Andalusí T H E O S Ophy: Arecontextualization J. Vahid Brown
Andalusí T H E O S Ophy: Arecontextualization J. Vahid Brown
Andalusí T H E O S Ophy: Arecontextualization J. Vahid Brown
mathematical unity, and underlying all numbers; and that of the point
(= the divine Will or unicity) as the primordial source of line, plane,
and volume.38
The remaining luminaries of Andalusí Judeo-Islamic philosophy are
too well-known to require any introduction. The interconfessional
contexts in which these thinkers lived and wrote has been remarked
upon by many scholars. In the circle of the Jewish poet-philosophers
centering on Judah Halevi (d. 1140),39 Abraham ibn Ezra (d. c. 1164),
and Joseph ibn Íaddíq (1149), we find a tradition in full swing of
conscious and often positive use of Islamic sources, association with
Andalusí courts, and participation in a social class of — most
commonly — physicians, contexts that brought Jewish and Muslim
philosophers into contact with one another. Their Islamic counterparts
— Ibn Bájjah (d. 1138), Ibn ˇufayl (d. 1185), and Ibn Rushd (d. 1198)
— while showing few explicit indications of influence by Jewish
sources, were nonetheless integrated into the same socio-political
networks, and were clearly aware of their Jewish colleagues.40 The
popularity of these Islamic philosophers among Jewish readers was
often far greater than among Muslims, and in some cases it is due to
the efforts of Jews in the preservation and translation of their works
that we know them today.41
Moses Maimonides (d. 1204) stands unparalleled among this
group, exerting an influence which, in its capacity for leaping over
confessional and philosophical boundaries, has no peer among any
thinker of the Western Islamicate world. His profound knowledge of
the whole course of Islamic philosophy made him a peer of such
minds as Ibn Rushd, whom he further parallels in achieving lasting
fame and influence as a scholar of the sacred law. As we will see
below, he was studied in the theosophical movements of both
religions, a fact which is perhaps the most striking evidence of his
importance in the interconfessional atmosphere of al-Andalus.
Maimonides and Ibn al-‘Arabí both resided in Cairo at the same time,
in 1203.42 That they may have met is by no means farfetched, as both
had access to the same philosophical and courtly circles there. Both,
likewise, maintained and continuously asserted their identities as
Andalusís while living the latter halves of their lives in other parts of
the Islamicate world.43
Abraham ibn Ezra,53 and Maimonides.54 As Idel has shown, Jacob ben
Sheshet knew and employed the cosmological scheme of the long
version of the Theology of Aristotle,55 and explicitly utilized
Maimonides’ Guide as a source for Platonic material, albeit material
which Maimonides had only quoted in order to refute.56 A particularly
interesting document originating from this circle is the Sefer ha-
Temunah, which crystallizes certain speculations about cosmic cycles
earlier elaborated by Abraham bar Óiyya, writing in Aragon around
1125. Contrary to Scholem’s suggestion of Joachimite influence,
Wilensky has shown the remarkable consistency between the Sefer ha-
Temunah and Isma’ílí schema of cosmic cycles. Setting forth the
theory as the “teachings of certain philosophers,” bar Óiyya wrote:
After all the creatures have passed from potentiality to
actuality, God once again returns them to potentiality as in
the beginning and then brings them back to actuality a
second and third time, and thus without end . . . Others say
that the days of the world are 40,000 years and that each of
the seven planets reigns 7,000 years in the world. When at
the end of 49,000 years they have completed their reign,
God destroys His world, leaves it for 1,000 years in a state of
tohu, and at the end of the fiftieth millennium He renews it
as in the beginning.57
What is truly remarkable about this theory is that it appears again,
almost contemporaneously with the Sefer ha-Temunah, in a work by
‘Azíz Nasafí, an Iranian Muslim follower of the Murcian school of
Íúfism to be considered below.58 In Nasafí’s words, written in the
latter half of the 13th century:
Know thou that the Transmigrationists say that there is a
cycle every thousand years and at the end of a cycle there is a
resurrection, a lesser resurrection. And there is a cycle every
seven thousand years, and at the end of each seven thousand
years there is another resurrection, a greater resurrection.
And there is a cycle every forty-nine thousand years, and at
the end of each forty-nine thousand years there is another
resurrection, a supreme resurrection. Since you have
understood this introduction now know that one of the
seven thousand years is the cycle of Saturn . . . Another seven
thousand years is the cycle of Jupiter . . . [And so on with the
seven planets.] With the supreme resurrection [after 49,000
years] the earth is completely flooded, and water covers the
entire land.59
This is an exact parallel, in every particular, of the doctrine set
forth by the Gerona Kabbalists. In addition, the Sefer ha-Temunah is
the first Kabbalistic text to use the term gilgul for transmigration of
Lights of ‘Irfán Book Seven 9
too little attention to the Andalusí context. For example, in the sole
monograph on the important doctrine of the “perfect man” in Ibn al-
‘Arabí, the author surveys Augustine and Ghazálí before concluding
that Ibn al-‘Arabí has the patent on the concept.91 More proximate
sources of possible precendents to Ibn al-‘Arabí’s usage is neglected,
and no attention is given to the fact that Maimonides uses the precise
terminology (al-insán al-kámil ) throughout the Guide, developing the
earlier usage of the term by the great Islamic philosopher, al-Fárábí.92
Ibn al-‘Arabí’s work is indeed of such a grandeur and profundity
that no intellectual history could “explain” it simply by identifying
sources and influences. However, his thought does not exist in a
vacuum, and the attribution of novelty to his formulation of Islamic
spirituality rings hollow when no attempt is made to mark off what is
truly new with him from what is drawn from his milieu. Again, I am
not going to attempt here to reconstruct the history of his thought,
but only to point out certain facts which place him in the context of
the Andalusí Judeo-Islamic symbiosis, a context in light of which the
history of Ibn al-‘Arabí and his influence needs to be rewritten.
Despite the vastness of his output, Ibn al-‘Arabí very rarely refers
to philosophical predecessors. Of the contacts with his
contemporaries, he refers several times to his meetings with Ibn
Rushd, but his judgment of the latter is a complex issue.93 He refers
in his magnum opus, the Futú˙át al-Makkiyya, to a discussion he had
with a Rabbi about the mystical significance of the letter “B,” (Arabic
bá`, Hebrew bet), with which both the Torah and the Qur’an begin.
In a number of places, he refers to the Torah, but these appear to be
very general allusions. And while his works lack any direct reference
to most of the towering figures of Islamic philosophy — al-Kindí, al-
Fárábí, Ibn Síná, Ibn Tufayl — he does refer at least twice to
Ba†alyúsí, which underlines the commonality of sources between he
and the Spanish Kabbalists. In a highly significant passage in the
Futú˙át, where Ibn al-‘Arabí describes his encounter with the
mysterious “Youth” around the Ka’aba, he quotes from the Theology
of Aristotle.94 Once again, Ibn al-‘Arabí shares the same critical
source-texts as the Judeo-Islamic philosophers and the Kabbalists.95
It is with two of Ibn al-‘Arabí’s Murcian compatriots, however,
that we find the most direct evidence of the interconfessional context
for this theosophy. ‘Abd al-Óaqq Ibn Sab’ín (d. 1270), a younger
contemporary of Ibn al-‘Arabí, propounded a radically pantheistic
doctrine, known in Islamic sources as wa˙dat al-wujúd, and insisted
fiercely on the independence of his thought.96 Thus, he directly
criticized Ibn Masarra and Ibn al-‘Arabí, his Andalusí predecessors,
while at the same time developing his system using their terminology.
The strikingly Hermetic character of Ibn Sab’ín and his school —
Hermes is included in the Sab’íniyyún silsilah - links it with Kabbalah,
14 Andalusí Theosophy
Conclusion
It should be clear by now how limited such historiographical
distinctions as those between philosophy and mysticism, or even
between Muslim and Jew, ultimately are in aiding our understanding
of the movements considered above. It can also be unequivocally
stated that any explanation of the Judeo-Islamic symbiosis in al-
Andalus that rests on the assumption that “the high culture of the
[Muslims] was to a great degree secular”103 is absurd. What we find in
these events and personalities is not simply thinkers who were
incidentally Jewish interacting creatively with counterparts who were
incidentally Muslim. On the contrary, we find here an
interpenetration and crosspollination of values, of precisely religious
ideas and ideals. The ever-eloquent Lenn Goodman wrote, referring to
the medieval Judeo-Islamic philosophical “conversation”:
What we learn from these conversations, as we cock our ears
to listen, is first to doubt and then to deny the stereotypic
notions of nineteenth-century scholarship that would assign
to each race and nation a particular genius or spirit of its
Lights of ‘Irfán Book Seven 15
NOTES
1
The vast influence exerted upon the history of Islamic thought by the
figure at the center of the Akbarian movement, Mu˙yí al-dín Ibn al-
‘Arabí (known as the Shaykh al-Akbar (“Doctor Maximus”), whence
the term “Akbarian”), has been demonstrated in a large number of
studies, but see the concise presentation in Chodkiewicz,
“Diffusion.” The persistence of Kabbalah into our own times is well
known and it has even entered into popular culture, but critical
historiography of Kabbalah in the modern period is lacking, for
reasons discussed by Idel in Kabbalah: New Perspectives, pp. 25f.
16 Andalusí Theosophy
2
Wasserstrom and Kiener are the significant exceptions, and their
relevant studies will be cited throughout what follows.
3
As will be explained below, I refer here not to the “school of Ibn al-
‘Arabí” that extends via his disciple and son-in-law Íadr al-Dín al-
Qúnáwí, but rather with the so-called “Murcian school” that includes
Ibn Sab’ín and Ibn Húd.
4
I borrow this term from Marshall Hodgson, who introduced and
defended its usage in his Venture of Islam, vol. 1, pp. 57-60.
“Islamicate” refers to the “culture, centered on a lettered tradition,
which has been historically distinctive of Islamdom the society, and
which has been naturally shared in by both Muslims and non-Muslims
who participate at all fully in the society of Islamdom” (ibid., p. 58,
with Hodgson’s emphases).
5
For a synopsis of these developments, see Fakhry, Short Introduction,
chap. 1.
6
On which see Hodgson, op. cit., chap. 5.
7
On the early Islamicate “humanists” see Kraemer, Humanism, and
Leaman, “Islamic Humanism.”
8
Leaman, op. cit., p. 156.
9
The still-standard work on this issue is Wolfson’s Philosophy of the
Kalám. For more on the interconfessional contexts of both of these
early developments, see Ben-Shammai, “Jewish Thought,” passim.
10
Safran, The Second Umayyad Caliphate.
11
Cohen’s “The Story of the Four Captives” is an excellent study of the
mythohistorical underpinnings given to this unprecedented break
with Baghdad by Abraham ibn Da’úd in his Sefer ha-Qabbalah. See also
Ben-Sasson’s “The Emergence of the Qayrawán Jewish Community”
for a study of a parallel development of independence from Baghdad
on the part of the Jewish community under the Ifriqí Aghlabids.
12
From the Jewish side, see Abraham ibn Da’úd’s comments in his Sefer
ha-Qabbalah, translated in Cohen, op. cit., p. 159. For the Muslim
side, see Íá’id al-Andalusí’s glowing report of Ibn Shapru†’s
establishment of the Andalusí Jewish community’s independence
from Baghdád in his †abaqát al-Umam, translated by Norman Stillman
in Jews of Arab Lands, p. 210.
13
The literature on the “Golden Age” is vast and charged with polemic.
Stillman (op. cit., pp. 53-63) and Mark Cohen, Under Crescent and
Cross, present both the details of the symbiosis and surveys of the
polemical arguments. See also Wasserstrom, Between Muslim and Jew,
chap. six, for insightful reflections on the study of Jewish-Muslim
symbiosis.
14
For a recent and provocative challenge to this anachonistic
dichotomization of pre-modern philosophy, see Hadot, What is
Ancient Philosophy?
15
I refer of course to the so-called Theology of Aristotle , which was
essentially a compilation of paraphrased extracts from Plotinus’
Lights of ‘Irfán Book Seven 17
26
See Addas, Quest, pp. 58f. She quotes Ibn al-‘Arabí’s Kitáb al-Mím wa
l-wáw wa l-nún (Book of (the letters) M, W, and N), where he states
that his approach to the secrets of these letters is “in the manner of
Ibn Masarra.” Note that the theses regarding the Throne attributed
to Ibn Masarra by Ibn al-‘Arabí — and much discussed by Asin
Palacios — do not appear in either of Ibn Masarra’s surviving works,
nor does one find in those texts any extended discussion of the
Throne at all.
27
Shem Tov Ibn Falaquera translated pseudo-Empedocles’ Book of Five
Substances into Hebrew, and asserted that it had been a major
influence on Ibn Gabirol. See Jospe, Torah and Sophia, p. 74. The
pseudo-Empedoclean doctrine of the vegetative soul seems to have
been generally known and often affirmed in Andalusí philosophical
literature.
28
According to Urvoy, Ibn Rushd, p. 5, his was “the first true
‘philosophical system’ to be developed in al-Andalus,” Jewish or
otherwise.
29
On Ibn Gabirol, see Lancaster, “Ibn Gabirol,” and Sirat, History, pp.
68-81. Altmann, “Delphic Maxim,” p. 35, states that the “influence of
the Pseudo-Empedocles Fragments on Solomon ibn Gabirol cannot
be gainsaid.” See his references in ibid., n. 157.
30
This promotion of the Will to a cosmological priority over the First
Intellect is a departure from classical Neoplatonism traceable to the
long version of the Theology of Aristotle . See the extracts and
discussion in Zimmerman, “Origins,” p. 192f.
31
Pulcini, Exegesis as Polemical Discourse, chap. 3. The Shi’ur Qomah (lit.
“measure of the body”) describes the proportions and mystical
significances of the Divine Body, much utilized in Kabbalistic
literatures. See Scholem, Kabbalah, Index, sv. “Shi’ur Komah.”
32
Pulcini, op. cit., p. 142n 14, writes that “Ibn Nagrela’s political,
military, religious, and literary successes were a source of
embitterment to the disillusioned Ibn Óazm during his reclusive years
in Mont Lisham.” It is interesting to note also that the anti-Qur’anic
work which Ibn Óazm attacks in this polemic, and which he attributed
to Ibn Nagrela, was in fact not by Ibn Nagrela but rather Ibn al-
Ráwandí, the notorious 9th century Muslim “free-thinker.” See
Stroumsa, “Jewish Polemics,” p. 245.
33
Some have argued, following Goldziher, that Ibn al-‘Arabí followed the
áhirí legal madhhab of Ibn Óazm, but this is open to question. See
al-Ghorab, “Muhyiddin Ibn al-Arabí.”
34
Fenton, “Judaism and Sufism,” p. 756f.
35
Sirat, History, p. 82, and Altmann, “The Delphic Maxim,” pp. 24f. and
36f. On the Ikhwán al-Íafá in general, see Netton, Muslim
Neoplatonists.
36
Fenton, “Judaism and Sufism,” p. 757.
37
Corbin, History, p. 236.
Lights of ‘Irfán Book Seven 19
38
See Addas, Quest, p. 108. On the use of these symbols of the emanative
process in early Kabbalistic literature, and the suggestion of
Ba†alyúsí as the source, see Wilensky, “First Created Being,” p. 75n
18.
39
There are a number of studies revealing Judah Halevi’s remarkable
integration into an interconfessional environment. One recent work,
which surveys the history of this research while at the same time
adding new insights into the depth of the penetration of Íúfí
concepts into Halevi’s thinking, is Lobel, Between Mysticism and
Philosophy.
40
On these networks, and the common thread of medical profession
linking many of these Jewish and Muslim philosophers, see Glick,
Islamic and Christian Spain, p. 256, and Wasserstom, “Islamic Social
and Cultural Context,” p. 99: “Jewish and Muslim philosopher-
physicians thus met with and learned from each other. Their
occasional friendships could develop such intensity that ibn al-Qif†í
(d. 1248) and ibn ‘Aqnín (an Andalusí, pupil of Maimonides) (d. early
thirteenth century) were said to have vowed ‘that whoever preceded
the other in death would have to send reports from eternity to the
survivor.’”
41
Wasserstrom, “Islamic Social and Cultural Context,” p. 96, observes
that “some of the sweetest fruits of Islamic philosophy — al-Fárábí
(870-950), ibn Bájja (d. 1138), ibn †ufayl (d. 1185) — were preserved,
translated, transmitted, and reverently studied by Jews.” Dominique
Urvoy, in Ibn Rushd, p. 109, writes of “the fact that Ibn Rushd has no
important followers in the Muslim circles, that his work only survived
thanks to his influence on a certain Jewish bourgeoisie.”
42
Wasserstrom, “Jewish-Muslim Relations,” p. 75, where it is noted that
they were both resident in Cairo again in 1206, though it’s unclear
what is meant here, given that Maimonides died in 1204.
43
Ibn al-‘Arabí’s famous biographical account of the Íúfís of al-Andalús,
the Rú˙ al-Quds, was, according to Ibn al-‘Arabí himself, inspired by
the chauvanism and anti-Andalusí prejudice that he met among the
Íúfís of Egypt. For Maimonides’ pining for al-Andalus, see (but be
warned of the Derrida-inspired prose), Anidjar, “Our Place in Al-
Andalus.” Wasserstrom notes several additional studies focusing on
Maimonides’ self-conception as an Andalusí throughout his life in
“Jewish-Muslim Relations,” p. 78n 1.
44
“The Islamic Social and Cultural Context,” p. 105n 1.
45
Origins, p. 45, but stated and restated in many other instances
throughout his oeuvre . Joseph Dan, one of Scholem’s former students
and the current occupant of the Gershom Scholem Chair of Kabbalah
at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, has noted in several instances
that decades of scholarship have turned up absolutely no evidence to
support Scholem’s thesis of Gnostic influence; see Dan, Early
Kabbalah, pp. 5-7, and idem, Heart and the Fountain , p. 29.
46
In situating his approach as against his 19th-century predecessors,
Scholem wrote that “the kabbalistic movement cannot be described
20 Andalusí Theosophy
62
“Guide and the Gate,” pp. 267f.
63
Wilensky, “Isaac ibn La†if,” passim.
64
Idem, “Guide and the Gate,” pp. 272f
65
Idem, “Guide and the Gate,” pp. 273f; “First Created Being,” pp. 69f.
66
Idem, “First Created Being,” p. 76n 32; “Guide and the Gate,” p. 272n 22.
67
Idem, “First Created Being,” pp. 72ff.
68
This transliteration is often met with in the secondary sources, but
“Ba†alyúsí” more accurately reflects how this name is pronounced.
The name literally means “from Badajoz.”
69
Ibid., p. 69f. Ibn La†if’s doctrine of the First Created Being is
strikingly similar to the idea of the “Mu˙ammadan Reality,” the “third
thing” in Ibn al-‘Arabí’s system. I cannot explore this parallel here,
but it is by no means the only such correspondence between the two
Spanish theosophies. These correspondences are but one of the many
areas of research that my suggested recontexualization would
fruitfully open up for inquiry.
70
On Abulafia and Andalusí philosophy, see Idel, Studies in Ecstatic,
chap. 1; idem., “Maimonides and Kabbalah,” pp. 54-79; on Abulafia
and Íufism, see Studies in Ecstatic, chaps. 5-7, and idem., Mystical
Experience, index, sv. “Sufism.”
71
On these two major forms of early Kabbalah, see Idel, “Defining
Kabbalah,” passim. Idel responds to what he sees as an over-emphasis
on the theosophical or speculative elements in Kabbalah in Scholem’s
and most subsequent scholarship, and shows that there is also a
significant theurgical and ecstatic trend, represented first and
foremost by Abulafia and his school. Recently, Eliot Wolfson has
challenged the adequacy of this speculative/ecstatic dichotomy,
highlighting the experiential elements in the former and thus
questioning the very basis for this phenomenological distinction. See
his “Jewish Mysticism,” esp. p. 483.
72
According to Idel (“Maimonides and Kabbalah,” p. 55, and Studies in
Ecstatic, p. 2), Isaac Ibn La†if, Moses de Leon, and Joseph Gikatilla
were among Abulafia’s Kabbalistic contemporaries whose lives traced
a similar trajectory in beginning with philosophical studies before
authoring what would become central Kabbalistic texts.
73
Abulafia wrote three. See Idel, “Maimonides and Kabbalah,” p. 58. It
would appear that his contemporary, Joseph Gikatllla, was the only
other author to write a Kabbalistic commentary to the Guide. Ibid.,
p. 62. It should also be noted that two of Abulafia’s Guide
commentaries were translated into Latin, and it was on the basis of
these that many of the key elements of ecstatic Kabbalah made their
way into Christian Kabbalah, along with the view, promulgated by
Pico della Mirandola, that Maimonides was a Kabbalist. See ibid., p. 70.
74
Wasserstrom, “Jewish-Muslim Relations,” p. 75; Idel, Studies in
Ecstatic, p. 23n 34.
75
Studies in Ecstatic, p. 16.
22 Andalusí Theosophy
76
Idel, Studies in Ecstatic, esp. chap. 7. There, on p. 111, Idel writes that
Abulafia’s connection with Íúfism was “a relationship acknowledge
by the Kabbalists themselves.” Unfortunately, no sources are
indicated for this.
77
I have noted a great many similarities between the Abulafian
Kabbalistic texts and the writings of Ibn al-‘Arabí, and this deserves
closer study. One issue that I have not seen touched on in any of the
secondary literature is the remarkable similarity between the central
Abulafian exegetical/theurgical technique of Ωeruf (letter
permutation) and the Akbarian notion of taßarruf (free disposal,
magical power, grammatical inflection, transformation,
permutation). These two words derive from the same Semitic tri-
literal root (Ω-r-f = ß-r-f ), and the contexts of their deployment in the
two respective mystical traditions are often identical.
78
Íúfí influences on Isaac of Acre had been noted as early as 1852, by
Adolph Jellinek. See Fenton, in ‘O. Maimonides, Treatise of the Pool,
p. 63n 94 for an extensive outline of Isaac’s appropriation of Íúfí
materials.
79
Idel, Studies in Ecstatic, chap. 5, at p. 73.
80
For this hierarchy in the school of Ibn al-‘Arabí, see the masterful
survey in Chittick, “Five Divine Presences,” passim.
81
Studies in Ecstatic, p. 75.
82
There is, however, ample evidence to suggest that this Cairene pietist
movement — in some form — predates both Maimonides and
Abraham ha-˙asíd. See Cohen, “Soteriology,” p. 209.
83
In ‘O. Maimonides, Treatise of the Pool, p. 7.
84
See Fenton, in ibid., p. 8, for the translations of the passages in which
these sentiments are expressed.
85
This is Judeo-Arabic, a tranliteration of kifáya, i.e., the Kitáb Kifáyat
al-‘ bidín of Abraham Maimonides, which Rosenblatt translates as
“The Comprensive Guide for the Servants of God.”
86
In A. Maimonides, High Ways, p. 50.
87
On the attempted reforms of Jewish ritual, such as the introduction of
Islamic-style ablutions, genuflections, prostrations, and serried-rank
congregational prayer, see Goitein, “Abraham Maimonides,” p. 147f.
and Fenton in ‘O. Maimonides, op. cit., pp. 13ff.
88
These are identified en passant throughout Rosenthal’s study of the
text, “A Judaeo-Arabic Work under Sufic Influence.” Rosenthal was
unable to identify the author, which lacuna was filled in by Fenton,
“Judaism and Sufism,” p. 763.
89
See Idel, “Maimonides and Kabbalah,” p. 34, and Altmann,
“Maimonides’s Attitude,” passim.
90
See my “Counter-History of Islam.”
91
Takeshita, Ibn ‘Arabí’s Theory, passim, and p. 49.
92
On Maimonides’ concept of the “perfect man” and its possibly
relationship to Ibn al-‘Arabí, see Kiener, “Ibn al-‘Arabí and the
Lights of ‘Irfán Book Seven 23
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