1.2 IV,lO).
ydn dn 'almnt "He judges the case of the widow" (1.1 7 V, 7-S).
r'i1Sl~ ;;firm r'i1qn'im "I will send pure lapis lazuli" (1.24,21-22).
Verb-Subject-Object:
w tlJ/s1 'apt ndrh "And remembers Ashera his vow(s)" (1.15 III,25).
Verb-Subject-Object-Adverb:
I ytn bt I b'r 11 k 'ilm "A house is (not) given to Baal like the gods"
(lit.: "Is [not] given a house to Baal like the gods") (1.3 V,3).
Verb-Subject-Adverb:
tStql 'ilt I hklh "The goddess enters her house" Oit.: "Enters the god-
dess her house") (1.3 II,lS).
Subject-Adverb-Verb:
dn'il bth ym.gyn "Daniel reaches his house" (lit.: "Daniel his house
reaches") (1.19 IV,S).
sr! k1 b 'ar~ 'al yp' "Let not your scion flourish in the land" (lit.:
"Your scion in the land let not flourish") (1.19 m,53-54).
Subject-Object-Verb:
kir ~mdm yn~t "Kothar brings down two clubs" (lit.: "Kothar two
clubs brings down") (1.2 IV, 11).
'il 'aItm k ypt.hm "El, he surely seduced the two women" (lit.: "El,
the two women he surely seduced them") (1.23,39).
Object-Verb-Subjec:
rm1l'akm yl'ak ym "Yammu sends the messengers" (lit.: "The
Messengers sends Yammu") (1.2 I,ll).
sm'alh t'ulJd '1frt "Athtart holds his left hand" (lit.: "His left hand
holds Athtart") (1.2 1,40).
Object-Subject-Verb:
bfrtk yblt "Your news I bring" (1.4 V,27).
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212 CHAPTER EIGHT
hlk bel 'atrt k t'n "The going of Baal Ashera verily sees" (1.4 II,13.;.
14).
Adverb-Subject-Verb:
el bt 'abh nfrm l,'t/pn l "Over her father's house vultures hover"
(1.19 1,32).
Object-Adverb-Subject-Verb:
penh I hdm YiPt "His feet he sets on the footstool" ~it.: "His feet on
the footstool he sets" (1.4 IV,29).
There are times when the word order in the second colon may be
different from that in the first colon due to chiasmus. Note the follow-
ing examples:
y~q ~ I 'alpm/ / fJ!1 y~qrn I rbbt "He pours silver by thousands (of
shekels)/ /gold he casts by myriads" (1.41,26-28).
fmm im'n trn~rn/ /nlJlm tlk nbtm "The heavens rain down oil/ /the
brooks run with honey" (1.6 III,6-7).
Sometimes the poet changes the word order (of the two cola) as a
result of using a single word or construction common to both cola. This
word (or construction) ends the first colon and simultaneously also
begins the second colon, i.e. the so-called "Pivot" word or construction.
Note the following examples:
Subject as "Pivot":
y'n glrnrn y''!Yn "The lads answered" (lit.: "Answered the lads, the
lads answered") (1.3 IV,S).
The word glmm "lads" is the subject and functions as pivot between
two verbs in one colon.
tl&m rp'urn tStyn ... tl&mn rp'urn tStyn "The shades eat and drink
... the shades eat and drink" (lit.: "Eat the shades, the shades drink
... eat the shades, the shades drink") (1.22 1,21-24).
The word rp'um "shades" is twice a pivot word separating verbs that
usually occur in a coordinated sequence.
Verb as "Pivot":
[bJ ph rgm I y~' a b spth hwth "From his mouth the word verily went
(lhad not gone) forth, from his lips his utterance" (lit.: "From his
mouth the word verily went (lhad not gone) forth, verily went
(lhad not gone) forth from his lips his utterance") (1.2 IV,6).
The verb I Y~' a "it verily went (/had not gone) forth" functions as a
predicate of both cola. It ends the first colon, but simultaneously begins
the second one.
npfh I l&m tptlJ, brlth 11rm "His appetite she opens to eat, his desire
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to dine" (lit.: "His appetite to eat she opens, she opens his desire
to dine") (1.16 VI,11-12).
The verb tptl} "she opens" serves as predicate of both cola.
r'a1p 'ilm I <1>r~l[mJ y!b bn qdf I pm "Now the gods were sitting
to eat, the holy ones for to dine" (lit.: "Now the gods to eat were
sitting, were sitting the holy ones for to dine") (1.2 1,20-21).
The form y~b "they were sitting" functions as the predicate of both
cola.
Subject and Verb as "Pivot":

hlk 'afJth bel yen tdrq ybnt 'abh "Baal sees the going of his sister, the
course of his father's daughter" (lit.: "The going of his sister Baal
sees, Baal sees the course of his father's daughter" (1.3 IV,39-40).
The combination be I yen "Baal sees" is pivot of both cola, inserted
between the respective objects of the two cola.
There are instances when the scribe repeats the pivotal component.
In most such cases, the text expressed in the first colon is incomplete
and the second colon completes the idea (cf. Biblical Hebrew ilJiI'7 ~l~I
iI')~T "ij?l 'i~~:;1 'i~~:jl "Make music to the Lord with the lyre, with the
lyre and melodies voice" [ps 98:5]; cf. Sivan and Vona 1994:443-447).
Almost all of these cases are part of special so-called three line "strair-
case parallelism" or climactic parallelism structure. Note, for example,
the following cases:
w yl'u enh 'al'fyn bel w yl'u enh w yen W yen btlt ent nemt rb1n 'afJt bel
"And lifts up his eyes, Mighty Baal, and he lifts his eyes and sees,
and he sees the Virgin Anat, fairest among Baal's sisters" (1.10
11,13-16).
w ts"'u enh w ten w ten ' arlJ w trr1 b Ikt "She lifts her eyes and sees,
she sees a cow and proceeds in walking" (1.10 11,27-28).
tbrk r'i1lm t'i~ tr'i1~ 'U}m r/1 'ahlhm dr 'il rms'"'lkrn1thm "The gods
blessed (him and) came, came the gods to their tents, El's
entourage to their habitations" (1.15 111,17-19).
kl'at rtVtn1~ w tldn rtld' [iJlm nemm 'agzrym bn ym "They both
bow down in childbirth and give birth, they give birth to the good-
ly gods, the islanders(?), sons of the Sea" (1.23,58).
yhbr spthm ys"f q1 hn spthm mtqtm mtqtm k Irmn[mJ "He bends, he
kisses their lips, behold, their lips are sweet, sweet as grapes"
(1.23,49-50).
Sometimes there is a repetition of the pivotal constituent even when
each colon has a complete idea; thus for example:
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214 CHAPTER EIGHT
knp nfrm b'l ylbr b'llbr rf'iJ; hmt "The wings of the eagles may Baal
break, Baal broke their pinions" (1.19 m,8-9).
This case is an example ofyqtllqtlparallelism (cf. supra, p. 107)
Connection between OlOtcts and the Verb

Ugaritic has four ways of connecting transitive verbs to their objects:
1. By means of the accusative case ending:
mdl 'r ~md p# It gpnm dt ksp "He saddled an ass ['era], hitched a
young ass rPa~la/pu~ala?], put on harness [gapanzma?] of silver" (1.4
IV,9-lO).
y'db ks'a w ylb "He prepares a chair [kussZ'a/kissi'a] and sits"
(1.100,7).
2. By means of prepositions:
'aMy dymlk 'I 'ilm "I alone will rule over the gods" (1.4 VI1,49-50).
w mlkyIt'al b hn "May the king inquire about them(f.)" (2.42,23).
3. By means of dependent pronouns:
rp ks 'iftynh "From the cup I will drink it" (1.4 1II,16).
tn 'a~d b brnk1 'amlkn "Give one of your sons, so that I may make
him king" (1.6 1,45-46).
4. By means of independent pronouns (cf. supra, p. 50), namely the
third person independent pronoun masculine singular, feminine singu-
lar, plural and dual:
w kbd hwt "And honor (both of you) him!" (1.3 VI,20).
nmgn hwt "Both of us will beseech him" (1.4 m,36).
kbd ~t "(Both of you) honor her!" (1.3 m,lO)
kbd hmt "Honor (f.s.) the two of them (m.lf.)" (1.17 V,20).
Causative Ditransitive Verbs

Transitive verbs have usually one single object, but in the specific case
of ditransitive verbs, such as 81M "to pay", L'K "to send", 8lJj "to
send" and rTN "to give" the verb governs two objects.
There are also instances in which ditransitive verbs are often the
result of causation. The deep structure of sentences with ditransitive
verbs shows that these sentences are basically identifYing equations in
which a causative component was added to a dynamic copula. This
process creates a new ditransitive verb; i.e. X causes (Y becomes ..() =
> X makes Y to be Z. Often "equative Kaph" is used. Note the follow-
ing are examples:
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'aatk km nJr b ~rbl[SyJ "I make you like an eagle in my sheath"

(1.18 IV,17).
tim k nJr b Mfh rk1m rl'i b frth "She makes him like an eagle in
her sheath, like a bird in her scabbard" (1.18 IV, 28).
ewrr1tyitk bel "May Baal make you (£) blind" (1.19 IV,5).
edbnn 'ank <k>'imr b py "I make him like a lamb in my mouth"
(1.6 11,22).
ytt nl;fm mhrk "I make (lit.: I give) snakes (to be) your bride-price"
(1.100,75).
w 'atnk bl mt "And I will make you immortal (= deathless)" (1.17
VI,27).
EILIPSIS
The ellipsis of constituents, whereby one or more components from the

first colon is not repeated in the second one, is typical of poetry in gen-
eral (c£ Ps 114 in Biblical poetry), and is also common type of ellipsis
in Ugaritic poetry, as for instance in:
1:n db~m in' a be I 1.11 rkb erpt "Two sacrifices Baal hates, three the
Rider of the Clouds" (1.4 111,17-18; the word db~m is omitted in
the second colon).
A rather rare kind of ellipsis, namely, ellipsis of the predicate, seems
to occur in the sentence:
ebdk 'an w d elmk "Your slave I am, (a slave) of your world (= of all
that you have)" (1.5 11,12).
One may translate "Your slave I am, and forever" (cf. Gordon
1949:38; Ginsberg 1969:138; Gibson 1978:69), although the expression
elmk may literally mean here "all that you have". It is clear however
that the predicate ebdk "your slave" which occurs in the first colon has
been omitted in the second one.
It is also possible for the subject of the sentence to be elided, as a
result of which the sentence becomes nominalized, as for instance in:
'ani dt g:rh. "Collapsed are (the muscles?) of her back" (1.3 111,35;
cf. TO I, p. 167, n. e).
Finally, ellipsis may be the result of pragmatic considerations of the
scribe or of lexical contexts. An example of this specific kind of ellipsis
may be found in:
1m 'ankksp wyrq rar~J (1.14 VI,17-18).
Although the predicate is elided, the meaning of the sentence IS
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216 CHAPTER EIGHT
clear, namely "What (use have) I for silver and green(ish-yellow) gold?".
Furthermore, the words 1m ' ank stand for both cola, namely 1m ' ank
kspl I (1m 'ank) yrq rar~}.
INTERROGATIVES
Questions are usually formulated by means of interrogative adverbs

and pronouns (see supra for discussion, p. 182). However, in "yes/no
questions" Ugaritic does not use an interrogative element, unlike
Hebrew where the interrogative -D is used to introduce such questions.
The fact that a question is at stake is decided on the basis of mere con-
textual arguments, as may be illustrated by the following double rhetor-
ical questions:
mlk fl1r 'abhy'ars fhlm rlrkl[t} fkl f'ab 1 'afdml "Is it the kingship
of Bull his father he desires, or authority like the Father of
Man(kind)?" (1.141,41-43).
P 'bd 'an 'nn 'agt ... hm 'amt 'agt tlbn lbnt "Am I a slave that I
should attend Ashera ... or is Ashera a handmaid that she
should make bricks?" (1.4 IV,59-62).
The same use occurs in Biblical Hebrew, e.g.:
'IJr;Jrt:l~ ii9t;r?~7 iJl?~ n9T?~ 17~D "Shall we go against Ramoth
Gilead to battle, or shall we forbear?" (1 Kgs 22: 15).
1J~ '1~91'1 'I'~~-t:I~ 1J'7-P '1'191'1 1'?9D "Shall you rule over us, or
shall you have domination over us?" (Gen. 37:38; cf. Held
1969:71-79 and Avishur 1973:421-464).
In the Ugaritic sentences the word hm "or" is used, but the word 'u
"or" may be used in the same way as hm, thus:
'u mlk 'u bl mlk "Shall he be either king or not king?" (1.4
VII,43; cf. Held 1969:71-79 and Smith 1994:256).
ASYNDETIC COORDINATION
Even though Ugaritic uses coordinative particles (cf. supra, p. 188),

there are many cases in which the coordination is asyndetic.
Asyndetic Coordination qf Parts qf the Sentence:

lmd 'atn prln rb khnm rb nf qd1m "The disciple(?) is Atn-prln, chief
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of the priests (and) chief of the herdsmen" (1.6 VI,55-56).

[lll~ml l sty ~~tk:m "To eat (and) to drink have 1 called you"
(1.15 IV,27; V,lO; VI,4).
Asyndetic Coordination of Simple or Subordinated Sentences:

mt 'z bel 'z "Mot is strong (and) Baal is strong" (1.6 VI,20).
kptr ks'u 1bth !tkpt 'ar~ n~lth "Kaphtor is the throne of his
dwelling (and) I:Ikpt is the land of his inheritance" (1.3 VI 14-
16).
fmc l rbt 'afrl[t] 'jIlm tn '~ b brnk1 'am.lk:n "Hear, 0 Lady
Ashera of the Sea, give one of your sons (so that/and) 1 may
make him a king" (1.6 1,44-46).
rt1n r'~d' b 'of/k1 r'isp'a1 "Give one of your brothers, (so
that/and) 1 may devour (him)" (1.6 V,19-21).
k t'rb '1trt sd bt mlk k t'rbn rspm bt mlk ''When Athtart of the Field
enters the house of the king (and) when the r's enter the house
of the king" (1.91,10-11).
EXTRAPOSITIONAL SENTENCES (CASUS PENDENS)
Occasionally, the topic of a sentence is put at the beginning and a ret-

rospective pronoun within the sentence replaces the extrapositional ele-
ment. The following are examples of the various extrapositional place-
ments:
Subject as Extrapositional Element:
'akl b ~wtk 'inn "There is no food in your land" (lit.: "Food,
it is not in your land") (2.39,19-20; 'akl is extrapositional and
'inn includes its anaphoric pronoun; yet the -n can be consid-
ered as a suffIx typical especially of administrative texts, cf.
supra, p. 187).
Predicate as Extrapositional Element:
'ank 'in bt {lJy [kmJ r'ilml "As for me, 1 have no house like the
gods" (1.2 111,19).
!tqt 'mh bq't "Ttqt, with her is Bq't" (1.24,48; c£ Hermann
1968:24).
Object as Extrapositional Element:
~grthn 'ab~Tn1 "Their youngest, 1 will give her birthright"
(1.15111,16).
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218 CHAPTER EIGHT
qlt rb1 ks 'iSrynh "Scorn, from a cup I drink it" (1.4 m,15-16).
IJrb b bfr tItn "A knife, she puts it into the meat" (1.15 IV,25).
'il 'lI!tm kypt.hm "El, he surely seduced the two women" (lit.:
"El, the two women he surely seduced them") (1.23,39).
SUBORDINATED CLAUSES
It is clear that there is no strictly positional subjunctive mode in

Ugaritic, unlike, for instance, Akkadian (contra Verreet 1988:8-10).
Indeed, subordinated clauses, regardless of the fact which subordinat-
ing particle introduces the clause, frequently have the indicative form
yqtlu, and do not necessarily have the so-called subjunctive form yqtla.
The verbal forms in the following examples of subordinated clauses are
no doubt indicative yqtlu-forms:
'arb' ~rSm dt tb'ln b Pan "Four craftsmen who are working
[tib'aluna] in Pun" (4.141 m,5-6).
w mnm S'alm dt tknn "Arid whoever the investigators who will be
[takUnuna] in charge (of the guaranties)" (3.3,5-6; contra Verreet
[1988: 133] who interprets tknn as yqtl(J).
qrkt d tialmn "Cities that render [taJaJlimuna/taJaJlimuna] (service
or taxes)" (4.95,1; cf. Verreet 1988:146).
Sh' dt tqlJn SSlmt "Seven (men) who take [tiqq~una] Sslmt" (4.395,4-
5).
k t'rb 'Jjrt Jd bt mlk k t'rbn rspm bt mlk "When Athtart of the Field
enters the house of the king, when the r's enter [ta'rubuna] the
house of the king" (1.91,10-11).
'd f!!bn ksp 'iwrkl "Until they return [taJ.affbUna/tuJ.affbUna]
lwirkallu's money" (3.4,17-18).
Subject Clauses
w 'in d 'lnk "and there is none who is above him" (104 IV,44).
In this clause the nucleus ("someone/something") which ought to
express the subject has elided.
Predicate Clauses
'aJ:uly d ymlk 'l 'ilm "It is I alone who will rule over the gods" (1.4
VII,49-50).
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In this sentence the topic 'aIJ,r!Y is at the beginning, and the sentence
is most probably a cleft sentence.
Attributive Clauses
The attributive clause may be asyndetic, or may be introduced by the
subordinating particles d or k-/ Ify. Note the following examples:
SYNDETIC A'ITRIBUTIVE CLAUSES
til 1y my ~ry nCmt Sp~ bkrk rd1 k nCm Cnt nCmh "Give me lady I:Iuraya,
the fair, your first begotten, whose fairness is like Anat's fairness"
(1.14 III,39-41).
'abn brq d l ttl fmm rgm l ttl nSm w l tbn hmlt 'ar~ "Hail stones which
the heavens have not known, a word (which) the people have not
known" (1.3 ITI,26-27; here we have also an asyndetic attributive
clause).
'argmn nqmd mlk 'ugrt d ybl l Spi mlk rb bcllt "The tribute of
Niqmaddu, king of U garit, which he brings to the Sun, the great
king, his master" (3.1,24-26).
cfrmyn ~p l ql d th c m/r1(?)m "Twenty Gars) of ~p-wine belonging
to Ql, who left Egypt(?)" (4.213,27).
w f1l CSf fmn d l yla bt mlk "And 17 Gars) of oil which did not go
to the house of the king" (4.341,20-21).
'aflw b ~p cnh d b ~lmy 'ily!n1 b grty 'ab 'adm "Let me repose in see-
ing her eyes, whom in my dream El bestowed, in my vision, the
Father of Man(kind)" (1.14 IIT,45-47; in this case the nucleus can
be either "I:Iuraya's eyes" or "I:Iuraya").
'abyn r'atl [d/n1'il mt rp'i 'ana g.er rmtl hmmy d 'in bn lh km 'a!Jh w Sf!
km 'aryh "You are poor, Daniel, man of Rapi'u, the sigh of the
hero, man of Harnarniya, who has no son like his brothers nor a
scion like his kinsmen" (1.17 1,17-19; the nucleus of the attributive
clause is expanded).
bt [m/l1k 'itdb d f1l {'aJam Ilt J]nnt bn 'um "The house of the king,
who had seven brothers, eight sons of mother, is destroyed" (lit.:
"The house of the king is destroyed, who had seven brothers, eight
sons of mother") (1.141,7-9; the attributive clause is not attached
to its noun).
w 1J.tt 'aLpm ~rtm k rgmt 1y "And tablets of ploughing oxen which you
told me (about)" (2.45,22-23).
1J.tt bt mlk 'amr rkyl trrJIbr 'umy Lpn qrt "Tablets of the king's daugh-
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220 CHAPTER EIGHT
ter of AInr, that you, my mother, will discuss before the city (coun-
cil)" (2.72,17-19).
I~t slm k l'ikr t1 'umy "The letters of greetings that my mother sent"
(2.34,S-6).
AsYNDETIC ATTRIBUTIVE CLAUSES
The attributive clause functions as a nomen rectum in those cases

where it is preceded by a noun in the construct state (such structure is
well known in Akkadian [cf. Ungnad 1992:123] and in Biblical Hebrew
[cf. Waltke and O'Connor 1990:138-139 and 338]). When the noun
preceding the asyndetic attributive clause is plural or dual but does not
have its plural or dual marker, it is clear that the relation between this
noun and the following clause is one of nomen regens asyndetically fol-
lowed by a nomen rectum. Clear examples of such a structure are
attested in the following sentences:
y bn 'as'f 11d "0 sons (whom) I have begotten" (1.23,6S).
Ii 'alt 'itr!! "0 two wives (whom) I have betrothed" (1.23,64).
k 'irby r t1skn sd "Like the locusts (that) dwell on the steppe" (1.14
II,SO-Sl; one can also interpret 'irby as singular collective; cf.
Verreet 1988: 136).
The situation is less clear in a sentence like:
tl smm tskh [r/b 1b nskh kbkbm "Dew (that) the heavens pour(ed)
down, spray (that) the stars pour(ed) down" (1.3 II,40-4l).
In this case and in similar cases the plural marker is actually fmm
"heavens", so that we cannot say that the attributive clause depends on
a noun in the construct state. (It seems less likely to interpret fmm as a
construct noun followed by enclitic mem, namely, samz-ma).
As a matter of fact, it is not always clear whether or not the noun
preceding the asyndetic attributive clause stands in the construct state.
This is especially the case when the noun is masculine singular or fem-
inine (singular and plural), as in:
y rd1 mfHt 'a rq1[h/t1 gzr tmfH 'alpm 'irb1 "The hand (that) smote the
hero Aqhat will smite thousands of foes" (1.19 IV,S8-S9).
'rpt tm!r b q;; tl y!lt I gnbm "Clouds (that) rain on the summer fruit,
dew (that) distills upon the grapes" (1.19 1,40-42).
'alt1 [tq/~l y rkVt1 'alt tl~l rb 1 lk1 [g/lmt1 tS'rb ~;;,rk1 "The wife
(whom) you take, 0 Keret, the wife (whom) you take to your
house, the maiden (whom) you cause to enter your court ... " (LIS
II,21-23).
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,abn brq d I ttl fmm rgm I ttl nSm w I tbn hmlt ' ar~ "Hail stones which
the heavens have not known, a word (which) the people have not
known, nor sensed by the masses on earth" (1.3 111,26-27).
Conditional Clauses
Most conditional clauses occur at the head of the sentence and are usu-
ally introduced by the particles hm (or 'im) "if' or k- "if' (the particle
1- is not used for such clauses as it is in Biblical Hebrew and in one
instance in the Amama letters; cf. Rainey 1996:111,190). However, it
happens that the particles are omitted. In such cases we can identify
the clause as having a conditional nuance on the basis of the context
only (especially in omens where one fmds series of conditional sen-
tences). The following are some examples:
CONDmONAL CIAUSES WITH PARTICLES
Am ~ry b9J 'iq~ 'as"<rb tlmt ~ry i!lh kspm 'atn 1Iffi arrm "If I:Iuraya to
my house I take, bring the lass into my court, her double I'll give
in silver (and) her triple in gold" (1.14 IV 40-43).
Am qrt t'ubd hm mt y'l bnJ bt bn bnJyq~ Cz w y~dy mr~qm "If the city
is (lhas been) taken, (or) if Mot should attack a man, the house of
the son(s) of man (kind) will (lshould) take a goat and will (/should)
look to the future (lit.: afar)" (1.127, 30-32; c£ Rainey 1973:51).
w Am at CI w l'ikt cmk w hm I ci w l'akm 'il'ak "And if the Hittite has
attacked, (then) I will send (a letter) to you; and (even) if he does
not attack, I will surely send (it)" (2.30, 16-20).
Am yra b cr [I [yh] w p~m nCmn ya rslr lh "If the moon is at (its) rising
and redness (is visible), (then) he (lit) will lack agreeableness"
(1.163,12-13).
[him 111 'id ynplry yra b yra 'abrm [ ]It m$,m ylk "If the moon will
be seen three times in the month Abrm, (then) ... M?:m will go"
(1.163,5-6; contra Dietrich and Loretz 1990a:99 ).
Am ymt w 'il{tmn ' ank "If he should die, I will go on fighting on my
own" (2.82,18-21).
'im mlkytnyrgm "If Milkuyatanu says, (then) ... " (2.15,8).
k yg'r ssw ft Cqrbn ydk w ymss "If a horse roars, a ft-measure of the
scorpion-like plant should be pulverized and liquefied" (1.85,2-3).
w k Iyar'u w Iyttn ssw [ms/s1 ft qlql w ft Crg;::; [yd]k 'aMh "Or if a
horse does not defecate or urinate, the sap of a ft-measure of the
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222 CHAPTER EIGHT
qlql-plant and a st-measure of the 'rgz-plant should be pulverized

together" (1.85,9-10).
k ttd r'al l1tJ 'drt tk[n} "If a woman gives birth ... , (then) there will
be help ... " (1.140,7-8).
There are rare instances where the conditional clause does not occur
at the head of the sentence. Note the following examples:
hrn 1 'atn bty lh " ... , if! do not give my house to him" (2.31,65).
knp nSrm b'lY1.br b'lyrNr d'iy hmt hrn t'pn '1 qbr brrryl "The wings of
the eagles may Baal break, may Baal break their pinions, if they
fly over the grave of my son" (1.19 III,42-44).
CONDITIONAL CLAUSES WITHOUT PARTICLES
ttn w tn w 1 ttn w 'al ttn tn ks yn w 'iStn "(If) you give, (then) give;
and (if) you do not give, (then) don't give; give a cup of wine so
that I may drink it (= I'll accept whatever you give, be it little or
much)" (5.91,12-16).
w 'in lSn bh "And (if) there is no tongue in it (= the foetus), (then)
... " (1.103+ 1.145,31).
w 'in kr' yrd1h ... ytJlq bhmrt1 fib/h 1 "And (if) its forearm is not
(there) ... , (then) (the king) will destroy the animals of his
enemy(?)" (1.103+ 1.145,15; cf. Dietrich and Loretz 1990a:95).
w 'in yd rsm'a1l bh ~wt 'ib ttJlq "And (if) there is no left hand on it
(= the foetus), (then) the land of the enemy will perish"
(1.1 03+ 1.145,59).
w 'in 'udn sm'al rb1[h} rmlkn1 ysdd ~wt 'irbhl wyl;slnn "And (if) it (=
the foetus) has no left ear, (then) our king will lay waste the land
of his enemy and devastate it" (1.103+ 1.145,37-38).
Temporal Clauses
Temporal clauses usually stand at the beginning of the sentence rather

than at its end. Their typical subordinating particles are k-/ /ry, cd, 'id
and hlm. There are instances in which the temporal clause is reduced.
The following are examples:
k tmfH ltn br~ b1.n tkfy b1.n 'qltn "When you smote Lot::-mu, the evil
serpent, (and) you destroyed the crooked serpent ... " (1.5 1,1).
ky l'ik bny l~t 'akl 'my m'idy "When (I Mter) my son sent me letters
(la reqisition) for food, my abundance ... " (2.46,9-11).
'aqht kmYlb llUm} bn dn'ill1.rm "As Aqhat sat down to eat, the son
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of Daniel to dine ... " (1.18 IV,29; the subordinating particle ends
in enclitic mem).
cd ts1;' tmtlH b bt "She smites in the house until she is satisfied" (or:
"Until she is sated, battling in the house") (1.3 II,29).
Cd f'illm nCmm ttlkn fd t~dn p'at mdbr "Until the goodly gods were
going (lwent) in the field, (yea) they were hunting (lhunted) on the
corners of the desert" (1.23,67-68).
Cd tfb c bk " ... until she is sated with weeping ... " (1.61,9).
'id l'ikt clfy nplt cbdmlk "After you sent (the message) to Akko,
Abdimilku was saved" (2.82,3-5; cf. Bordreuil and Caquot 1980:
360).
'idyph mlk rip "When the king saw Reseph ... " (1.90,1-2; 1.168,1;
cf. TO II, p. 172 and n. 100).
him 'il k yphnh yprq ~b w y~~q "As soon as (lwhen) El verily sees
her, he parts his jaws and laughs" (1.4 IV,27).
The following examples are reduced temporal clauses, although
some of them can also be interpreted as circumstantial clauses:
w yqrb b s"" al krt "And he approached while asking Keret" (1.14 I,
37-38).
fbk1m tmdlm cr bkm lfmd p~l bfkml ts"'u 'abh "While weeping she sad-
dles a young ass, while weeping, she harnesses a donkey, while
weeping, she lifts up her father" (1.19 II,8-1O).
b ns"'i cnh w yphn "Upon lifting his eyes, he sees" (1.17 V,9).
f bm1 blfyh w yin f bl f d1mch nhmmt "As he weeps, he falls asleep, as
he sheds tears, slumber" (1.14 1,31-32).
bkmylb bC11 bhth "While weeping, Baal returns to his house(s)" (1.4
VII,42).
Object Clauses
The subordinating particle of object clauses is usually k-/ Ify. It is not
used when the object clause is originally a question. The following are
examples of the various object clauses:
w trf 'ifml k mtt "And El may know that you are dead" (1.5 V,16-
17).
w 'irf k /g 'al'iyn fbcl1 k 'il z;bl b'l 'ar~ "So I know that Mighty Baal
is alive, existent is the Prince, the Lord of the Earth" (1.6 III,8) .
... 'a~d hm 'il fmt hm 'illJ ';;:,m " ... (and) I looked if there is fat, (or)
if there is bone" (1.19 III,4-5).
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224 CHAPTER EIGHT
There are instances in which the nucleus of the object clause is elid-
ed, so that the clause is reduced, as for instance:
d b ~lmy 'ilyfnl b rirly 'ab 'adm "(The woman) whom in my dream
El bestowed, in my vision, the Father of Man(kind)" (1.14111,46-
47).
P dr'iln b bly ttn "(That) which is not in my house should you give"
(1.14 VI,22-23).
Causal Clauses
The subordinating particle of causal clauses is k-, as is clear from the
following examples:
r'alb1n 'ank w 'an!Jn w rtn1!J b 'irly nps kyld bn !y km 'af1y w Srs krm1
'aryy "I shall sit and rest, and my soul shall repose in my breast,
for a son is born to me like my brothers, a scion like my kinsmen"
(1.17 11,12-15).
tSm!J ht 'apt w bnh 'ilt w ~brt 'aryh k mt 'al'iyn bel k !Jlq zbl bel 'ar~ "Let
Ashera and her sons rejoice, the goddess and the band of her kins-
men, for dead is Mighty Baal, for perished is the Prince, the Lord
of the Earth" (1.6 1,39-43; these are two causal clauses coordinat-
ed asyndetically).
yml'u lbh b Sm!Jt ... k brkm till b dm rimr "Her heart is filled with joy
... for knees she plunges in the blood of soldiery" (1.3 11,25-28).
bl! rkb Cpt k Sbyn rzb1[lym kJ Sbyn tP[!l nhr "Shame, 0 Rider of
the Clouds, for the Prince of the Sea is our captor, for Judge River
is our captor" (1.2 IV,29-30).
Final Clauses
Apparently, Ugaritic did not have any special subordinating particle to
introduce a final clause. The verbs in final clauses are in the yqtla
mode as can be discerned from verbs with fmal aleph (whereas in
Arabic yqtlu mode is used, cf. Wright 1933 II: 19-20).
There are cases where waw consecutive is used the final clause, thus:
Pt~ bt w 'ub'a hkl w 'iftql "Open a house so that I may come, a
palace so that I may enter" (1.100,72).
tblJ 'imr w 'ill}m mgt,. w 'igm "Slaughter a lamb so that I may eat, a
lambkin so that I may dine" (1.16 VI,17-l8).
On the other hand, there are instances where waw consecutive is not
used before final clauses, thus:
rt1n r'~dl b 'a!Jrk1 r'isp'a1 "Give one of your brothers (so that) I may
devour (him)" (1.6 V,19-20).
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fink 'itn r' YSf'a 'idn !y "I will give your prize(?), (so that) my friend
will bring forth ... to me" (2.15,4-6).
When the final clause consists of a verb in the infinitive, the clause
is a reduced one. The following are examples:
npsh I l&m tpt& brlth I pm "His appetite she opens (in order) to eat,
(she opens) his desire (in order) to dine" (1.16 VI,11-12).
,ank ' a¥ mgy "I hurry (in order) to arrive" (2.34,10-11; c£ Pardee
1984:227 and TO II, p. 343).
Circumstantial Clauses
yr'r1b I bth yb9 "He enters his chamber (while) he weeps" (1.14
1,26-27; it seems that yqtlu forms are not used in such clauses in
other Northwest Semitic languages; for the use ofyqtlu forms in sir-
cumstantial clauses cf. Arabic in Wright 1933 II:20).
[mlkJ ylb brr "The kink sat purified" (1.41,7; cf. TO II, p. 154, n.
45).
r'a1fk1 rb1,rktml "I will go blessed" (1.19 IV,32; c£ Gordon
1965:78 and Ginsberg 1969:155).
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BIBLIOGRAPHY
Aartun, K.
1974 Die Partikeln des Ugaritischen, Vol. I, Neukirchen-Vluyn.
1978 Die Partikeln des Ugaritischen, Vol. II, Neukirchen Vluyn.
1980 Die belegten Partikelformen in den ugaritischen Texten aus Ras Ibn
Hani. UF 12:1-6.
Albright, W. F.
1941 Two Letters from Ugarit (Ras Shamra). BASOR 82:43-49.
1948 The Early Alphabetic Inscriptions from Sinai and Their Decipherment.
BASOR 110:6-22.
1950a Critic on Ugaritic Grammar by C. H. Gordon. JBL 69:385-393.
1950b Origin of the Alphabet and Ugaritic ABC Again. BASOR 119:23-24.
1955 Some Canaanite Phoenician Sources of Hebrew Wisdom. VT Supp.
3:1-15.
Althann, R.
1977 Hebrew-Ugaritic 'im "if'. Biblica 58:525-526.
Astour, M. C.
1968 Two Ugaritic Serpent Charms. J.NES 27:13-36.
Avishur, Y.
1973 Some Models of Doubled Questions, in Luria, E. Z. (ed.), Zer
Ligourot, The Zalman Shazar Jubilee Volume, Jerusalem, pp. 421-464.
(Hebrew)
1976 Krkr in Biblical Hebrew and in Ugaritic. VT 26:257-261.
1981 The Paralleism of Numbers in the Bible and in Ancient Semitic
Literature, in Proceedings qf the 7th World Congress qf Jewish Studies (Studies
in the Bible and the Ancient Near East), Jerusalem, pp. 1-9. (Hebrew)
1984 Studies qf Word-Pairs in Biblical and Ancient Semitic Literatures, Neukirchen-
Vluyn.
Barr, J.
1973 Ugaritic and Hebrew "SBM'? JSS 18:17-39.
Barth, J.
1894 Zur vergleichenden semitischen Grammatik. ZDMG 48:1-21.
Beeston, A. F. L.
1962 A Descriptive Grammar qf Epigraphic South Arabian, London.
Benz. F. L.
1972 Personal Names in the Phoenician and Punic Inscriptions, Rome.
Blau, J.
1957 Hagere Samqjim Ges xlvii 13) = Himmelabeter? VT 7: 183-184.
1968a 'esre(h). lisonenu 32:267-268. (Hebrew)
1968b On Problems of Polyphony and Archaism in Ugaritic Spelling. JAOS
88:523-526.
1970a Studies on pi"el Stem. lisonenu 34:228-233. (Hebrew)
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Texts qf the 15th-13th C.B.C from Canaan and Syria, Neukirchen-Vluyn.
I 984b Diphthongs and Triphthongs in Verbal Forms of Verba Tertiae Infirmae
in Ugaritic. UF 16:279-293.
1986 Problematic Lengthenings in North West Semitic Spellings of the
Middle of the Second Millennium B.C.E. UF 18:301-312.
1988 On the Appending of Case Endings to Ugaritic Construct Forms. Beer
Sheva 3:113-120. (Hebrew)
1990a Is There Vowel Harmony in Verbal Forms with Aleph in Ugaritic?
UF 22:313-315.
1990b TSt'il and YSt'al in Ugaritic: Problems in Methodology. UF 22:311-
312.
1992 Notes on the Use of the Form Qgtal as Plural Base for the form Qgtl
in Ugaritic. lOS 12:235-238.
Sivan, D. and Cochavi-Rainey, Z.
1992 West Semitic Vocabulary in Egyptian Script qf the 14th to the 10th Centuries
BCE, Beer Sheva.
Sivan, D. and Schniedewind, W.
1993 Letting Your 'Yes' be 'No' in Ancient Israel: A Study of the Asse-
verative 1\' and 1\';'. JSS 38:209-226.
Sivan, D. and Yona, Sh.
1994 Style and Syntax-Pivotal Use of Extrapositional Syntagms in Biblical
Hebrew. UF 26:443-454.
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BIBLIOGRAPHY 237
Smith, M. S.
1994 The Ugaritic Baal Cycle, (VT Suppl. 55), Leiden, New York, Koln
1995 the *qatala Form in Ugaritic Narrative Poetry, in Wright, D. P.,
Freedman, D. N. and Hurvitz A (eds.), Pomegranates and Golden Bells:
Studies in Biblical, Jewish and Near Eastern Ritual, Law and Literature In
Honor qf Jacob Milgrom, Winona Lake, Indiana, pp. 789-803.
Soden, W. von
1967a Kleine Beitrage zum Ugaritischen, VT Suppl. 16:295-296.
1967b Review of Kitchen, K. A Ancient Orient and the Old Testament.
WO 4:41-43.
Speiser, E. A
1964 The Syllabic Transcription of Ugaritic [h] and [M. BASOR 175:42-47.
Sperber, A
1938 Hebrew Based Upon Greek and Latin Transcriptions. HUGA 12-13:
103-274.
Steiner, R. C.
1980 Yuqattil, Yaqattilor Yiqattil: D-Stem Prefix-Vowels and a Constrain on
Reduction in Hebrew and Aramaic. JAOS 100:513-518.
Tropper, J.
1990a Zur Morphologie der Verben primae Him Ugaritischen und in den
anderen nordsemitischen Sprachen. UF 22:375-382.
1990b Zur Vokalisierung des ugaritischen Gt-Stammes. UF 22:371-373.
1990c Silbenschliessendes Aleph im Ugaritischen. UF 22:359-369.
1991a 'RS "ver langen": G-, D- oder N- Stamm? UF 23:356-358.
1991b Finale Satze und yqtla- Modus im Ugaritischen. UF 23:341-352.
1994 Is Ugaritic a Canaanite Language? in Brooke, G. J., Curtis, A H. W.
and Healey, J. F. (eds.), Ugarit and the Bible, Munster, pp. 343-354.
Tropper, J. and Verreet, E.
1988 Ugaritische ntfy, ytfy, htfy, ndd, d(w)d. UF 20:339-350.
Tsumura, D. T.
1974 Ugaritic God, Mt-w-Sr, and His Two Weapons (UT 52:8-11). UF
6:407-413.
1979 The Verba Primae WAW, WLD, in Ugaritic. UF 11:779-782.
1991 Vowel Sandhi in Ugaritic, in Mori, M. (ed.), Near Eastern Studies Dedi-
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Birthday, Wiesbaden, pp. 427-435.
Ullendorf, E.
1962 Ugaritic Marginalia II. JSS 7:348-351.
1978 Ugaritic Marginalia IV. Eret;; Israel 14:19*-23*.
Ungnad, A
1992 Akkadian Grammar (Revised by Matous, L. and translated by Hoffner,
H. A), Atlanta, Georgia.
Verreet, E.
1983a Das silbenschliessende Aleph im Ugaritischen. UF 15:223-258.
1983b Die Gultikeit des Gesetzes Barth-Ginsbergs im Ugaritischen, mit eini-
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1984 Beobachtungen zum ugaritischen Verbalsystem. UF 16:307-321.
1985 Beobachtungen zum ugaritischen Verbalsystem II. UF 17:319-344.
1986 Beobachtungen zum ugaritischen Verbalsystem III. UF 18:363-386.
1988 Modi Ugaritici, Leuven.
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238 BIBLIOGRAPHY
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1961 Un nouvel episode du mythe ugaritique de Baal. CRAIBL, 180-186.
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1990 An Introduction to Biblical Hebrew Syntax, Winona Lake, Indiana.
Watson, W. G. E.
1981 Reversed Word-Pairs in Ugaritic Poetry. UF 13:189-192.
Weiss, M.
1967 On the Traces of a Biblical Metaphor. Tarbiz 34:307-318. (Hebrew)
Wheeler, S. B.
1970-71 The Infixed -t- in Biblical Hebrew. JANES 3:20-31.
Whitaker, R. E.
1972 A Concordance qf the Ugaritic Literature, Cambridge, Mass.
Whitely, C. F.
1975 Some Remarks on lil and 18'. ZAW 87:202-204.
Wright, W.
1933 A Grammar qf the Arabic Language3, 2 Vo1s., Cambridge.
Xella, P.
1981 I testi rituali di Ugarit I, Rome.
Yardeni, A.
1995 Nal;al $e'elim Documents, Jerusalem.
Yasin al-, I. D.
1952 The Lexical Relation Between Ugaritic and Arabic, New York.
Zakovitch, Y.
1977 The Pattern qf the Numerical Sequence Three-Four in the Bible, Ph.D.
Dissertation, Hebrew University.
Zevit, Z.
1975 The So-called Interchangeability of the Prepositions, b, I and m(n) in
Northwest Semitic. JANES 7: 103-112.
1980 Matres Lectionis in Ancient Hebrew Epigraphs, Cambridge.
1983 The Question of Case Endings on Ugaritic Nouns in Status Cungstruc-
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Zewi, T.
1987 -n(n) Endings of Verbal Formations in Arabic, Biblical Hebrew, The
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Zij1, P. J. van
1975 Translation and Discussion of Text 1001: 5(b)-7 (RS 15. 134:5(b)-7).
JNSL 4:73-85.
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APPENDIX
TEXT SELECTIONS
Text 1 (KTU 2 2.11)
(1) I 'umy . 'adtny

(2) rgm
(3) t!;,m. tlmyn
(4) w. 'aatmlk 'bdk
(5) I. pen . 'adtny
(6) mr~qtm
(7) qlny. 'ilm
(8) ti;rk
(9) ts'1mk
(10) hn1'!Y. 'm1'!Y
(11) kll. m'id
(12) lim
(13) w. 'ap . 'ank
(14) nat. fm1'!Y
(15) 'm. 'adtny
(16) mnm. Slm
(17) rgm. JJ.b
(18) I. 'bdk
NOTES
Line 1. 'um ['ummu] "mother"; 'adt ['ada~t)u] "lady"; -1'!Y [-nryal-nqyii?],

1st c.du. suffIx pronoun.
Line 2. RGM "to say, speak" (G).
Line 3. t~m [~ummu?] "word, announcement"; tlmyn [Talmryiinu] PN.
Line 4. 'aatmlk ['Aaiitu/i-malku] PN (cf. the syllabic attestation a-tJa-tu4-
LUGAL [PRU III, p. 53,11] and a-tJa-ti-LUGAL [PRU III, p.
53,8]); 'bd ['abdu] "slave, servant".
Line 5. pen [pa'nu?] "foot".
Line 6. mr~qtm [mar~aqiitam(alz)/mar~aqiitum(alz] or [mar~aq(a)tam(alz)/
mar~aq(a)tum(alz)] "from afar".
Line 7. QYL "to fall, kneel, bow down" (G); 'il ['ilu] "god".
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240 APPENDIX
Line 8. NGR "to guard, keep" (G).

Line 9. 81M "to grant well being" (D?).
Line lO. hnny [hanninrya?] "here"; em [eimma?] "with, to".
Line 11. kll [katzlu] "entirely"; m'id [ma'(a)da] "much, very".
Line 12. slm [salamulsulmu] "well being".
Line 13. 'ap ['appa.~ "even, also"; 'ank ['anakit] "I".
Line 14. NWlj "to rest" (G); tmny [lammanrya] "there".
Line 16. mnm [mznuma] "what".
Line 17. rgm [rigmu?] "word, announcement"; '[WB "to return" (G),
"to return (transitive), send back" (S).
Text 2 (KTU 2 2.12)
(1) I . mlkt
(2) 'adry
(3) rgm
(4) t~m . tlmyn
(5) ebdk
(6) I. pen
(7) 'adry
(8) sbed
(9) w . sb"id
(lO) mr~qtm
(11) qlt
(12) em . 'adry
(13) mnm. slm
(14) rgm. ttl.b
(15) I. ebdh
NOTES
Line 1. mlkt [malkatulmalaktu] "queen".

Line 8-9. 'id [-'id(a)] "time, times" (affIxed to numerals, e.g. sbedl sb"id
"seven times").
Text 3 (KTU2 2.30)
(1) I mlkt . r'u'[m])i'

(2) rr'gm t~m
(3) mlk. bn rk'
(4) I. pen. r'u'm)i'
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TEXT SELECTIONS 241
(5) rq{lt. r{ly r'u1[mlY

(6) yflm. 'il[m]
(7) ttr1k. ts1Wm1k
(8) rhllny . (m1£)' [. S] lm
(9) w. prln1 • r(m1 . ['u]11£)I
(lO) mnm [.] r f{l[m]
(11) w. rgm . [Mb.] rl~
(12) hl1£)'. (mn
(13) mlk. b . P ndr
(14) 'ilt. w. ht
(15) ysny . 'udrh
(16) w. hm . at .
(17) (l. w . l'ikt
(18) (mk. w . hm
(19) l. (l. w. l'akm
(20) 'il'ak. w . 'at
(21) r'u1my. 'al . td~~!)
(22) w. 'ap . mhkm .
(23) b. lbk . 'al .
(24) tit
NOTES
Line 3. bn [bunul binul banu] "son".

Line 5. [y--obscure component.
Line 12. hl1£)' [hallin!ya?] "here, hither".
Lines 13-15. These lines are obscure; perhaps!y [tayyu] « ta'yu?) means
"offering(?)"; 'ilt [ ? ] "firelfood offerings"; NDR "to vow".
Line 16. hm [him(ma)]· "if'; at [ijattiJ "Hittite".
Line 17. (LY "to go up, ascend" (G); (l [(ala] « (alaya) "he has
attacked" (G); L'K "to send" (G).
Line 19. l [La] "no".
Line 20. 'at ['atti] "you (f.)".
Line 21. 'umy ['umm~ "my mother" (the yod is a vowel marker); ,al [' a~
"don't"; DlfL "to fear" (G), cf; Aramaic ?n,.
Line 22. mhkm [mahki"mali(?)] "anything".
Line 23. lb [libbu] "heart".
Line 24. SIT "to put, place" (G).
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242 APPENDIX
Text 4 (KTU 2 2.16)
(1) t&m. tlm[yFnl

(2) ltryl. 'umy
(3) rgm
(4) yflm . lk . 'ilY
(5) 'ugrt . tffrk .
(6) ts'1mk . 'umy
(7) trf . fry . 'rbt
(8) I pn . fpf
(9) w pn . fpf. nr
(10) by . m'id . w 'um
(11 ) tfmtJ. m'ad(lb)
(12) w 'al . td&ln
(13) 'tn . tJrd. 'ank
(14) 'mny. flm
(15) kll
(16) wmnm.
(17) flm. 'm
(18) 'umy
(19) 'my. t!l.b
(20) rgm
NOTES
Line 2. tryl [taryillu] PN (f.), apparently Hurr-ian; cf the syllabic

attestation far-el-li (Ug 5 159,9,12).
Lines 4-5. SLM "to be well" (G); lk [leklj "to you (f)"; the meaning of
the combination yflm lk is "may it be well with you"; 'ilY 'ugrt
['ift 'Ugantz] "the gods of Ugarit" (the yod is a vowel mark-
er). This noun phrase is the subject of its clause, so the
orthography with yod is a scribal error.
Line 6. 'umy ['ummz] "my mother" (the yod is a vowel marker).
Line 7. rD' "to know" (G); fry [ki] "thus, since, that" (the yod is a
vowel marker); 'RE "to enter" (G).
Line 8. lpn [le-pani?] "before, to the presence of'; fpf [fapfu] "the
sun".
Line 9. pnm [panuma] "faces" (nominative construct pn [panu] "faces
of'), pl. used for singular "face"; NWR "to radiate light,
shine" (G).
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TEXT SELECTIONS 243
Line 10. by [hiYa] "with me".

Line 11. SMlj "to be happy" (G); m'ad [ma'(a)da] "much, very much"
(the orthography m'ah is rendered by some "more than a
father", assuming the presence of a preposition m(n) "from",
cf. discussion upra, p. 196f.).
Line 12. D/fL "to fear" (G).
Line 13. Ctn [Cattan?] « Cantan ) "now"; brd [{]aridu/ barradu?] "to be
alert(?)", "guardian", the form can be a noun, an adjective
or a verbal form, perhaps the infinitive, perhaps with the
meaning "alert".
Text 5 (KTU2 3.4)
(1) l.ymhnd
(2) 'i:t.vI kll . prfy
(3) ,agdn . hn . nwgn
(4) w yn~m . 'abh
(5) w. hCln 'abh
(6) w. ~tJJt hnh
(7) w. htfy . hth
(8) w. 'ift:rmy
(9) ht. chdmlk 'at tl[h]
(10) w. mt
(11) ht.'ugrt
(12) w. prfy . h[m]
(13) 'iwrkl. rml'it
(14) ksp. hyd
(15) h'irrym
(16) [w. 'u]rnll 'inn
(17) f h1m cd t1l.hn
(18) ksp. 'iwrkl
(19) wlh. I 'uni!zm
NOTES
Line 1. I ym hnd [le-yomi hilnadil] "from this day".

Line 2. 'iwrkl ['Iwrikallu] PN; PDr "to ransom, redeem" (G).
Line 3. 'agdn ['Agdenu] PN; nwgn [ ? ] PN.
Line 4. yn~m [ra~u] PN from N/fM "to console" (G); 'ab ['abu]
"brother" .
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244 APPENDIX
Line 5. b'ln [ba'lanu] PN.

Line 6. btln [ ? ] PN.
Line 7. btfy [ ? ] PN (f.); bt [bittu] "daughter".
Line 8. 'iftrmy ['I.ftarumm!)1a] PN (£) "the goddess IStar is my moth-
er(?)" .
Line 9. 'dbmlk ['Abdimalku] PN; 'alt ['altatu] "woman, wife".
Line 10. snt [ ? ] PN.
Line 11. 'ugrt ['Ugantu] "Ugarit".
Line 13. m'it [mi'tu] "hundred".
Line 14. ksp [kaspu] "silver"; byd [bryadz] "from the hand of'.
Line 15. b'irtym [Bi'r0l9'uma] "Beirutians".
Line 16. 'unl ['unuiPt] "feudal obligation"; 'in ['ena] "there is not" (here
with energic nun, or perhaps the nun is an anaphoric pro-
noun).
Line 17. lhm [lehum(u)] "to them, for them"; 'd ['ad(e)] "until".
Text 6 (KTU 2 1.4 1,12-28)
(12) rml[lFb1 • 'il. m;;,fll

(13) bnh. mlb . rbt
(14) 'alr!. ym . mlb
(15) kit. knyt
(16) mlb. pdry . b<t> 'ar
(17) m;;,ll. tly . bt rb
(18) mlb. 'ar-D' . bt . y'bdr
(19) 'ap. mln. rgmm
(20) 'argmk. sskn m'
(21) mgn. rbt . 'alrt ym
(22) mg;;,. qnyt . 'ilm
(23) hyn. 'ly . I mptJm
(24) bd. tJss . ~btm
(25) Yfq . ksp . ysl
(26) b· tJrf . Yfq . ksp
(27) I 'alpm . tJrf . YN
(28) m. I rbbt
NOTES
Line 12. mlb [m81abu] "abode"; m;;,ll [ma;;,lalu?] "shelter".

Line 13. rbt [rabbatu] "lady".
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TEXT SELECTIONS 245
Line 14. 'alrt ym ['Apr(a)tu yammz] DN "Ashera of the Sea", perhaps

"she who treads on the sea".
Line 15. kit knyt [kaillitu kanryatu] "the lovely brides", perhaps the ensu-
ing list of young goddesses.
Line 16. pdry [Pidrqya], DN (one of the daughters of Baal); bt 'ar [bittu
'an] "daughter of the light".
Line 17. t!Y [Tailliya] DN, one of the daughters of Baal built on tl [fallu]
"dew"; bt rb [bittu rabbz] "daughter of the light rain" (a daugh-
ter that aided Baal in furnishing rain).
Line 18. 'arDJ ['Ar,!'qya] DN, one of the daughters of Baal, from 'ar,!'
['ar,!'u] "earth"; bt y'bdr [bittu (?)] "daughter of (?)", y'bdr is
apparently a proper noun.
Line 19. mln [malnz1] "response, a repeated saying", cf. the syllabic
attestation ma-af-nu-u [malnz1] (Ug 5 137 II, 41 ').
Line 20. SKN "to pay attention" (S); m' [ma,] "please(?)", particle that
accompanies the imperative (cf. supra, p. 194).
Line 21. MGN "to entreat" (G or D).
Line 22. mg~ [mag~u?] "honor"; the form could also be the D participle
from CzY "to honor, to entreat"; it could also be due to a
scribal error, mem instead of taw because of the mem in the
form mgn in line 21; Q}IY "to create, acquire" (G); the phrase
qnyt 'iim [qanryatu 'itzma] "Creatress of the gods" is an epithet
of Ashera.
Line 23. hyn [ ? ], an epithet of the craftsman god, klr w !Jss; mptJm
[mapputJa-mal z] "bellows".
Line 24. bd [badil bade] "in the hand(s) of'; tJss [tJaszsul tJiisisu] "wise,
intelligent", name of the craftsman god; the full name is usu-
ally klr w !Jss [K81aru wa-ljaszsul ljiisisu]; mfbfm [ma,l'ba{ama/z]
"tongs".
Line 25. Y$Q "to pour" (G); SLlj "to send" (G), here the meaning
seems to be "to melt" (perhaps a metathesis of ljSL).
Line 26. tJr,!' [tJurii,fu] "gold".
Line 27 'alp ['alpu] "thousand", pI. 'alpm ['ai(a)puma]; m [-ma] IS an
enclitic particle.
Line 28. rbt [ribbatu] "myriad", pI. rbbt [ribabatu].
Text 7 (KTU 2 1.4 111,13-35)
(13) fy'qm. w ywPln . b tk

(14) rptJ'r. bn . 'iim . ftt
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246 APPENDIX
(15) pfgW t1 • b tlJp'!Y . qlt

(16) rb1 ks. 'iJ9Jnh
(17) rb1m.iTt. db~m . In'a. bel. tlt
(18) rkb. Cpt . db~
(19) bi!. w db~ >. w db~<
(20) rd1nt. w db~ . tdmm
(21) 'amht. k bh . bi! . l tbt
(22) w bh . tdmmt. 'amht
(23) 'afJr. mgy . 'afiyn . bel
(24) mgyt. btlt . 'nt
(25) tmgnn. rbt [.] r'a1pt ym
(26) tg~n. qrryt 'ilm
(27) w ten . rbt . 'apt ym
(28) 'ik. tmgnn . rbt
(29) 'apt. ym .tg~n
(30) qrryt. 'ilm . mgntm
(31) tr. 'il. d p'id . hm . g?,tm
(32) brry. bnwt w tn
(33) rb1tlt. 'nt. nmgn
(34) rk1m. rbt. 'apt .ym
(35) [n]rg?,l. qrryt. 'ilm
NOTES
Line 13. Qu.M" "to rise, to stand" (G); WPT"to spit" (D); b tk [bi-wkz]
"in the midst of".
Line 14. Par [putJm] "assembly, council"; STY "to drink" (G).
Line 15. tl/.tn [tulbanultalbanu] "table"; qlt [qatatu?] "shame(?)".
Line 16. ks [/casu] "cup".
Line 17. bm [bima] "in the very ... ", "behold(?)" (KTlJ2 reads rtflm);
iTt [pnii] "second, two"; db~ [dab~u] "sacrifice"; 8.N' "to hate"
(G); bel [ba'lu] "Baal"; tlt [talatu] "three".
Line 18. rkb 'rpt [riikibu 'urpiitz] "Rider of the Clouds", an epithet of
Baal, cf. Biblical Hebrew ni:l1.!1~, ~?, (ps. 68:5).
Line 19. bi! [but(a)tul biit(a)tu] "shame, shamefulness".
Line 20. dnt [dinutu?] "fornication, shame(?)"; tdmm [tadmimultadmamul
tadmumu] "intrigue(?)".
Line 21. 'amt ['am(a)tu] "handmaiden", pI. 'amht ['amahiitu]; l [lulla]
"verily, surely"; NBT"to behold" (G), perhaps passive, "to be
seen" (Gp).
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TEXT SELECTIONS 247
Line 23. 'afJr ['afJra/'afJr~ "afterwards"; Mer "to arrive" (G or D);

'al'iyn bel ['al'rylinu Ba'lu] "Mighty Baal".
Line 24. btlt [batul(a)tu] "virgin", epithet of Anat; tnt ['Anatu] DN.
Line 26. ezr "to honor, to entreat" (G or D).
Line 27. 'NY "to answer" (G).
Line 28. 'ik ['eka] "how" or "how is it?"
Line 31. iT [LOru] "bull, ox, steer", epithet of El; d Edit] "of'; p'id
[pa'idu?] "merciful", "he who is merciful", epithet of El; hm
[him(ma)] "if, or".
Line 32. bT£)! bnwt [bliniyu baniZwlitt] "Creator of Creatures", an epithet
of El.
Line 34. km [kama/ kimli] "like".
Text 8 (KI'U2 1.4 IV,5-62)
(5) ~d. #1 . rjl[t . gpnm . dt]

(6) ksp. dt .yrql [. nqbnm]
(7) 'db. gpn. 'atnrt1[y]
(8) yfm'. qd<s> . w ' amr[r]
(9) mdl. 'r . ~d . p~l
(lO) It. gpnm . dt . ksp
(11) dt. yrq . nqbnm
(12) 'db. gpn . 'atnth
(13) y~bq . qdS. w 'amrr
(14) yItn. 'aiTt. I bmt. 'r
(15) lysmsmt. bmt . #1
(16) qdS. y'ulJdm . Sh'r
(17) 'amrr. k kbkb . lpnm
(18) 'at!. btlt. tnt
(19) w bel . tb' . mrym . ~pn
(20) 'idk. I ttn . pnm
(21) 'm. 'il. mbk. nhrm
(22) qrb. 'apq . thmtm
(23) tgfy. rid . 'il . w tb'u
(24) qrI. mlk . 'ab . Snm
(25) I pen . 'il . thbr . w tql
(26) tStl;:li!y. w tkbdh
(27) him. 'il . k yphnh
(28) yprq . ~b . w y~~q
(29) penh . I hdm . y1/Jd . rw1 ry1krkr
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248 APPENDIX
(30) '~b'th . ys""u . gh . w yr,l'l [&]

(31) 'ik. mi;yt. rbt. 'alrl[t .y]m
(32) 'ik . 'atwt. qnyt . 'i[lm]
(33) rgb . rgbt . w rtgtl [r]
(34) hm . i,m'u . i,m'it . w r'sl [t]
(35) l&m. hm . s"'tym . !&l[m]
(36) b 11&nt . l&m s"'t
(37) b krpnm . yn . b k<s> . t/ r,l'l
(38) dm. ',I'm . hm . yd . 'il rmlkl
(39) y!Jssk. 'ahbt. 1r . {'rrrlk
(40) w ten . rbt . 'aM ym
(41) t&mk .' il . &km . &kmt
(42) 'm '1m. Iyyt . &;;,t
(43) t&mk. mlkn . 'al'ry[n .Fbl'l
(44) lPtn . w 'in. d 'lnh
(45) klnyn. rql[J]rhl . rnbl[ln]
(46) klnyrnl [.] rnbll. ksh
(47) ['anlY [.] rll ~,I'&l . rb 'il . 'abh
(48) ['z] r11 . mlk . d yknnh . y,l'&
(49) r'a11rt . w bnh .'ilt . w ,I'brt
(50) r'alryh. wn . 'in. bt. I b,rll
(51) rklm. 'ilm . w &;;,r . k bn . 'a1rt
(52) m1b 'il . m;;,ll . bnh
(53) rm1b l [.] rbt. 'atrt .ym
(54) mr1b1 . kIt [.] knyt
(55) m1b . pdry . bt . 'ar
(56) m;;,ll . tlY . bt rb
(57) m1b. 'ar,l'<y> . bty'bdr
(58) w y'n lrpn 'il d p'l dl
(59) rpl 'bd. 'an. 'nn . 'a1rt
(60) rpl 'bd. 'ank. 'ar'id. 'u rl11
(61) hm . 'amt. 'alrlt . tlbrnl
(62) lbnt .ybn . bt. I bel
NOTES
Line 5. $MD "to harness (G?); p&l fpa&lul pU&iilu] "young ass"; gpnm
fgap(a)numa? or gap(a)niimalz?] "harness(?)"; dt [dutu] "of, be-
longing to".
Line 6. yrq [yarqulyaruq(q)u?] "yellow (gold)"; nqbnm [naqbiinuma or
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TEXT SELECTIONS 249
naqba-naml i(?)] "reins, straps(?)", others interpret "mines".

Line 7. 'DB "to prepare" (G); 'atnt ['atanatul'atanatu] "she ass(es)".
Line 8. SM "to hear (G); qdS w 'amrr [Q!tdSu wa-'Amraru?] names of
two(?) divine servants of Ashera (perhaps double name of one
personage).
Line 9. MDL "to harness, to strap up" (G or D); 'r ['eru] "(young)
ass".
Line 10. /fBo.. "to hug, embrace" (D).
Line 14. bmt [bam(a)tu] "back, rib cage".
Line 15. ysmsmt [yasamsamtu(?)] "beauty" (feminine adjective).
Line 16. 'ljD "to grasp, to take" (G); B'R "to lead, to enlighten" (S),
perhaps sb'r is a noun meaning "torch".
Line 17. kbkb [kabkabu] "star"; I pnm [le-panzma] "forward, in front".
Line 18. 'alr ['alTa] "from behind".
Line 19. TB' "to leave, depart" (G); mrym [maryamu] "height(s)"; fpn
[,mpanu] "north".
Line 20. 'idk ['iddaka] "then"; rTN pnm "to turn the face", "to turn
towards" (G).
Line 21. 'm ['imma] "to, towards" (preposition); mbk [mabbaku] "source
of a stream"; nhr [nah(a)ru] "river".
Line 22. qrb [qirbul qirba] "within, in the midst of'; 'apq ['apzqu]
"stream"; thmtm [tahamatamlz] "the two deeps" (the proposed
reconstruction is based on the syllabic attestation: ta-a-ma-tu4
[tahamatu] "deep, primordial sea" [Ug 5 137 III,34"]).
Line 23. GLY"to leave", or "to approach to within sight" (G or D?);
dd [dadu] "abode(?)", "tent(?)", "mountain(?)"; BW' (or: BA'?)
"to come".
Line 24. qrs [qarsu(?)] "abode(?)"; mlk [malku] "king"; 'ab ['abu] "father";
snm [sanuma] "years" (singular: snt [sanatu]); others take snm as
a proper noun.
Line 25. HBR "to bow down" (G).
Line 26. /fWY"to do obeisance" (St); some see this as S/fY (Gt) (cf.
supra, p. 171); KED "to honor" (D).
Line 27. him [halumma?] "when"; k [k~ "thus, verily"; PHY"to see" (G).
Line 28. PRo.. "to open(?)" (G or D); lfb [li?bu] "opening between the
lips(?)"; S/fo.. "to laugh" (G).
Line 29. hmd [hidamu] "footstool"; yPD "to put, place" (G) (cf. Biblical
Hebrew root nEltli); KRKR "to entwine (the fingers)" or "to
twiddle (the fingers)".
Line 30. 'Ufb't ['Ufbu'atu(?)] "fingers"; NS "to raise, lift up" (G); g [gil]
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250 APPENDIX
"voice"; SW./fl SY./f "to call, to shout" (G).

Line 31. MeY"to reach, arrive" (G or D).
Line 32. 'TW "to come" (G).
Line ReB "to hunger, be hungry" (G).
33.
Line 34. eM "to thirst, be thirsty" (G).
Line LlfM "to eat" (G).
35.
Line krpn [karpanu] "bowl".
37.
Line dm 'Jm [damu 'i,ffima] "the blood of trees" (parallel to yn [Jenu]
38.
"wine"); cf. Biblical Hebrew c';J~~rC1 (Gen. 49: 11) also paral-
lel to 1'~ "wine"; yd [Jaddu] "affection, love" (from the root
YDD).
Line 39. ljSS "to excite, to incite" (D or L); 'ahbt ['ahabtul'ahbatu]
"love"; 'WR "to arouse" (L).
Line 41. ./fKM "to be wise" (G); or adjective f:zkm "wise"; 'm ['imma]
"to, towards".
Line 42. '1m ['alamu] "world, eternity"; ./fIT "to live" (G), "to give life"
(D); ~~t [~iuatu(?)] "good fortune".
Line 44. JPI [ffiPi(u] 'judge, ruler"; 'lnh ['alin(n)ahf1I'alan(n)ahf1J "on
him".
Lines 45-46. Obscure lines
Line 47. 'arry [ ?] "moan(?)" or perhaps "loudly".
Line 48. KWN "to be" (G), "to establish" (L).
Line 49. 'ilt ['il(a)tu] "goddess"; Jbrt [Jibbzr(a)tu] "group, band".
Line 50. 'ary [ ? ] "associate, relative, kinsman"; wn [ ? ] "and be-
hold(?)", cf. w hn [wa-hinnz]; bt [hitu] "house".
Line 5l. ~~r [~a~iru] "court(yard)".
Line 58. l(pn [la[ipanu(?)] "compassionate, gracious",epithet of El.
Line 59. 'bd ['abdu] "slave, servant"; 'an ['anAJ "I"; 'nn ['onanu] "ser-
vent", or "follower(?)".
Line 60. 'atJd 'ull obscure; 'afJd is probably from the verb 'ljD "to
grasp, hold" (G) and 'ull [ ? ] may be "an implement for
building" .
Line 6l. 'amt ['am(a)tu] "handmaiden"; LBN"to make bricks" (G or D).
Line 62. bnt [labinatu] "bricks"; BM "to build" (here Gp or N).
Text 9 (KTU 2 1.4 V,I-65)
(1) km. 'ilm. w ~~r . k bn . 'alrt

(2) w t'n . rbt . 'alrt ym
(3) rbt. 'ilm . I ~kmt
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(4) Sbt. dqnk . l tsrk

(5) ran>n<~?). t! t1 • l 'irtk
(6) wn 'ap . 'dn . mtrh
(7) b'l. y'dn . 'dn . lkt . b gll
(8) w tn . qlh . b 'rpt
(9) irh. l 'ar~ . brqm
(10) bt. 'arzm . ykllnh
(11) hm. bt . lbn rt1 . ryl'msnh
(12) lyrgm. l 'al'iryn1 bel
(13) ~~. am . b bh~!)k
(14) 'dbt. b qrb . hklk
(15) tblk. irm . m'id. ksp .
(16) gb'm. ~md . ar~
(17) yblk . 'udr . 'ilq~
(18) w bn . bht . ksp . w ar~
(19) bht. thrm. 'iqn'im
(20) Sma. btlt . 'nt . ttl ~
(21) p'nm . w tr . 'ar~
(22) 'idk. l ttn . pnm
(23) 'm. bel . mrym . ~pn
(24) b 'alp. Sd . rbt . kmn
(25) ~~q. btlt . 'nt . ts"'u
(26) gh. w t~~ . tbSr bel
(27) bSrtk. yblt . f tn1
(28) bt. lk . km . 'aak . w ~:{,r
(29) km. 'aryk . ~~ . am
(30) b bhtk . 'dbt . b qrb
(31) hklk. tblk . irm
(32) m'id. ksp . gb'm . m~md
(33) ar~. w bn . bht . ksp
(34) w ar~ . bht . thrm
(35) 'iqn'im. Sma . 'al'iyn
(36) b'l. ~~ . am . b bhth
(37) 'dbt. b qrb hklh
(38) yblnn . irm . m'id . ksp
(39) gb'm. l~md . ar~
(40) yblnn . 'udr . 'ilq~
(41) y<l>'ak . l klr . w!Jss
(42) w lb l mspr .. k tl'akn
(43) glmm
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252 APPENDIX
(44) 'aar. mty ktr . w !Jss

(45) It. 'alp. qdmh . mr'a
(46) w tk . pnh . t'db . ks'u
(47) wy11.b. lymn. 'al'iyn
(48) b'l. 'd . Ibm. ! 0'1 [. 'ilm]
(49) [w]~l'n. r'af1['iyn . b'~
(50) [hi t]fb 1'. rk1[tr w !Jss]
(51) rW1 • bhtm . [t]fb 1[nn]
(52) W. rmm . hk[lm]
(53) W. bhtm . tb rn1[n]
(54) W. trmmn . hrk1[lm]
(55) b tk . frrt . fpn
(56) 'alp. Sd . 'aM bt
(57) rbt. kmn . hkl
(58) rw1yen . ktr . w tJss
(59) ri'm'. I 'al'iyn . bel
(60) bn. I rkb . 'rpt
(61) bl. 'aft. 'urbt. b brh1[tm]
(62) bin. b qrb . hklm
(63) w yen . 'al'iyn b'r 11
(64) 'al. tIt. 'urbt . b [bhtm]
(65) [b~rn1. b lr1b . hk[lm]
NOTES
Line 1. km [kama/ kima] "as, like".

Line 3. RBB "to be much, many" (G); I [lulla] "may it be, verily".
Line 4. Ibt [Iib(a)tu] "old age"; dqn [daqanu] "beard"; WSR "to instruct,
enjoin, exhort, admonish" (G or D).
Line 5. rtJn>n<t [ ? ]-obscure word; 'irt ['ir(a)tu] "breast, chest" (cf.
Akkadian irtu and Biblical Hebrew i1~l with metathesis).
Line 6. wn [ ? ] « w hn) "and behold"; 'dn ['iddanu as in Aramaic or
'adannu as in Akkadian] "time, era, period", perhaps here
"season"; mtr [mataru/ mitaru(?)] "rain".
Line 7. 'DN "to set a time" (G or D); tkt [ ? ] obscure; glt [galtu?]
"snow(?)" with metathesis (cf. Arabic tay and Biblical Hebrew
'7~)·
Line 8. rrN "to give" (G) and here wtn [wdtinu] « wa-yatinu) "(Baal)
gives"; ql [qalu/ qolu] "voice"; 'rpt ['urpatu] "clouds".
Line 9. SRH "to glow(?)" "to flash(?)" (G or D), cf. Biblical Hebrew
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r'~v ni~~Y".p iii~11i1')~: c:~~iJ-?~-nIJP; "He flashed it under

the whole heaven, and his lightning unto the ends of the
earth" . Gob 37:3); 'ar~ ['ar~u] "earth, land"; brq [bar(a)qu]
"lightening" .
Line 10. 'arz ['arzu] "cedar" (pI. 'arzm [,ar(a)zuma]); KIL "to complete"
(D or L).
Line 11. 'MS "to load", "to erect (a house)" (D).
Line 13. am [?] "planks (ofwood)(?)"; others interpret: "caravans" (cf.
Akkadian aarranu)".
Line 14. 'dbt [ ? ] obscure in parallel to the equally obscure am (some
interpret: "weeds, plants" and compare Biblical Hebrew ::l~.!'.
plant"); hId [hekalu] "palace".
Line 15. YBL "to bring, deliver" (G); ir [guru] "mountain".
Line 16. gb' fgab'u] "hill" (pI. gb'm fgab(a)'uma]; m&md [ma&madu] "desir-
able thing".
Line 17. 'udr [ ? ] "quarry(?)"; some compare Akkadian udru "camel";
'ilq~ [ ? ] "precious stones".
Line 18. B.NY "to build (G): bn [bantlJ « banayu), absolute infinitive as
predicate; bht[ bahatf] "houses of" (construct of plural bhtm).
Line 19. thr [tuhuru] "pure" (pI. thrm [tuhurilma]); some take this form as
plural construct with enclitic mem (cf. supra, p. 193); 'iqn'u
['iqntul'iqni'u] "lapis lazuli".
Line 20. D'$ "to stamp (with the foot)(?)" (G?), cf. Aramaic rJJ1.
Line 2l. p'nm [pa'nama/z] "feet" (du.); TWR "to travel around" (G),
some interpret "to return" in the light of Akkadian taru. The
form here is an absolute infinitive, [taru].
Line 24. 'alp ['alpu] "thousand"; fd [fadU] "field"; rbt [ribbatu] "myriad";
kmn [kumanu] measure of area, perhaps also of distance~
Line 26. BSR "to bring good tidings" (tD "to be informed of good tid-
ings"): tbfr [tabafSirltabaffar] "receive good news!" (2 nd m.s.
imperative).
Line 27. bfrt [bafilr(a)tu? I buffurtu?] "good tidings"; ytn [yutanu?] 3rd m.s.
"it will be given" (Gp) or 3rd m.pI. [yatinu] "they will give"
(G).
Line 39. lI;md variant of m&md [ma&madu] "delightful thing", perhaps
the form is a scribal error and should be corrected to m!&md.
Line 4l. L'K"to send" (G).
Line 42. TWB "to return" (G); mspr [masparu] "number, measure" or
[musapparu] "narrative, thing recounted"; tfakn [tufakanz] 3rd
m.du. "(the two lads) are being sent" (Gp) or 3rd m.pI.
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254 APPENDIX
[tifakuna] "they are sending (the two lads)".

Line 43. glmm rgalmamali or i,ufamamah] "the two lads".
Line 45. 'alp ['alpu] "ox, steer"; qdm [qudama] "before"; mr'a [mari'a]
"fatted ox, fading" (ace.); 'DB "to prepare" (G) and here t'db
[tu'dab] "(Gp)" or [ticcadib] (N); ks'u [kussr'ul kissi'u] "chair"
(sJ.).
Line 46. m "to sit" (G), "to seat" (8), here [ya18lablyu18lab] "he was
seated" (8p) or less likely [ya18JjbUlyu18JjbU] "they seated (him)"
(8); ymn [yamfnu] "right (hand),'.
Line 51. I;S [~is,?] "hurry, hasten!"
Line 52. RVVM" "to raise up, erect (a house)" (L).
Line 55. .Jrrt [ ? ] "the heights(?)".
Line 59. I [lui fa] "O!" (vocative particle).
Line 60. BrN "to understand" (G).
Line 61. bl [ba~ "not" or "verily"; 'urbt ['urub(b)atu] "window, tran-
som".
Line 62. ~ln [~alliinu?] "window".
Line 64. 'al ['a~ "don't" or "verily".
Text 10 (KTU 2 1.5 1,1-16)
(1) k tmM . ltn . bln . br~

(2) tkly. bln . 'qltn
(3) flyt. d . soOt . r'afm
(4) tl~. ttrp . !m1m . krs
(5) 'ipdk.' ank . 'isp'i . 'upn
(6) rirqm.' amtm . I yrt
(7) b npf . bn 'ilm . mt . b mh
(8) mrt. ydd . 'il . gzr
(9) tb'. wi. ylb . 'ilm . 'idk
(10) lytn. pnm . 'm . bel
(11) mrym . .Jpn . w y'n
(12) gpn. w 'ugr . t~m . bn 'i1!m1
(13) mt. hwt .ydd . bn 'il
(14) fgzrl. fpl fnpl . f. nps. Ib'ifm 1
(15) thw. hm . brlt . 'anfJr
(16) b ym
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TEXT SELECTIONS 255
NOTES
Line 1. k [~ "if' or "if also"; MIj$ "to smite" (G); ltn [LOtanu?] "sea
dragon" (a monster, one of Baal's enemies; cf. Biblical
Hebrew 10:1~ [Isa. 27:1; Ps. 75:15]); blJl [balJlu?] "snake"
(Akkadian baSmu, Biblical Hebrew IP~ [ps 58:5]); br~ [barflzu]
"fleeing", cf. I"!~~ rzim lI;1:1~ [Isa. 27:1] and Cassuto 1972:75).
Line 2. KLr "to destroy" (D); 'qltn ['aqa~~atilnu?] "writhing".
Line 3. fly! [ ?] "powerful(?)", but others derive from LWT"to hide"
(8); SIlt [sab'atu] "seven"; riS [ra'fu] "head", pI. rafm
[ra' aSiZma] .
Line 4-6. Obscure lines; some suggestions: TKlf "to ignite(?)" (G); ttrp
"teraphim(?)", plural construct, or from RPr "to be weak"
(tD); fmm [samt2ma] "heavens"; KRS "to bind(?)" (by metathe-
sis from RKS;; 'ipd ['ipadu] "vestment"; SP' "to eat" (G); 'ufm
['uffilma] "bites(?)", "demons(?)", cf. c·~~ [Isa. 19:3]); MWT
"to die" (G), and here 'amtm ['amutu-ma] "I will die"; rRD "to
descend" (G) and here I yrt [lui la yara~ « lui la yaradtl)
"may you go down".
Line 7. nps [napfu] "soul"; mt [motu] "Mot" (deity name of the god of
death); mhmrt [makmuratu?] "caverns" (cf. niibqO:;l [ps.
140,11]).
Line 8. ydd [Yadudulyad"ulu] "friend, beloved"; gzr [gazzru?] "warrior,
soldier".
Line 9. TB "to depart" (G), thus 3rd m.du. tb' [taba'a] "Gupanu and
Ugaru departed" (though the subject might be one with a
double name); 'ilm ['ilu-ma] "god" (with enclitic mem); TWB
"to return" (G).
Line 12. gpn w 'ugr proper names of the divine messenger(s).
Line 13. hwt [hawatu?] "word".
Line 14. lb'u [lab(~'u?] "lion".
Line 15. thw [tuhwu] "wasteland", "chaos" (according to Biblical
Hebrew [Gen. 1:2 and elsewhere]), "desert" (according to
Arabic); brlt [ ? ] "spirit"; 'anfJr [ ? ] "sea horse" (cf. nii!Jiru in
Akkadian).
Text 11 (KI'U 2 1.5 11,1-21)
(1) [ ] ram1
(2) [spt . I 'a]r:f . spt . I fmm
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256 APPENDIX
(3) [yst . ] rl' in . l kbkbm . y'rb

(4) rb1el. b kbdh . b ph .yrd
(5) k ~rr . zt .ybl . 'ar~ . w pr
(6) e~. yr' a'un . 'affyn . bel
(7) lte . nn . rkb . erpt
(8) tb e . rgm . l bn . 'ilm . mt
(9) tJzy. l ydd . 'il gzr
(10) *m. 'affyn . bel. hwt. 'affy
(11) qrdm. bhl. l bn . 'ilm mt
(12) ebtlk. 'an. w d elmk
(13) tb e . w l . ylb . 'ilm 'idk
(14) rll ~tnl . rpln<m> . em . bn . 'ilm . mt
(15) tk. qrth. hmrr"ly . mk. ks'u
(16) lbt<h> . !J!J . 'ar~ . ~lth . ts"'a
(17) ghm. w ~~ . t~m . 'affyn
(18) >bn<. bel. hwt . 'affy . qrdm
(19) bhl. bn. 'ilm. mt. ebdk. 'an
(20) w d elmk . SmG . bn 'ilm . mt
(21) [tn .]rglh . w '~~ . 'ik .y~~n
(22) [bel.]. yqr .'un [.] hd
NOTES
Line 2. spt [Sip(a)tu] "lip"; Smm [samuma] "heavens".

Line 3. lSn [laSanu] "tongue"; eRB "to enter" (G).
Line 4. kbd [kabidu] "liver", kbdh [kabid~ "inside her"; p [PU]
"mouth" .
.Line 5. ~rr [ ? ] "cake, wafer(?)" or perhaps "scorched";zt [zetu]
"olive"; ybl [yibulu(?)] "produce"; pr [pam/pim(?)] "fruit".
Line 6. YR' "to fear", thus yr'a'un [yzra'unni1] "(Baal) fears him" (for
other possibilities for interpreting this form, c£ supra, p. 13);
'affyn ['afryiinu?] , an epithet of Baal, apparently means
"mighty" (from L'Y "to overcome"). Sometimes in a short
form, 'affy (e.g. in lines 10,18).
Line 7. IT "to fear" (G) (as in Azatiwada, col. 2, line 4), the Citadel
Inscription from Amman (line 6) and Biblical Hebrew
.I)!;It;it:1-'~ (Isa. 41,10).
Line 9. TNY "to tell, recount" (G or D).
Line 11. qrdm [qarradu-ma] "hero"; BHT "to entreat" (G or D).
Line 12. 'an ['anaj "I".
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TEXT SELECTIONS 257
Line 15. qrt [qantu] "city"; hrmy [ ? ] place name of Mot's abode.
Line 16. mk [ ? ] "behold" (presentation particle). Some compare it
with Egyptian mk; others derive it from MWK "to fall".
Line 17. lbt [1ib(a)tu] "seat"; !J!J [ ? ] ?; n~lt [na~/atu/na~altu] "inheri-
tance".
Line 21. KI1J2. reads y/~n.
Line 22. QW "to cry, call out" (G); the form has a suffix pronoun
[yiqra'unz] "they call to me".
Text 12 (KJ'U 2 1.5 VI,5-31)
(5) rm1gny
(6) I n'nry. 'ar~. rd1br
(7) I ysmt . fd . s1;lmmt
(8) mgny. I b'l . nrpll . I 'a
(9) r~. mt . 'al'iyn . b'l
(10) !Jlq. zbl. b'l . 'ar~
(11) 'apnk. ItPn . 'il
(12) d p'ir d1 . yr r1d . I ks'i . ylb
(13) l h~ml . wi. hdm .ylb
(14) I 'ar~ . ~~lq . 'mr
(15) 'un. I rr'i1s"h . 'pr . pllt
(16) I. qdqr d1h . Ipf . yks
(17) m'izrtm. gr . b 'abn
(18) ydy . psltm . b y'r rl
(19) yhdy . I~m . w ~qln
(20) ylll. qn . gr'rh1 [.] yM
(21) k gn . 'ap lb . k 'mq . ylll
(22) bmt. ys"'u . gh [.] w y~~
(23) b'l. mt . my . l'im . bn
(24) dgn. my . hmlt . 'alr
(25) b'l. 'ard . b 'ar~ . 'ap
(26) 'nt. ttlk . w ~d . kl . gr
(27) r/l rk1bd . 'ar~ . kl . gb'
(28) I rkb1d . fdm. tmg. I n'rml[y]
(29) [' ar~ .] dbr . ysmt . fd
(30) [s"!z~mmt. lmlcg .] I b'l . nrpl[~
(31) [I 'a]rr~l [. Ips1 . tks. m'irz1[rtm]
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258 APPENDIX
NOTES
Line 5. MGY"to arrive" (G), a dual, mgny "the two of us arrived".

Line 6. n'm [nu'mu] "pleasantness"; dbr [ ? ] place name.
Line 7. ysmt [ ? ] "beauty"; fl.zlmmt [ ? ] place name.
Line 8. I b'l [lu/la ba'lu] "verily Baal".
Line 9. MWT "to die" (G).
Line 10. IjLQ "to perish" (G); zbl [zibulu?] "prince" (epithet of Baal).
Line 11. 'apnk ['appunaka?] "then"; IUm [lalfpanu?] "compassionate" (epi-
thet of Baal).
Line 12. p'id fpa'idu] "merciful".
Line 14. 'mr [ ? ] "ash, dirt (?)".
Line 15. 'un ['unU] "mourning" (from '.N'f); 'pr ['aparu] "dirt"; pllt [ ? ]
"to groving", "sprinkling"; cf. Biblical Hebrew 't!l~eI;liJ 1f;111
['f:'I~'i'eI;liJl "grovel in the dirt" (Micah 1: 10).
Line 16. qdqd [qadqadu/ qudqudu] "head, top of head"; ips [lzPsu/lupsu]
"clothing"; KSY"to cover" (D).
Line 17. m'i,zrtm [ma'zaratama/i or ma'za1(a)tamah] "double mourning
garment"; i;r [garu/guru?] "skin"(?); 'abn ['abnu] "stone".
Line 18. roy (?) "to cut, scratch(?)". The clause i;r b 'abn ydy appar-
ently means "he lacerates (/scratches) the skin with a stone"
(other proposals have been made); psltm [ ?] "sideburns, locks
(of hair)"; y'r [ ? ] "razor(?)".
Line 19. HDY"to cut(?)" (G); lI}m [la!1I2ma/i or liJ;timah] "cheeks"; dqn
[daqanu] "beard".
Line 20. TLT "to pluck" (G or D), or "to plow (in three rows)"; qn
[qanU] "reed" (here for "the upper arm"; cf. also Biblical
Hebrew 1~~I:1 i1#wO '.il"'~~i Gob 31,22]); rir' [riira'u] "arm"; lfRT
"to plow" (G).
Line 21. gn fgannu/ ginnu] "garden"; 'ap lb ['appa-libbz] "chest(?)"; 'mq
['amqu/'imqu] "valley".
Line 23. my [m!"ya] "who"; l'im [lu'mu?] "nation"; bn dgn [binu/ bunu/ banu
Daganz] "son of Daganu" (epithet of Baal).
Line 24. hmlt [hamul(a)tu] "people, masses"; 'at! ['at!a?] "after", or
"place", or else "footsteps".
Line 26. YLK/ HLK "to go" (G) and Gt "to go around"; $JtV.D/ $YD "to
hunt" (G); kl [kullu] "all" (adverbial [kulla] "in all"); i;r rguru]
"mountain" .
Line 27. gb' fgab'u] "hill".
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TEXT SELECTIONS 259
Text 13 (KTU2 1.6 1,1-65)

(1) l bel
(2) gr. b 'ab<n> . td . rps{l!m1 [. b yer]
(3) thdy. l/.lm . w dqn . t[l] l[l]
(4) qn. rlr'h . *rJ. . km . t n1
(5) 'ap lb . k emq . ti.ll. bmt
(6) bel. mt . my . fim . bn dgn
(7) my. hmlt . 'at! . bel. nrd
(8) b 'ar~ . emh . trd . nrt
(9) 'ilm. Sps . ed . ts"b e . bk
(10) tIt. k yn . 'udmet . gm
(11) tl~l . l nrt. 'ilm . Ips
(12) emrsl . me . !y . 'afiyn . bel
(13) tfme. nrt. 'ilm . Ips
(14) ts"'u. 'afiyn. bel. l ktp
(15) ent. k tIth . ts"'!ynh
(16) b prt . ~p>e<n . tblfynh
(17) w tqbmh . tIlnn . b IJrt
(18) 'ilm. 'ar~ . t!bIJ . Sbem
(19) rumm. k gmn . 'afiyn
(20) rb1el. ttbIJ . Sbem . 'alpm
(21) [k] rglmn . 'afiyn . bel
(22) [ttl rb1IJ . Sbem . lin
(23) [k g] rm1n . 'afiyn . bel
(24) [tt]rbIJ1 . Sbem . 'qylm
(25) [k gmn . 'aW'iy1n . bel
(26) [ttbIJ. Sjrb1em . yelm
(27) [k gmn .] 'afiy . bel
(28) [ttbIJ. Sbem . ]~mrm
(29) [k gm] rn1 . ' af'ilyn [.] ber {I
(30) [b SjrplM . tIt bm . e[ntJ
(31) [kd. i1zrh .ybm . l'ilm
(32) ['uW kl . l tin [.J rplnm . em
(33) eW{I. mbk nrh1rm . qrb
(34) r'a1pq. thmtm . tg!y . rid
(35) 'il. w . tb'u . qrs .
(36) mlk. 'ab . snm . l pen
(37) r'i1l. thbr . w tql
(38) tIt~wy. w tkbdnh
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260 APPENDIX
(39) ts"'u. gh . w ~& . tfm!J ht

(40) 'alrt. w . bnh . 'ilt . w ~b
(41) rt. 'aryh. k mt. 'al'iyn
(42) b'l. k !Jlq . zbl. bel
(43) 'ar~. gm . y~& 'il
(44) fll rbt. 'alr1tym . §m'
(45) I rbt . 'af1rl[t] ~lm . tn
(46) 'aM. b. bfnkl . 'am. lkn
(47) w t'n . rbt. 'agtym
(48) bl. nmlk .yd' .y!&ln
(49) wy'n. ItPn. 'il fd1 fp'il
(50) d. dq. 'anm. lyl;;;l
(51) 'm. b'l. ly'db . mr&
(52) 'm. bn . dgn . k tmsm
(53) w 'n . rbt. 'agtym
(54) bit. nmlk . 'ltr . 'r;;;
(55) ymlk . 'ltr . 'r;;;
(56) 'apnk. 'ltr . 'rg;
(57) y'l. b ~rrt . ~pn
(58) ylb . I k&1 . f'a1l'iyn
(59) b'l. penh . I tmgyn
(60) hdm [.] r'is1z . I ymffy
(61) 'apsh. w yen . 'ltr. 'r;;;
(62) I 'amlk . b ~rrt . ~pn
(63) yrd . 'ltr . 'rg; . yrd
(64) I k&l . 'al'iyn . bel
(65) w ymlk . b 'ar~ . 'il . klh
NOTES
Line 1. I bel [le-ba'lil a] "(the series) about Baal, pertaining to Baal".

Line 8. nrt [nur\a)tu] "luminary" (the Sun-goddess is called here nrt 'ilm
[nur\a)tu 'ilfma] "luminary of the gods").
Line 9. fpf [fapfu] "the Sun-goddess; 'd ['ad(e)?] "until, as far as" (pre-
position); SF "to be satiated, satisfied" (G); bk [bikiJj bakU]
"weeping".
Line lO. STY "to drink" (G); yn [yenu] "wine"; 'udm't ['udmu'atu?]
"tears"; gm [ga'ma] "loudly"; m' [maj particle accompanying
imperatives like Hebrew ~~.
Line 14. ktp [ka~z)pu] "shoulder".
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TEXT SELECTIONS 261
Line 15. k [fa1 "verily, surely"; 'LY"to ascend" (G), "to raise, elevate"
(S).
Line 16. Bltr "to weep" (G), perhaps D stem here.
Line 17. Qf3R "to bury" (G); tJrt [tJirftu] "grave, cemetary" (cf. the syl-
labic attestation E \ tJi-ri-ti [PRU III, p. 52,17).
Line 18. TBlj "to slaughter" (G); sb'm [sab(a)'uma] "seventy".
Line 19. rumm [ ? ] "buffaloes"; gmn [?] "funerary offering" (perhaps
to revive the death). Perhaps related to Biblical Hebrew '?~1?~
,compensation" (Isa. 59: 18).
Line 20. 'alp ['alpu] "ox, steer", pI. 'alpm ['al(a)pumaJ.
Line 22. ~'in [~a'nu] "small catde".
Line 24. 'qyl ['qyyalu] "deer, buck", pI. 'qylm ['qyyalumaJ.
Line 26. y'l [Ya'ilu] "wild goat", pI. y'lm [Ya'ilumaJ.
Line 28. ~mr [~imaru] "ass", pI. ~mrm [~imarUma] (KIIJ2 reads [Y]~mrm
"roe bucks".
Lines 30-31. Obscure lines.
Line 39. ht [hitta?] « hinta?) "now".
Line 42. bel [ba'lu] "lord", "Baal".
Line 44. l[lul la] "0" (vocative particle).
Line 45. rTN "to give" (G).
Line 46. 'a!;d ['~@adu] "one"; b [bi-] "from"; MLK "to reign" (G) or
"to cause to reign" (D or G).
Line 48. ytf yl1Jn [ ? ] personal divine name(?) (perhaps "who knows
and is wise").
Line 50. dq [daqqu?] literally "thin", and here "weak"; 'anm ['anuma?]
"strengths"; others interpret "now" like Akkadian anuma (TO
I, p. 256) but this suggestion is hardly convincing; Rf1/?, "to
run" (G).
Line 51. 'DB "to arrange, to use" (G); mr~ [mur~u] "spear" (also in Late
Egyptian mrl)., cf. Sivan and Cochavy Rainey 1992: 27; cf.
also Biblical Hebrew no, [Num. 25:7] apparendy with meta-
thesis).
Line 52. tmsm [ ? ] - obscure word.
Line 54. blt [balti/bilu] "not", "no", or "verily"; 'lfr ['Altaru] DN, male
counterpart of IStar I Astart, written ,ntlw in Moabite (Mesha'
Inscription, line 17) and in Phoenician (cf. Bentz 1972:385-
386); 'r?:, ['am?:,u] "terrible".
Line 58. kIJl [ka~1u] "throne" (cf. the syllabic attestation in FA 120: 18,
ka-atJ-su).
Line 60. 'aps ['apsu] "extremity" (cf. Biblical Hebrew n~r'O~~ [Deut.
33: 17]).
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262 APPENDIX
Text 14 (KTU2 1.6 11,6-37)

(6) tngJfz. k f b1 . r, arl IE]
(7) I 'glh . k . lb . fa[t]
(8) l'imrh. km . lb . 'rnl[t]
(9) 'au. b'l. fifJd. mrtl
(10) b s'in .ipI. tf~lnl[h]
(11) b q~ . 'all. tI'u . gh . w rtl[~]
(12) ~. 'at. mt. tn . 'atJy
(13) w 'n . rbln . 'ilm . mt. mh
(14) farm. I btlt . 'nt
(15) 'an. 'itlle . w '~d . kl
(16) gr. I kbd . 'ar~ . kl . gb'
(17) I kbd . Sdm . npI . Ii slrt
(18) bn. nfm . nps. hmlt .
(19) 'ar~. mgt. I n'my . 'ar~
(20) dbr. ysmt. Id . fl:tlmmt
(21) ngI. 'ank. 'afiyn. bel
(22) 'dbnn' ank . <k> 'imr . b py
(23) k lfi . b ibm q<n>y . afu hw
(24) nrt. 'ifm l . IpI . ~~rrt
(25) fa. fmm . b yd . bn 'ilm . mt
(26) ym . ymm .ftqn . I ymm
(27) lyralm. r~m . 'nt. tngth
(28) k lb . 'ara . I 'glh . k lb
(29) fat. l'imrh . km . lb
(30) 'nt. 'au. bel . fifJd
(31) bn. 'ilm . mt . b ~rb
(32) tbq'nn. b au . tdry
(33) nn. b 'iSt . tfrpnn
(34) b r~m . tt;~nn . b Sd
(35) tdr'. nn . I'irh . I fikl
(36) '/ rm1 . mnth . I tkly
(37) npr[m] . fIl'ir. I fir .y~~
NOTES
Line 6. NGT "to seek" or "to draw near" (D); Ib [libbu] "heart" 'ara
[' arau] "cow".
Line 7. 'gl ['iglu] "calf'; fat [la'tu] "ewe".
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TEXT SELECTIONS 263
Line 8. 'imr ['immirnl'immarn] "lamb".

Line 9. 'atr [' atra?] "after", "towards".
Line 10. s'in [su'nu?] "hem, (of "shoe)(?)"; $WQ. "to seize, to press" (S).
Line 11. q~ [qa,ru] "edge", "extremity", but others interpret as derived
from Q§$ "to cut oW'; 'all [ ? ] a type or garment.
Line 13. mh [mah] "what".
Line 14. 'RS "to seek, request" (G or D).
Line 17. IjSR "to be lacking" (G); "to remove, carry oW' (D).
Line 18. nfm [nafUma] "people".
Line 21. NGS "to gnaw", "to subdue" (c£ the Biblical Hebrew root
tlm), but others interpret "to approach, to meet" (Gordon
1965:441) or "to bite, to eat" (Ginsberg 1936:150); 'ank
['anakit] "I".
Line 23. ll'u [lal(z)'u?] "lamb"; lbm [lubranul.tabranu] "opening, tear"; qn
[qanz1] "reed", "tube (of the throat)"; IjT "to disappear" (G),
and here the form is an absolute infinitive in predicative func-
tion; some interpret "to conquer" and take the form as Gp
participle, "he is conquered"; hw [huwa] "he".
Line 24. $lJRR "to burn, to blaze" (D?) or "to turn white" (D?).
Line 25. L'Y"to become weak", or "to overcome" (G) and here the
form l'a [la'iiJ « la'liyu) is absolute infinitive as predicate.
Line 26 ym [yomu] "day", pl.ymm [yomuma]; 'YQ."to pass", to pass by"
(G).
Line 27. yrtJ [ya7\z)tJu] "month", and the expression I ymm I yr~m "from
days to months"; r~m [r~mu] "girl, lass" (cf. tli~l7 'c'09()l CO"J.
":;f~ one or two girls for each man" ITudg. 5:30]), the combi-
nation r~m tnt [ra~mu 'Anatu] parallels btlt tnt [batul(a)tu 'Anatu]
"the Virgin Anat".
Line 31. ~rb [~arbu] "sword".
Line 32. BQ "to cleave" (D or perhaps G); tJlr [ ?] "winnowing fork",
and cf. lJSR "to sift" in Mishnaic Hebrew (c£ Jastrow 1971:
511b); DRY "to scatter, strew" (G).
Line 33. 'iSt ['is(sJatu] "fire"; SRP "to burn" (G).
Line 34. r~m [ri~amal z] "grind stones"; TlJN "to grind" (G); DR' "to
sow" (G).
Line 35. sVJir [sa'rnl Si'rn] "remains, remnants", though some prefer the
meaning "flesh", that word is written fir or tar; 'KL "to eat"
(G).
Line 36. '~r ['i,f~urn] "bird"; mnt [manetulmanatu] « manaytulmanayatu)
"form, shape" as in Akkadian.
Line 37. npr [napparn?] a type of fowl(?).
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264 APPENDIX
Text 15 (KI'U2 1.6 111,1-24)
(1) k ralql . rzbl[l . bel. 'ar,r]

(2) w hm . & . 'a[fiJIn . be~
(3) w hm . 'il . zbl . be[l . 'ar,r]
(4) b ~lm . ltPn . 'il . d p'id
(5) b rirt . bny . bnwt
(6) fmm. !mln . tmtm
(7) nalm. tlk . nbtm
(8) w'iff. k & . 'afiJIn . r bell
(9) k 'il . zbl . bel . 'ar,r
(10) b ~lm . ltPn 'il d p'id
(11) b rirt . bny . bnwt
(12) fmm. fmn . tmtm
(13) ntJlm. tlk . nbtm
(14) Sm!J. ltPn . 'il . d p'id
(15) penh. I hdm .ftPdl
(16) wyprq. l,rb. rwly,r~q
(17) yr i"u . gh . w y,r~
(18) 'albn. 'ank. w'antJrnl
(19) w tn!J . b 'irry . nps
(20) k ~~l • 'a!'iJlln . bel
(21) k 'il . zb rII . b'l . ' ar,r
(22) gm. ~,rl~ . 'il . l btlt
(23) 'nt. fmc . l btlt . 'n rtl
(24) rtml . I nrt . 'il<m> . Jps
NOTES
Line 2. &[~qyyu] "alive".

Line 3.'il ['iF] "is" (existential particle).
Line 4.~lm [~ilmu/~ulmu/~ilamu] "dream".
Line 5.rirt [ ? ] "vision".
Line 6.fmn [samnu] "oil"; MTR "to rain" (G or D).
Line 7.nal [naGlu] "stream(bed)", pI. na1m [naG(a)luma]; HLK/YLK "to
go" (G); nbtm [nubtu-ma?] "honey" (probablylb/p interchange;
cf. Biblical Hebrew n~~).
Line 8. YD' "to know" (G).
Line 18. m "to sit" (G).
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TEXT SELECTIONS 265
Text 16 (KTU 2 1.6 IV,1-17)

(1) pl. ent. fdm .y Jpf
(2) pl. ent . fdm [.] r'i11 . yftk
(3) rb1el. ent . m/:trJj
(4) r'i~. 'al'iyn . bel
(5) 'iy. zrbl1 . bel . 'ar~
(6) ttb e . btlt . ent
(7) 'idk. I ttn . pnm
(8) em. nrt . 'ilm . Jpf
(9) tf'u. gh . w q~
(10) tl;,m. lr . 'il. 'abk
(11) hwt. #Jm . ~~k1
(12) pi . ent. fdm . y Jpf
(13) pi . ent . fdm . 'il [.] ~ftk1
(14) bel. ent . m/:trl.th,l
(15) 'iy. 'al'iyn . bel
(16) 'iy. zbl. bel . 'ar~
(17) w fn . nrt. 'ilm. rJpt'
NOTES
Line 1. Difficult line: p I [pa Iii] "and not" or [pa lUIpa la] "verily,
thus", and others interpret in accordance to Arabic [pallu]
"bright, shining" (Ginsberg); ent [eenatu?] "springs(?)"; y [yii]
"O!" (vocative particle).
Line 3. m/:tr1.t [m~rU1(a)tu] "plowed ~and)(?)"; in line 14 the same word
may be misspelled.
Line 4. 'iy ['iyyz] "where".
Line 11. ~tk [~atilkul ~t'ikul ~atiku] "offspring".
Text 17 (KTU2 1.6 V,1-20)
(1) y'itJd. bel. bn . 'alrt

(2) rbm. ym{H . b ktp
(3) rd1lrym . ym{H . b ~d
(4) l~lr rmt1 .ymr~tJ1 . I 'ar~
(5) rp1 ~l[el . Fbel1 . I ks'i . mlkh
(6) [bn. dgn] . I kf:zt. . drk rt1h
(7) r[l [yFmm1 . I ~lrtJ1m . lyrtJm
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266 APPENDIX
(8) I rfn1t . rm1[k] . rb1 Sll

(9) fnt. rwrkl . rb1n. r'i/1m. mt
(lO) em. 'afiyn . bel. yS'u
(11) gh. rwly~~. elk. rbe/1m
(12) pht. qlt. elk . pht
(13) dry. b ~rb . elk
(14) pht. rJrpl . rb1 r'is"lt
(15) elk. [pht . t(z]n . bl~l
(16) m. e[lk] . rphtl [. dr]~l . rb1 rk1brt
(17) efkl. pht . rglly . []
(18) b Jdm . relk1 [.]. rphtl
(19) dT'. bym . rt1n . r'~l
(20) b. 'a!/k1 . r'isp'a1 . w y1/J
NOTES
Line l. rb [rabbu] "great, large", pI. rbm [rabbuma].

Line 3. dIgm [dakiyu-ma] "oppressor(?)", others divide the form into
two words, "rage of the sea" (TO I, p. 265, n. c with bibli-
ography; cf. also C,;~1 [ps. 93:3]); ~ [,famdul ~du] "rod,
club".
Line 4. ~~r mt - obscure words; some take them to mean "heat of
the day" (TO I, p. 265), while others take ~~r as a verbal form
meaning "to fall" (Gordon). The editors of Knf2 read one
word here, namely ~i,rm; M$lj "to kick", "to tread down(?)".
Line 5. mlk [mulku] "reign, rule".
Line 6. drkt [dar~a)tul daraktul darkatu?] "rule".
Line 9. rwrkl, obscure word.
Line 16. kbrt [kabar(a)tu?] "sieve".
Line 17. GLY "to bow" (G).
Line 20. SP "to eat" (G).
Text 18 (KTU 2 1.2 IV,5-31)
(5) []hlptm. I 'ar~ .ypl. 'ulny . wi. 'pr. e$:mrnJi

(6)
(7)
(8)
*.
[b] ph . rgm . Iy~'a . b spth . hwth . w ttn . gh . ygr
ks'i . zbl . ym . W en . ktr . w !Jss . I rgmt
Ik. I zbl . bel. tJtt . I rkb . erpt . ht . 'ibk
(9) belm. ht . 'ibk . tmfH . ht . qrnt ~tk
(lO) tq~. mlk . elmk . drkt . dt . drdrk
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TEXT SELECTIONS 267
(11) kg rmdm . yn&t . w yp'r . fmthm . fmk 'at

(12) ygrf . ygrf . grf ym grf ym . I ks'ih
(13) rn1hr I k&1 . drkth . trtq~ . bd bel . km . nf
(14) r. b '~b'th . hIm. ktp . zbl .ym . bnydm
(15) [UJ]t nhr . yrtq~ . rmd . bd bel . km . nfr
(16) rb1 r'ul~b'th .ylm . ktp . zblym . bn .ydm . UJt
(17) rn1hr. 'z .ym. lymk. I tng~ [.] pnth. lydlp
(18) tmnh. klr. rmdm . yn&t . w yp'r . fmthm
(19) fmk. 'at. 'qymr. 'qymr. mr .ym . mr .yrm1
(20) I ks'ih . nhr . I k&l . drkth . trtq~
(21) bd bel . km. nfr b '~b'th . hIm. qdq
(22) d. zbl ym . bn . 'nm . UJt . nhr . yprs& ym
(23) rw1 yql . I 'ar~ . w yrtq~ . rmd . bd bel
(24) rkm1 [.] rn1fr. b '~b'th .ylm . qdqd. zbl
(25) ~ml. bn 'nm . UJt . nhr . yprs& . ym . yql
(26) I 'ar~ . tng~n . pnth . w ydlp . tmrn1h
(27) yql bel . w yft . ym . ykly . UJt . nhr
(28) b. fm . tg'rm . 'ltrt. bl1 'al'iyn . rbl['~
(29) bl. I rkb . 'rpt . k fbyn . l b1 [I . ym . k]
(30) fbyn. UJt . nhr . w y~'a . b[ ]
(31) ybl. nn. 'al'iyn . b'l. w[ ]
NOTES
Line 5. NPL "to fall" (G); 'ubry [ ? ] "strong, rnighty(?)"; 'pr ['aparu]
"dirt, dust"; '?:,m11)i [ ? ] "huge, mighty(?)".
Line 6. Yo$' "to go out" (G): ly~'a [lay~a'a] "he did not go out", or
[lui a y~a' a] "he verily went out"; ygr [ ? ] - obscure word,
possibly from GWR "to descend", or a noun [yagru] "confu-
sion" (in comparison with Arabic).
Line 7. t&t [ta&tulfa&ta?] "beneath"; zbl [zibulu?] "prince, noble"; 'NY
"to answer, reply" (G), the form 'n may be ['and] « 'anqyu),
absolute infinitive as predicate or it could be 3rd m.s.; I rgmt
[lulta ragamtil] "verily I said", or [la ragamtil] "did I not say?"
Line 8. TN'Y "to say, recount" (G or more likely D); ht [hitta?]
"behold" (presentation particle); 'ib ['ebul'ebu] "enemy".
Line 9. b'lm [ba'lu-ma] "Baal (plus enclitic mem); $MT "to destroy"
(G or D); ~rt [~arratu/ ~arriltu] "oppressor(s)" (collective).
Line 10. LQJf "to take" (G); mlk [mulku] "rule, reign"; drkt [darak(a)tul
daraktul darkatu?] "rule, authority"; dt [datu] "of', or "which";
dr [daru] "generation".
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268 APPENDIX
Line 11. fmd [famdul fimdu] "rod, club", here in the dual, fmdm [famda-
mal i or fimdamal z]; NlfT "to lower, bring down" (D or per-
haps G); PR "to cry aloud" (G); fm [sumu] "name".
Line 12. GRS "to expell, drive out" (D); also from this root, the per-
sonal name ygrs [yagarriSulyugarriSu] "Expeller", and the imper-
ative verbal form grs [garmJ "expell!"; I [le] "from".
Line 13. k&l [ka&lu] "throne, chair"; RQ§ "to swoop, fly" (Gt); bd [bddz]
"in the hand"; nSr [nafrulniSru] "vulture, eagle".
Line 14. HIM "to smite" (G), in the prefix conjugation, the first rad-
ical, hi, elides, i.e. ylm [yalumu?] « yahlumu) "he smites" (c£
lines 16, 24). The conjugated root may be rIM (c£ HLK
beside rLl0; ktp [ka«z)pu] "shoulder"; bn [bena] "between"; yd
[yadu] "hand, arm", here in the dualydm [yadamalz].
Line 17. 'z ['azzu] "strong"; MWK "to be low(?)"; NO$ "to shake" (G),
"to be shaken" (N); pnt [pinnatu] "corners(?), vertebrae(?)";
DLP "to weaken, to agitate" (G?).
Line 18. tmn [tamunu?] "frame, form(?)".
Line 19. 'qymr [ ? ] PN; MRR "to remove" (G).
Line 22. 'n ['enu] "eye", dual here: 'nm ['enamalz]; PRSlf "to collapse,
to cave in" (D).
Line 27. Q,..TJ "to draw, drag" (G).
Line 28. G'R "to rebuke" (G), here with enclitic mem; 'ltrt ['Altartu]
"Ashtart, Ashtoreth" female deity; BWT "to be ashamed"
(G); the root is most likely bi-consonantal, BAT
Line 29. sby [sabryu/Sabryu/Sabz?yu] "captive".
Text 19 (KTU 2 1.14 1,1-43)
(1) rl Hkr't [ ]
(2-5) .............. .
(6) [ ]d nhr . 'umt
(7) [krt . ] 'rwt . bt
(8) [m]rl'k. 'itdb d sb'
(9) ['aJam. lh lmnt . bn 'um
(10) rk'rt. &tkn . rs
(11) krt. grds. mknt
(12) 'alt. fdqh. lypq
(13) mtrtJt. ysrh
(14) 'alt. trtJ. w tb't
(15) l'a'r 'ufm' . tkn lh
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TEXT SELECTIONS 269
(16) mllJ!. kJrm . tmt

(17) mrb't. zblnm
(18) m!JmSt. y'itsp
(19) rIp] [.] mJ.dJ! . tIm
(20) ~lm. rms';Wthn . b Sl/J
(21) ttll1 . yen . ~tkh
(22) krt. ~'n1 . ~tkh rs
(23) m'id. grdS . lbth
(24) w b rkflhn . sp~ .yr'i1tbd
(25) w b . plJyrh . yrl
(26) y'r r1 b . b ~rh . yblg
(27) b l!l . r(.~gmm . w ydm'
(28) tntkn. 'udm'th
(29) rk1m . !!JIm . ' ar~h
(30) rk1 m!JmSt . m{th
(31) r bm1 • blgh . w yfn
(32) rburJlm'h. nhmmt
(33) fnt. tl'u'an
(34) w ySkb . nhmmt
(35) w ~lq~ . w b ~lmh
(36) 'il. yrd . b dhrth
(37) r'ab1 . 'arrJIm . w yqrb
(38) b tal . krt. m'at
(39) krt. k yblg
(40) ydm' . n'mn . tim
(41) 'il. mlk [.] rb 'abh
(42) y'ars. rh1m . drk1[t]
(43) rk1 r'ab1 . 'a rdm1
NOTES
Line 1. I [le-] "pertaining to, concerning", and cf. I bel "pertaining to

Baal" (1.6 1,1); krt [ ? ] (PN of the hero of this epic, usually
normalized as Keret).
Line 6. 'umt ['ummatu] "people, nation".
Line 7. 'rwt [ ? ], obscure form.
Line 8. 'BD "to be lost, here Gt 'itbd "lost"; Sh' [sab'u] "seven".
Line 9. J]nnt [tamiinztu] "eight".
Line 10. ~tkn [~ati1kiinu/ ~afiklinu/ ~atikiinu?] "heir, offspring" (c£ ~tk in
line 21); RSS "to be attenuated, weakened" or RWS "to be
impoverished" (G).
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270 APPENDIX
Line 11. grdS [ ? ] "ruined?" (on the basis of camparison with Syriac)
or this form may be a noun, viz. "As for Keret, (his) place is
a ruin"; mknt [makanatu] "place".
Line 12. ~dq [sidqu] "righteousness, honesty"; PWQ "to find, to pro-
duce" (G) or NPQ "to go forth, to leave".
Line 13. mtrat [matri1!J(a)tulmutarra(a)tu] "woman for whom the bride-
price has been paid"; yfr [Yufru] "honesty".
Line 14. TRlj "to take a wife after the bride price is paid" (G).
Line 15. far [..ta'arn?] "flesh" (literally), apparently here in pI. construct
in the meaning "offspring", for another spelling, cf. firk (1.18,
1,25); KWN "to be" (G).
Line 16. mlilt [malla1(a)tu] "third", but others interpret "three times".
The same applies to the other numerics in this context, viz.
mrb't "fourth" (line 17); mamIt "fifth" (line 18); m!fi.J.t "sixth"
(line 19); mso't "seventh" (line 20). For more discussion on
number and numerical forms, cf. supra, p. 94; kJrm [k8larilma?]
"birth gods"; their female counterparts ktrt [k8lariitul k8lariltu]
"birth goddesses".
Line 17. zbln [zab(b)aliinu] "sickness, infirmity".
Line 18. 'SP "to collect" (G), "to be collected" (Gt).
Line 19. rsp [raIpu] "Resheph" (DN, a deity responsible for destruction
and sickness); GIM "to conceal, hide(?)" (G or D), others read
here "youth".
Line 20. sl/.t [Sil/.tu] "sword".
Line 21. NPL "to fall" (usually G but apparently Gt here); 'TN "to
eye", "to see" (G); ~tk [~tuku/~tfku/~tiku] "offspring" (cf.
~tkn in line lO).
Line 24. sP~ [sa#u?] "heir, family".
Line 25. pfIyr [ ? ] "completeness, entirety" or "assembly(?)"; YRT "to
inherit" (G), here a participle,yr1[yiirilu] "heir".
Line 26. 'RE "to enter" (G); Mr [~udurn] "room, chamber" (cf. the syl-
labic [!J]u-du-rn [Ug 5 137 II, 11 ']).
Line 27. T.NY "to repeat, recount" (G? most likely D); DM' "to shed
tears" (G).
Line 28. NTK "to pour forth (tears)" (G), "to be poured forth" (N).
Line 29. lql [liqlu] "shekel", pI. lqlm [liq(a)lilma]; 'ar~h ['ar~ah] "earth-
ward" (with locative suffix -h).
Line 30. mamIt [maamas1a)tu] "fifth (of a shekel)", or "fifths (of a
shekel)"; mtth [matfatah] "towards the bed" (with locative suf-
fix -h).
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TEXT SELECTIONS 271
Line 31. bm [bima] "in the very ... "; b~ [bi9ul bal£yu] "weeping"; rSx
"to sleep" (G).
Line 32. nhmmt [?] "he slept, drowsed(?)" (from NWM? "to slumber",
or NHM? "to roar, groan" or "to slumber" (NHM < NWM?).
Line 33. mt [Sinatu] "sleep"; Dr "to overcome" (for the orthography,
cf. supra, pp. 13 and 165).
Line 34. SKB "to lie down" (G).
Line 35. Q,M$ "to contract", "to curl up(?)" (G?).
Line 36. dhrt [ ? ] and also r!rt [ ? ] (1.14 111,47) "dream, vision".
Line 37. 'adm ['adamu] "man(kind)". The combination 'ab 'adm "Father
of Man(kind)" is an epithet of EI; Q,RB "to draw near" (G).
Line 38. SL "to ask" (G); m'at [ma'(')atta'?] « mah 'atta'?) "what is your
(problem),' (literally: ''What-you'').
Line 40. n'mn [nu'manulna'miinu or na'fmiinu] "nice, beloved".
Text 20 (KTU 2 1.14 II,I-51)
(1) IEr,!'. ]~ld . mqrm1h

(2) [w 'Wd1 • elm . III
(3) [ssw] rm1 • mrkbt b trb,!' bn . ' amt
(4) []nm. 'aq1!Y
(5) [ ]Smz . 'am'id
(6) w [Yl]rb1 . J.r . 'abh . 'il
(7) d[ ]rkl . b bk. krt
(8) b ~ml' . n'mn . glm
(9) 'il. trt11N. w t'adm
(lO) r~r,!'l[.y]rdlk. 'amt
(11) 'U,I'b['tk.] 'd [.] rlWm1
(12) 'rb [. b ;;:l . amt]
(13) q~. 'im[r . b ytW kl
(14) 'imr. rdl[b~ . bm] .ymn
(15) lfa. kr[l['atn]rml
(16) klt. l[~mk . Fd1 nzl
(17) q~. mrsl[rr . ]',fT
(18) db~. lql[. b gJrll. ~tl
(19) yn . b gl . IEFr\s. nbt
(20) 'l. l ;;:r . rm1fg]dl
(21) w 'll;;:r . rmgldl. rkb
(22) !kmm. ~mr t1 . l' a . ydk
(23) fmm. dbr~l . l J.r
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272 APPENDIX
(24) 'abk. 'il. Jrd . bCl

(25) b dbl;Jc .. bn . dgn
(26) -"- Tfl!jdk . w yrd
(27) krt ~ r tt ggt . Cdb
(28) 'akl. r {I qryt
(29) ~tt. r II bt . abr
(30) y'ip . r {I~m . d amI
(31) mgd [.] i!11 . yram
(32) cdn [.] ngb . w y~'i
(33) ~br'u1 . ~b'i . ngb
(34) w ~lli . cdn . mC
(35) ~b'uk. 'ul. m'ad
(36) lll. m'at . rbt
(37) /JPl. d bl . spr
(38) J!tn. d bl . hg
(39) hlk. l 'alpm . Md
(40) w l rbt . km .yr
(41) r'a1tr.J!t. J!t . hlk
(42) 'atr. lll. klhm
(43) y~ . bth . sgr
(#) r'a1lmnt. s"kr
(45) r tsvtkr . zbl . crs"m
(46) ~l.fu. Cwr . m;:;l
(47) ym;:;l. w yli . tra
(48) ~l. ybCr . lJ!t
(49) r'a1lth. lm . nkr
(50) rm1ddth. k 'irby
(51) rt1Jkn. s"d
NOTES
Line 1. yd [yadu?] "with"(?), but perhaps "portion", or "stele (in a

sacred place)(?)"; mqrm1 [maqamu] "place".
Line 3. ssw [suswul sifwu?] "horse", pI. sswm [suswumal sifwuma?]; mrkbt
[markabtu] "chariot"; trb~ [tarb~] "corral"; bn [bunulbinulbanu]
"son", pI. bnm [banumal bunumal binuma]; 'amt ['am(a)tu] "hand-
maiden".
Line 4. QJVY "to create", "to acquire" (G).
Line 5. M D "to increase, multiply" (D).
Line 9. R/fS "to wash" (G); "to wash oneself" (Gt); 'DM "to redden
oneself" (N).
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TEXT SELECTIONS 273
Line lO. 'amt ['ammatu] "cubit, forearm", here in adverbial accusative

['ammata] "as far as the forearm".
Line 11. 1k:m [dk:mul lak:mu] "shoulder".
Line 12. ;,l [;,illu] "shadow"; tJmt [tJimatu] "tent".
Line 14. 'imr ['immarul'immiru] "lamb"; DBlf "to sacrifice" (G); ymn
[yamznu] "right(hand)".
Line 15. ll'u [lal(z),u] "lamb, kid"; kl'atnm [kil'atiinama/z] "both (of
them)" (note the -an suffIx).
Line 16. klt [kullatu] "all", perhaps [kal(a)tu] "measurement" (from K'YL
"to measure"); l~m [~mu] "food, nourishment, bread"; nzl
[nuzlu?] "excellant(?)", "food for guests(?)", "nectar(?)", or
possibly a geographical name.
Line 17. msrr [ ? ] "type of bird", or "entrails".
Line 18. Y$Q, "to pour out", "to cast (metal)" (G); gl [gullu] "goblet";
~t1 [~attu1U] "silver" (evidently Hittite word).
Line 19. nbt [nubtu] "honey".
Line 20. Extra, superfluous line.
Line 21. 'LY"to ascend, go up" (G); ;,r [;,urul ;,aru] "back"; mgdl [mag-
dalu] "tower"; RKB "to mount" (G).
Line 22. ~mt [~amztu] "wall" (cf. the syllabic attestation, tJa-mHi [PRU
III, p. 137,4]).
Line 24. YRD "to descend, go down" (G), "to make a sacrifice" (S).
Line 26. ~d [ma,radu] "food, provisions", or bm .fdk [bima .fidi~ "with
your hunt".
Line 27. gg [gaggu] "roof", pI. ggt [gaggatuJ.
Line 28. 'akl ['aklu] "food"; qryt [qaryatu] "town" (cf. the orthography
withoutyod, qrt), in this context perhaps "granary", "thresh-
ing floor" (cf. TO I, p. 515, n. x).
Line 29. Mt [~ittatu] "wheat"; bt tJbr [betu tJuburz] "brewery" (according
to Akkadian), perhaps "storehouse" or "noisy place", cf. n'~
i:;fO (Prov. 21,9; 25,24). The word tJbr could also be a place
name (Keret's capital city; cf. 1.15 N,8-9;19-20).
Line 30. 'IT "to bake" (G); tJrnS [ ? ] "fifth".
Line 31. mgd [?] "vituals" (cf. Arabic CD W "to feed"); #1 [ ? ] "sixth",
the meaning of #lyrtJm "the sixth month" (the mem is enclitic).
Line 32-34. Obscure lines. 'DN "to collect", "to equip(?)", "to call to-
gether(?)"; ngb [ ? ] "type of troops" ("equipped"?); .fb'U
[.faba'ul.fabr'u] "soldier" or "troop, army".
Line 35. 'ul ['ulu] "force" (cf. Biblical Hebrew I:lj1tli their force" [ps.
73,4]); m'ad [ma'(a)da] "much".
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274 APPENDIX
Line 36. III [.lala1U] "three"; m'at [mi'atu] "hundreds"; rbt [ribbatu] "myr-
iad".
Line 37. !Jp1 [buP1U] "yeoman farmers, foot soldiers"; bl [ba~ "with-
out"; spr [sipru?] "number, counting".
Line 38. Ptn [.lanniinu] "bowman"; hg [ ?] "number, counting" (accord-
ing to Arabic hajja "to count letters").
Line 39. M4 [ ?] "type of soldiers".
Line 40. yr fyaril] « yariyu) "early rain'" others read kmyr "type of sol-
diers" (Gordon.).
Line 43. y/;dfya(zidu] "single, lone"; SGR "to close" (G).
Line 44. 'almnt ['almanatu] ''widow''; SKR "to hire" (G or D).
Line 45. zbl [zabilul zabbalu] "sick one"; erI [,arm] "bed" (with enclitic
mem).
Line 46. ewr [eawwiru/eiwwiru] "blind"; MZL obscure.
Line 47. tra
[tarrii!Jultari/Ju] "groom".
Line 48. /;d1 [~ada1U] "new"; B'R "to lead" (G); Pt [ ? ] "second, an-
other".
Line 49. lm [lema-?] "to the very ... "; nkr [ ? ] "foreigner, stranger".
Line 50. mddt [midadatulmodadatu or medudatulmodiidatu] "beloved,
friend"; 'irby [,irb!"yul'irbiYu] "locust".
Line 51. KW.N "to be" (8) or SKN "to dwell" (G).
Text 21 (KTU2 1.14 111,1-49)
(1) rk1m. ~ . p'at . mdbr

(2) zrkl. ym . w Pt . III . rb ym
C
(3) ram1I. tti1 . ym . mk . JpSm

(4) r b1 Sh c• W trni;y . l 'udm
(5) rM. w l . 'udm . 1rrl
(6) w gr . nn . crm . Srn
(7) pdrm. sCt . b Sdm
(8) Mbhl t . b gmt . ~pIt
(9) sCt. b n<p>k . fibt . b bqr
(lO) mml'at. dm . ym . w Pt
(11) lll. rb c .ym . aImS
(12) tti1. ym . ~?:,k . ' al ts"'l
(13) qrth. 'abn . ydk
(14) mSdpt. w hn . JpIm
(15) b Shc • w l.yIn . pbl
(16) mlk. I qr . figt . 'ibrh
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TEXT SELECTIONS 275
(17) I ql . nhqt . ~mrh

(18) I g't . 'alp . ~r1. . ;:it
(19) klb. ~pr . wyl'ak
(20) ml'akm . lk . m( . krt
(21) mswnh. tl}m . pbl . mlk
(22) q~. ksp .' w yrq . !Jr~
(23) yd . mqmh . w (bd . (1m
(24) 1.11.. sswm . mrkbt
(25) b trb~ . bn . 'amt
(26) q~ krt . Slmm
(27) flmm. w ng . mlk
(28) I btl . r~q . krt
(29) I k,ry . 'al . ¥r
(30) 'udm. rbt . w 'udm . tnt
(31) 'udm. ytli~ . 'il . w 'uSn
(32) 'ab. 'OOm . w J1.b
(33) ml'akm. lh . 1m . 'ank
(34) ksp. w yrq . !Jr~
(35) yd . mqmh . w (bd
(36) (1m. 1.11. . sswm . mrkbt
(37) b trb~>t< . bn . 'amt
(38) pd. 'in . b btl . ttli
(39) tIi.!y. mJ.t • ~ry
(40) n(mt. sp~ . bkrk
(41) rd1 k. n(m. (nt. n(mh
(42) km. tsm . (1.trt . timh1
(43) d (qh . 'ib . 'iqn'i. 'p['p]rhl
(44) sp. trml . tJ.wn .[1.]rd1m
(45) 'aflw. b ~p . (nh
(46) d b ~lmy . 'il.y!n1
(47) b rJrtY . 'ab . 'OOm
(48) wid. sp~ . I krt
(49) w tIm. I (bd . 'il
NOTES
Line 1. ~ [ ? ] "grasshopper(?)"; p'it [pi'tu] "corner, extremity", pI.

p'at [pi'atu]; mdbr [mOObaru] "steppe land".
Line 2. ym [yomu] "(first) day" (for this usage of a noun as the first in
a chain of ordinals, cf. supra, p. 93); and the numerals tn, 1.li..
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276 APPENDIX
rbe,oms, !!it. are ordinals, viz. "second, third, fourth, fifth,

sixth".
Line 3. mk [ ?] "behold"; JpSm [sapsam(alz)] "at sunrise" (with the ad-
verbial suffIx -m).
Line 4. b sbe [ ?] "on the seventh (day)"; 'udm ['Udumu?] place name.
Line 5. rbt [rabbatu] "great, large"; Jrrt [ ? ] "small(?)", parallel to rbt
(cf. TO I, p. 519, n. j).
Line 6. GRY"to attack(?)" (cf. Akkadian garfl); erm [ezrilma] "cities";
SRY "to tum, overturn" (G) (following Aramiac; cf. also TO
I, p. 520, n. k for extensive discussion).
Line 7. pdrm [?] "towns"; ST"to scatter(?)", following Arabic.
Line 8. Mb [fziitibul battabu] "hewer of wood"; b [bi-] "from"; gm [gumu]
"threshing floor", pI. gmt [gut(a)natu]; &pst [fziipiSatul fziipiSatu?]
"straw gatherer(s) (cf. tDEln in Biblical Hebrew).
Line 9. npk [napku] "water source"; fibt [sa'ibatu] "drawers of water"
(G participle); bqr [baqaru] « maqaru) "(water) source" (pho-
netic variant or orthographic error).
Line 10. mml'at [mumalli'atu] "fillers of water" (D participle); DMM "to
be silent" (G), others interpret "behold" (presentation. par-
ticle, cf. Gordon 1965:385).
Line 12. &$, [&i$,$,u] "arrow"; eLY "to raise" (8).
Line 13. qrth [qantah] "towards the city"; 'abn ydk ['abnu yadekDJ "your
(m.s.) sling stones".
Line 14. mfdpt [ ?] "those who are released(?)" (8 from NDPJ; hn [hinn~
"behold".
Line 15. pbl [ ? ] personal name of the king of 'udm.
Line 16. qr [qarul q8ru?] "voice" (variant of ql?); fig! [1.a'zg(a)tu] "roar";
'ibr ['ibbzru] "stallion".
Line 17. ql [qalul qolu] "voice"; nhqt [nahqatulnahaqtu] "braying" (of a
jackass)"; &mr [&imaru] 'jackass".
Line 18. get [gaeitu] "neighing"; M. [&ari1.u1 &a1Ta1.u] "plower, cultivator";
<it [ ?] "barking, howling".
Line 19. klb [kalbu] "dog"; ~pr [ ? ] "watch", others interpret "shep-
herd" (cf. TO I, p. 523, n. w).
Line 20. ml'ak [mal'aku] "messenger".
Line 21. mswnh [ ? ] "to the camp" (with locative -h).
Line 26. Slmm [sallimam(alz) or sulmam(alz)] "in peace", others interpret
"peace offerings" (cf. Gordon 1965:490).
Line 27. NGY (?) "to flee" (G?, following Arabic), here imperative 2nd
f.s. Tnigz1J.
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TEXT SELECTIONS 277
Line 28. RlfQ "to go away" (G).

Line 29.$WR "to besiege" (G).
Line ytnt [ ? ] "gift"; 'uSn ['8sanu] "gift".
31.
Line 39.m1t [ ? ] "lady"; ~ry [ijurqya?] PN, the daughter of king PbI.
Line 40.n'mt [na'zm(a)tu] "pleasant"; bkr [buk(u)ru?] "first born".
Line 42.tsm [ ? ] "beauty".
Line 43.'q [ ? ] "iris(?)"; 'ib ['ibbu?] "precious stone(?)", "pure"; 'p'p
['ap'apu] "eyebrow".
Line 44. sp [sappu] "goblet, cup" (cf. Biblical Hebrew·~O [Exod. 12:22;
Zech. 1:2] and 1:I'~CPi:( ITer. 52: 19]); 1rml [ ? ] "a kind of pre-
cious stone"; ijGR "to gird" (G).
Line 45. SLW"to be at ease" (G); ~p [~ipUJ « ~ipyu?) "viewing, seeing",
but the form might be an infinitive [~apd] « ~apqyu).
Line 48. YLD "to give birth". Here it is an infinitive absolute as pred-
icate introduced by the wa conjunction, vix. [wdladu] « wa-
yaladu) , c£ supra, p. 150.
Text 22 (KI'U 2 1.17 1,1-47)

(1) [dn'il. mt. rp]r'i1 . 'aph<n> . rgzr1
(2) [mt . hmmy .] 'uzr. r'i1lm . yl~m
(3) ['uzr. yfqy .] bn . qds . yd
(4) [~th .y'l.] rw1ySkb .yd
(5) [m'izrth.] rp1 yin. hn . ym
(6) [w1n. 'uzr.] r'i1lm . dn'il
(7) ['uzr . 'ilm] . yl~m . 'uzr
(8) [ysqy. Wn1 . qds. 111 . rb' ym
(9) ['uzr . 'z] r11m . dn'il . 'uzr
(10) ['ilm .y]rl1~m . 'uzr .ysqy . bn
(11) [qdf. ]ra1mJ .1d1.ym. 'uzr
(12) ['i~rm1. dn'il. 'uzr. 'ilm .yl~m .
(13) ['uzF r1 . ysqy . bn . qds . yd . ~th
(14) [dn]r'i11.yd. ~th .y'l. wys"kb
(15) [yd.] m'izrth . p yin. mk . b sb' . ymm
(16) [w] ry1 qrb . b'l. b ~nth . 'byn r'at1
(17) [IWn1'il. mt . rp'i. 'ana. gzr
(18) rmt1 . hmmy. d 'in. bn . lh
(19) km. 'aah. w. srs. km. 'aryh
(20) bl. 'i1 . bn . lh . kim 'aah . w srs
(21) km. 'aryh . 'uzrm . 'ilm .yl~m
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278 APPENDIX
(22) 'uzrm. ysqy . bn . qdS

(23) l tbrknn l1T . 'il ' aby
(24) tmmn l b1!)l . bnwt
(25) wykn. bnh. b bt. Srs. b qrb
(26) hklh. ~b . skn . 'il'ibh . b qdS
(27) ztr. 'mh . l 'ar~ . mS~'u . qtrh
(28) l 'pr . rimr . ' a1Th . tbq . lI;t
(29) n'i1h. grs . d . '.fy . lnh
(30) r'a11Jd. ydh . b SIr:rn . m'msh
(31) [k] rPb' yn . sp'u . ksmh . bt . bel
(32) [w ]rmlnth . bt. 'il. t!J . ggh . b ym
(33) [fz]r!l. rIN . np~h . b ym . r1
(34) [ks .]~l'i!Jd . 'il 'bdh .ybrk
(35) [dn'z]l. mt. rp'i . ymr . gzr
(36) [mt. h] rr1nmy . nps . y~ . dn'il
(37) [mt. rp]r'z1 . brlt . gzr . mt hmmy
(38) [ ] . hw . m!J . l 'rSlt . y'l
(39) [wySk]rb1 . bm. nfq. 'a1th
(40) [ ] . b ~bqh . ~~mt
(41) [ ] ylt. ~~mt
(42) [mt. r] rpl'i . w ykn . bnh
(43) [b bt . SrSJ . b qrb . hklh
(44) [~b. skn . 'z]l'ibh . b qdS
(45) [ztr. 'mh . l 'a]rrl~ . mS~'u
(46) [qtrh. l 'pr . riJmr . 'arJrhl
(47) [tbq. lI;t. n'i1h . gr]rs"l. d. 'r.fyl
NOTES
Line 1. dn'il [diin(~'ilu] personal name "Daniel"; mt [mutu] "man" rp'u

[riipi'u] and pI. rp'um [riipi'ilma], proper name of the gods of
the under-world, though the word might also mean "healer".
The combination mt rp'i is an epithet of Daniel; ,aphn [?] "and
behold" (combination of 'p + hn, cf. irifra, 1.17 11,28); gzr
[iazzru?] "hero, fighting youth".
Line 2. hmmy [ ? ] - place name, the dwelling of Daniel; 'uzr
['uZilru?] « 'azilru?) "food" or "drink" offered to the gods(?);
LlfM "to eat" (G), "to feed" (8; also possible in G with i-
theme [yaqlil(u)] or D).
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TEXT SELECTIONS 279
Line 3. SQ} "to drink" (G), "to give to drink" (8 or D or G with i-

theme [yaqti~u)]); qdf [qudfu] "holiness, sanctity"; rnr "to cast,
throw" (G or D), and here 3rd m.s. [yaddtZJ « yaddiya?) or
[yadaJ « yadaya?) "he cast, threw" (following TO I, p. 419; for
other views cf. Gordon 1967:124 and Ginsberg 1969:150).
Line 4. ~t [ ?] "garment, cloak(?)" (cf. Akkadian iifitu "garment").
Line 5. m'izrt [ma'zirlitulma'ziratu, ma'zarlitulma'zaratu] "loin covering;
cf. Biblical Hebrew 'if~); LWN "to spend the night" (G), here
3rd m.s. with metathesis,ynl for yln (cf. line 15 infta).
Line 8. III [ ? ] "third".
Line 15. b!beymm "on the seventh day" (singular ym [yomu] with en-
clitic mem); cf. the appropriate section of the grammar, supra,
p.94.
Line 16. /fNN "to plead" (G), thus b ~nth [bi-~innatihi1] "while he be-
seeched" (inflnitive as gerund); 'abyn ['a~linu] "poor (m.s.)".
The combination 'a~n 'at means "you are poor"; TO I, p.
420, reads 'aby "my father" and does not translate the rest of
the form; Gordon (1967:122) reads 'a~nt "poverty".
Line 17. 'Nlj "to toil, sigh" (G); 'in ['ena] "not, there is not".
Line 19. Srs [sursu] "scion".
Line 23. BRK "to bless" (D).
Line 24. MRR "to bless", (G) or "to strengthen",
Line 26. N$B "to erect, set up" (G), here the participle ~b [n~bu]; skn
[ ? ] "stele"; 'ifibh ['ila'ibrhi1] "his paternal deities".
Line 27. ztr [ ? ] "stele(?)" or perhaps a verbal form, "to protect" or
"to offer up incense", thus a participle [Zliti1U]; em ['ammu]
"people, family"; l 'ar~ [le-'ar:l1J "from the earth"; r$' "to go
out" (G), "to bring out" (8); qfr [qufrul qz:tli1U] "vapor, smoke".
Line 28. J)MR "to guard, protect, strengthen" (G or D); 'ag ['aJru]
"trance, step", or "(sacred) place"; TEfl, "to remove, drive
away" (G or D); 11;,t [18~tul lu(zlitu?] "tab1ets(?)".
Line 29. N$ "to revile" (G), here the participle [nli'¥u]; esr "to dis-
turb, to harass(?)" (G or D), cf. Akkadian esu; In [lonul llinu]
"visage" (cf. Akkadian llinu and Arabic lawnu).
Line 30. Skm [sak(k)arlinu] "drunkenness"; eMS "to load up" (D).
Line 31. SB' "to be satiated" (G); SF' "to eat" (G); ksm [kismu?] "cultic
portion" (cf. Akkadian kismu).
Line 32. TWljl7Ylj "to plaster" (G); fit [.ta'tu?] "mud"; nN [nzpli.}u?]
"garment"; ri. [rat.tu?] "mud, mire(?)".
Line 36. IfIT "to live" (G).
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280 APPENDIX
Line 37. brlt [ ? ] "spirit, soul".

Line 38. ma [muaau] "brain, upper head"; NSQ "to kiss" (G); lfBQ "to
hug, embrace" (G or D); lfMlfM "to arouse" (possibly
< lfMM)·
Text 23 (KTU2 1.1711,1-46)
(1) .e[tr. 'mk . I 'ar~ . m#'u . qp-k]

(2) I. 'pr. fgml[r . 'ap-k. {bq]
(3) 1J.tt. n'ilkl . t rl [I . d '.[y . Ink]
(4) sp'u. ksmk . bt .[b'l . w mntk]
(5) bt 'il . 'abd .yrlkl [.] fb l ffl[lcm]
(6) m'msk. k fllt .yn . Pal
(7) ggk. b. ym . 1'it . rIN
(8) nNk. b ym rt. . b tl'n'i[q
(9) pnm. tSma . w 'I . y~hl p'zf tl
(10) yprq . ~b . w y~bq
(11) p'n. I hdm .yjpd .yJ>u
(12) gh. w y~b . f'a1b l n . 'ank
(13) w 'anan . w ftnla . b'irry
(14) npf. kyld. bn. !y . km
(15) 'afly. w IrI. kfm l . 'aryy
(16) ~b. skn . 'il'iby . b qrlfl
(17) .etr. 'my. I 'pr [.] gmr. 'alrl [y]
(18) {bq. 1J.tt . n'0 . grI
(19) d '.[y . flln . 'abd .ydy . b I
(20) Icm. m'msy . k fllt yf n1
(21) sp'u. ksmy . bt. b'l. fw l fmn l [t]
(22) y . bt . 'il . {a . t gly . b ym . 1'if{1
(23) rIN. nprY . b ym . r1
(24) dn. 'il . bth . ymiJm
(25) yItql . dn'il . I hklh
(26) 'rb. b bth . kp-t . bnt
(27) hll. snnt . 'apnk . dn'il
(28) mt. rp'i . 'ap . hn . g.er . mt
(29) hmmy. 'alp . y{ba . I kf11
(30) rt. yItf b1m . f kl p-t . w y
(31) IIq. bnt . fhlll. snnt
(32) hn. ym . w J!t . yIlbm
(33) klrt. w y! f1q . bnt . hf 11 [q
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TEXT SELECTIONS 281
(34) snnt. lll. rr1b cym . yll

(35) ~m kJrt . rw1yisr q1
(36) bnt. hll . ln1nt . r!Jm1I
(37) 1.dl.yrm1 .yI0m . rkbt
(38) wyrfSq1 . rb1nt. hll. lnnt1
(39) mk. rb1 rIb c1 . ymm . tb C. b bth
(40) kfr1t. rb1nt. rh1ll. snnt
(41) rm1rlrJIt. rn1Cmy . c,rjl . rhrt1
(42) ry1smsmt. rCrjl. rallt1
(43) ylb. rrJIn'il. [ys]rp1r ryr!Jh1
(44) ryra1. ryra1 riTt1 [.] ry:f'i1
(45) lzrl1 . rr1b c [ ]
(46) yram . rymtv1
NOTES
Line 9. SM/j "to be happy" (G), here tSm!J [tzSmalfu] "(the face [pl.])
rejoice(d) (short form of 3rd m.pl.); w cl [wa- cale1 "and on him"
(lit.: "and on"); $HL "to brighten up" (G), the subject is p'it
lPi'tu] "sideburn" (others take it to mean "mouth" [TO I, p.
424, n. c]), which is feminine. It might appear that there is
no agreement between the verb and its subject. So p'it might
be the object with Daniel as the subject, i.e. "he brightens up
on the sides of his face".
Line 14. rw "to give birth" (G), here Gp yld [yu~ "(he) was born".
Line 25. SQ!- "to arrive, enter" (Gt).
Line 26 kJrt [k81aratul k81ariltu] "divine birth goddesses"; bnt [binatul
banatul bunatu] "daughters"; hll [Hiliilu?] PN(?), or noun mean-
ing "praise, rejoicing", or [hiliilu] "the crescent moon" (cf.
Arabic hilii~; snnt [ ? ] "sparrows(?)".
Line 30. LlfM "to feed" (8); SQ} "to give to drink" (8).
Line 42. Cri [Carsu] "bed, cot".
Line 43. SPR "to count" (G).
Text 24 (KTU 2 1.114,1-31)
(1) 'il rlb~l . b bth . ~d . :fd . b qrb

(2) hkzrh1. r:f~l . l q:f . 'ilm. t0mn
(3) 'ilm. w ! jltn . titn . y<n> Cd Shc
(4) trl. rCrJI . rs"kr1.ycdb .yra
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282 APPENDIX
(5) gbh. km. rkflb l .yqlql. t~t

(6) ll~nt. 'il . d yrlnn
(7) y'db. l~m d ~d . lh. w d lyrlnn
(8) y. lmn b qr<'> IJtm . t~t . 11~n
(9) 'ltrt. w 'nt . yrrziy
(10) 'ltrt. t'db . nsb lh
(11) w 'nt . ktp bhm . yg'r . Jir
(12) bt. 'il . pn . 1m . kllb . t'dbn
(13) nri'b. I 'inr . t'dbn . ktp
(14) b 'irll . r'ablh . g'r .ylbl . 'il. rkrl
(15) 'arSkl[ ]'il .ylbl . b mrzM
(16) yrstl . [y]rnl . 'd rslb' . tr1 . 'd Skr
(17) 'il. hr Ilk. I bth . ystql .
(18) I ~;;.rh . y'msn . nn . ffi,mn
(19) w fum . w <y>ngsnn . ~by
(20) b'l. qmm . w gnb . yfF s'1n
(21) b IJr'ih . w lnth . ql. 'il. krm l rmtl
(22) 'il. k yrdm . 'ar~ . 'n rtl
(23) w 'ltrt . ~rdnl . []
(24) rqdi' [.] b'l [ ]
(25) [ ]
(26) ['1] rtrll . w 'n rtl [ ]
(27) w bhm . tJJ.b . ['a]~dh
(28) rkml. trp'a . hrnl nCr
(29) d yst . I ~bh S'r klb
(30) rwl r'iS. pqq . w srh
(31) ~lst '~dh . dm zt . IJrpnt
NOTES
Line 1. DBlf "to sacrifice", "to prepare a sacrificial meal(?)" (G); ~d

[m~adu] "victuals offered in a sacrifice"; $WDI $YD "to pre-
pare food" (G), cf. Biblical Hebrew ii:r'~.
Line 2. $Wlfl $Ylf "to call, shout" (G); q~ [ ? ] "breast (of meat)", cf.
1.3 1,8 where this word is parallel to td "breast", but the
word might just mean "meal".
Line 3. sb' [sub'u?] "satiation".
Line 4. trl [tZriilu?] "new wine"; s'Kr [ ? ] "drunkenness"; yrIJ [yariIJu]
"Moon", personal name of the moon-god.
Line 5. gb [gabbu] "back"; rlb > k!lb [kalbu] "dog"; QIQI "to swish,
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TEXT SELECnONS 283
to switch"; t~t [talztu/talzta] "bottom", "beneath".

Line 6. YD' "to know" (G) and here yd'nn [yida'an(n)anni1] "he knows
him".
Line 7. l~m [lafzmu] usually means "food" but here it seems to mean
"meat" (c( TO II, p. 74).
Line 8. HIM/YIM "to smite" (G); qr' [ ? ] "rope(?)" (c( comparison
with Arabic), or perhaps an infinitive meaning "to strike,
kick"; at [!Ja!{u] "staff, rod", pI. atm [!Ja!!Uma].
Line lO. nfb [ ? ] some kind of meat.
Line 11. ktp [ka~z)pu] "shoulder"; bhm [bi-huma] "by the two of them
(f.)"; OR "to rebuke" (G); Jtr [ffiiiru] "gate keeper".
Line 12. pn [ ? ] « p hn?) "and behold(?)".
Line 13. 'inr [ ? ] "cur" (for other parallelisms between klb and 'inr, cf.
1.161,2,15-17; II,38-39).
Line 15 mrzJ.t [marzi~u] "banquet (hall)", and/or "religious celebra-
tion", or "funerary banquet" (cf. 3.9,1).
Line 18. ~tr [~a!iru] « ~ag;iru) "courtyard" (for the phonetic shift, cf.
supra, p. xxx); 'MS "to load" (D), and here y'msn.nn [ya'ammi-
san(n)an(n)annii or yu'ammisan(n)an(n)anni1] "the two of them
carry him"; lkmn [Tzkmanu/Takmanu?] DN.
Line 19. snm [ ? ] name of a deity; NGS "to arrive, approach" (N or
D), and here w <y>ngfnn [wa-<ya>naggiSan(n)annii or wa-
<yu>nag-giSan(n)anni1] "he approached him"; the root NGS
could also mean "to bite" (in comparison with Biblical
Hebrew ftm); ~by [ ? ] PN (?).
Line 20. qmm [qamamah] "horns" (du.); gnb [ganabu] "tail"; LWS "to
wallow(?)" (G), and here ylSn [yalilSilna] "they (both) wallow",
cf. TO II, p. 77, n. 241; or LSN "to revile, make fun of', ylsn
[yalaSSinu/yulaSSinu] "he mocks (him)"; cf. also Mishnaic
Hebrew nt97rli7 ,poultry manure".
Line 2l. ar'u [aara'u?] "excrete"; int [gnatu?] "urine"; QYL "to fall, to
bow down" (G); MWT "to die" (G).
Line 22. RDM "to drowse, pass out" (G or N).
Line 23. 'aMh ['a~@adah?] "together".
Line 27. YTB "to sit" (G), "to seat" (8).
Line 28. RP "to heal" (D), and here trp'a [tarappi'a/turappi'a] "(the two
of them) healed"; nCr [na'ru] "youth".
Line 29. STY "to drink" (G).
Lines 29-31. These lines are very obscure; perhaps they contained the
names of various medicinal plants.
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INDICES
Ugaritic Words in Alphabetic Texts 'PY

y'ip 39,99,lO4
'BD 'PK
'abd 133 t'apq 135
y'abd 17 '$L
y'itbd 130 t'Ufl 18
t'ubd 18 'RK
'DM 'ark 124
'adm 123 'RS
t'adm lrs
,. v
132 44,120,136
t'idm 123 y'ars 135
'HB t'arsn 135
y'uhb 18,45 'TW 161
'WR 'at 42,120,166
'ar 158 'atwt 26,41,161,162
y'ark 156 'atm 166
'ijD y'it 42
'a{yl 96,114,121 t'it 165
'a{ylhm 32,116 t'i!y 165
'afJt 29,114 'TM
y'a{yl 17 y'ittm 130
y 'ihdv 17 t'ittmn 130
y'ulJd 18,45 'ab 62
y'ulJdhm 45 'abn 39
t'i.!Jd. 119 'ad 16,62
t'utJd 127 'adm 67
'ijJ) 'adn 68
'aM 21 'adn!y 31,62
'ijR 'arf (see YD')
ts"'ifJrhm 139 'adr ("mighty") 70
'KL 'adrt 70
'aklm ("eaters") 16,69,121 'adt 62
y'ukl 18,45 'ad!y 14
t'ikln 119 'adtny 54
'MR ("look, see") 'addcfy (GN) 22
y'amr 17 'ahl 64
y'itmr 32,130 'a~d(m) 87,88,90,93,182
vytmr 32,128,130 '~dk 182
'NS '~cfy 14
'amt 97,114 '~t 29,75,87
'SP 'afJ ("brother") 40,62
y'asp 17,135 'afJ ("meadow") 65
y'isp 17 'aak 45
y'isphm 135 'algh 15
y'itsp 128,130 'algm 15,43
t'asp 17 'aam 43,45
t'isp 17 'afJnrtn (see JfNN)
t'ispk 135 'afJr 181,198
t'usp 18 'afJt ("sister") 62,98
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INDICES 285
,afJt (see '{lD) 'aJj 65,81,83,89

'afJtth 78 'aftY 14,84
'qy 45 'i (''where'') 182
'qyl(m) 41,69 'i ("verily") 190
'qylt 69 'ib ("enemy") 7,158
'al ("don't") 32,183,184 'ib (''pure'') 208
,al ("verily") 184 'ib 'iqn'i 208
'al'fyn 45 'ib'lt 28,33
'aim (see HLM; 'ibr 7,43,70
'almg 45 'igr (see GWR)
'almnt 75 'id 32,181
'alp ("ox") 16,64 'id (''when, after") 188,223
'alp(m) ("thousand[s]") 12,79,86,93 'idk 181
'alpm'ib 193 'i!Jh 44,45
'amht 34 'ifIy 44
'aTT!/ 45,70 'iY 44,182
'amr ("lamb") 44 'ik 37,182
'am:rk (see MRRj 'iJ:y 182
'am" (DN) 7 'ikl 65
'amt ("cubit") 12,62 'ik,m 33,182
'amt ("handmaiden") 12,65 'il (DN) 14,62,84
'amth 179 'il(m) 34,77,84
'an ("where") 38,182,183 'ilhm 34
'an (pronoun) 49,50 'ilht 34
'ank 33,49,50 'ilY 14,84
'anlr;n 50 'ilm 'ar~ 193
'anft (see 'N$) 'im 35,189,221
'asr 45,68 'imr 44,69
'ap ("even, also") 11,188 'in 16,187,202
'ap ("nose") 30,64 'inn 78,187
'apy 41 'inS 68
'apnk 181 'ipd 68
'apnm 69 'ipdk 68
'apnt 69 'iqn'im 73,77,207
'apr (see PRRj 'iqn'u 44,86,87
'aqht (PN) 6,12 'irby 33,44,73
'ar ("light") 16,47,62 'irs (see ' RS)
'ar (PN) 78 'irst 44
'arb' 16,73,88,86,89,90,91,92,93 'irD' 52
'arb'm 90,91,92 'iStbm (see SEl)
'arb't 88,89,90 'iStn (see SrI)
'anv 40 'itml 33
'arz 64 'itn (see rTN)
'arswn (PN) 10 'il 187,202
'ariwn (PN) 10 'u 38,188
'ar~ 6,23,64,74,77 'ugrt (GN) 14,31,83
'ar~h 179 'ugr[y (GN) 74
'arst 44 'udm't 33,44,73
'at ("you" m.s.) 30,49 'udn 16,66
'at ("you" f.s) 49 'uz 74
'at (see 'TI1l) 'uzr 44,122
'atm 49 'ufJh 44
'atnt 68,76 'utJy 44
'air 84,198 'ulp 44,70
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286 INDICES
'urn 12,14,16,35,43,66,74 bn ("son") 62

'umht 35 bn (prep.) 198
'umy 11,14,52 b'!)l 14
'umt 66,76 bnm'il 193
'un 40 bnm 'umy 193
'unl 71 B.NY
'/lfb't 73 'abn 163
'urbt 44,67 bn 165
'u.i7z 38 bnwt 122,167
'ujpt 66 b'!)l ("builder") 41, 166
b 14,26,28,33,194,195 bnt 38,96,162
b'ir 16 ybn 127
bd 43,77,198 tbnn 106,128
bdl 68,78 bnf(m) 11,67,89
bhtm 34,37,63,65 bnt 78
BW bnth 53
'ub'a 45,105,156 b'd 198
b'at 155 b'd}z 198
b'u 123,155,158 b'dn 199
tb'a 156 b'l (DN) 5,31,64,77,84
tb'i 156 B'L 28
tb'u 101,123,156,158 yfb'l 139
tb'un 157 tb'ln 119,218
BWS b'l(m) ("worker[s]") 28,89,90
bftm 97,155 b'llm 14,85
bwtm 35 b'lny 54
BWT B'R
bl 157 yb'r 135
ybl 156 Sh'r 140
by 12,195 BGr
byd 43 'ibgyh 117,163
BrN ybg 164
bn 155,157 Bo:.
bk 41 'ibq' 115
BK'Y tbq'nn 53
'ab~ 44,116 BQ.R
'ib~ 44,163 tbqrn 135
bk 167 bqr 28
b~t ("weepers") 12,42,69,122,167 BOI
ybk 100 'abql 134
yb~ 164 bql 136
tb~ 100,164 ybql 135
tb~k 164 BRK
tb~nh 53,164 brkm 137
tp~ 27,163 ybrk 137
b~ 41,66 ybrkn 135
b~h 167 tbrk 135
bkm 125,179 brktm 122
BKR brr 122,173
'abkrkm 134 BSR
bl(t) ("no, without") 7,184,185 'abfrkm 134
BL' tMr 138
ybl' 115 bfr ("flesh") 25
bm 195 bftm (see BWS)
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INDICES 287
bt ("house") 7,31,37,52,65,82 tdI;l 118

bt ("daughter") 62,75,78 DIL
bt !Jbr 5 yddll 12,175
btw 33 tdlln 14,175
btm 35,37,63,65 dlt 12
g 62 dm ("blood") 62
tan 16,47,73 DMM
gd 41 dm 173
gdy 65 tdm 172
gdm 41,65 DM'
ghm 53 dm' 125
GWL dm'h 125
tgwln 157 ydm' 119
GWR tdm' 100
'igr 156 dm't 33
GZZ dn 66
g:a.m ("shearers") 69,173 dn'il (PN) 12
yg:t:. 172 dqn 20
GrL dqt 76
ygl 156 drdr 7
T/{fln 105,157 DR' 22
GLY dt 54,56,57,78
fgl 42,101 DIT
fg!y 41,101,164 ydl 174
gm 179 g 21
It 39,75 r/hrt 35
J)MR
~~N) 7
yrJmr 21,22,135
'agrSkm 134 gmr ("trooper") 21,22
gm(t) 78 dnb 21,81
gt 30,62,75 gnbtm 81
d 14,20,21,54,55,56 J)RW 22
d ("that, which") 188,189,219 grh 2
OY -h ("his") 51
d'i 42,166 -h ("hers") 51
d'it 166 HBR
d'u 166 hbr 121
yd'u 42,101,164 thbr 101
td'u 42,164 HDY 34
DBlf ydy 34,101
ndb~ 118 yhdy 34,101
tdb~ 107 hw 41,49
tdb~n 107 hwt 50
db~(m) 5,20,73,78 hy 15,41,49
db~t 79 hyt 50
DBR hl(m) 185
tdbr 135 HLK 146
dw 42,67 'alk 147
DWK 'aJhlk 139,152
ydk 158 'itlk 151
tdkn 158,174 hlk 115,125,150
DWNIDYN hlkt 146
ydn 156 ytlk 151
DlfL lk 149
Daniel Sivan - 978-90-47-42721-6

288 INDICES
HLK continuation ZGW

tlk 106,148 t;::g 164
tlkn 102,148 IfGR
ttlk 151 tl;gm 132
ttlkn 102,151 IfDY
hlk ("behold") 186 I;d 165
HIM 34 y~d 99,164
'aIm 34,116 t~dy 164
hIm 120 ~brm 67
ylm 34 I;dr(m) 67
ylmn 34,118,120 I;dl 66
hIm ("here") 180 IfWl'{I) 170
hIm ("when") 189,223 'a~w 169
hln 186 'a~wy 169
hlny 180 ~wt 98,169
-hm (m.pl.)
-hm (du.) 52
52
1fWT(2)
*w 169
171
hm ("they",m.) 49,50 tft~wy 101,104,171
hm ("they",du.) 49 IfWS
hm ("if') 34,35,189,216,221,222 'alft 155
hmt 11,50,51 ~wt 70
-hn (f.pl.) 52 ~tbm 79
hn ("behold") 34,185,186 ~tm 63,66
hn ("they",f.) 49,50 ~tr 24
hnd 57,58 Mt 66,76
hndt 58 ~;:;(m) 63,66
hnk 58 ~;:;r 7,23,24
hnkt 58 IfIT
hnny 180 I;yt 98
HPK 202 y~ 164
yhpk 82,127,202 I;ym 6,7
hr 40 IfKM
HRG ~kmt 97
hrg 120 #b 7
HRY IfIL
thm 164 # 171
HRR ~ln 26
yhrrm 174 IfMD
ht 6,180,181 ~mdm 123
w (conjunction) 6,11,17,27,29,31,32, y~mdm 123
33,34,43,95,188 y~mdnh 118
WLD (see YLD) 26,145 ~m~mt 176
wn 186 ~myt 69,75,83
WSR 26,145,152 IfMM
ywsmn 152 ys~mm 107,176
tsrk 148 (lmr(m) 68
WPT 26,145,152 ~mt 39,69,75
wPl!l 152 IfNN
ywpln 152 ,atJnnn 26,174
WSY ~nny 26,175
tffy 38,153,170 ~nth 173
wtn (see rT.N) ~nny (see IfNN)
;:;bln 73 bnth (see IfNN)
Daniel Sivan - 978-90-47-42721-6

INDICES 289
lfSL {hrm 24,45,69,207

ylj,slnn 135 {hrm'iqn'im 193
lfSP Tlf.N
tlj,spn 119 ttlJnn . 53
lfRK TIL
y~rkn 107 ytll 172
lfRR tfmyn (PN) 27
thrr
lfRS .
172 TN
ntn 118
'iI;trf 130 ?'i (see TZ)
~r~m) ("craftsman") 70 ?by 40,65
If. 13 25 ?byh 23
~1Pn 25 ?hrm 24,207
!Jb1 (PN) 27 ?'lfQ
ijDT y~q 23
'ifJd 42,117,163 ?l 23
l.fT ?,PN
n!Jfu 118,131 tyJn 119
tflfa 104,117 ?7W 40
tfll'an 119 :JI (pronoun) 51
tflfin 119 y (vocative) 187
tsofann 140 TBL 25
!Jyrn (PN) 27 'abl 147
bln 26 bl 149
ijLQ ybl 127,146
blq 114 yblnh 53,148
blqt 114 yblt 146
bm'at 7,75 nbln 148
179 ybl ("produce") 69
~s(PN) ybmt 28
ybmI 135 yd (''love'') 65,74
bmI ("fifth") 93,94 yd ("hand") 6,42,62
bmI(t) ("five") 87,88,90,91 yd (''with'') 199
bmfm 87,90,91,92 yddll (see DIL) 12
bmt 37 ydm ("hands") 62,80
ijSS rD'
y!Jssk 174 'at! 44,147
tflss 174 'id' 44,147
ijSR d' 149
!Jsrt 96,113,133 yd'm 123
/}P1 (PN) 27 yd't 97,123
ij$B yd'tk 97,146
tfllfb 130 td' 14
br~ 7,69 yd1 (see DTlJ
ijRR T:{,N
br 171 yzn 147
¥u 124 ?'i 23,149

b!'Y (GN) 74 ykr (see KRK)
btny 14 ykrkr 176
btnm bel 193 TLD 26,145
TEij 'as'1d 83,153
tbb 120,160 wid 42,150
ttbb 118 yld 127
Daniel Sivan - 978-90-47-42721-6

290 INDICES
ym continuation YSR
ylt 14,29,84,147 ypm 69,121,149
ttd 107,148,149 YQG 24
ttdn 107,148,149 tqg 32,131,151
ylm (see HIM) yq1 (see (LTD
ylmn (see HIM) yq1q1 177
ym ("sea") 12,65 yr (see YRy)
ym(m) ("day[s]") 38,79,85,93 YR'
ymy 14 yr'a'un 12,102,148
ymn 6 yr'itn 146
ymm (du.) 79 yr'u 147
ymmt 28 yr'a'un (see YR')
ymr (see MRR) YRD 25
ymt ("days") 79 'ard 16,116,147
yn 7,37,65,90 yrd 147
ynphy (see PHy) yrdm 149
YXQ yrdn 148
ynqm 149 yrt 29,98,113,146
mJnqt 153 nrd 148
y'lm 67 rd 149
yphn (see PHy) frd 152,153
trd 148
ypa 4,26
YRij 151
yp1t (PN) 27
yrlJ(m) 28,33,64,67,94
ypltn (PN) 27
YRY
ypm 43
yr 39,42,164
YP tr 148,164
yp' 146
yrq ar~ 207
yprs~ 177 yrt (see YRD)
Yo$' 23 YRT
'aflihm II 'arjJn 147
)aS~)u 153 'itr1 151
'afluk 100,153 YSN 25
y~'a 96,110,146 y.fn 147
y~'an 105,147 ystql (see SQL)
y~'at 111,126,146 ytmr (see 'MR)
y~'i 19,147 rIN 146
y~'ihm 125,150 'atn 147
ylu 101,147 'atnk 6
ylunn 148 'itn 44,147
ysla 38,42,153,163 wtn 42
ysli 153 ytn 39,53,127,147,149
mflu 14,38,153 ytnn 148
~'at 150 ytnnn 11,53
s1'a 152 ytnt 30,146
s~'at 153 ytt 30,97,146,215
S1)U 153 ntn 38,152
q'i 19,103,148 stnt 31,152
q'u 104,148 tn 149
q'un 148 ttn 101,)27,148,149
YSQ ytt (see rTN)
y~q 127,148 rTB 25,29
y~qm 12 'a1.b 116
N 149 'a1bn 106,147
Daniel Sivan - 978-90-47-42721-6

INDICES 291
ytb 114,146,148 kmm 198

y1tb 154 KMS
y1tbn 29,154 tkms 32,138
tb 149 kn'1I:JI (GN) 74
tbth 150 knp 67
1TQ knr 70
ytq 147 ks 7,62
-k (pronoun, m.s.) 51 ks'at 47,78
-k (pronoun, f.s.) 51 ks'iy 52
k(y) ("which") 13,189,197,219 ks'u 10,16,78,82
k ("if') 221,222 kJ'u 10
k(y) ("verily") 190,191 KSY
k(y) ("when") 222 yks 101,169
kbkb(m) 31,74 klmm 77
KED klmn 77
ykbd 135 kst 39,75
kbd 136 kp 81
nkbd 132 krmm 64
tkbd 135 KR'
tkbdnh 101,106,135 ykr' 117,118
kbd ("heavy") 89 krpn 7
kbd ("liver") 56,78 krpnmyn 193
kbd ("midst") 199 KRR 172
kdm 79 ykr 172
krjd 22,108 KSD
kw(t) 80 tkJd 22,108
Kw.N 206 ks"'pm 70
'a§kn 160 ktn(t) 78
ykn 202 I (prep.) 6,11,52,12,17,91,92,195,196
kn 155 I (negative) 183
tkn 157 I (asseverative) 29-38,191,192
tknn 96,100,157,218 I (vocative) 186,187
ts1cnn 160 l'a (see L'Y)
kkbm 31,74 L'Y
kkr(m) 31,74,79 l'a 43,124,167
kl 178 l'i 166
KLY tl'u 164
'akl 104,169 tl'u'an 13,103,165
'akly 169 L'K
ykl 170 'il'ak 115,117,123
ykly 101,169 l'ak 120
kly 122,167 l'akm 123
kit 168 l'ik 113,114
mkly 104,169 l'ikt 11,16,97,98,113,114
nkly 131,168 l'uk 68,122
tkl 103,169 tl'akn 126,137
tkly 169 tl'iIe 115,134
KIL tl'ikn 115,135
ykllnh 174 l'im 16
-km (pronoun,m.pl.) 51 lb ("heart") 11,66
-km (pronoun, du.) 52 lb'im thw 193
-kn (pronoun, f.pl.) 51 lbn(m) 67
kn ("behold") 186 LBS
km ("as") 11,197 §lb§n 138
Daniel Sivan - 978-90-47-42721-6

292 INDICES
IbS(m) 27 m'at ("hundreds") 16,47,75,78,80,87,91

lhm 78 m'id(y) 17,18,64,185,208
LWN m'ifJd ("plated") 72,123
yin 156 m'i!Jrfym 18,33
LWS m'it 17,62,75,78,80,86,91,92
ylSn 157 m'itm 79,80,87,91
lljK m'ud 18
tiM 119 mbk 27,30
lljM MGN
'il1;tm 115,117 mgntm 30,115,133
'il~mn 132 nmgn 119
ys"l1;tm 99,139 tmgnn 119,136
l~m 120,125,126 mdbUt) 72
nl1;tm 118 mdd(t) 71,76,123,149,150
s"l1;tm 140 mddth 150
tl1;tm 106,119 mdw 72
tl1;tmn 100,106,107,119 MDL
ts"l1;tm 139 tmdln 103,118
lhmd 31 md' 38,71,183
lljs mh 15,34,59
mllft 136 mh ("her water") 43
ItPn (PN) 24 miry (=mh+lry) 15,59
ltlt 122 mhk 60
l;;;pn 24 mhkm 60
1m ("why") 183 mhr 78
1m (prep.) 196 MTtT
IMD 'amt 12,45,116,124,155
'almdk 134 mt 103,155
Lpn 199 mtm 124,158
lpnk 199 mtt 12,155
lps" 27 tmtn 103,156,158
LQll 30,71,141 MZL
'iq~ 30,117,141 ymzl 123
yq~ 30,141 mzl 123
lq~ 11 ,82, 114 mZT1)i 38
lq~t 141 mznm 79,81
nlq~t 30,131,144 MZ
q~ 142 tmz' 118
q~n 142 m~llm 71,175
q~ny 54,142 m~md 31
tq~ 141 m~rlt 123
tq~n 141,218 mh 66
lSnm 79 m&rfy (GN) 32
lSnt 79 MIf$
-m ("if') 34 'imt!J~ 130
m (enclitic part.) 192,193 m!J~ 69
m(n) (prep.) 196,197 m!J~m 121
M'D m!J~t 108
'am'id 117,134 *mMt 28
m'ab 18,197 tm!J~ 6,108,118
m'ad 18,208 tmt!J~' 12,130
m'afJdh (GN) 179 tmtMn 130
m'afJr 136,197 m!Jms"t 94
m'at (=mh+'at) 34,59 mLzs"t 23,28
Daniel Sivan - 978-90-47-42721-6

INDICES 293
ml 42 ymss 10,175
mIll 24 m' 194
mpn 179 m'msh (see 'MoS)
M'[R m'msy (see 'MoS)
mSmfr 140 m'fd 71
tmtm 100,106,119 m'rb 71
mttk 71,72,179 mgd 21
M;:,r
yTn?;)! 104 ~t;r 1~~
7nf;ll 24 'amgy 116,163
7nf;m'a 23,137 ymg 100,164
my ("who") 41,58,59 ymgy 104,164,165
my (''what'') 59 ymgyn 11,105,164
my (''water'') 43 mg 43,162,165,167
mk 186 mgy 124,162,167
mbzt 72,76 mgyt 42,162
mks 42 mgny 163
MKR mit 96,162
mkrm 89,121 tmi 164
tmkrn 127,132 emgy 163
ML' emgyy 15,165
yml'u 100,117,118,135 emgyn 165
ml'a 110 mplJrn 72
ml'at 67,75,114 mptl; 26
mml'at 137 mptfJ 26
nml'u 135 mfbpn 71
ml'ak(m) 71 mfd 40,72
mlbf 72 mfdh 40,179
mllJmt 71,132 M$ij
mlfJS (see LlfS! ymf!Jn 132
MLK mfltm 72,79
'amlk 116 mfmt 29
'amlkn 134 mff 173
ymlk 14 mfqt 40,72
mlk 114 mfTm (GN) 84
nmlk 116,135 mqlpn 30
mlk ("kingship") 82 mqm 72
mlk(m) ("king[s]") 7,14,64,82 mqmh 40
mlkt 64 mqr 28,40,72
MIL MR'
tmll 172 ymru 118
mml'at (see ML') mrat ("fat") 68,75
mn 59 mrz?a 13
mn(m) 59 mru(m) ("facling[s]") 13,16,68,82
mnIpn (PN) 136 mru(m) ("officer[s],,) 10,16,76,77,78,87
mnkm 5~,60 mrb' 94,95
mnm 59,60 mr;j; 72
MN.N mr~(y) 14,84
ymnn 175 mr~qm 179,197
mmnnm 175 mrMt 71
mnt(y) 14 mr~qtm 179,197
msdt 38 mrym 40,72
mswnh 179 mrkbt(m) 71,75,79,80
MSS moot 40,72
Daniel Sivan - 978-90-47-42721-6

294 INDICES
MR$ td 172
mr~ 113 NDR
mrqdm 72,137 ndr 141
MRR 172 NWff
'amrk 172 'anfln 106,116,155
ymr 172 n{JI 154
mr 173 NWR
tmr 173 nr 97,155
tmmn 172 NljT
mrl 37,71 yn~t 144
mJb't 94 NT{
mJdpt 145 nttt 171
MS/j ttt 173
yms1Jhm 54 -ny (pronoun) 52
mSm{r (see MTR) nkl (PN) 14
mfm't 71 NSK
mJt 72 'ask 116,141
mJtt 72 ynsk 144
mt ("death") 7,38,65 ysk 127,143
mt ("man") 62 nskm ("pourers") 121,143
mtdbm 30,143 sk 142
mtnm 80 NS'
mtntm 37 ys' 141
MT ss'n 145
tmC 115 ti'n 141
MTR .N'R
Smtr 140 yn'mh 145
mtrGt 72,123 NC$
mtt (see MW7) tng~ 141
mlb(t) 38,71,72 tni~n 144
midlt 94 NCR 24
mlilt 94 ngr 121,143
min 181 tgrk 30,84,142
-n (pronoun) 51 tgm 141
nbk(m) 27 npk 27
N$ NPL
n'¥h 143 ypl 141
n'i{y 121 npl 96,140
n'¥k 121 nplt 140
NET tpl 100,104,142
tbt 141 ttpl 143
ng (see NGY) NY
NG/j ynp' 144
'ang~ 134 yp' 141,144
yng~n 144 nps 12,52,82
NGY N~13
ng 165 ~b 143
NGS N$L
ngsnn 140 y~l 144
NGT nqdm 121
tng1h 145 nm (PN) 12
NDD nrt 66
ydd 172 NS 25
ndd 171 yPu 141,142
Daniel Sivan - 978-90-47-42721-6

INDICES 295
yts""i 30,143 spsg 5,31

yts""u 143 SPR
ns"at 141 'as"'spr 139
nsV)i 125,143 spr ("letter") 65,82
ns"u 111,141 Sm(PN) 10
s"a 142 sm (PN) 10
s"u 142 'bd 64
ts"'a 142 'brfyrtJ (PN) 27
ts"'an 142,144 'brfyrg (PN) 27
ts"'u 12,30,100,103,141 'gl(m) 66
ts"'un 141 'glt 66
NSQ 'd 190,199,223
'ans"'q 144 'DB
yns"'q 144 y'db 108,126
ys"'q 30,141 'db 108,120
tns"'q 145 'dbnn 124,215
.NTK 'dbt 93,96,113
ytk 141 fdb 126
tntkn 132,144 t'dbn 119
NTK 'DD
y nlkn 145 yt'dd 176
nlk 144 'DY
S'D y'rfynh 164
s'ad 120 'l)R
s'id 16,113,114 y'drk 21
ts'ad 117,118 'drt 21
s'in 16 'HiP
SBB 202 'p 158
ysb 172 t'pn 157
nsb 174,202,203 fpp 159
sb 171,202,203 'WR
s"'Sb 176 t'rrk 159
sbsg 31 'wr 41,69
SGR 'wrt 41,70
sgr 114 'z(m) ("goat[s]") 66
stJr (PN) 27 'z(m) ("strong") 23,63
SKN 'ZZ
s"'skn 140 y'zz 172
skn ("commissioner") 77 'z 173
skn 10 t'zzk 175
SSW 10 ';;m ("bone") 23
ssw(m) 10,89 ';;m ("mighty") 68
ssnm 74 'YN
sir (PN) 27 ten 156
SP 'l ("leaf") 42
'isp'a 105,117 'l (prep.) 199
'isp'i 117 'LY
ysp'i 124 y'l 164
ysp'u 101,115,117 yS'ly 170
sp'u 14,69,121,124 n'l 165
tsp'i 19,118 'l 42,162,165
SPD 'ly 162
ms"'spdt 140 'lyh 125
spl 64 elyt 15,42,162
Daniel Sivan - 978-90-47-42721-6

296 INDICES
'LY continuation cre T 74

'It 42,162 'rpt 5
flY 170 'fT 87,88,89,90,91,93
flYt 139,170 'fTh 89,90
tl 164,165 'frm 90,91
tln 100,165 'frt 88,89,911,91
ts"'l 170 'ft(y) 87,90
ts"'lYnh 53,170 'tn 180
'lm(t) 7,69,179 'TQ
'lmh 179 ttqn 119
'm ("with") 199,200 CDD
'm ("people") 65 tidd 172
'my 200 gzr 6
'mm (prep.) 200 ezy
'mn 14,52,199 ng~ 165
'mnh 53 g~tm 163
'mny 54,199 ti~ 165
'MS g,m (PN) 27
y'msnh 106 eLY
y'msnnn 54,136 yglY 99
m'msh 137 til 164
m'TTI,{J 14,137 tilY 165
'ms 136 CIL
'mq 208 till 172
'mq nSm 208 g"'lm 23
'n(m) ("eye[s]") 80 GM'
'NT !,m'it 17,23,97,114,123
y'7!J' 164 !,m'u 97,123
n'n 42,168 gr 23,24,66
'n 43,124,167 rgrk (see NCB)
'nhm 42,162 pdry (PN) 12
'7!J' 33 P ("mouth") 62
t7!J'n 165 p (conjunction) 188
'nn 38 p'amt 88
'nt ("springs") 63,65,80 p'it 62
'nt("now") 76,180 PDY
'p'p 74 pdy 96,97,162
'PP prfh 21
tpp 174 PHY 168
'pr 6 'iph 42,117,163
'!(m) 66,89 'iphn 163
'r (''young ass") 65 ynphy 31,168
'r ("town") 66 yph 164
'RE yphn 99,117,164
'rb 82,96,114 ph 165
'rbt 113,114 tph 164
t'rbn 218 Paryh 15
ts"'rb 139 PZL
'rbn(m) 73 np~l 132
'RY PLT
'ryt 162 ypltk 135
'RK nplt 131
t'rk 126 PLY
'rm 179 yplY 169
Daniel Sivan - 978-90-47-42721-6

INDICES 297
plk 71 l!md 103

PM 34 ~m 88
tpnn 165 $CD
pnt 63,66 y~gd 118
PL 28 ~g, (PN) 23
p'n(m) 31,80,81 ~p 40
PR $Pr
yp'r 118 ~py 122,128,162,167
pr ("fruit") 40,66 ~PYt 122,167
pr(m) ("bull[s]") 12 pi 7
PIr QjJ'
tptr' 130 qb'itm 114
pr 93 QjJR
PRR 'aqbrnh 53,116,118
'apr 172 qdm 200
tpr 172 qdrnh 200
prt 12,76 qdqd 7,12,74
PTlf qdS 65
yptJ;. 118,126 Qw:M
ptJ;. 120,124 qm 155,158
tptJ;. 125 tqm 156
PTY
ypt 30
o.Tr tq{1n 173
ypthm 169 q{n 67
fat 62,75 QrL
lin 23 ql 157,158
~b'a 13 qlny 155
~b'z?a 13 qlt 97,154
~b'im 77 sql 160
~dqIlm (PN) 28 sqlt 160
$WD tql 101,156
155 tqln 157
100,102,156, qs, 23,37,93
157 ql ("voice") 26
fWdt 41 QL$
$W/fI$Yl;l yqlpt 135
y~Q 104,157 qrnIJ 26
~Qtkm 126,155 qrnfJ 26
&!Q 157 QJfY
&!Qn 157 'aq1!)l 116
$WQ yq1!)l 41
s~q 97,160 q1!)l 162
tf~qnh 160 q1!)lt ("creatress") 75,121,166
$WR qnm 43
0/ 156 QlI$
$l;lQ tq~ 107,130
y~Qq 23,118 q~ 42
~Qq 124 Q§R
tf~Qq 139 tq~ 85,119,137
~Qrrt 176 qr ("voice") 26
~!qslm (PN) 28 QR'
$LY 'iqra 104,105
y~!Y 169 'iqran 105
$MD 'iqrakm 104
Daniel Sivan - 978-90-47-42721-6

298 INDICES
QR' continuation trmm 106,159

yqr'a 104,118 trmmn 159
yqrun 52,53,118 RlfM
qra 114,120 r~mt 97,114
qran 120 RlfS
qrat 111,114 yrtM 130
qrit 69,75,121 trIM 131
qritm 114 RlfQ
qru 111,114 Sr~q 138
tqru 117,118 RijP
QRB 'arfJp 134
sqrb 139,140 rabt 121
tqrb 119 trfJpn 135
qrb ("midst") 200 RrS
qrht 35 rs 158,172
QRr RKB
qryy 15,166 rkb 5,120
tqry 164 RNN
qryt 75 'amn 174
qmm 78,80 r'y(m) 69,166
qmt 78 RGB
qrt(m) 18,39,67,75,79 rib 97,123
qrth 179 ribt 23,97,114,
qstm 79 123
QJT rgbn 73
yql 172 RP'
R'S trp'a 117,119,136
yraS 17,117 rp'u(m) 16,76,77
raJm 64,79 rS1see RrSj
raSt(hm) 63,79 RS'
rif 7,16,63,64 trS' 104,117
rifyt 15 s 25,42,62
rift(hm) 63,64,79 S'B
ruJ 17 fib 121,126
rb(m) 63,65 s"'ibt 69,122
RBB S'L 129
rb 173 'is"'al 115,117
rbt 97,171 yfal 115
rbbt 63,66,80,93 yful 115
RB' ySs""il 139
'aJrb' 139 ysfil 129
rb'(t) 93,94,95 fal 123,125
rb~m) ("myriad[s]") 66,79,80,83,93 fil 113,114
rbt ("large, great") 65,173 tSfal 129
rbt ("lady") 76 S'R
RGM 'iffir 128
'argmk 116 s"'alm 70
yrgm 126 finm 16
rgm 11,120,121 fir 65
rgmt 113,114 s"bh 31
trgm 117 SBr
RWM 'iftbm 168
yrmmh 159 122,167
rmm 159
~n
'EM 40,168
Daniel Sivan - 978-90-47-42721-6

INDICES 299
Ibm 40 Ilm 68
SF ("to be satisfied") Ilmm 179
Ib't 97,113 fm 62
SF ("multiply 7 times") fm'al 25,47
yIb' 135 SMlj 25
Ib'(t) 88,89,91,93 yfma 118
Iboid 32,92,178 nIma 118
Sb'd(m) 32,92 fma 114,124
so'm 91 tSmb lO4,119
Sd 25,42 fmym 15,43
SDD fmm 43,67,167,179
ySdd 172 fmmh 179
SYR fmn 26
'air 116,155 SM
yfr 123 'iftm( 33,130
fr 123 fm' 24,112,121,
SIT 125
'aftk 116,215 fm't 113
'iStn 44,155 fmt 30
yItk 215 .fr!ttr (see MTR;
yItn 156 SN' 25
It 155,157 sn'a 5,97,llO,114
Itn 157 fn)u 77
Itt 96,155 SNw 161
tIt 156,156,157 Inwt 161,162
tItn 215 Int 39,97,162
tItnn 105,156 SNN
SKB yInn 174
Ikb 113,114 SNP
SKlj tSnpn 119,127
ns'10 131 Int (see SNW)
s1dlt 176 Int ("year") 62,76
SKN Int ("sleep") 62
,as"kn 160 Intm 79
yItkn 130 I~b (see SEE)
ts"knn 160 SSY
SKR Isk 167
YSKr 123 Isk (see SS'rj
sKr 123 S'rt 64,75
IlbSn (see LBS) sp~ 31
SLW 161 SPK
'as1w 26,161,163 tIpkm 118
II 167 SPL
SLlf Ipl 120
,afll;k 134 IpI 28,64
'iSl~ 117,134 Ipfm 179
yII~ 12 Ipt(hm) 53,62
nSl~ 131 I1q (see $WQl
s]Yt 15 SQY
SlM yIsq 99,170
yIlm 118 ssqy 42,171
Ilm 133 tIIqy 170
tSlmk 117 tIqy 164
tSSlmn 139,218 tIqyn 164
Daniel Sivan - 978-90-47-42721-6

300 INDICES
tplry (see BKr)

'iStql 130 tpnn (see PNY)
ystql 99,130 To.,G 24,151
tItql 130 tqg (see Yo.,G)
SRG tr (see YR1')
ili 118 trb~ 73
SRP -gn
TRIf
tfrpnn 53,118 'itrtJ 81,83
st ("thorn bush") 37 ytrtJ 118
STY trt. 7
'iSf!JInh 108,117,163 tIlm 73
'iStn 106,117,163 ts"'(t) 88,93
yst 164 tIfy (see WS1')
nIt 165 tIt/;1i!Y (see lfW1')
st 166 tItr (see TWR)
sf!JI 42,126,162,166,167 t11.km (see TKR)
sf!JIm 166 fat 48,75
stm 165 figt 27
stt 39,108,162, fiqt 27
tSt 164 fut 48
tIf!JIn 42,106,107,165 tbt(PN) 31
tItn 42,43,100,165 TIJR
stnt (see rT.N; ytbr 107
t'iIr(m) 73 ttbm 118
TB' tbr 107
ytb' 117 !!it 29,93,94
tb' 114,115,121,124 th 43
ttb' 118,119 TWB 29
tgwln (see GU'L) ytb 156
tgmr 73 ytbn 157
tgrgr 177 y11.b 29,160
td (see NDD) ttb 156
tdrq 73 t11.b 29,159,160,161
thw 40 t11.bn 96,100,160,218
thm(t) 45,68,81 tb 98,157,160
thmtm 68,81 11.b 29,161
TWR TYN
tItr 160 yfjn 159
twth 151 TKL
t;:g "(see ZGW) ttkl 118
t~t 200 tkmm ~mt 193
tl;th 200 TKR
tk 38,65,77,200 ttJ.km 29,139
tkms (see KMS) t/~n(m) 78,80
tfiyt 73 1l~nt 78,80
tlmdm 73 1l1(t) 5,12,29,68,88,89,90,91,93,94
tlmyn (PN) 27 llbd 92
tmntk 76 tllm 68,81,90,91,94
tmr (see MRR) 173 llttm 89
tmtt 73 lm(t) 180
tsrk (see WSR) tmn(y) 180
t'glt 73 tJnn(t) 88,89,90,91,93
tp ("drum") 66 tmnym 15,90,91
tp ("beauty") 73 In ("two, second") 80,87,90,92,93
Daniel Sivan - 978-90-47-42721-6

INDICES 301
ift'id 92,178 batiiqu 123

TN'Y be 37
'aiftyk 163 beta qubari 69
yifty 164 beta tarbQii 73,83
ifty 166 bi 194
iftt 162 bidiiliima 68,76
!ftm 92 bUlalana 68,77
!Jm(m) 70 bi/;zri1 46,68
iftt ("pairs") 88 bitta 30,62
iftt ("second time") 39,181 bitti 30,62
iftth ("his urine") 75 bunufu 67
TR galliibu 70
ytr 124 dakaru 67
tr 124 dipran'fma 73,77
IP! 7 do. 54
JPW l (PN) 31 hallinrYa 180
1.ql(m) 66,81,95 huwa 41,49
Jr(m) 63,65 ziqan'fma 77
TRM l;tabalima 64,77
'iJ.rm 117 lJogablinu (PN) 46
11 80,87 IJogbana (PN) 47
l1(t) 12,26,29,88,90, 91,93 I;ziimfti 39,47,69,75,166
iJ.d 32 !;zarii1/.t 47,123
JJJn 81,91 /;zarfmu 68,122
J1tm 81,89 !;zar~iiti 64,78
/pJduru 67
Ugaritic Words in Syllabic Texts I}uwwatu 70,76
I}uwwil 41,70,170
ibila 39,146 I}url}urati 74
~a'a 39,110,146 harmitlitu 80 86
'adanu 47,73 !Jequ - 38 '
'ad(d)urll 45,70 tJinnifu 46
'admiini 73 hi-nu-ta-mi 81
,adflnu (PN) 47 buzrru 67
'aJ}.adu 87 !Jur~ 69
,l!Yyali (PN) 69 pdzo.ru 45,69
'alliin 70,84 yab~ru 116
'anOlrJJ. 47,49,110 ya'arti (GN) 46
'asrri 45,122 y~rUma 47,69,76,121,149
'appu 30,65 yarqani 73
'arzu 64 yomu 39
'arsu 64 kiibisu 69
'aitlt ("you") 30,49 kaddo.ma 65
'aJjb 147 kalrJwra 74,82
'ebu/'zbu 158 kalrJwiima 80,86
'ibbzrana (PN) 44,70 kiniiru 70
'iSdu 66 kubud(d)ti 71,76
'ugarft (GN) 47 kur'Uriit 67,78,80,84
'ugarnya (GN) 47,74 kurtku 67,84
'ullo.pi (PN) 44,70 10- 47
'unuJ1a 71 labanu 67
'umu 66 labbanu 70
ba/;JJo.ru 70 le 195
ba'(a)lo.ma 64,76 ma'(a)do.ma 17,64,185,208
Daniel Sivan - 978-90-47-42721-6

302 INDICES
ma'!Jadi (GN) 18,33 iamariima 46,65,67

ma'!Jad9Ia 18 iamruhfi 53,65
ma'hadu 33 iamriima 46,65,76
mo1datu 65,76 iamrufunu 46,65
mazru 64 palidiima 67
mazriima 64 pip-u 123
ma-afl-lla-[du] 33 pilakku 71
malku 64 pi17U 66
TTIIlm/ar 71,84 pulla!U 70,137
masw/yatu 63 famata 110,113
masaw/ylitu 64,78 famafil 111,113
ma'zi;:j 72 fli'i 62
ma'fad(iima} 71,76 [ibbiri 46
ma'farifa 95 [i!yu 40,66
macfaru 61,94 f'ifilma 62,84
mafillu 72 qadamma 80,86
maqqab(iima} 30,71,76,80,86 qadifti 67
maqqadu 30,71 qa!Una (PN) 67
maqqalJii 30,71,81 qantu 39,67,75
marzilJ,i 72 qidfu 65
maryanni 78 ra'fasli'ir (GN) 16
markolJti 71,75 raMati 76
mas'1al}/ !Jlima 71,81 fadf1 41,42,67
ma1lJa!iima 71 fallima 133
maJpli 41,182 famf1ma 67,76
maPzf1 41 fa'a/irtu 46,64,75
mt'ti 38,81,86,91 fupfu 64
mifJf#1ma 46,69 fanma 77
mi/ar 46 fiharu 68
m6bali 38 Siru 39,158
mo1fJ,bu 38,71 Situ 39,158
munaJ;.fzimu (PN) 136 taha'a 113
muru 66 tahlimatu 46,68
muriima 66,80,86 tapditi 73,83
na' badifunu 132 tami 64
naJ;ali 67 tibnu 66
nagiru 121,143 tit(tJarbu 46,151
napakima 63 tunnanu 70
napakimi 77 1fJ,!Jjlma 64
nap{ara 132 1fJ,nnlini 70
napfam 131 1fJ,nnlinuma 70
naplrima 63 jJJqduma 64,66
napku 63
nigru 66,123 Akkadian
slikini 47
saplu 64 almattu 75
sa17U 65 bit buburi 5
'abdu 64 efrli 90
cattl1("now") 30,76,180 ifpatu 66
'idir 46,84 iftlnif 182
'idirtu 46 iftumqif 197
c¥~ 66 liflinatu 79
'urublinu 73 QU-(sign) 48
iamaruhfi 46,53,67 sunu 16
Daniel Sivan - 978-90-47-42721-6

INDICES 303
Sflili 50 u-bi-li-mi 193

fu'ati 50 u-sa-ar 137
Silt 54 ba-di-u 198
uqnii 44 rba1_rm1 _r tz1 38,162
warbu 64 bal-li-iq 137
ba-ia-ma 179
Arabic ba-mu-du 122
he-na-ia 81
'ahl 64 bi-i/J-bi-e 138
'aklu 65 hu-mi-tu 47
ria 54 Yi-iS-ta-al 129
~ 21 la-a ti-lro.-pi-Iu 134
IfSB 25 [la]-qa-bu 111
yo. 187 le-ta-ma 179
kawlro.bu 31 mZ-l1fI-am-ma 60
la- 191 na-az-a-qu 111,131
1TII¥dar 123 na-aa-re-mi 81
mz'saru 95 na-aq-fa-ap-ti 131
fa 188 na-aq-fa-pu 131
sadisu 29 nu-ub-ti - 154
~udam 200 nu-pu-ul-mi 120,142
11M 168 ri-qa-mi 179
f1i-ur-wu 40
Aramaic qe-e-f1 37
sa-mi-ma 77
n'M 187 sa-mi-ti7 113
'n'M 187 fu-szi-mi 193
,\I~ 66 ta-aa-ta-mu 200
into 198
" 20,54 Hebrew
i1t!l 24
0".u'?1 p' Il101'0 196 1iT'~~ 33
0",\1"1 pi M01' 10 196 1'~~ 33
Ml1MO 16 wp-~~ 134
iTMO'P MiiO 93 i#1~ 134
].!I 180 "iJ~ 64
~.!,' 180 iil;\ 37
n.!,' 180 c))~ 116
C1R, 200 C~'JIJ~ 88
M~ 76 lnM 65
JjSB 25 iTjo~ 43
lpi''1~ 43
Egyptian DOCUD1entations '~ 182
iT'M 44,182
7Jdd 22 ~~i'M (PN) 33
IfSB 25 "'~M 65
na-ba-ri-na 77 p~, 190
c' ,
na- a-ru-na 77 nil\:;I~ 10'iJ?lIi193
i'\l~7~ 76
El-Am.arna Tablets Mi?r;i?~ (GN) 108,128
iTPt;17~ (GN) 108,128
a-ba-da-at 111 1t' 38,182
a-nu-ki 47 ',l~ 49
i-hi 158 iTlt' 38,182
Daniel Sivan - 978-90-47-42721-6

304 INDICES
\~J~ 49 'no,', 29
ilil:1___ 44 ici 193,196
"~~l~ 44 .!.''j~? 93
il$!!'___ 66 '.lrl,? 199
?i~~I;' (GN) 108,128 "P7 142
.I1~~I;' (GN) 108,128 'IJP7 142
i'I~-i'~~ 123 il~ 123
flier P'JP"1'f.1 207 n~~ 79
'~D n';; 4,5 c;~l~b 79
i~ 193,195 r~~ 38,183
'n'~~ 38,162 "1\l1~ 17
n.pi 150 il;\l1~~ 44
-.':/ 216 niji;li '~~l;l, 27
ni;IQ~i;I 34 lilT,l 40
ni~ 81 C'li,'iI 40
c~i~, '9.;0 148 .11111;) 38,183
n'il 162 C'l"O 40
!:l'?o 180 'i~~" 123,149
il#iJ 185 li.!?9 40
nij:~i;I 63 t:-!,I;) 40
l'p'~l;1iJ 108,128 ~~I;) 61,95
c~, 148 c~P7~'iI 72,79
"rl~':"~~1 208 f'!h~ 72
'1'p'~l;1~1 108,128 P~l~ 197
'l;lI;ri-M'?,l 154 n~ll;l 75
~1i'l1i~0~1 124 c~ 80
C'''~f'!i''~ll 124 "~p. 0')1;19 193
:~ 11.:;)~1 124 ~ 194
ill,\I;l'l1 156 lPi 131
ill 54,188 't'il 142
11 20,54,188 :l9~ 131
C'P'! 63,65 '~l 142
'~! 81 ~~~ 142
blObh 80 "19# o'}.o 5,193
ni~1J 173 ''F~ 74
I:J,!IJ 179 ,~ 65
'1t!i 93 'P. 4
"'1:l~ 69 fP. 66
C~,~ 80 c'J~.I) 90
'DI;' Oi; 93 '~-!' 162
'1r;r~ 182 il!:l.!.' 180
f'!~: 4 lil'!) 33
I'l"~~ 4 "e 33
:l'1i!~ 99 lrme 5
':l~~ 99 C.!.'e 32
~~ 187 '1~ 24
~'b 31 b''1~ 24
i9:f 193,197 tzil~ 65
l~ 186 ]t!lj? 67
c'~'o, "19i 5 :l~iO-"p 35
c!, 0'';1'''1___7 193 il!lP 61
C~Dh~ 80 c';lP 80
ro? 150 C~7~"1 80
n1~'? 29 n7J 150
Daniel Sivan - 978-90-47-42721-6

INDICES 305
CPo'! 179 19 21
1:1F.l 114 19-20 191
n:;l~ 150 20-21 126,148,213
c"1iZi
'"
63,65 21 114,155
'r;) 43 23 63,64,79,99,165
:1~tif 113 27 63,79,142
iT~i(i 180 28 33
c'oiZi 76 29 63,100
1~;~ 113 30 165
11(;)i(i 113 31 142,171
iTltii 76 32 32,122,130
c~mi(i 80 35 21,147
iTf;ltp 78 36 24,187
1't;lin!;lU;) 78 37 45,68
c~tj~fp 80 1.2 I. 39 6,195
,pi(i 61 40 18,25,47,211
"~91:1 116 II. 30 80
ni;l 61 III. 7 165
19 204,217
Kinled el- LOz N. 2 11,192
3 133
tu-wa-af-sa-ru-na 137 4 144
5 7,23,68,141
Moabite 6 96,110,146,192,212
7 113,200,209
cnn"111 128 7-8 192
'p 35 8 158,162
ntll 76 8-9 6,181
9 7,158
Phoenician 10 7,56,69,211
11 62,144,211
no"l1 76 14 62,73,80
":1II1"ll:1 (PN) 33 14-15 198
1 20 16 34,80
ZR' 22 17 63,66,144
ZMR 21 18 144
n"ll51 n,' 33 19 173
l51" 199 21 120
IInp"l 30 21-22 12
"]51niTn 128 22 177,198
"]onnn 128 24 34
25 177
Taanach Letters 26 63,66,144
27 169,172
ma-ga-re-ma 81 28 157,193
29 157
Ugaritic Alphabetical Texts 29-30 224
30 122,167,203
1.1 III. 16 43,166 31 156
N. 11 18 32-33 191
17 166 1.3 I. 1 164,184
1.2 I. 11 211 3 16,113,114
14-15 104 8 209
15 142,184 10-11 7
Daniel Sivan - 978-90-47-42721-6

306 INDICES
1. 3 I. continuation 39 63
2 23 40 168
9 79 41 23
22 32,130 42 63,64
22-23 128 43 23,28
II. 2 41,65 45 23,28
3 150 46 130,168
4 164 47 151
5 186 IV. 4 59
5-6 12,130 5 212
6 130 8 15,71,132,166
7 150 12 151
8 62,67,75,150 13 116
9 200 24 116,141
14 21 28 132
15 179 29 116,141
17-18 186 33 39,97,155,162
18 130,211 34 191
19 97 36 63,65,80
20 79 38 150
20-22 125 39-40 213
21 47 40 138
22 77 41 157,200
23 130,185 42 43,119
24 164 42-43 178
25 117,118,172 V. 3 39,127,211
25-26 100 7 42
25-28 224 7-8 101
27 172 18 43
29 117,190,223 22 32,115,116
31-32 148 24 139
33 12,173 28 135
36 47,80 31 200
38 119 34 148
40-41 220 36 157
III. 10 50,136,158,171,214 36-37 104
II 121 38 187,202,204
12 28,166 VI. II 165
15 132 12-13 184
16 23,142 14-15 203
17 25 14-16 217
20 151 15-16 203
20-21 187,202,204 20 50,214
22 163 1.4 I. 4 69
25 31 12 16,24,62
26-27 55,182,219,221 13 65,71,203
28 166 13-15 203
29 163 14 38,65
32 164 16 16,38,62
34 141 17 24
35 57,215 19-20 188
36 182 20 140,194
37 59,146 22 75,121,165,166
38 23,28 23 72,162
Daniel Sivan - 978-90-47-42721-6

INDICES 307
1. 4 I. continuation 9 65
24 198,205 9-10 214
25-26 12 10 155
26-28 212 10-11 57
27-28 12 11 207
28 63,66,81,92 12 68,76
28-29 193 14 156
30 79,80,92 16 18,45,140
38 78,110 17 31,74,203
40 38 18 198
43 63,66 19 40,115,178
II. 3 71 20 181
5 25,42 20-26 101
6 115 21 27,30
8 96 22 68,81
10 159,174 24 62
12 125,143 25 123,156
13-14 125,190,212 27 185,189,190,223
15 28,73 28 23
19 141 29 176-177,212
23 42 30 62
28 76 31 162
28-29 124 32 26,41,161,162
29 179 33 23,114,123
32 142 33-34 97,189
39 59 34 23,114,123
III. 11 176 35 166,189
12 135 36 78,166
13 38,65,152 38 62,65
13-14 200 39 159
14 39,162 42 98
14-16 108 43-44 7
15-16 218 44 204,218
16 62,117,163,195,214 50 34,37,65,186
17 25,80,110,114,215 50-51 202,204
17-18 5,89,97 51 23
19 20 58 55,189
21 34,141 59 50
22 34 59-62 216
23 45,181,198 60 50
24 24,42 62 37
25 119,136 62-V,l 127
28 136 V. 1 24,34,197
28-29 182 3 63,66,97,171
29 165 4 148
30 30,115,121,133 8 42
31 20,65,163 10 174
32 166 11 106
33 119 12 126
35 165 15 208
36 50,214 17 25
43 37,193 18 165
IV. 6 207 19 24,45,69,73,77 ,194
7 68,76 20 124
Daniel Sivan - 978-90-47-42721-6

308 INDICES
1. 4 V. continuation 55 162
21 80 57-58 82
23 72 VII. 4 74
24 178 9 66,81,91
25 124 17 26,126
26 138 17-19 200
27 146,211 23 192
32 31 25 118
33 165 30 164
33-35 207 36 25,77
34 24,45 40 200,204
38 208 41 64
39 31 42 223
42 137 43 184,188,216
42-43 126 44 130
44-45 181,198 45-46 184
45 13,16,64,68,82,155 47 118
46 78,82,126 47-48 104
46-47 154 49-50 14,214,218
52 159 50 118
54 159 52-53 190
59-60 187 56 44
60 157 VIII. 1 149,184
61 44,67,185 5 23,142
61-62 200 7 149
64 44 10-11 184
VI. 2 156 11 75
4 194 12 10
7 167 13-14 82
13 26,152 15-16 119
15 156 20 119
16 128 22-23 43
16-18 106 23 43
17 159 23-24 71,123,149
22 157 25 25
24 186 27 157,158
24-25 93 28 121,171
26 94 1.5 I. 1 189,222
27 34,37,63,65 2 169
32 172 3 15,79
34 17 4 43
34-35 202,203 5 68,117
35 25,120,174 6 29,114,146
36 38,162 6-7 98,191
36-38 57,96 7 65
38 113 9 115,156
38-40 108 II 40
41 63,65,160 14 12
41-42 13 15 40
42 66 16 22
44 45 16-17 108
48 34 17 22
50 34 23 120
52 47,78 25 165
Daniel Sivan - 978-90-47-42721-6

INDICES 309
1.5 II. 5 37,40,65,66 14-15 105,190

6 13,102,148 15 53,170
8 121 16 53,164
9 166 17 105,118,156
12 57,215 18 118,193
16 142 22 23
17 157 24 41,69
19-20 57 26 67
22 52,53,118 32 148
III. 17 209 34-36 101
22 18 36-38 106
23 18,208 38 135
24-25 208 39 119,181
IV. 5-7 182 39-40 104
8 144 39-43 224
v. 6 193 41 155
10 204 43 179
13 23 44-46 217
14 149 45-46 195,214
16-17 223 46 134
17 12,155 48 116,135,185
18 12,18,45,66,76 53 43,124,167
19 113,114 54 117,135,185
20 53 57 164
22 148,164 58 196
23 138 59 165
VI. 1 156 59-60 192
5 163 62 116
8 163 65 74
8-9 191 II. 6 66,145
11 181 7 66
11-12 196 8 44,69
12 25 9 38
15 40 10 16,160
16 27,169 11 30,42,141
16-19 101 12 120
18 34 13-14 186
19 20,34 15 50,151
20 21 16 66,207
23-24 59 17 133,199
24-25 84,198 17-20 96
25 16,116,147 19 64,162
25-26 188,195,207 22 44,50,124,215
26 151 23 124
26-27 178 24 66,176
28 164 25 43,124,167
1.6 I. 4 21 26 79
6 16 29 11,48,75
7 148 31-32 195
8 148 33 53,118
9 41,64,190,223 34 42,53
10 65,73,179 35-36 192
12 136 36 169
14 12,25,30,141 III. 3 187,206
Daniel Sivan - 978-90-47-42721-6

310 INDICES
1.6 III. continuation 8 181

4 24 9 40,65,114
5 41,122,167 10 67
6-7 106,212 11 67,148,164
8 44,147,188,223 12 40,65
11 41,122,167 13 141
12 100,119 13-16 213
12-13 106 14 141
14 114 17 172
18 116 18 117,118
19 52 20 98,169
19-21 189 23 54,158
IV. 1 187 24 118,158
3 123 25 158
4 44,182 27 156
5 44,182,206 27-28 213
7 148,181,191 32 42,117,163
12 187 III. 3 30
14 123 9-10 188
15 44,182 20 70
16 44,182 29 164,179
19 76 31 73
20 134 37 25,118
22 38,183,187 1.11 3 17
V. 2 65 6 64
19-20 105,217,224 1.12 21,23
20 117 I. 10 119
21 35 12 23
21-22 189 13 63
25 169 14 23,149
VI. 10 15,43 16 76
11 43,193 19 23,149
12 156 21 38,200
14 15,31,43,146 23 45
15 193 26 16,69,121
17 144 28 118
19 145 30 78,80
20 132,173,202,217 30-31 205
21 158 31 65
23 194 34 151
23-24 187 36-37 104
24 37 38 123,192
24-25 130 39 174
26 37,184 II. 24 17,135
28 82,191 32 21
30 147 38 80
33 29 48 45
33-34 154 50 15
54 203 53 96,140,186
55-56 217 54 32,138
1.9 9 159 59 69,122
1.10 I. 4 31,74 1.13 12
II. 4-5 202,204 4 12
6 96,114 5 12,120
Daniel Sivan - 978-90-47-42721-6

INDICES 311
1.13 continuation 18 149

6 12,167 20 165
11 30 21 120,165
13 100,142 22 39,74,142,193
15 62,119 24 153
19 130 26 25,40,72
20 164,200 26-27 147,196
21 28 28 75
23 66 29 5
25 16,71 30 39,104
26 67,173 31 21,94
1.14 I. 6 66 32 147
7-9 219 34 19,147
8-9 204 35 18,209
9 16,35 36 89
10 158 37 27,184
11 72,76 38 70
12 207 39 186
13 123 41 115
14 65 41-42 198
15 157,204 43 114
16-20 94 46 41,69,142
17 73 48-50 196
18 130 50 33,44,71,73,76,123,150
18-19 128 50-51 220
21 143 III. 3-4 186
22 158,173 4 75,163
23 17,18,150 5 65
24 31,71,130 9 28
25 15 10 38,137,173
26 67 10-11 93
26-27 225 11 94
28 33,132,144 12 66,170
29 66,179 13 62,179
30 71,72,179 14 l45,179
31 25,147,167 16 26,27
31-32 223 17 26
32 125 18 39,75
33 13,62,103,165 20 200
36 35 21 179
37-38 123,125,223 22 207
38 34 23 40
38-39 59 24 71,89
41-43 216 26 179
42 17,135 27 165
II. 1 40,72 28-29 7
3 62,73 29 156
4 116 30 173
5 117,134 31 38
7 167 31-32 203
8 125 32 29
9 131 33 71,183
9-10 132 38 188
10 65,178,179 39 149
Daniel Sivan - 978-90-47-42721-6

312 INDICES
1.14 III. continuation 39 53

39-41 219 l.l5 I. 2 23,137
39-46 56 3 29,139
41 203 5 42,164
42 203 6 35
43 73,208 II. 11 124
45 26,40,161,163 12 203
45-47 219 14-15 192
46-47 224 18 137
47 35 20 23
48 26,42,150 21 187
52 130 21-23 220
52-54 199 27 173
53 178,179 28 153
55 23,37 III. 7 148
IV. 3-4 178 8 148
4 39,193 9 148
6 152 10 148
11 99 13 185,208
22 69 14 78
22-23 123 15 15
24 41 16 134,217
28 123,150 17 135,165
29 44 17-19 213
31 148 18 64,165
31-32 102 20 150
32 181,198 22 186
36 180 25 175,211
38-39 190 28 165
40-41 189 30 172
40-43 221 IV. 7 65
41 30,117,141 17 139
43 147 18 23,40,65
44 12 21 157,178
44-45 93 25 25,218
45 12 27 126,155,167,217
46 94,181,198 V. 10 126,155,217
47 164 18 164
59 38 18-19 192
60 49 19 13
V. I 27 24 153
2 28,40,72,137 VI. 4 126,155,217
8 27 1.16 I. 2 197
21 134 3-4 103,158,190
VI. 2 142 4 156
17-18 215 6 164
22-23 224 10 193
25 31 13 147,174
29 208 14 118
30 74 14-15 7,105,184
33 26,150 15 157
35 119 17 33
36-38 200 17-18 158
37 149 18 156
Daniel Sivan - 978-90-47-42721-6

INDICES 313
1.16 I. continuation 33 75
20 33,182 35 72
20-23 188 38 116
22 38 39 117
25-26 172 39-40 199
26-27 103 41 186
27 66 42 24,32,33,130,132,151
31 184 44 160
33 97,114 45-47 192
35 150 46 75
36 13 48 199
44 140 51 29,113,114
51 126 53 116
55 27,164 55 187
56 113 56-57 7
59 113 1.17 I. 2 44,122
II. 19-20 59,191 3 42
20 42,67 4 42
23 42 7 44,122
28 176 14 164
41 41,66 15 94,156
44 164 16 173
III. 9 66,76 17-19 219
12 111,141 20 184
13 122,167 23 192
14 167 24 172
IV. 9 191 25-26 202,204
14 41,59 26 65,143
17 135 27 14,38,65,153
19 206 29 143
20 135 30 137.
22 206 35 62,172
24 149,157 36 164
26 130 41 176
27 160 44 65
28 135 45 38,153
48 42,166 II. 3 121
VI. 2 118,166 6 113
3 123,156,158 9 62
4 41,156,164 10 118
6 42,164 12 147
7 164 12-13 106
11 126 12-15 224
11-12 213,225 13 155
17 120 14-15 127
17-18 224 17 65
18 115,117 18 121
23 16 19 121
23-24 196 20 14,113,137
26 26,152 21 14,121
27 149 24 12,164
28 166 26 114
29 130 30-31 99
30 24,32,131,151 32 139
Daniel Sivan - 978-90-47-42721-6

314 INDICES
1.1 7 II. continuation 22 92,120

33 170 23 66
35 170 24 19,148
38 170 24-25 103
39 114 28 215
V. 3 139 29 223
3-4 94 31 135
6 143 33 92
6-7 56 36 111,146
7 156 40 39,163
7-8 211 1.19 I. 9 12,119
8 66 14 12
9 164,223 16 169
10-11 125,190 16-17 127
12 186 18 93
13 181 21 143
19 42,140,171 30 78
20 51,120,136,214 32 199,211
29 139,170 34-35 100,195
30 117,118,135 36 118
VI. 7-8 7 39 169
15 118,193 40-42 220
9 28 41 12,172
20 45 42-44 89
21 41,45,65 440 184
22 45,78 440-45 206
24 28 II. 3 150
26 440 5 150
26-27 6 6 43
27 120,136,184,215 7 206
28 134,139 8 118
28-29 200 8-9 103,223
32 50,169 9 125
34 118,187,193 10 156
35 59 14 164
36 5,31,59 15 144
36-37 127,143 16 1440
38 50,116,124,155,192 17 17,135
40 156 19 172
440 16,47,73 26 192,195
45 208 30 92
1.18 I. 9 116 33 33,141
11 152 37 25,134
13 135 38 153
14 21 56 25
16 97,114,146 III. 3 115
19 174 4-5 206,223
29 134 5 440,53,115,116
IV. 13 169 8-9 107,214
15 128 10 78
17 116,215 11 23,187,206
18 197 13 50
20 135 14 166,172
21 134,198 14-15 99
Daniel Sivan - 978-90-47-42721-6

INDICES 315
1.19 III. continuation 5 148,173

15 164 6 78,162
20 44,116 10 42,69,121,124,165
23 49,50 1.21 II. 2 104
25 187 3 16,76
31-32 50 6 69
33 30 7 116,163
34 44,115,116 9 16,77
39-40 195 10 104
42-44 222 11 16,76
44 157,199 1.22 I. 4 23,145
45 140 5 43,45
53-54 211 8 77
54 141 11 160
55 76,180 12 160
56 76 13 57,77
IV. 5 41,70,215 17 64
5-6 181,196 21 119
6 179,180 21-24 106,212
8 11,211 22 42,43
8-9 105 23 165
9 114 24 42,43,65
9-10 12,42,69,122,167 1.23 1 104,105
10 140 3 39
12 119 6 42,45,120,166,195
13-14 196 7 68
16 119 8-9 205
14-16 100 14 7,41,75
15-16 12 15 92
23 170 17 132
24 15,43 20 88
30 15,43 23 105
32 122,147,225 24 149
34 169 30 45,68,81
34-35 104 32 16,62
38 150 33 74,193
39 41,69,118 34 124
40 169 35 30,141
42 123 36 16
45 156 37 42,175
51 155,195 38 39,42,43,164,179
52 180 39 169,211,218
53 142,164 40 42,175
55 141 42 203
58 41 43 187
58-59 108,220 44 172,175
59 192 46 34,157,186
62 92,164 47 175
1.20 I. 1 107 49 30,62,141
5 23,37 49-50 213
6-7 107 50 53,202
10 107 51 176,195
II. 3 10 52 127,149
4 165 53 29,147
Daniel Sivan - 978-90-47-42721-6

316 INDICES
1. 23 continuation 16 143
54 120,142 17 25
55 53 20 44,70
56 40,157 22 16,119
58 107,130,149,213 23 119,173
59 127 24 30
60 14,84 25 143
61 149 26 139
63 171 29 44
63-64 188 32 73,79
64 25,47,81,83,209,220 33 143
65 83,142,153,178,200, 36 69,75,84
209,220 37 74
66 66,177,200 40 173
66-68 102 41 118
67 151 1.41 1 64
67-68 178,223 2 140
68 121,143,157 7 122,173,223
69 121,143,187 12 34
70 120,124 13 76
72 118,165 19 68
73 24,42,121,143,162 24 72
74 187,206 28 76
75 43,167 38 94
1.24 21 41 72
1.24 1 155 45 29,94,160
5 148 50 64
7 185 51 16,33,72,89
10 72,123 52 88
11 112,121,125 54 43,160
18-19 192 1.43 6 25,42
20 92 7 88
20-21 7 10 69
21 24,117,134 26 88
21-22 207,211 1.45 3 62
25-26 193 12 67
31 42,168 1.48 4 35,37,63,65
32 14,204 13 75
33 68,73,118 1.49 10 62,75,80
35 45,81 1.50 6 119,127
36 78 8 16,187
38 47,116,155,158 9 75,78
39 156 11 126
40 116 1.52 12
44 24 1.53 7 10
45 21 1.62 5 66
45-47 205 1.71 6 30,65
48 217 8 30
1.39 2 42,132 9 159
3 34,76 11 65
4 76 25 26
5 34 1.72 39 158,174
9 34 1.77 2 135
1.40 3 44 1.78 2 114
Daniel Sivan - 978-90-47-42721-6

INDICES 317
1. 78 continuation 1.93 2 73
3 28 1.94 24 63,65
5 135 1.96 1 146,161,162
1.79 4 65 2 73
1.80 3 48 3 19,65,118
4 63,66 3-5 184,191
5 172 4 164
1.82 1 144,156 5 165
2 155 1.100 2 69,75,121,149
4 157 4 14,144
5 38,153,170 7 214
6 174 8 117
7 63 9 14
8 34,54,116,142 12 16
9 12,42,43,162,171 14 117
10 42,149 15 14
18 78 17 147
19 169 20 14
22 206 42 136
24 12 53 136
33 147 61 118
39 156 62 55,172
42 162,167 63 173
1.83 3 148 64 74
5 79,119 65 145
7 81 66 74,164
8 40 67 53,148,162
1.84 9 79 67-68 99
1.85 2-3 221 68 24,130,164
3 10,158,175 70 198
5 171 72 45,105,130,156,224
6 127 75 30,97,146,215
7 171 1.101 4 66
9 183 5 169
9-10 182,222 6 172
14 40 1.103+ 1.145
15 189 1 157
18 117 3 204
21 42,71 5 73
1.88 3 191 7 14,17,84,175
1.90 1-2 188,223 15 222
20-21 196 17 18,45
22 145 19 40,72
1.91 1 170 31 205,222
10-11 210,217,218 33 119,137
35 73 33-4 14,85
1.92 11 37 16,172,205
2 41 37-8 222
5 45,81 38 135
9 47 40 169
11 69 40-51 101
16 67 42 42,164
27 141 45 147
29 118 46 12,14,175
Daniel Sivan - 978-90-47-42721-6

318 INDICES
1.1 03+ 1.145 continuation 5 177,198

47 144 5-6 200
51 115,117 8 34,118
52 127,202,203 9 165
57 172 11 49
58 135 12 34,165
59 222 13 119
1.105 9 35 17 130
10 27 18 24,54,136
13 80 19 140
15 25 19-20 205
17 90 20 21,81,157
1.106 11 12 21 75
15-16 124 22 149
23 160 22-23 100
25 18 23 157
27-28 126 27 161
1.107 6 155 28 117,119,136
8 164 30 64
9 117,118 1.115 1 181
10 38,140,183 10 118,195
11 27,164 14 93
12 164 1.116 2 111,114
15 117,118 1.117 6 24
36 17,135 1.119 1 28,33
41 17 3 32
42 17 13 191
43 17 19 33
1.108 12 23 71,175
3 21,135 24 171
4 70,72 25 15
4-5 72,137 27 141,184
7 206 28 193
8 121,166 31 135
9 72 32 135
21 22 33 165
24 22 1.124 3 115
26 79 10-11 100
1.109 4 157 1.127 3-4 56
7 37 30 18,127
8 62 30-32 221
30 88 31 66,197
1.111 33 73 32 179
1.112 3 179 1.133 2-4 203
6-8 100 3 193
7 165 8 22
18 148 1.140 7-8 222
19 40,179 8 21,206
1.113 1 66 1.142 1 79
5 66 1.143 1 56,78
1.114 2 119 1.148 20 90,91
2-4 100 1.161 2 114
3 42,43,165 4 114,120
3-4 199 5 114,120
Daniel Sivan - 978-90-47-42721-6

INDICES 319
1.161 continuation 2.3 8 34,35

6 114,120 17 100,153
7 114,120 18 34,35,117
8 111,114,120 2.4 2 120
13 44,163 21 198
16 115 2.7 9 164
22 120 2.8 2 192
27 87 2.10 7 113
1.163 5 31,168 8 118
5-6 221 10 118,120,131
7 31,94 11-13· 185,209
12 125 13 173
12-13 221 16-19 60
1.164 2 16 18 155,180
7 198 2.11 1 54,62,66
8 198 3 27
10 179 4 64
15 31 5 32,54
19 104,148,184 7 155
1.165 3 105,147 8 30,142
1.166 7 197 10 180,199
8 136 13 11
1.168 1 188,223 14 154
3 198 15 54
8 188 16 59
10 198 17 29,161
1.169 5 117 2.12 9
5-6 104 1 64
6 76,117 2 30
7 40,72 4 27
9 70 8 32
10 67,149 9 32,92,178
12 135 10 71
15 132 11 155
18 156 12-13 59,200
19 159 14 29
1.171 4 135 2.13 6 11
5 68 9 180
1.172 8 134 13 11,29
12 47 14 43,141
20 164 17-18 97
22 17 18 155
1.173 15 88 2.14 6 182
1.174 1 118 6-8 97
9 140 7 16,113
1.175 3 17 9 15,59,114
5 37 11 14
7 107,176 16 14
13 164 2.15 3 26,175,199
16 39,181 4 44,147
1.176 6 15,42,162 4-6 225
2.1 3 180 5 38,153
2.2 7 67,75,76,206 8 35,189,221
9 78 9 26,174
Daniel Sivan - 978-90-47-42721-6

320 INDICES
2.15 continuation 31 75
10 42,117,163 36 148
2.16 4 ll8 39 ll7,163
4-5 14,84 45 124,146,167
6 14,ll7 54 180
6-7 52,199 65 222
7 13,113 66 52
9-10 185 2.32 4 115,117
10-11 197 8 50,207
II 18 2.33 3 179
13 180 5 45,70
14 54 13 172
16-17 59 19 14
19 160 21 42,163
19-20 200 23-24 58
2.17 I 27,146 24 79,92
1-3 210 25-26 54
4 68,122 27 97,160
6 124 29 43
13 13 31 15,165
15 129 32 58,79
2.18 5 139 34 198
2.19 2 197 35-36 58
4 28 37 165
5 199 38 79
8-9 57,210 2.34 5 ll4
10 28 5-6 220
12 59 7 180
13 65 9 161
13-15 205 10-11 225
14 28 II 155
15 199 12 156
2.23 22 84,141 14 131
2.25 5 139 29 69
2.26 4 ll5,134 30 44,147
5 160 31 153
9 89 32 37,71,162
9-12 199 33 153
2.30 8 180 2.36 5 114
12 180 7 155
13 141 13 31,152
16 34,35 14 114,189
16-20 221 17 119
17 42,162 2.38 6 52,180
17-18 98 7 180
18 34,35 10-11 56,97
19 162 10-12 58
19-20 123 13 14,155,195
20 115,ll7 14 70,206
21 118,183 15 131
22-24 60 16 73
23-24 156 20 207
24-25 183 22 73
2.31 15 52 23 161
Daniel Sivan - 978-90-47-42721-6

INDICES 321
2.38 continuation 15 179,197

25 14,162,195 2.68 6 32
26-27 60 14-16 59
27 184 2.70 1 54
2.39 3-4 208 8 54
14 123 10 155
16 79 12 129
17-19 191 16-19 182
18 113 18-19 82,198
19-20 187,204,217 27 140
21 18 29 205
34 136 2.71 10 129
35 157 2.72 10 116,135
2.41 16-17 55,60 14 71
17 113 16 118
18 44 17-19 220
20 44 18 135
21 180 25-26 200
22 184 2.77 4 79,80,91
2.42 6 50 8 165,180
7 69 17 199
23 129,214 2.79 2 180
24 50 3 44,156
25 58 4 139
26 135 10 122,128,167
2.44 2 44 2.81 22 147
2.45 7 58 24 145,186
11 208 25 38
22-23 189,219 26 17
23 114 2.82 3 114
24 44 3-5 188
25 12,59 4 131
2.46 7 180 18-21 221
9 113,115 20 132
9-11 222 2.83 5 31,62
11 18 3.1 13 65
12-14 58 23 44,87
14 12 24-26 189,219
2.47 2 24 26 173
3 160 30 86,209
5 160 32 86,209
12 114 3.2 8 148
13 70 12-13 59,207
16 184 3.3 1 73
17 80 2 96,114
2.61 6 41,167 4 27
10 64 5 60,70
11 114 5-6 57,218
13 114,149 5-7 100
2.63 9 17 6 96,157
12 113,115 7 73
2.64 13 81 9 157
13-16 97 3.4 1 196,206
14 32,92,178 1-2 210
Daniel Sivan - 978-90-47-42721-6

322 INDICES
3.4 continuation 4.53 1-2 187,205

2 96,162 4.53 15 66
2-3 97 4.54 10 10
4 62 4.63 I. 2 79
6 62 26 79
11 75,78 27 79
12-15 195 4.68 86
13 62 63 77
15 63 69 16,76
16 205 74 78
16-19 98,100 4.75 III. 2 10
17 96,160 11 27
17-18 218 IV. 11 27
19 71 4.80 10 44
3.5 1 57 4.85 6 68
7 30,75 4.86 29 146
10 207 4.88 3 69
11 11 4 69
15 69 5 69
16-17 207 4.91 2 78,80
16-18 198 4 78,80
20-21 187 6 79
3.8 9 125 7 73
12 141 8 45
13-16 127 9 74
14 141,192 4.92 2-3 77
16 132 4-5 90
3.9 1-3 55 4.95 1 35,139,218
2 162 4.96 7 74
4 33,53 4.98 6 75
6 34 9 67
6-7 134 20 89
15-16 207 4.99 86
17 142 11 69,121,149
4.12 12 13 10
4.14 3 47 15 121
14 47 4.100 86
4.22 5 90 4.102 4 70
4.31 11 7 80
2 11,26 11 80
9 26 13 31
4.33 8 74 4.107 1 199
9 74 2 199
4.35 II. 4 10 3 199
4.36 86 4.110 1-2 56
3 10 4.123 17 64
4.38 86 22 31,89
4.39 3 10 23 44
4.41 8 79 4.124 1 121
9 79 4.125 8 210
4.43 4 121,143 4.126 9 121
6 92 28 121
4.44 28 17 4.127 4 30
4.48 7 73 4.128 1 16
Daniel Sivan - 978-90-47-42721-6

INDICES 323
4.128 continuation 5-6 56,128

2 68 6 162
4.132 6-7 50 8 176
4.137 7 87 4.168 5-6 191
10 90 6-8 195
4.141 II. 24 90 7-8 127
III. 4 89 4.169 7 88
5-6 218 4.171 1 16,91
6 119 4 15
7 70,81,89,90 4.172 6 18,72,123
7-8 56 4.173 1 70
7-11 56 2 90
8 119 6 87
9 81,89 4.179 16-17 92
10 4.182 1 62
13 27 3 72
19 63,66 4 67
4.142 1 12 12 81,87
4.143 2 91 16 87
4-5 92 4.188 12 12
4.144 1-2 198 13 12
2 43 18 11
5 91 20 11
6 64 4.195 3 67
4.145 1-2 57 4.203 5 86,209
1-4 199 10 88,91
2 114 11-12 12
3 69 13 88
6 79,80 4.205 14 31
6-7 205 19 67
9-10 55 4.206 5 75
10 152 4.213 1-2 183
4.146 1 27 20 90
6 27 24 55,131
4.147 13 62 25 91
4.149 5 179 27 219
8 79 30 69,173
4.150 3 41 4.214 4-5 78
4.155 1 70 4.219 1 38,152
4.158 2 25 4.226 7 90
4 73 8 90
5 68 4.230 8 72
7 68 4.232 45 136
7-8 91 4.235 1 35
9-10 90 4.243 6 6
12 43 8 67
14 31 12 62
4.163 3 87 14 62
7 89 15 91
14 17,91 22 90
4.165 11 28 45 91,166
4.166 1 146 4.244 16 18,45
4.167 2 122,167 18 90
3 88 19 29
Daniel Sivan - 978-90-47-42721-6

324 INDICES
4.244 continuation 28
21 90 4.362 4 41
4.247 20 68,74,75 5 41
28 80,87 4.363 3 90
4.257 4 90 4.374 1 57
4.258 5 4,26 4.380 5 68
4.263 5 18 20 68
4.269 4 77 4.383 1 33
20 77 4.384 8 73
25 63,66 4.385 5 79
30 77 4.392 4 90
32 63,66 4.395 1 155
4.270 5 75 2 141
8 55,75 4 141
12 55 4-5 218
4.272 7 146 4.398 2 130
4.277 2 27 3 130
3 27 5 130
4 27 4.402 5 88
13 27 11 40
4.279 1 93,168 4.410 6 29
4 94 4.422 1 57,205
4.284 5 90 4.425 12 31
8 63,65 4.427 22 10
4.290 1-3 129 4.429 2 63,65
2 141 3 63,65
4 90 4 63,65
4.295 13 80 5 63,65
4.296 6 91 4.609 4 71
4.337 1 25 5 65
3 121,143 7 27
15 90 15 121
4.338 1-2 55,82 20 79
2 178 52 90
10 91 4.611 1 18,33
11-12 56 4.616 1 29
15 114 4.617 14 69
4.341 1 38 4.618 2 89
9 12 4.624 1 155
16 90 4.625 3 71
20-21 219 5 80
21 110 4.626 1 44
4.342 5 133 4.630 7 114
4.344 2 90 4.635 16 22
4.345 2 77 17 32
3 91 4.642 4 72
4.349 2 89 5 72
4.358 7 90 6 72
4.360 2 28 4.658 48 91
3 53 4.659 1 30,131,144
4 199 7 30,75,78
5 28 4.691 6 80
6 81,89 4.707 12 95
7 28,81,89 4.751 9 94
Daniel Sivan - 978-90-47-42721-6

INDICES 325
4.751 continuation p. 95,11 64,78

10 94 p.95,14 73
4.771 2 78 p.95,20 64,78
4.775 1 30,133,143 p.96,28 71,75
9 91 p.99,8 71,76
5.6 9 p. 108,7 67
5.9 I. 4 79,175 p. 109,4 41,182
7-8 210 p. 123,8 73
9 53 p. 123,12 73
10 45 p. 124,12 62
12-16 222 p.125 v,4' 84
15-16 106 p.129,9 73
15 149 p. 131..J. 70,84
16 117,163 p. 1:lli..J. 67
5.11 2 115 p. l:lliJi 62
5.13 9 p.136,9 143
5.14 10 p. 137,4 39,47,69,75,166
2 37 p. 139,19 83
13 48 p. 140,6 78
5.17 9 p. 146,12 30,71
5.22 12 26 p. 146,11 95
27 26 p. 148,7 77
6.13 1 139,170 p. 148,8 38
6.14 1 170 p. 148,9 73
6.27 1 29 p. 148,17 72
6.30 1 164 p. 153,20 74,83
6.62 2 40 p. 153,22 74,83
7.47 5 63,80 p. 166,6 46
7.130+4.669 p. 169,14 38,81,86,91
6 32 p. 194,5 70
p. 194,6 70
Ugaritic Syllabic Texts p. 194,11 44,70
p. 194,22 66
PRUm p.8,24 45,122 p. 195 A,6 18,33
p. 19,11 30,76,180 p. 195 B 1,12 47,69,76,
p.37,7 73,132 121,149
p.46,8 64,77 p. 196,1 46,65,67
p. 47,12 46 p. 199,11,12 68,76
p.47,16 63 p. 199 m,55 70
p.49,5 77 p.204,14 68,77
p.51,8 69 PRUVI 7 B,2 47
p. 51,16 110,113 8,9 74
p. 51,23 80,87 0,8' 16
p.53,20 71 17:B 11,5' 46
p.64,4 74,77 19,4 64
p.79,6 46 40,31 136
p. 80,14-15 132 45,3 44,70
p.86,5 47 45,15 44,70
p.89,4 69 45,29 47
p.89,5 131 56 v,5' 77
p. 90,13 111,113 56 v,9' 63
p. 91,17 73 70,18 46
p. 92,17 83 71 B 11,5' 68
p.93,7 94-5 77,1 113
Daniel Sivan - 978-90-47-42721-6

326 INDICES
PRU VI continuation 22,3 47

79,9 46,65 33,3'-4' 208
79,10 18 81,26 147
79,11 46,53,65,67 84,11 64
79,13 53 96,1 77,133
79,15 47,74 96,3 133
93,6 70 96,5 133
93,25 72 96,8 133
101,4' 39,110,146 96,16 133
113,5 64,78 96,18 133
114,1 66 96,21 133
114,3 64 96,23 133
114,7 63 130,7' 47,183
116,5 66 130,12' 47
123,2 64 130 II,4' 30,49
123,3 71,81 130 II,9' 47,73
126,1 71 130 III,5' 195
126,3 80,87 130 III,6' 194
126,4 64 130 III,7' 46,84,158
127,4 67 130 III,8' 66
128,5 46,64,75 130 III,IO' 158
134,3 39,146 130 III, I 2' 47,49,110
134,5 39,146 130 III,13' 64
134,7 39,146 130 III,I4' 64,76
136,8 69 130 III,I5' 158
136,9 121 130 III,16' 40,66
136,10 70 130 III,I7' 66
139,2 47 130 III,18' 39,67,75
141,2 71,84 130 III,19' 45,69
141,3 80,87 131,8' 66
142,3 71,76 1371,8' 70
142,4 46,69 1371,9' 38
142,5 30,71,76,80 137 I,ll' 66
145,2 39,146 137 II,4' 69
147,4 65 13711,10' 70,76
147,6 65 137 II, 11' 67,123
157,3 67,78,80,84 137 II,17' 41,70,170
157,4 76,80,87 137 II,18' 123
157,12 67,84 137 II,19' 30,65
157,13 71,81 137 II,20' 70,137
157,14 30,81 137II,21' 33
157,15 71 137 II,22' 71
158,12 80,87 137 II,24' 70
159,4' 64,66 137 II,25' 67
162,5 66 137 II,26' 46
163 v,5' 81,87 137 II,28' 49
168,6 68 137 II,29' 54
168,8 64 137 II,30' 64,76
168,9 71 137 11,31' 67
Ug5 3 v,10' 46,151 137 II,32' 64
5,9 65,76 137 11,33' 64,76
7,4 76 137 II,34' 45,70
7,14 67 137 11,35' 41,42,67
18,31 70 137 II,36' 17,64,185,208
Daniel Sivan - 978-90-47-42721-6

INDrcES~ 327
Ug 5 continuation Lev. 7:26 196

137 11,37' 65 8:32 195
137 11,39' 68,122 14:18 195
137 11,40' 68,122 Num. 23:9 24
137 11,41' 41 24:17 31
137 11,42' 68,122 31:14 196
137 11,44' 66 31:21 196
137 III,2 123 Deut. 21:7 III
137 III,4 64 Judg. 21:25 102
137 III,5 67 1 Kgs 22:15 216
137 III,7 39 Isa. 1:22 5
137 III,8 63 9:6 196
137 III,IO' 39 59:21 196
137 III,13' 67,76 Jer. 48:41 111
137 III,l4' 64 Ezek. 3:25 195
137 III,18' 47 Hos. 4:3 195
137 III,29" 65 Hab. 2:3 4
137 III,32" 38,71 Ps 49:16 190
137 III,34" 46,68 77:17 6
137 IVa,17 39 82:7 190
138,1' 87 92:10 6,181
138,2' 39 98:5 213
138,3' 64 135:17 184
138,4' 67 141:4 195
138,5' 180 Prov. 6:16 5
138 III,2" 39 8:24 27
153,1 116 9:5 195
RS 1957.1,6 62 19:9 4
RS 1957.1,10 30,62 25:4 5
RS 1957.1,18 30,62 26:23 5
RS 8.145,5 76 3P:18 5-6
30:21 6
Biblical Verses Cited Job 7:12 189
Cant. 4:9 6
Gen. 18:20 190 7:1a 6
37:38 216 Ezra 1:11 196
49:22 6 2 Chron. 1:13 196
Exod. 15:16b 6 10:7 191
Daniel Sivan - 978-90-47-42721-6

Daniel Sivan - 978-90-47-42721-6
CORRECTIONS TO THE FIRST EDITION
p. xix, line 14 from the bottom read: genitive.

p. 1, line 4 from the bottom read: Asherah.
p. 6, line 20 from the bottom read: "your" (instead of "the").
p. 14, line 7 from the top read: "is probably" (instead of "must be").
p. 18, line 8 from the top read: abundance.
p. 23, line 3 from the top read: already (instead of always).
p. 26, line 13 from the bottom instead of (4.31, 2) read: (4.31, 2;
this text probably represents an unusual dialect).
p. 30, line 6 from the bottom read « 'antff).
p. 36, line 9 from the bottom of the table correct: Clas. Arab.f(in-
stead of p)
p. 36, line 3 from the bottom of the table, correct this line as fol-
lows:
s f* f* f* s f* s s s s
p. 40, line 11 from the bottom read: [forthcoming]
p. 46, line 2 from the bottom read: personal.
p. 51, line 7 from the bottom instead of "N 0 attestations etc. correct
to:
-n [-nffl-nff?] "our" (on nouns in nominative, e.g. 1.4 IV, 43).
p. 52, line 19 from the bottom read: calls.
p. 52, line 11 from the bottom read: betaya (instead of betiya)
p. 63, line 7 add: and is well attested in South Semitic languages.
p. 65, line 17 from the bottom read ['ammatu]
p. 73, line 11 from the bottom read: Suffix nun [-iinu].
p. 74, line 10 from the top read: "Canaanite".
p. 76, line 4 from the bottom read: "owners".
p. 79, line 14 from the top read: Gordon.
p. 83, lines 10-11 instead of infra p. 77 read: p. 209.
p. 94, lines 5 and 17 from the top read: fourth.
p. 100, line 9 read: IlDperfect.
p. 108, line 9 from the bottom add after Aramaic (in Fekheriye).
p. Ill, line 3 from the bottom read: Person: 3rd f.; Singular:
t - - - (u); Plural: t - - - u(na).
p. 112, line 5 from the bottom read: Person.: 2nd f.; Singular I:
[-z]; Plural: [-a?].
Daniel Sivan - 978-90-47-42721-6

330 CORRECTIONS TO THE FIRST EDITION
p. 118, line 14 from the top read: Caquot.

p. 119, line 5 from the bottom read: tongues.
p. 120, line 12 from the bottom read: yourself.
p. 121, line 3 from the top read: "serving as an imperative".
p. 127, line 7 from the top read: n-apodoseos.
p. 129, line 13 from the top read: (as in Arabic).
p. 129, line 14 from the top read: (as in Akkadian).
p. 134, lines 12 and 21 from the bottom read ['abaqqilu].
p. 139, line 14 from the top read: fourfold.
p. 145, line 5 from the bottom read: preserved.
p. 156, line 10 read: likely.
p. 157, line 16 from the bottom read: Spronk.
p. 176, line 8 from the bottom read: quadrilateral.
p. 181, line 8 from the bottom read: afterwards.
p. 182, line 13 from the top read: « 'ayka).
p. 188, line 8 read: fairest.
p. 190, line 14 from the bottom read: Sheol (instead of Saul).
p. 190, line 13 from the bottom read Muilenburg.
p. 193, line 16 from the bottom read: Hummel.
p. 200, line 2 from the bottom read: offering.
p. 205, line 3 from the top read: see below p. 217f.).
p. 211, line 7 from the bottom read: Subject.
p. 225, line 4 from the bottom read: king.
p. 232, line 7 from the bottom read Hummel.
p. 249, line 4 from the bottom read hdm.
Daniel Sivan - 978-90-47-42721-6


A Grammar of The Ugaritic Language

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A GRAMMAR OF THE UGARITIC LANGUAGE

Daniel Sivan - 978-90-47-42721-6

VOLUME TWENTY EIGHT