2018 Tilopa A Buddhist Yogin of The Tent
2018 Tilopa A Buddhist Yogin of The Tent
2018 Tilopa A Buddhist Yogin of The Tent
FABRIZIO TORRICELLI
FABRIZIO TORRICELLI
In Memoriam
Source ζ ― Vibhūticandra 78
Source η ― rGyal thang pa 80
Source θ ― rDo rje mdzes ’od 82
Source ι ― U rgyan pa 82
Source κ ― Mon rtse pa 83
Source λ ― gTsang smyon He ru ka 84
Source μ ― Kun dga’ rin chen 85
Source ν ― dBang phyug rgyal mtshan 86
Source ξ ― lHa btsun 87
Words for Tradition and Traditions of Words 87
Yoginītantras 88
Cakraśaṃvara 91
Abhiṣekas 92
Cittaviśrāma, Manobhaṅga, and Uḍḍiyāna 92
Ḍākinīs and Siddhas 94
Śmaśānas 95
Outlines 98
Shamsher Manuscript (α) 98
Mar pa (β) 102
rGyal thang pa (η) 103
rDo rje mdzes ’od (θ) 104
U rgyan pa (ι) 105
Mon rtse pa (κ) 106
gTsang smyon He ru ka (λ) 107
Kun dga’ rin chen (μ) 108
dBang phyug rgyal mtshan (ν) 109
lHa btsun (ξ) 111
The Names of the Sesame Grinder 113
The Marpan Tradition 113
Notes to the Second Chapter 121
III — WHO, WHEN, AND WHERE 127
Sahor 128
*Jagāõ 130
The First Years 131
The Apprenticeship 137
Caryāpā 138
Kambalapā 142
Nāgārjuna 145
Where Tilopā Met His First Gurus 151
Sukhasiddhi 158
Where Tilopā Met the Ḍākinī 161
The Received Doctrines 164
CONTENTS ix
Figures
Front cover: The name of Tilopā (Tillopāda) in the Nepali manuscript of the
Tillopādasya dohākoṣapañjikā sārārthapañjikā, detail of fol. 16b4.
Mar pa. rNal ’byor gyi dbang phyug ti lo pa’i lo rgyus, fol. 1b ............................ 66
rGyal thang pa. rJe btsun chen po tilli pa’i rnam par thar pa, fols 1b–2b ......... 121
Manuscript image of Tilopā (late 15th century). .................................................. 196
Mural image of Tilopā (15th century). ................................................................ 203
Abbreviations
AGAA Tilopā’s *Aṣṭaguhyārthāvavāda
AMM Tilopā’s Acintyamahāmudrā
AŚ1 Aṣṭaśmaśāna (Ō. 2342, Tō. 1212)
AŚ2 Aṣṭaśmaśāna (Ō. 2343, Tō. 1213)
AŚĀ Aṣṭaśmaśānākhyāna (Ō. 2345, Tō. 1216)
B. Bengali
BA Roerich 1949
BCE Before the Common Era
BD People’s Republic of Bangladesh
bD bDe mchog snyan brgyud
BHS Edgerton 1953
C Co ne xylograph bsTan ’gyur
c. (circa) approximately
CE Common Era
cent./c. century
cf. (confer) compare
cod. (codex) manuscript
D sDe dge xylograph bsTan ’gyur
ed. edition, editor
ff. and the following pages/lines
fol./fols folio/folios
G dGa’ ldan manuscript bsTan ’gyur (bsTan ’gyur gser bris ma)
gD gDams ngag mdzod
GS Tilopā’s Gurusādhana
H. Hindi
HS ‘History Set’ = Bod kyi lo rgyus rnam thar phyogs bsgrigs
HVT Hevajratantra (Snellgrove 1959)
IASWR Institute for Advanced Studies of World Religions, New York
ibid. (ibidem) in the same place
ID Republic of Indonesia
IN-AP Andhra Pradesh, India
IN-AS Assam, India
IN-BR Bihar, India
IN-GJ Gujarat, India
IN-HP Himachal Pradesh, India
IN-JH Jharkhand, India
IN-KA Karnataka, India
IN-MZ Mizoram, India
xi
xii TILOPĀ
Orthographic Conventions
Chinese has been romanized according to the standard Pinyin system, and Tibetan
in the modified Wylie.
In general, as regards the Tibetan texts, unless significant, sandhi and
orthography have been silently standardized in order to provide the reader with
witnesses as much accessible as possible. For the same reason, punctuation and
euphonic junctions have been silently standardized. In particular, abbreviations,
compendious writing, numeral graphemes, logograms, anusvāras have been
solved, and the phonetic alternations of the morphemes have been regularized
according to the final and postfinal of the preceding syllable. Similar
standardization has been silently applied with the orthographic and some very
common grammatical alternations.
Preface
T he I every human being claims to be, just because he does claim so,
is nothing but a fiction, although sometimes extremely persuasive.
Echoing the Buddhist discourse, Friedrich Nietzsche warns us that
there is no being behind the doing, acting, becoming; the doer is merely a
fiction added to the action―the act is everything (1887: 1.13). Now, if we
consider the doer, this subjectum, as nothing but the collection of his acts,
portraying a Bengali gentleman of a thousand years ago requires exhibiting
him through what he would have done in the course of his life: in short,
what falls under a double register, the deeds he would have done, and the
words he would have said. This book takes into account that gentleman’s
deeds.
In order to provide the reader with a perspective wider than the merely
antiquarian matter of this book, it is indispensable to postulate here the
handful of concepts that have been my companions in years of research.
The access to the needed information was gained through its memory,
recorded in the sources I have consulted: it was crucial to start with them.
On the other hand, what kind of sources were they? As to the literary genre,
they belong to what we usually call hagiology, and the fact that the deeds of
Buddhist masters be labelled in Tibet as stories of their ‘complete
liberation’ (Tib. rnam par thar pa, or rnam thar : Skt vimokṣa), had to
induce me to the utmost prudence.
Ever since the epoch of classical Orientalism, we are alerted that these
rnam thars ‘cannot be generally regarded as works of absolute historical
value’ (Tucci 1933: 54): ‘they must be considered neither histories nor
xv
xvi TILOPĀ
chronicles. The events they relate with a particular satisfaction are spiritual
conquests, visions and ecstasies’ (Tucci 1949: 150). In fact, the Tibetan
hagiographies of our Bengali adept, or siddha (Tib. grub thob), and expert
of yoga, or yogin (rnal ’byor pa), convey a sort of offical picture: a man
bluish of appearance, with blood-shot eyes, naked or wearing cotton
undergarments; a gentleman who would have done strange things and said
things even more bizarre. Besides, what conveys a deeper sense of
distancing effect is that he would have done and said those things a
thousand years ago, in a land imbued with an extraordinary history and
civilization.
While studying this kind of literature, it became increasingly clear that
the datum, the historiographical or geographical information, sometimes
the fabula itself, i.e. the story behind the plot, had been entrusted to those
sources in a way sometimes inconsistent, on occasion even dissonant. The
problems involved by such material in a historiographical approach were
becoming more and more evident.
First, I had to keep constantly in mind that the rnam thars were
composed and transmitted within a specific tradition, in order to be used by
Buddhist practitioners and monks in a pious context―even in a ritual
sense―of veneration and identification with the master, the guru (Tib. bla
ma). Second, though it is to be acknowledged that ‘even the historian could
find in these biographies precious elements otherwise impossible to get’
(Tucci 1933: 54), I could not ignore that the historian there evoked is
typically none other than the archivist of the facts recorded by the
hegemonic power and episteme of each epoch. Along with other officials
expressed by the same power, the historians care and administer the datum
denoted as objective by the label of-absolute-historical-value. Third,
pronouncing the word objective sounds like a magic spell conjuring up
reality: objective as a pledge of truth, when the collapse of any absolute
certainty is before our open eyes, and the appeal to objectivity and
neutrality of the Encyclopaedists turned out to be a constructed myth
(Flood 2006: 15).
Fama malum qua non aliud uelocius ullum... (Verg. Aen. 4.174–77): Vergil
dazzles us with a poetical meditation on that social process categorized as
fame (Lat. fama). Let us read it in John Dryden’s exquisite poetical
translation (1697: 162):
PREFACE xvii
A → x → B → x’ → C → x’’ → D...
xviii TILOPĀ
Many questions arose as to the role played by this kind of alteration in the
building of a hagiographic tradition: in particular, what else comes into
play in the process, and who is responsible of it, so to speak. Of course, in
defining the problem, I aspired to a concept of tradition without suspecting
what implications it would have conveyed. A response to the Chinese
Whispers problem was attempted through different disciplinary approaches:
in the first place, semiotics.
Proceeding one step at a time, let us consider the first segment of the
communication chain. A and B are linked by a certain relationship but, if
we represented this relationship in a vectorial way, we would have missed
the fact that both addresser and addressee somehow negotiate the meaning
of the message x and build it together (Flood 2006: 181). The model, then,
was becoming more complex—
A→x↔B
Two types of characters are at stake: one is the message (x), the other is the
pair addresser and addressee (A, B). Two functions are active. The former
is signification: the sign raises a connection between something present to
something absent (aliquid pro aliquo). The latter is communication: the
social relationship within a given system of signification between A and B.
The addressee, being in the presence of something that works as a sign,
starts a process of semiosis. In the process, however, a third element comes
into play, that somehow brought me beyond the Dating Game of both
addresser/addressee and the Saussurean signifiant/signifié.
In point of fact, we usually recognize a binary dynamics in all human
action within a social context, be it either an equalitarian or an active-
passive one. Nevertheless, triadic models are possible as well, and the
Peircean semiosis―with its sign, object, and interpretant―is one of them.
We owe to Charles Peirce the enunciation in the field of semiotics of the
concept of interpretant, namely, that additional sign resulting from the
relationship between the sign in its materiality (representamen), and what
that sign decides to stay for (immediate object), starting from the object
which actually is (dynamic object). In other words, the interpretant is ‘an
equivalent sign, or perhaps a more developed sign’, created in the mind of
the addressee by the representamen (Peirce 1931–58, 2: 228). This new
sign, the interpretant, can become in turn the object of another new sign,
and so on indefinitely. We find a clear description of this process of
shifting from sign to sign in the first volume of Peirce’s Collected Papers
PREFACE xix
(1931–58, 1: 339):
A → x ↔ B → x’ ↔ C → x’’ ↔ D...
Water, earth, water with earth. Among those who supposed that only
material principles underlie all things, we read in the first book of
Aristotle’s Metaphysics, that Thales of Miletus pointed at water as both an
element (stoichéion) and principle (archḗ) of existing things. In Aristotle’s
words, it is matter of an element and principle of which all things consist,
from which they first come, and into which they are ultimately resolved: an
element and principle which persists although modified by its affections
(Aristot. Met. 983b 6–21). Thales was born in the last quarter of the seventh
century BCE on the western coast of Anatolia, near the mouth of the
Meander River. We are reported on his theories in the context of Aristotle’s
lectures, given in the fourth century BCE, about first philosophy: it is not too
arduous to imagine him in front of the Aegean Sea, walking to and fro
while teaching under the colonnades of his Lyceum in Athens.
Fourteen centuries later, a virtual descendant of the gymnosophists
(gymnosphistái), those naked philosophers Alexander of Macedon would
have met with (Plut. Alex. 64.1–5), our Bengali siddha and yogin
exemplifies the spiritual path to his disciple pointing out the flow of the
Gaṅgā River: at the start, he says, it is similar to a stream passing through a
gorge; at the halfway point, it slowly descends; at the end, when its waters
join the sea, it is like the reunion of a son with his mother (MMU).
History is even more liquid than water itself, and the roots of later
events sink deeply into unbearable remoteness. Aristotle asserts that the
barbarian-Asiatic type of royalty resembles that of tyrannies, albeit legal
and hereditary,
xxii TILOPĀ
When and where, these two questions about time and space do not merely
entail purportedly neutral containers of a fact; they solicit more and point
out at the contextual reason of the fact itself. We may possibly discern two
possible answers, namely two types of discourse on what is manifest
around us. The former answer could be categorized as an historical
description of the world. Being human the approach and language, the
described world cannot be but a human one, the only one we can move in.
As such, the world appears as a multifaceted and multitemporal system of
human relations, be they social, economic, political, or cultural. The latter
kind of answer is traditionally conceived as a geographical description of
the earth, namely, of the oecumene (oikouménē) or world that humans
know and inhabit, as Strabo meant at the beginning of the current era.
As a matter of fact, a threefold abstraction is implied in what we mean
with geography: the world is implicitly reduced to the earth, the earth to its
surface, and the latter to a two-dimensional table (Farinelli 2003: 6).
Therefore, the kind of space we imagine in a modern map is more
geometrical than human, and like the Euclidean space, it is regarded as
PREFACE xxiii
Acknowledgments
The idea for this book matured in the years on the occasion of several
separate conversations with two youngest friends of mine, Dr Diego
Gullotta and Dr Marco Passavanti: whereas the former had words when I
had no ears, the latter had ears when I had no words any longer. The most
heartfelt thanks are due to them.
A grateful thought cannot but fly to all those who contributed to this
research since the nineties of the last century, one way or the other: first
and foremost to the eighth Gru gu Chos rgyal Rin po che Yon tan rGya
mtsho of the ’Brug pa bKa’ brgyud tradition, who inspired me to devote my
intellectual energies to a Bengali gentleman of a thousand years ago; to the
sGa rje Khams sprul Rin po che ’Jam dbyangs Don grub who encouraged
me to put a great deal of effort into written Tibetan; to Lobsang Shastri, at
that time Head Librarian of the Tibetan Section of the LTWA, currently
Senior Librarian at the Tibetan Buddhist Resource Centre (TBRC), who
gave me constant assistance in retrieving the needed Tibetan material; to
Acharya Sangye Tandar Naga, presently Head of the Cultural Research and
Tibetan Publication Department of the LTWA, who helped me so much to
become familiar with the abbreviations, the graphemes, and the logograms
of the Tibetan dbu med script; to Ani Dawa of the Tilokpur Ani Gompa,
Kangra District, HP, who made me practise and love colloquial Tibetan; to
my friends Kristin Blancke and Franco Pizzi who shared with me their
excellent food and knowledge of the bKa’ brgyud tradition while living at
Dharamsala; to Professor Raffaele Torella, at present Faculty Member of
the Sapienza University of Roma, who read with me Bagchi’s edition of the
Tillopādasya dohākoṣapañjikā sārārthapañjikā at his home and, in revising
my first translation of that text, gave indeed to me the only Sanskrit lessons
I ever had in my life; to Mr. Nam Raj Gurung, General Manager of the
Kathmandu office of the Nepal Research Centre (NRC), who helped me to
find the original manuscript of the Tillopādasya dohākoṣapañjikā
sārārthapañjikā; to Dr Albrecht Hanisch, Local Representative of the
Nepalese-German Manuscript Cataloguing Project (NGMCP) and Acting
Director of the NRC in Kathmandu, who provided me with any kind of
assistance while studying that manuscript; to Dr Rajan Khatiwoda, then a
Research Assistant and Cataloguer at the NGMCP in Kathmandu, who
xxvi TILOPĀ
helped me to read the Nepali bhujimol script; to Dr Cristiana Milli, for her
stoic patience in reading the draft of the book; to Dr Kostas Tzerakis of
Chania, Crete, for his computer help while finalising the index.
My appreciation is also extended to my friends of Boudhanath,
Kathmandu: first of all to Ram Ballav Das Tatma for his experience of life,
and love to his son Benjamin; to Kabita Nepali for her food and wise smile;
to Wangyal Lama, General Secretary of the Norbuling Children’s Home,
for his social commitment to a better Nepal; to Chirayeu and Swikriti
Lohani of Pharping for their noble kindness.
In conclusion, a more ecumenical debt of gratitude is owed to the
members of the scholars’ community for what they have taught me with
their knowledge and personal example: too many to be mentioned, they
have shown me what Tibetology is, and what is not.
Fabrizio Torricelli
Boudhanath, Kathmandu
MAP 1 Satellite image of the area of Ancient Bengal (October 29, 2002).
Jacques Descloitres, MODIS Rapid Response Team, NASA/GSFC
xxvii
TILOPĀ
xxviii
I —WATERS, KINGS, POLITIES, AND CITIES
1971: 44–45). Be Gauḍa the most general geographical designation for the
former, and Vaṅga for the latter. More in detail as well as alternatively,
Puṇḍra, Varendra or Varendrī were also used for northern Bengal; Rāḍhā or
Suhma for western Bengal; Samataṭa and Harikela for eastern Bengal (MAP
4).
Siculus still reports in the first century BCE that the army they organized
against Alexander counted twenty thousand charioteers, twenty myriads of
infantry, two thousand chariots, and four thousand elephants equipped for
war: the Gandaridai were in fact so powerful from the military viewpoint
that a campaign against them would have been hard to accomplish (Diod.
Bibl. 17.93.2–4). According to Claudius Ptolemy’s Geographia of the
second century CE, their land occupied the delta region of the Gaṅgā River,
with their homonymous royal capital Gaṅgā (Gángē Basíleion, Ptol. Geog.
7.1.81.5; Renou 1925: 35).2
Gone the greatness of the Gangaridai, Bengal seems to fade away as a
nation in the course of the Indo-Aryan gradual expansion eastwards. This
process had already found its best cultural habitat in one of the great
nations (mahājanapada) on the Indian political maps of the sixth–third
centuries BCE, namely the kingdom of Magadha in the south of current
Bihar, with its capital initially at Rājagṛha (Rājagaha, present Rajgir), and
then in Pāṭaliputra, the ancient town of the Prasioi. Subsequently, when
Aryanized Magadha came under the Buddhist Maurya dynasty (c. 322–187
BCE) of Pāṭaliputra, also the eastern regions assimilated many elements of
Aryan culture. However, because of the graduality of this eastward
advance, and the ensuing difference of speed and intensity of this
assimilation, throughout the history of the following centuries, whatever
kind of pressure from Pāṭaliputra was felt less in the east of Bengal than in
the west.3
It should be considered that the crisis of tribal societies in India dates
back to a handful of centuries before the Mauryas. Likewise, the
development of an agricultural economy based on private property instead
of rotation in land use was rather recent: although the system of barter was
still prevailing, a sort of proto-market had come to be from the occasional
exchange of surplus products. It is now generally agreed that the earliest
punch-marked coins were minted in India between the end of the sixth and
the beginning of the fifth century BCE: it was the time of, or probably not
long before Siddhārtha Gautama (Bechert 1991/92/97).4
If we cast an eye over that period, we cannot help but notice a
concurrence which deserves we stop and think about: the flowering in the
vast Indo-Gangetic Plain of new towns and cities on one side, and the
emergence of ‘heresies’ like Buddhism and Jainism on the other, as Max
Weber (1921: 204) had already remarked. Most of those cities were capitals
of kingdoms based on urban monarchy and gentry, and most of the people
inhabiting them were imbued with the metropolitan and cosmopolitan
WATERS, KINGS, POLITIES, AND CITIES 5
Samataṭa
The focus of Samataṭa was in the currently proposed Comilla Division of
Bangladesh. Its boundaries, roughly comprising the trans-Meghnā
territories from the hills of the Sylhet border to the Bay of Bengal, would
have been defined by the hills of Tripura and Arakan in the east, and the
combined waters of the Padmā, Meghnā, and Brahmaputra in the west
(Ghosh 2010–11). No better picture of Samataṭa (Sanmodazha 三摩呾吒)
in the mid-seventh century can be there than the description left to us by
Xuanzang himself (T.2087.927c20–23; Beal 1884, 2: 199):
This country is about 3000 li (1245 km) in circuit and borders on the great
sea. The land lies low and rich. The capital is about 20 li (8.3 km) round.
It is regularly cultivated, and is rich in crops, and the flowers and fruits
grow everywhere. The climate is soft and the habits of the people
agreeable. The men are hardy by nature, small of stature, and of black
complexion; they are fond of learning, and exercise themselves diligently
in the acquirement of it.19
In another place Xuanzang indirectly reports that Samataṭa was ruled at his
time by a line of kings of brāhmaṇa caste (poluomen 婆羅門), to which
also his master of śāstras (lunshi 論師) belonged, namely the Nālandā
patriarch Śīlabhadra (Shiluobatuoluo 尸羅跋陀羅) under whom he studied
over five years (T.2087.914c4–5; Beal 1884, 2: 110). The name of this
mid-seventh-century dynasty is not documented so far, but speculating on
the -bhadra ending of the monastic name Śīlabhadra, some scholars have
even conjectured the existence of a ‘Bhadra dynasty’ in Samataṭa.
In the second half of the seventh century, while northwestern Bengal
came under the Later Guptas, other royal families arose southeast after the
death of Harṣavardhana (R.C. Majumdar 1923). The Khaḍgas, the Nāthas,
the Rātas, and the Devas were the dynasties holding sway in Vaṅga and
Samataṭa during that period, some at the same time and some in sequence
as we will see.
We identify a line of Buddhist rulers whose names include the word
khaḍga ‘sword’ as a possible family name: Khaḍgodyama, Jātakhaḍga,
Devakhaḍga, Rājarāja(bhaṭṭa), Balabhaṭa, Udīrṇakhaḍga.20 In view of the
fact that a kṣatriya Khaḍka or Kharka clan is historically known in the
Gorkhā District of Nepal (Lévi 1905: 254), it has been conjectured that the
12 TILOPĀ I
Khaḍgas would have come to Bengal from Nepal after the death of
Harṣavardhana: possibly, on the occasion of some Nepalese and Tibetan
raids into the Indian midlands in those troublesome days (R.C. Majumdar
1924: 23–24; 1971: 79, 83–85). In the face of a lack of any positive
evidence, whatever the Khaḍgas’ origin may have been, the Deulbari
(Deulbāḍī) inscription refers to Khaḍgodyama as the first king and founder
(nṛpādhirāja) of the dynasty (Bhattasali 1923–24: 359). In the Ashrafpur
copperplate B he is told to have conquered that land (kṣiti) in all directions
(abhita, Laskar 1906: 90). As such, he would have paved the way for the
Khaḍga power. The absence in the inscriptions of any title of paramount
power would imply that the Khaḍgas were local kings. Besides, the
mention in the copperplates of two places near Dhaka would suggest that
they had held their first sway west of the Meghnā, in Vaṅga (Laskar 1906:
86).
The Ashrafpur copperplate grants were issued by Khaḍgodyama’s
grandson Devakhaḍga and the latter’s son Rājarāja in Devakhaḍga’s
thirteenth regnal year from their ‘camp of victory’ (jayaskandhāvāra) at
Karmānta (Bhattasali 1914). The place has been located by scholars in the
area around the village of Baḍkāmtā (Barkamta), near the eastern bank of
the river Meghnā, sixteen km west of Comilla (Dey 1899: 175; Bhattasali
1914; 1929: 6; Law 1954: 257. After visiting the area in 1913 ‘searching
for objects of antiquarian interest’, Nalinikanta Bhattasali (1914: 85)
describes it thus:
Already the legend points here at a Bauddha context: the Sanskrit word
ratnatraya, or triratna, alludes to the Three Jewels of Buddhism, namely
the Buddha, his doctrine, and his community. Besides, since the seated
figure on the obverse ‘looks more like a Tantric Buddhist icon’ (103),
Deyell identifies that icon with Mañjuśrī: whereas the flaming sword
(khaḍga) in the right hand typifies the iconography of the bodhisattva, it
might be also the dynastic symbol of the dynasty (Khaḍga) issuing the coin.
Another mid-seventh-century copperplate grant discovered in the
Comilla District informs us of a line of Śaiva rulers in Samataṭa with names
ending in -nātha (Basak 1919–20b; 1934: 194 ff.): –nātha, Śrīnātha,
Bhavanātha, a nephew of the latter, and Lokanātha.21 As a faithful
feudatory of his paramount sovereign, or ‘highest lord’ (parameśvara, l.
13), Lokanātha would have successfully fought on the latter’s behalf
against Jayatuṅgavarṣa and Jīvadhāraṇa, two refractory feudatories of the
same parameśvara, (ll. 14–16). Now, since we know from the Ashrafpur
copperplates of the Khaḍgas that Devakhaḍga would have had feudal rulers
under him, we may conjecture that these Nāthas were sāmantas under the
overlordship of the Khaḍgas.
As to one of the two above mentioned disobedient feudatories of the
Khaḍgas, we know from the seventh-century copperplate inscription of
14 TILOPĀ I
It flows by the eastern side of the Mainamati Hills and skirts the southern
end of the hills near the Chaṇḍīmuḍā Peak where another branch of the
river meets it flowing by the western side of the hills. The river thus
surrounds the southern end of the Mainamati Hills, where the ancient fort
of Devaparvata seems to have been situated, and then runs south-west to
fall into the Dakatia (Ḍākātiā) River.
area he dubs eastern India (rGya gar shar phyogs): it would consist of three
parts, Vaṅgāla (Bhaṃ ga la), Oṛiśā (O ḍi bi sha), and Koki (Ko ki).
The name Vaṅgāla had come into use at least since the beginning of the
ninth century, as we read in the Nesarika grant of the Rāṣṭrakūṭa king
Govinda III, dated 805 (Sircar 1961), where the Pāla king Dharmapāla is
referred to as king of Vaṅgāla (Vaṅgālabhūmipa, l. 36). The same name
occurred as Bangālah to mean the Muslim sultanate of Bengal (Persian
Shah-i-Bangalah); as such it has been known by Tāranātha (Bhaṃ ga la) in
the sixteenth century. Then it has been adopted in the form of Bengala by
the Portuguese, and Bengal by the British. The two, Vaṅgāla and Oṛiśā (O
ḍi bi sha), i.e. the current Odisha, would belong to a region designated by
Tāranātha as Nyi ’og (Skt Aparāntaka), of which they constitute the east
side (shar phyogs).25
To the northeast and to the east of Vaṅgāla, Tāranātha lists several
regions from the present-day Assam to Cambodia which he designates with
the general name (spyi ming) of Koki.26 The following regions are
mentioned, apparently from north to south—
Harikela
The first reference to the country of Harikela (Helijiluo 訶利雞羅) dates
back to the end of the seventh century, as we read in Yijing’s Da tang xi yu
qiu fa gao seng zhuan of two Chinese monks who had reached that country,
located in the eastern boundary of eastern India, by the southern sea-route
(T.2066.9b22; Beal 1911: xli; Lahiri 1986: 95). The authors of the eighth-
century Buddhist ritual manual, the Mañjuśrīmūlakalpa (paṭala 22: 232–
33), confirm this easternmost location, mentioning patently from the west
the three, Vaṅga, Samataṭa, and Harikela as distinct (VaṅgaSamataṭāśrayāt
|| Harikele...). Moreover, in the ninth-century Śaurasenī Prākrit play by
Rājaśekhara, the Karpūramañjarī (1: 14.2; Konow and Lanman 1901, 9:
226–27), we find mention of Campā, Rāḍhā and Harikela (Harikelī), with a
paronomasia for each of the three: Pkt keli-āra (Skt keli-kāra), ‘causing
pastime’, referred to the women of the east, is the pun for Harikela
(Harikelī-keliāra). As for later sources, the twelfth-century
Abhidhānacintāmaṇi (957; Boehtlingk and Rieu 1847: 178) by
Hemacandra holds Harikela synonymous with Vaṅga (Vaṅgās tu
Harikelīyā), seemingly as a result of the expansion of the sway of the
Harikela rulers and their successors over wider areas of southeast Bengal.
Moreover, two later Sanskrit lexicons preserved in the manuscript
collection of the Dhaka University Library (Ms. no. 2141B,
Rudrākṣamahātmya, and Ms. no. 1451, Rūpacintāmāṇikośa), wherein
Harikela (Harikola) is identified with Śrīhaṭṭa (current Sylhet), deserve
attention as well (Paul 1939: iii–iv). The above pieces of information give
us three pivotal points in the location of Harikela, namely, (1) it is in the
extreme east of India; (2) it is reachable by sea, and thus endowed with a
coast and at least a sea-port; (3) it includes the internal region of Śrīhaṭṭa.
Arakan
The southern natural border of Harikela was the Nāf River. On its opposite
bank lay the ancient Burmese kingdom of Arakan.27 What Tāranātha calls
Rakhang in his rGya gar chos ’byung (242.6) is at present the Rakhine
State of Myanmar (Burma). It is a land of mountains, deep forests, rivers
and tangled creeks, the history of which is interlaced likewise with that of
Bengal, as the dynastic fortunes of the Candras of Arakan and those of the
18 TILOPĀ I
CANDRAS OF ARAKAN
ACCORDING TO ĀNANDACANDRA’S INSCRIPTION (SECOND PERIOD)
numismatic evidence
(Sircar 1957–58)
accession year
reign years
KING’S NAME FURTHER EVIDENCE
1 Dvangcandra 55 370
2 Rājacandra 20 425
3 Bālacandra 9 445 *
4 Devacandra 22 454 * deva on the coins, assignable on
palaeographic ground to the first half of the
fifth century (Johnston 1944: 365);
5 Yajñacandra 7 476 *
6 Candrabandhu 6 483 *
7 Bhūmicandra 7 489 *
8 Bhūticandra 24 496 * a land grant made by Bhūticandra’s queen in
the eleventh year of the reign assigned to c.
507 (Gutman 1976: 27);
9 Nīticandra 55 520 * an inscription of Nīticandra’s queen
assignable to the first half of the sixth
century (Sircar 1957–58; Gutman 1976: 27);
10 Vīryacandra 3 575 * an inscription of Vīracandra of the last
quarter of the sixth century (Sircar 1957–58;
Gutman 1976: 27);
11 Prīticandra 12 578 *
12 Pṛthvīcandra 7 590 *
13 Dhṛticandra 3 597 *
Dvangcandra (c. 370 – c. 425), the first king of the second period, is said to
have been a great conqueror and to have built a royal city adorned by
surrounding walls and a moat (v. 20b; Johnston 1944: 375). As a matter of
fact, ten km east of the Kaladan, about hundred km from its mouth at
present Sittwe (Akyab), the ancient vestiges of Dhanyawadi can be
identified as the capital Dvangcandra had built. For more than one century,
the urban agglomerate which developed around the royal city must have
been the junction of a vast trade network linking China in the east with
India and beyond to the west (Hudson 2005: 1–2).29
As to the other kings, it is noteworthy that the name of Candrabandhu
20 TILOPĀ I
(c. 483 – c. 489) suggested to Johnston (1944: 369) some doubts about his
legitimacy, and to Pamela Gutman (1976: 43) that he could have been a
reunifier of the country in a confused period which eventually led to shift
the capital to Vesālī. Since the coins of Nīticandra (c. 520 – c. 575) are
more recurrent than those of any other king, probably he was the most
powerful ruler of the dynasty (Johnston 1944: 369), possibly the first one in
the new capital, Vesālī.30 The end of this Candra dynasty of Arakan with
Dhṛticandra about 600 seems to hint at another period of confusion during
which local chiefs must have carved out their independent kingdoms
(Gutman 1976: 44).
The last of the three sections of the praśasti pertains to Ānandacandra’s
family itemising his eight predecessors who would have together ruled for
almost 120 years.
CANDRAS OF ARAKAN
ACCORDING TO ĀNANDACANDRA’S INSCRIPTION (THIRD PERIOD)
numismatic evidence
(Sircar 1957–58)
accession year
reign years
when opportunity allowed’. Vajraśakti (c. 649–c. 665), the first king of
Ānandacandra’s family, is described as a descendant of the Deva family
(Devānvayodbhavaḥ, v. 37b; Johnston 1944: 376). This family name cannot
but recall the Bengali Deva dynasty of Devaparvata (c. 685–c. 765). As a
matter of fact, the recently discovered Buddhist complex at Ramkot on the
old Arakan highway, three km east of present Ramu, gives evidence of
relationships between the Mainamati Hills and the seventh–eighth-century
Arakanese capital of Vesālī (Gutman 1976: 6). Vajraśakti, being described
as one endowed with the pāramitās (dānaśīlādisaṃyukta), was apparently a
follower of the Mahāyāna. Dharmavijaya’s (c. 665–c. 701) coins have been
found at current Sittwe as well as on the Mainamati Hills. He would have
been a fervent Buddhist for the allusion to his reverence to the Three
Jewels, and for his ascent to the Tuṣita heaven after death (v. 40b; cf.
Griffiths 2015: 291–319).
Ānandacandra (c. 720–?), said to have sprung from the Devas’ egg-
lineage (Devāṇḍajā–, v. 62a), and scion of the egg-lineage of glorious pious
kings (śrīdharmarājāṇḍaja, v. 63a), is also called a Buddhist lay disciple
(upāsaka, v. 54b). Besides, references to the awakening beings
(bodhisattva, v. 47a) and to the dānapāramitā (v. 54a) reveal him as a
follower of Mahāyāna. As such Ānandacandra must have had fraternal
relations with the monks of king Śīlāmegha’s country (v. 61), which would
refer to current Sri Lanka.
Another country is mentioned in the context of Ānandacandra’s
marriage (vv. 62–65; Johnston 1944: 379, 382). His wife would have been
the daughter of the king of Śrītāmrapattana, with capital Śrī Pattana, which
may possibly be identified with Tāmraliptī (Johnston 1944: 372). Then, we
are told, the two would have entered into a good friendship, possibly a
treaty. As a matter of fact, there should have been at least two possible
causes for Ānandacandra’s concern at that time, coming from both south
and west. Whereas the former threat from the Pyu city-states was mainly
his own concern, the latter was shared with his Bengali father-in-law. Both
could have felt themselves vulnerable to the attacks from Yaśovarman of
Kanauj since about 720 (Gutman 1976: 49–50). As a matter of fact, albeit
ephemeral, Yaśovarman’s adventure would have destabilized the political
landscape of southeastern Bengal and Arakan. Most probably, the end of
Ānandacandra’s dynasty could have been one of these domino effects,
because after this praśasti there is a gap of a couple of centuries before the
other inscriptions on the north face of the same pillar―regrettably very
badly decipherable―nor is there any consistent archaeological evidence.
22 TILOPĀ I
cannot totally neglect the possibility that Tāranātha had drawn from sources
now lost or inaccessible to us.32
In the twenty-seventh chapter of the rGya gar chos ’byung (187.4–6;
THBI 251), before introducing the period of Gopāla, Tāranātha writes the
following remark:
Thus Lalitacandra came as the last of the kings of the Candra dynasty.
Since that time, though there have been many of the princely descent of
the Candra line (Tsan dra’i rigs kyi rgyal rigs), did not appear anyone
who gained royal domain (rgyal srid). In the eastern regions, to begin with
Vaṅgāla and Oṛiśā, they became kings of their respective sferes―princely
descent endowed with relations (tshan ldan rgyal rigs), ministers (blon
po), brāhmaṇas (bram ze), and great merchants (tshong dpon). But there
were no king as such ruling over the country.
The Pālas
In the first half of the eighth century, not only was Bengal without any
strong and durable central authority, but also under threat of attacks from
foreign invaders, as it was the case of Yaśovarman.33 In order to describe
that human landscape, historians typically refer to the term mātsyanyāya,
occurring in the copperplate inscription from Khalimpur (Batavyal 1894;
Kielhorn 1896–97), in the Maldah District of West Bengal, issued by king
Dharmapāla in the first years of the ninth century (v. 4):
His son was the crest jewel of the heads of kings, the glorious Gopāla,
whom the chiefs (prakṛti) made take the hands of Lakṣmī, to put an end to
the law of fish (mātsyanyāyam apohituṃ).
subjects from what is beyond the border, as well as the weaker from the
stronger’s abuses.34
The feeling of unbearable uncertainty conveyed by the metaphor of
mātsyanyāya is confirmed by Tāranātha. As we read in the rGya gar chos
’byung (192.3–193.2; THBI 257–58), at that time there was no king in
Bengal since many years, and the people in the country were unhappy. The
chiefs (gtso bo gtso bo rnams) assembled (’dus), discussed (gros), and
appointed (bskos) a king who could protect (skyong) the land (sa gzhi)
according to the law (khrims : Skt nyāya). But at night, a female serpent-
like spirit connected with the water element, a nāginī (klu mo), devoured
the chosen king.35 However, Tāranātha goes on, since there could be no
prosperity (mi shis) to a kingdom without a king, another person was
appointed to the throne every morning, killed in the night, and thrown out
at dawn. After some years like that, a kṣatriya hero born in the forests of
Puṇḍravardhana (Li kha ra shing ’phel) on the border between Madhyadeśa
(Yul dbus) and Bengal (Shar phyogs), went to the east and took his chances.
Once got the best of the evil nāginī, he was raised to the throne and given
the name Gopāla (c. 750–c. 775).
Gopāla
The coronation of this ancestor of the Buddhist Pāla dynasty, celebrated by
the chiefs (prakṛti) to put an end to the law of fish, marks a new period not
only for Bengal, but also for the whole rich Gangetic plains with their
metropolitan focus at Kanauj. As regards the origin of Gopāla’s lineage, a
hint is given to us by the eighth-century Yogācāra scholar Haribhadra, a
contemporary of Gopāla’s son Dharmapāla. In the votive verses
(praṇidhāna) which close his commentary to the Aṣṭasāhasrikā-
prajñāpāramitā, the Abhisamayālaṃkārāloka, he describes the Pāla king as
a scion of the family of Rājabhaṭa (v. 7: Rājyabhaṭādivaṃśpatita-
śrīdharmapālasya; Vaidya 1960: 558.15). Once excluded the hypothesis
that it be here matter of an ‘officer’ (bhaṭa) of some king, it is more
reasonable that this Rājabhaṭa might be identified with the Khaḍga king
Rājarājabhaṭa (c. 673–c. 690) mentioned in Yijing’s Da tang xi yu qiu fa
gao seng zhuan. If this is the case, Gopāla would have been connected with
the royal family of Vaṅga-Samataṭa, the Buddhist Khaḍgas: a clan whose
likely northwestern origin has been mentioned above.
Since Gopāla’s time until the tenth century, three powers, faced each
WATERS, KINGS, POLITIES, AND CITIES 25
Dharmapāla
As already observed (Banerji 1915: 48), Gopāla’s son and successor
Dharmapāla (c. 775 – c. 812) was ‘the real founder of the greatness of his
line and the Empire over which his successors ruled’.
Similar to the fight of dogs over a bone, the war between the Pratīhāra
king Vatsarāja (c. 780–c. 790) and Dharmapāla for the control of Kanauj
began few years before 790: Vatsarāja got the better, but the Rāṣṭrakūṭa
king Dhruva Dhārāvarṣa (c. 780–c. 793) supervened from the south over
the two and routed both loser and winner. Actually, the Rāṣṭrakūṭa
occupation of Kanauj did not last long because Dhruva was too far away
from home to consolidate his victory and had to retreat to the south.
Therefore, with the Pratīhāras seriously weakened by their last reverse, and
the Rāṣṭrakūṭas involved in their internal problems, in the absence of the
WATERS, KINGS, POLITIES, AND CITIES 27
rest of the empire, it would have been administered by the local rulers who
had acknowledged the suzerainty of the Pālas. In fact, we know from a
copperplate inscription of Devapāla’s thirty-third regnal year, from Munger
(ll. 12–14, v. 8; Wilkins 1798: 124; Barnett 1925–26: 305), that his father
Dharmapāla,
Nālandā Mahāvihāra
From the cultural viewpoint, the Pāla rule represents more than four
centuries (c. 750–c. 1170) of strenuous sponsorship of Buddhism. Sukumar
Dutt (1962: 331) remarked that Buddhist monasteries, since the time of the
founding of the Nālandā Mahāvihāra, ‘had developed as seats and centres
of learning. To build monasteries and provide for their unkeep was
regarded more as a service rendered to the cause of learning and culture
than to the cause of Buddhism’. In actual fact, the traditional practice of
royal patronage of the Buddhist saṃgha is also a symptom―not only a
cause―of some gradual modification occurred within the daily life of the
monastic communities. The concept, ‘from study for faith to study for
knowledge’, as labelled by Dutt (1962: 319 ff.), has been widened by
Ronald Davidson (2002b: 107) and pushed beyond knowledge, in view of
the fulfilment of material needs: ‘Buddhist monasteries relied on clerical
virtue to assure the laity that their donations would reap extraordinary
rewards’.
In course of time, the initial Guptas and Yaśodharman’s establishment
of the Nālandā Mahāvihāra, this typical late Gupta architectonic compound
of several vihāras enclosed within a single rampart, had been enriched with
other vihāras. Among the successors of the Guptas who had patronized the
institution, Harṣavardhana of Kanauj is to be mentioned in the seventh
century. We know in fact from Xuanzang’s Da tang xi yu ji that this king,
referred to by the title Śīlādityarāja (Jieriwang 戒日王), had built a vihāra
of brass (T.2087.924b4–6; Beal 1884, 2: 174):40 albeit under construction
at the time of Xuanzang’s visit, its intended measurement would have been
about thirty metres (shizhang 十丈) when finished.
Xuanzang’s disciple Huili (慧立) composed in 664 the ‘Biography of
WATERS, KINGS, POLITIES, AND CITIES 29
the Dharma Master Tripiṭaka from the Great Cien Monastery of the Great
Tang’ (Da tang da ci en si san zang fa shi zhuan 大唐大慈恩寺三藏
法師傳, Taishō vol. 50 no. 2053; Beal 1911). We read in the third book of
this biography of Xuanzang, that the king of the country in that period
(Harṣavardhana) respected and honoured the monks of the Nālandā
Mahāvihāra, and had granted more than hundred villages in order to
provide their supply: two hundred families in those villages daily
contributed several hundred shoulder-loads of round-grained sticky rice,
ordinary rice, butter, and milk. Hence the scholars living there, concludes
Huili, being so abudantly supplied, did not require to ask for the four
requisites (sishi 四事), i.e. clothes, food, bedding, and medicines, and that
was the source of the perfection of their studies, to which they had arrived
(T.2053.237c3–6; Beal 1911: 112–13).
In the same book, Huili’s description of the mahāvihāra as it was seen
by Xuanzang is not lacking of some scenic vividness (T.2053.237b17–22;
Beal 1911: 111–12). The picture represents several buildings combined into
a unique vihāra (si 寺) by means of a brick wall (walei 瓦壘) from without,
with a single gate (men 門) for the whole establishment, and a central main
courtyard (ting 庭) opening into eight minor courtyards (yuan 院 : ārāma).
Huili speaks of richly adorned towers (tai 臺), and beautiful multi-storeyed
buildings (lou 樓) congregated together; of palaces (guan 觀) rising in the
mist, and palaces’ halls (dian 殿) above the clouds; of the play of the wind
with clouds visible from upper doors and windows, and the conjunctions of
the sun and moon from the pavilions’ eaves (xuanyan 軒簷). Then, he
points at the clear waters of a pond with blue lotuses intermingled with red-
bright kanaka flowers on their surface, and mango groves at intervals,
spreading their shade. All the minor courtyards (yuan 院) with the
community cells (sengshi 僧室) were of four stages (chongchong 重重)
each, says Huili, and the stages had dragon-projections and coloured rafters
(liang 梁), carved and ornamented vermilion pillars (zhu 柱), richly
adorned balustrades (jian 檻), and the ridges of the roofs (meng 甍)
reflecting the light like a rainbow.
In the thirty-fourth chapter of the Nan hai ji gui nei fa zhuan concerning
the study of Buddhism in the western countries (xifang xue fa 西方學法),
Yijing informs us about the curriculum that a monk in the eighth century
had to follow in an Indian mahāvihāra. Involved as he was in the translation
of Sanskrit Buddhist texts into Chinese, Yijing gives a detailed syllabus of
30 TILOPĀ I
are such as are not accessible to the ordinary person, but are regarded as
of divine origin or as exemplary, and on the basis of them the individual
concerned is treated as a leader. In primitive circumstances this peculiar
kind of deference is paid to prophets, to people with a reputation for
therapeutic or legal wisdom, to leaders in the hunt, and heroes in war. It is
very often thought of as resting on magical powers.
Like the social game between children mimicking the adults and saying
each other, ‘I know one thing that you do not’, or ‘I have one thing that you
have not’, or else ‘I am something that you are not’, the human will to
power (Wille zur Macht) seems to articulate itself into three functions, the
pursuit of separate knowledge, private property, and distinction.
Dharmapāla was celebrated by Tibetans as a great patron of Buddhism,
and contemporary with Haribhadra, as we read at the end of the latter’s
Abhisamayālaṃkārāloka, and in Tāranātha’s thirtieth chapter of the rGya
gar chos ’byung (203.3–4; THBI 274):
Uddaṇḍapura Mahāvihāra
Commonly known through the Tibetan rendering as Odantapuri, the Indian
toponym Uddaṇḍapura is attested in a pedestal inscription found at Bihar
Sharif (Bihār Sharīf, Huntington 1984: 213), the headquarters of the
Nālandā District in the state of Bihar.41 Since Tāranātha confuses the order
of the Pāla kings, as known from epigraphy, we cannot rely on his
information about the foundation of the mahāvihāra (Sanderson 2009: 92–
32 TILOPĀ I
93). In this case, the Chos ’byung (111a5; Obermiller 1932: 156) completed
in 1322 by Bu ston Rin chen grub (1290–1364), although it ascribes the
foundation of Nālandā to Gopāla (des Nā len dra brtsigs), is more reliable
than Tāranātha. The latter in fact (rGya gar chos ’byung 193.2–3; THBI
258), not only ascribes the establishment of Nālanda to Gopāla after his
conquest of Magadha, but also it would have been the Nālandā Mahāvihāra
to have been built near Uddaṇḍapura (O tan ta pu ri dang nye ba Na nā len
dra). In this confusion, at least, Bu ston’s account of Gopāla is correctly
followed by the one of Dharmapāla, with a fascinating legend focussed on
the latter’s magic birth and foundation of the Uddaṇḍapura Mahāvihāra
(Chos ’byung 111a5–b4; Obermiller 1932: 156–157):
Such was the fame of the Uddaṇḍapura Mahāvihāra that few years later (c.
780) the Tibetan king contemporary with Dharmapāla, Khri srong lde
btsan, had bSam yas, the first Buddhist monastery in Tibet, built on the
very model of Uddaṇḍapura (sBa bzhed 34.9: O tan pu ri bya ba yod | btsan
po’i thugs dam gyi dpe de la bya’o gsungs). Its plan, a maṇḍala, or diagram
of the Buddhist cosmology, had the three-storeyed main temple in the
centre as the Mount Sumeru, the axis mundi, and the other buildings all
around for the eight continents (Tucci 1955–56).
WATERS, KINGS, POLITIES, AND CITIES 33
Vikramaśīla Mahāvihāra
The Tibetan tradition almost unanimously credits to Dharmapāla the
founding of the Vikramaśīla Mahāvihāra.43 So it is reported in the thirtieth
chapter of the rGya gar chos ’byung (203.4–204.1; THBI 274–75), where
Tāranātha draws a sketch of Dharmapāla’s sponsorship of Buddhism:
[Dharmapāla] also built the vihāra (gtsug lag khang) of Śrī Vikramaśīla. It
has been erected in the north of Magadha on the top of a small hill (ri
de’u) adjacent to the Gaṅgā River. At its centre, there was the temple (lha
khang) with a human-size statue (sku tshad) of the Buddha (Byang chub
chen po : Mahābodhi). As there were all around fifty-three [images] in
smaller temples for the inner secret spells (gsang sngags : mantra), [and]
fifty-four common temples (lha khang dkyus ma), there were one hundred
and eight temples, around which he raised the surrounding wall. He
provided with food and clothing one hundred and fourteen persons,
namely, one hundred and eight paṇḍitas, along with the ācāryas for the
oblations (gtor ma : bali), for the consecration ceremonies (rab gnas :
pratiṣṭhāna) and for the fire offerings (sbyin sreg : homa), the person in
charge for mice (byi bsrung), the one in charge for pigeons (phug ron
srung ba), and the supervisor (gnyer byed pa) of servants (lha ’bangs): for
each of them he made provisions equal to those for four. Every month he
organized a festival (ston mo) for all listeners of the Dharma, and also
made excellent gifts to them.
Somapura Mahāvihāra
Dharmapāla also established the Somapura or Somapurī Mahāvihāra in
Varendra, in the present-day Rajshahi Division of Bangladesh, as we learn
from two short inscriptions on terracotta seals unearthed at Paharpur
(Pāhāṛpur) in the Naogaon District of Bangladesh (Dikshit 1938; Das
Gupta 1961).45 Both seals show the wheel as symbol of the Buddha’s
34 TILOPĀ I
Dharma (dharmacakra) in the upper part flanked by two antelopes, and the
legend, ‘issued by the monastic community belonging to the great
monastery of Dharmapāla at Somapura’ (śrī-Somapure śrī-
Dharmmapāladeva-mahāvihārīya-bhikṣu-saṅghasya).
Trikuṭaka Vihāra
We do not know where the vihāra of the ‘Three Strychnine Trees’
(Strychnos nux-vomica), or Trikuṭaka (Tib. Tsha ba gsum) is located, but
since Haribhadra mentions it at the end of his Abhisamayālaṃkārāloka
(Trikuṭakaśrīmadvihāro, praṇidhāna 6a; Vaidya 1960: 558.10), it must
have been active at least since then. Therefore, we can infer that it was
founded by Haribhadra’s patron Dharmapāla, as it is corroborated by Bu
ston’s Chos ’byung (112a7; Obermiller 1932: 158). In the twenty-ninth
chapter of Tāranātha’s rGya gar chos ’byung (198.2–5; cf. THBI 267), we
read a legend on its foundation. Though ascribed to Devapāla instead of
Dharmapāla for the above mentioned reverse king order in Tāranātha’s
compilation, the legend would locate the vihāra in Rāḍhā:
Inspired by a yogi called Śiromaṇi, the king raised a big army to wage war
on Oṛiśā (O ḍi bi sha) and other places, which were previously the centres
of Buddhists (nang pa or ‘insiders’), but by this period which came under
the influence of the adherents of non-Buddhist doctrines (mu stegs pa or
‘heretics’ : Skt tīrthika). When he crossed the region near Rāḍhā (Ra ra)
he saw a black man coming slowly from a distance. On being questioned
who he was, he said, ‘I am Mahākāla. Remove the sand dune from this
place and you will find a temple. To destroy the temples of the tīrthikas
you will have to do nothing else than surround this temple with the army
and play the musical instruments very loudly’. Then he removed the sand
dune and found a wonderful temple made of stone. The name of this was
Śrī Trikuṭaka Vihāra (dpal Tsha ba gsum gyi gtsug lag khang).
Devapāla
Dharmapāla’s second son and successor, Devapāla (c. 812–c. 850) kept the
prestige of the family at its highest point for almost forty years. On a stone
pillar surmonted by a figure of Garuḍa at Badal (Kielhorn 1894), we can
read a significant inscription of the time of Nārāyaṇapāla recording the
setting up of the pillar, with the panegyric of a Brahmanical dynasty of
WATERS, KINGS, POLITIES, AND CITIES 35
ministers of four Pālas kings. The first would have been minister under
Dharmapāla and Devapāla; the third, grandson of the latter, held the same
office under Devapāla and his successor Śūrapāla, and then the fourth
under Nārāyaṇapāla—
Kamboja adventurers could also have found their way to the east either as
traders or mercenary soldiers, the latter presumably for the Pāla cavalry
(N.G. Majumdar 1933–34: 153; R.C. Majumdar 1971: 183 n. 138).
With Devapāla, the prestige of the dynasty could not but increase,
notably among the Buddhists, for his patronage of the monastic cultural
institutions, Nālandā and so forth. A copperplate inscription of Devapāla’s
thirty-ninth regnal year from Nālandā records the grant of five villages for
the monastery at Nālandā that Devapāla had to be built at the request of the
Bālaputradeva, the Śailendra king of Suvarṇadvīpa, corresponding to the
current Java, Sumatra and Malay Peninsula (Sastri 1924; N.G. Majumdar
1926). In addition, a stone inscription from Ghosrawa in the Gaya District
of Bihar, and now in the Indian Museum (Kielhorn 1888), contains the
panegyric of a Vīradeva from a Brahmanical family of Nagarahāra in the
current Afghanistan: once completed his Vedic studies, he would have
studied under several Buddhist savants. When his fame reached the ears of
Devapāla, the latter appointed him to a high office at Nālandā (Nālandā-
paripālanāyaniyata).
Some evidence of the commercial relations Arabs kept with the deltaic
regions of Pāla Bengal is given by the Abbasid gold dinars and silver
dirhams unearthed in the present-day Lalmai Hills, as well as from a ninth-
century travelogue, the Travel of the Merchant Sulaymān to India and
China, written in 851, and completed by Abū Zayd Ḥasan in 916.
Sulaymān describes three rival Indian powers (Elliot and Dowson 1867: 5,
25; R.C. Majumdar 1971: 116), namely the Gurjara-Pratīhāra king (Jurz),
the Rāṣṭrakūṭa king (Balharā), and the Pāla king (Ruhmi):
...a kingdom called Ruhmi, which is at war with that of Jurz. The king is
not held in very high estimation. He is at war with the Balharā as he is
with the king of Jurz. His troops are more numerous than those of the
Balharā, the king of Jurz, or the king of Tāfak. It is said that when he goes
out to battle he is followed by about fifty thousand elephants. He takes the
field only in winter, because elephants cannot endure thirst, and can only
go out in the cold season. It is stated that there are from ten to fifteen
thousand men in his army who are employed in fulling and washing
chothes.
There is a stuff made in his country which is not to be found
elsewhere; so fine and delicate is this material that a dress made of it may
be passed through a signet-ring. It is made of cotton, and we have seen a
piece of it. Trade is carried on by means of cowries, which are the current
money of the country. They have gold and silver in the country, aloes, and
WATERS, KINGS, POLITIES, AND CITIES 37
the stuff called samara, of which madabs are made. The striped bushān or
karkadān is found in this country. It is an animal which has a single horn
in the middle of its forehead…
Not only does Sulaymān give us an idea of the entity of Devapāla’s troops
unbiasedly reporting the huge amount of his war elephants and launderers,
but also he provides us with some pieces of information useful to
reconstruct the international market of Bengal as perceived by an Arab
trader of the ninth century, to begin with the subsidiary currency to gold
and silver he found there, the cowries.46 The pyriform shells of the cowrie
(cypraea moneta) mentioned by Sulaymān were imported from the
Maldives in exchange of the export of rice from Bengal, and used as the
smallest unit of currency. Nevertheless, since a silver coin could easily be
exchanged with 1,280 cowries, and a gold coin with 20,480 cowries, we
can infer that the use of such a medium of exchange is not at all a symptom
of demonetization and decline of trade (Ghosh and Datta 2012: 41–42).47
The economic process of formation of a feudal society, based on self-
sufficient economy, generally goes parallel with the parcellization (or
sāmantization) of the political power. Nevertheless, southeastern Bengal
corresponds to a remarkable regional variation. As a matter of fact, while
the political and cultural sāmantization process was running at full speed,
international trade and commerce seem to have flourished as well. The
main possible reason of this Bengali specificity is again water. Thanks to
the riverine web of navigable trade routes, profitable goods from remote
areas could easily meet the demand of domestic market towns and
international seaports, from which they were shipped to southeastern Asian
countries, as well as to the countries of the west. Thanks to water, those
urban centres were kept commercially active, reachable each other, and
well connected by a solid and capillary administration. This can be evinced
by the selected register of extremely costly merchandise described by
Sulaymān, that is to say, a very fine cotton fabric possibly of muslin, the
aromatic and resinous heartwood of the aloeswood (Aquilaria), the hair of
the bushy tail of the yak (Skt camara) from which fly-whisks were made,
as well as rhino horns, the grinded powder of which is a much demanded
good even today in some illegal markets of southeast Asia for its supposed
therapeutic properties.48
38 TILOPĀ I
After Devapāla
Whereas energy can be neither created nor destroyed, but change, its
human narration, that is power, cannot but end. As it is the case for every
kind of political power, once the Pālas had reached the peak of their
supremacy, only descent was possible. The slowness in that steady decline
was guaranteed, besides chance, by a higly developed administrative
system securing an acceptable grade of continuity to the people’s daily life:
such a minimum of stability can in fact be vital when the political borders,
responding to the question who’s the king of what, were extremely fluid.
The crown-prince Rājyapāla mentioned in the Munger copperplate
might have died before his father, with ensuing dynastic trouble after the
death of Devapāla. In point of fact we have three Pāla rulers over a span of
twenty-five years, most probably with the assistance of the old minister
Kedāramiśra. First Devapāla’s other two sons Mahendrapāla (c. 850–c.
865) and Śūrapāla (c. 865–c. 873) succeeded to the throne, then their
second cousin Vigrahapāla (c. 873–c. 875). The latter, being the son of
Devapāla’s first cousin Jayapāla, as well as the grandson of Vākpāla, the
younger brother of Dharmapāla, inaugurated the sway of that collateral
branch of the dynasty (Banerji 1915: 57; R.C. Majumdar 1971: 119–20;
Davidson 2002b: 56).
Vigrahapāla, entering a religious life, abdicated the throne in favour of
his son Nārāyaṇapāla (c. 875–c. 932), who was assisted by the minister
Guravamiśra, son of the prudent Kedāramiśra. No military victory is
credited to Nārāyaṇapāla, but we cannot deny that he was able or lucky
enough to seat on the throne for more than half a century in those restless
years. In fact, the Pratīhāras’ imperial capital Kanauj was temporarily
occupied by the Rāṣṭrakūṭas. Once the victorious army left, the Pratīhāra
king recovered his position, but not his prestige. On the other hand, a
marriage between Nārāyaṇapāla’s son Rājyapāla with a princess of the
Rāṣṭrakūṭas, ensured more than thirty years of peaceful reign to Rājyapāla
(c. 932–c. 967)—
WATERS, KINGS, POLITIES, AND CITIES 39
Gopāla
|
Dharmapāla Vākpāla
| |
Devapāla Jayapāla
| |
Mahendrapāla Śūrapāla Vigrahapāla
|
Nārāyaṇapāla
|
Rājyapāla
Mlecchas the Arabs inhabiting the lower Indus Valley since the first quarter of
the eighth century;
Aṅgas in the present-day eastern Bihar, Jharkhand and West Bengal, as well
as the Tarai Area of Nepal;
Kaliṅgas in central-eastern India, comprising most of the modern coastal
Odisha, as well as the bordering northern regions of Andhra Pradesh;
Vaṅgas in southern West Bengal and Bangladesh;
Oḍras in Odisha;
Pāṇḍyas in the southernmost Indian districts;
Karṇātas the Rāṣṭrakūṭas of Mānyakheṭa (current Malkhed), risen to power in
south India in the mid-eighth century;
Lāṭas in southwest Gujarat;
Suhmas in West Bengal and northwestern Bangladesh;
Gurjaras the Gurjara-Pratīhāras of Kannauj;
Krītas as for the Krītas, Sircar suggests it could be matter of the Qiliduo
(訖利多) people who, according to a tradition reported by Xuanzang,
were also known as the ‘Bought’ (Maide 買得 : Skt Krīta), because
40 TILOPĀ I
they had been originally poor people purchased from the countries
surrounding Kashmir, and imported as servants to the Buddhist
monks by the disciple of Ānanda, the arhat Madhyāntika (Motiandijia
末田底迦); after the latter’s death, they constituted themselves rulers
over the neighbouring countries; the people of surrounding countries
despising these low-born men, would not associate with them, and
called them Krītas;
Cīnas with the Cīnas, the inscription probably alludes to the Kambojas.
CANDRAS OF ARAKAN
ACCORDING TO THE ARAKANESE CHRONICLES
accession year
(Phayre 1844)
reign years
In view of the fact that the names mentioned in the Arakanese chronicles do
not correspond to those in the Mrauk U inscriptions, Johnston conjectures
that the source of the chronicles’ list had been authentic but very corrupted.
Another possible reason of this discrepancy can be found in the ‘variety of
throne names, popular names and posthumous names given to each
Burmese king’ (Gutman 1976: 72).
It is not long before that the sea going craft were used to anchor near it.
Now the sea has receded much from its original coast, leaving the port in
44 TILOPĀ I
distress. It appears that the shrinking of ocean into itself brought about the
decay of this historic site, which is now reduced to a mere village. The
Sanskritized name of the city has, subsequently, been turned to Barudhan
in the uncultured rural tongue. In fact the area, surrounding the proposed
site of Bardhamānapura is so rich in old relics that it might hold some
independent or semi-independent kingdoms successively during that
period of history (Qanungo 1988: 64–65).
Chowdhury 1967
Davidson 2002b
Majumdar 1971
Majumdar 1971
Sircar 1967–68
Fleming 2010
CANDRAS OF
PĀLAS
BENGAL
Not only did Śrīcandra make his family an imperial one (parameśvaraḥ
paramabhaṭṭārako mahārājādhirājaḥ śrīmānŚrīcandradevaḥ), but he also
established the official history of the dynasty. We know in fact exactly
what Śrīcandra wanted to be recorded of him and his forefathers in five
published copperplate grant inscriptions with almost the same eulogistic
introductory stanzas, namely, the Rampal (Rāmpāl), Madanpur, Dhulla
(Dhullā), Bangladesh National Museum no. 77.1478, and Bogra
copperplates. Let us follow these revealing introductory stanzas from
Benjamin Fleming’s (2010) edition and translation of the Bogra praśasti.
Pūrṇacandra
Now, in the lineage of the powerful and prosperous Candras, rulers (bhuj)
of Rohitāgiri, was one like the full moon (pūrṇacandra) who was
celebrated in the world as the blessed Pūrṇacandra. He was mentioned
before his descendants in the pedestals of images (arcā) [as well as] on
victory columns (jayastambha), which had freshly chisel-hewn
benedictions (praśasti), and on copperplates (tāmra; Bogra copperplate ll.
3–5, v. 2).
Suvarṇacandra
His son, Suvarṇacandra, a Buddhist (bauddha), was renowned in the
world as if because he was born into the respectable family of the Moon
(candra), that is, the Lord possessing beams that are a mine of nectar, who
lovingly bears the Buddha’s hare incarnation (śaśakajātaka) stationed in
WATERS, KINGS, POLITIES, AND CITIES 47
Trailokyacandra
His son Trailokyacandra, the sanctifier of both families, who was the
abode feared by improper conduct (kaulīnabhītāśayas), was known in the
three worlds (trailokya) through his qualities by travellers of all
directions. He who resembled Dilīpa became king (nṛpati) on the island
(dvīpa) that has the name Candra prefixed to it, and he was a receptacle of
the good fortune that had blossomed under the royal umbrella insignia of
the king of Harikela (ādhāro Harikela-rāja-kakuda-cchatra-smitānāṃ
śriyāṃ).
As Jyotsnā to Candra, Śacī to Jiṣṇu, Gaurī to Hara, and Śrī to Hari, his
beloved―having the splendour of gold (kāñcana)―was to him whose
commands were respected [called] Śrīkāñcanā.
Possessing Indra’s radiance [and] understanding prudent policy, he
[Trailokyacandra] at a moment made auspicious through a lunar
conjunction attained through her [Śrīkāñcanā] a son, Śrīcandra, who
resembled the moon [and] in whom astrologers observed the marks of [a
future] king (Bogra copperplate, ll. 8–13, vv. 5–7).
It was a period when Kamboja bands were carrying out raids on Pāla
domains within the borders of Bengal. Probably these warriors on
horseback would have belonged to the progeny of the Kamboja groups of
adventurers, traders, and mercenaries who were settling since Devapāla’s
time in the territories around the northern and eastern borders of Bengal,
slowly merging with some local tribes. Then, probably attracted by the rich
WATERS, KINGS, POLITIES, AND CITIES 49
around 975 that the so-called Kamboja Pālas, i.e. members of a Pāla
dynasty somehow related to the Kamboja aristocracy, took the control of
the principality of Gauḍa at the expense of the Imperial Pālas (R.C.
Majumdar 1971: 126–27, 203–204).
Albeit ‘under the royal umbrella insignia’ of the king of Harikela,
Trailokyacandra, would have added de facto large portions of southeast
Bengal to his paternal petty kingdom on the Lalmai Hills in Samataṭa. Once
achieved a renovated prominence to the Candra name, further geopolitical
requirements emerged in ruling a more extensive country with the more
prestigious position of viceroy, or mahārājādhirāja as Trailokyacandra’s
son Śrīcandra refers to him in the inscriptions. It is therefore reasonable that
Trailokyacandra had been induced to shift the capital (jayaskandhāvāra)
from Rohitāgiri to Vikramapura with the aim of fulfilling these new
requirements: not only the city would have been the Candras’ eventual
administrative centre, as proved by the grants of Śrīcandra and the latter’s
successors issued from there, but it was also destined to be the capital of
the Varmans and the Senas, the two Brahmanical dynasties which
succeeded the Candras. Regrettably, to date we can get a remote idea of its
location from the official name of Bikrampur, which occurred as an
administrative unit (pargana) during the Mughal period (Morrison 1970:
56–57). Nonetheless, the current inhabitants of a vast area in the
Munshiganj District of the Dhaka Division still claim to be from
Vikramapura.
Śrīcandra
As we read of Trailokyacandra’s son Śrīcandra in the Rampal, Madanpur,
Dhulla, Bangladesh National Museum, and Bogra copperplates,
... having made the earth embellished with a single umbrella (ekātapatra),
he was not obedient to fools, put his enemies into prisons, and made the
four directions fragrant with his fame (Bogra copperplate ll. 13–14, v. 8).
found itself exposed to the conquest of territories by the ancient allies of the
Pratīhāras, namely the Candellas and the Kāḷachuris. Since the middle of
the ninth century until almost the end of the tenth century, that is during the
reigns of Rājyapāla, Gopāla II, and Vigrahapāla II, the Candellas and the
Kāḷachuris continued carrying out aggressive raids beyond the border of the
Pālas’ empire. Admittedly, it is problematic to decide of which border and
empire it was the case, because a central authority were not so strongly
perceived at that time, as we can guess from the Kāḷachuri and Candella
records, where Bengal is referred to according to its parts―Aṅga, Rāḍhā,
Gauḍa, and Vaṅgāla (R.C. Majumdar 1971: 126).
Śrīcandra’s territory covered southeast Bengal with Vikramapura as
central seat of authority. More in detail, the political map of the Candra
authority would have comprised Vaṅga with Vikramapura, Samataṭa with
Devaparvata, Harikela with the port town of Caṭigāõ (Chittagong), and the
region round Śrīhaṭṭa (Sylhet), as it is deducible from the geographical
position of the copperplate found at Paschimbhag. The same inscription
mentions Śrīcandra’s conquest of Kāmarūpa (Kāmarūpa vijaye, l. 17, v. 12)
by entering the forest-regions near the Lohitya, i.e. the Brahmaputra
(Lohityasya vanasthalī-parisarāḥ, l. 18, v. 12). Albeit one of Śrīcandra’s
earliest documents, only this copperplate refers to the victory, which is
however confirmed by his successors’ grants (Sircar 1967–68: 293).
Of the three generations of Candra kings claiming to have defeated the
‘Gauḍas’, that is the Kambojas—Trailokyacandra, Śrīcandra, and
Kalyāṇacandra—we have already seen what kind of involvement was in the
case of Trailokyacandra. As to his son, we know from the Mainamati
copperplate of Laḍahacandra that Śrīcandra defeated the kings of Gauḍa
and Prāgjyotiṣa (Kāmarūpa). Besides, we read in the Dhaka copperplate of
Kalyāṇacandra that Śrīcandra restored Gopāla II in his royal post, with the
latter’s queen who had been imprisoned. Most probably this epigraphic
material is just erratic evidence of a long conflict between the Imperial
Pālas, their allies Candras, and the Kamboja Pālas.
As observed by Ramesh Chandra Majumdar (1971: 126), while there is
mention of a ‘usurper’ of the kingdom in some Pāla inscriptions, other
documents refer to a Kamboja sway over the northern and western
dominions of the Pālas. One is the tenth-century brief inscription on the
Bangarh pillar in Dinajpur District of northern Bangladesh, which records
the erection of a Śaiva temple by a lord of Gauḍa of the Kamboja lineage
(Kāmbojānvayajane Gauḍapati, l. 2; Chanda 1911: 619). The other is a
copperplate inscription found at Irda, in the Balasore District of current
52 TILOPĀ I
1
With regard to the present course of the Gaṅgā (Lat. Ganges), important
modifications must have been occurred beyond its curve around the Rajmahal
Hills, near the current border of Bihar and West Bengal. We do not know its exact
course in the tenth century CE, but it is possible to develop some inductive idea
from its increasing sinuosity ratio and braiding index in recent times. We see from
analyses of the period of 1973–2006 that this meandering river lately becomes a
braided river, for high sediment transportation by Jamunā, and deposition of
Gaṅgā-Padmā river bed (Yeasmin and Islam 2011). Satellite images show its
present windings intersect the dry beds of some of its old channels as laid down on
the early maps, demonstrating that there has been more than one shifting towards
the south and the west before the Gaṅgā reached its present course.
In the nineteenth century the French geographer Elisée Reclus (1876–94: 192–
93) had already described this unsteady main stream as ‘constantly shifting its bed
by eating away, and withdrawing from, both banks alternately’. Regarding this
54 TILOPĀ I
shifting of the river course, we are informed by the same author (ibid.) that in the
middle of the eighteenth century, ‘...the Ganges wound through the plains at a
long distance from the Rajmahal Hills, but in 1788 it had not only approached, but
had actually cut for itself a new channel through these hills, so that isolated rocks
previously on the right now stood near the left bank. Ten years later on all vestige
of these reefs had disappeared, while the place where the main current formerly
flowed was occupied by an island eight miles long and nearly two miles broad
rising above the highest water level’. Emblematic of the consequences of this
process can be the case of the ancient capital city of Gauḍa (current Gaur, in the
Maldah District, West Bengal), which has been abandoned by the main
watercourse, previously flowing further north and east, and the town should have
been positioned on its right bank (R.C. Majumdar 1971: 2).
2
Since a large number of ship seals have been found by archaeologists at
Chandraketugarh beside the Bidyadhari River, about thirty-five km north-east of
Kolkata, the site might reasonably be identified with Gaṅgā (Dasgupta 1959).
3
A fragmentary stone inscription in a Brāhmī lettering similar to that of the
Aśokan records is the only epigraphical witness to the Maurya rule in Bengal. It
was found in the ancient town of Puṇḍranagara, corresponding to the current
village of Mahasthangarh in the district of Bogra, on the banks of the Karatoyā
River. We may deduce from that small piece of hard limestone that Puṇḍranagara
was an administrative town at least since the third century BCE (Bhandarkar 1931–
32).
4
As a matter of fact, if we accept the so-called Ceyolonese ‘long chronology’, the
historical Buddha would have entered ultimate nirvāṇa (parinibbāna) in 486 BCE,
that is to say, 218 years before the accession to the throne of the Maurya emperor
Aśoka, in 268 BCE (Lamotte 1958: 236-37). On the other hand, if we accept the
Indian ‘short chronology’, the span since the death of Siddhārtha until Aśoka’s
coronation would be of a century only, and Siddhārtha would have passed away
octogenarian around 384 BCE.
5
Tāmraliptī can be identified, following the later Buddhist Theravāda tradition,
with the town of Tāmalithi, capital of a great kingdom (Dīpavaṃsa 3.33;
Oldenberg 1879: 28, 131), or with the haven of Tāmalitti where the ambassadors
of the king of Laṃkā (Sri Lanka) landed to visit king Dhammāsoka (Aśoka), and
from where they embarked five months later (Mahāvaṃsa 11.23–24, 38; Geiger
1912: 79, 80). It is interesting to notice that those envoys’ trip would have taken
seven–twelve days of navigation between the north of Sri Lanka and Tāmalitti,
and seven days via land routes or along navigable watercourses between what is
WATERS, KINGS, POLITIES, AND CITIES 55
the present-day Tamluk in the Midnapore District of West Bengal and Pāṭaliputta.
6
Among the nine kings (rāja) Samudragupta would have ‘exterminated’
(prasabhoddharaṇodvṛitta) in northern India (āryāvarta), the Allahabad praśasti
(l. 21) mentions a Candravarman (R.C. Majumdar 1971: 39–40). We know a great
king (mahārāja) with this name as the lord (adhipati) of Puṣkaraṇa (Pokharnā) in
a rock inscription on the Susunia Hill in Bankura District of southern West Bengal
(Vasu 1895; Sastri 1915–16). We may thus reasonably infer that Samudragupta’s
conquest of the western region of Dakṣiṇa-Rāḍhā opened the way into Bengal,
because Dakṣiṇa-Rāḍhā would correspond to the current region of Rarh (Raṛh)
that covers portions of West Bengal, Jharkhand and Bihar. Besides, the Allahabad
praśasti enumerates the lords (nṛpati) of lands along the borders (pratyanta) of the
Empire (ll. 22–23), viz. Samataṭa, Ḍavāka, Kāmarūpa, Nepal, and Karṭrpura. This
fact leads us to assume that, before the conquest of Samudragupta, these lands
were inhabited by independent nations, since then tributaries (karada) of the
Guptas.
7
See Gupta documents such as the copperplate inscriptions found at Baigram
(Basak 1931–32), Damodarpur (Basak 1919–20a), and Paharpur (Dikshit 1929–
30).
8
The Puṇḍravardhana Bhukti would have included large portions of the present
Bogra and Rajshahi Districts in the Rajshahi Division, and the Dinajpur District,
since 2010 in the Rangpur Division (R.C. Majumdar 1971: 13, 320).
9
Faxian (法顯, 336/345–418/423) left Chang’an in 399 to search for original texts
of monastic discipline. Following the trade routes through central Asia, he reached
India: there he travelled and studied till 412. The ‘Account of the Eminent Monk
Faxian’ (Gao seng fa xian zhuan 高僧法顯傳) was written around 417 by an
anonymous monk, on the basis of the verbal report Faxian would have given two
years after his return to China in 414. Then the text occurs in the Song, Yuan, and
Ming editions of the Buddhist canon as ‘Record of the Buddhist Countries’ (Fo
guo ji 佛國記, Taishō vol. 51 no. 2085).
10
Faxian mentions the village Nāla as the birthplace of Buddha’s disciple
Śāriputra, the place where he returned and entered parinirvāṇa: there Faxian
would have revered his stūpa still in existence.
11
Xuanzang (玄奘, c. 602–c. 664) left Chang’an in 627 on the traditional caravan
routes and reached India, where he pilgrimaged for more than ten years. Once
back about 646, on imperial command Xuanzang reported to his disciple and
56 TILOPĀ I
assistant Bianji (辯機) what he had seen. The latter wrote down on the basis of his
master’s oral travelogue the ‘Record of the Regions West of the Great Tang’ (Da
tang xi yu ji 大唐西域記, Taishō vol. 51 no. 2087).
12
Yijing (義淨, c. 635–c. 713) set out from Guangzhou (Canton) in 671 on board
a Persian merchant vessel to India in search of texts. Back to China twenty-five
years later, he composed two texts, the ‘Account of Eminent Monks who Sought
the Doctrine West of the Great Tang’ (Da tang xi yu qiu fa gao seng zhuan
大唐西域求法高僧傳, Taishō vol. 51 no. 2066), and the ‘Account of the Inner
Law Sent Home from the South Seas’ (Nan hai ji gui nei fa zhuan
南海寄歸內法傳, Taishō vol. 54 no. 2125).
13
The foundation of the first monastery (vihāra) would date back to the reign of
the late Imperial Gupta king Kumāragupta I (c. 415 – c. 455), referred to as
Śakrāditya (Shuojialuoayiduo 鑠迦羅阿逸多, T.2087. 923b21; Beal 1884, 2: 168)
by Xuanzang, as well as in a seal found at Nālandā (Sastri 1942: 38). The Chinese
pilgrim reveals a succession of four other Guptas who would have added
monasteries of their own in about one century (T.2087.923b27, b29, c1, c14; Beal
1884, 2: 168, 170), namely, Buddhagupta (Fotuojuduo 佛陀鞠多), Tathāgatagupta
(Datajieduojuduo 呾他揭多鞠多), Bālāditya (Poluoadieduo 婆羅阿迭多), and
Vajra (Sheluo 闍羅): Śakrāditya’s son and successor, Buddhagupta would have
built a monastery (jialan 伽藍 : ārāma) to the south of the first one;
Tathāgatagupta to the east, Bālāditya to the north-east, and Vajra to the west of the
latter respectively. After Vajra, a sixth monastery would have been built by an
unnamed ruler of central India to the north of the latter; then this king, apparently
not a Gupta, would have built round these edifices a high enclosing wall with one
gate (T.2087.923c16; Beal 1884, 2: 170).
Apart from Kumāragupta I, we can identify only Bālāditya. This royal patron,
named Bālāditya in his coins and by Xuanzang, is in fact Narasiṃhagupta
Bālāditya, the Gupta king who would have driven, together with the Aulikara king
Yaśodharman, the central Asian Hūṇas’ army led by Mihirakula (r. c. 515–c. 530)
from the plains of northern India in 528: thus we read in the pillar inscriptions
from Mandasor erected by Yaśodharman to celebrate the victory (Fleet 1888:
147–48). As to the other kings, due to the many problems about the Gupta
dynastic succession after Kumāragupta I, we have no solid certainty for an
identification. In fact we ignore whether Kumāragupta I was directly succeded by
his son Skandagupta Vikramāditya, or his other son Pūrugupta Prakāśāditya.
Likewise, we are basically in the dark as to the circumstances of the succession,
who succeded whom, when, and how: be it the case of Kumāragupta II
Kramāditya, Budhagupta, Vainyagupta, Kumāragupta III, and Viṣṇugupta (Heras
WATERS, KINGS, POLITIES, AND CITIES 57
the distance between Tamluk (Tāmraliptī) and Jessore is 164.47 km on the map,
even if we add one fourth to it (41.1175 km), the result (205.5875 km) still lacks
almost one hundred and fifty km to the distance given by Xuanzang. A more
realistic calculation would locate the capital in the area of Comilla which lies
within the compass of 360 km from Tamluk.
20
What we know about the Khaḍgas comes from (1) two copperplate inscriptions
of Devakhaḍga discovered at Ashrafpur, fifty km northeast of Dhaka (Mitra 1885;
Laskar 1906); (2) one short pedestal inscription of Devakhaḍga’s queen
Prabhāvatī on a brass image of Śiva’s consort Sarvāṇī found at Deulbari, twenty-
three km south of Comilla, and stolen shortly after its discovery (Bhattasali 1923–
24b; Huntington 1984: 28–29, 205); (3) one copperplate of Balabhaṭa on the
Mainamati Hills, eight km west of Comilla (Gupta 1979); (4) eleven coins sold by
a local collector of Comilla to the Bangladesh National Museum (no. E-93.317–E-
93.326), (5) one coin with the inscription ratnattraya on the obverse, from a single
auction specimen in Baldwin’s Auction no. 21, October 1999, lot 802 (Mitchiner
2000: 62, no. 82), (6) one coin of the ratnattraya type from the collection of John
S. Deyell, acquired by Joe Cribb for the British Museum in 1999 (Deyell 2011),
(7) a few more coins of this ratnattraya type seen on the market in subsequent
years (Deyell 2011: 101), like the one from CoinArchives’ Auction no. 26,
January 2017, lot 192 (Figure 9), and (7) a piece of information witnessed by the
Chinese Buddhist pilgrim Yijing.
21
A seal with the goddess Lakṣmī standing on a lotus is attached to the plate. Two
legends, one in relief below the lotus and one impressed on the right of Lakṣmī,
read kumārāmātyādhikaraṇasya and lokanātasya respectively: in all probability,
the grant would have been issued from the office (adhikaraṇa) of the district
magistrate (kumārāmātya) of an unmentioned overlord, and countersigned by a
Lokanātha whose ancestors are eulogised in nine verses (ll. 2–16). Owing to
corrosion of the copperplate, we cannot read the first name of the founder of the
dynasty, but we can infer that he was the first Nātha endowed with legal access to
the royal charter of kumārāmātya (l. 1). In the inscription this Mr. Nātha is
referred to as adhimahārāja (l. 5). The title, like adhirāja, is typically a royal one,
but sometimes it has been applied also to feudatories; so it seems to be the case
here, because his warlike son Śrīnātha is described as a sāmanta (l. 6). Then, the
latter’s pious son Bhavanātha would have abdicated in favour of a nephew whose
name is not mentioned. His successor, we do not know whether son or nephew of
the latter, was Lokanātha. The inscription describes him as a mixed-caste (karaṇa,
l. 16) because his mother was a pāraśava (l. 9), i.e. born from a brāhmaṇa father
and a śūdra mother, a form of marriage permissible and common in the seventh
century (Basak 1934: 197).
60 TILOPĀ I
22
Like the copperplate of Lokanātha, also the Kailan one shows a heavy brazen
seal attached to its left side, with the goddess Lakṣmī standing on a lotus. A
legend in raised letters read śrīmat Samataṭeśvarapādānudhyātasya, and
kumārāmatyādhikaraṇasya. There is another legend, afterwards embossed on the
seal to the right of the deity, where we read śrīśrīdharaṇaratasya, suggesting that
Śrīdhāraṇarāta would have countersigned the document.
23
Śrīdhāraṇarāta is represented with the subordinate title prāptapañcamahāśabda,
an epithet to be understood in the twelfth-century Rājataraṅgiṇī as indicating the
enjoyment of a combination of five official designations beginning with the word
mahat, namely high chamberlain (mahāpratīhāra), minister for foreign affairs
(mahāsāndhivigrahika), superintendent of the stables (mahāśvaśālādhikṛta),
treasurer (mahābhāṇḍāgārika), and chief military officer (mahāsādhanika).
24
Only two inscriptions have been published, the Mainamati plate of Ānandadeva
with his son Bhavadeva’s endorsement on the reverse (Sircar 1951), and the
Calcutta Asiatic Society plate of Bhavadeva from the Ānanda Vihāra on the
Mainamati Hills. Śāntideva would have come first. Then, while his son Vīradeva
is titled mahārāja, Ānandadeva, son by Vīradeva’s wife, is titled
mahārājādhirāja. The latter’s son and successor Bhavadeva, titled ‘the highest
lord, the noble lord, a king among great kings’ (parameśvara paramabhaṭṭāraka
mahārājādhirāja), is the last known king of the dynasty.
25
It sounds difficult that the name Nyi ’og could refer to the eastern side of the
western border. This would be the case if we interpret it as Skt aparāntaka on the
basis of its unique occurrence in the eighth–ninth century Sanskrit-Tibetan
dictionary of the Mahāvyutpatti (MVy 9179), nyi ’og gi gos, meaning ‘western
style cloth’. In point of fact, whereas Aparānta or Aparāntaka is usually
understood as the ancient western coastal region of India familiar to the early
Buddhist tradition (Lamotte 1958: 328), what is denoted here in a broad sense
could be understood as either the world ‘under heaven’ (nyi ’og) like the Chinese
tianxia (天下, Kapstein 2009: 66 n. 59), or northern India from coast to coast, ‘the
limits of which have nothing beyond’ (apara-anta).
26
Seemingly, the name originates from the Kuki peoples speaking different
Tibeto-Burman dialects and living since a remote time dispersed in the present-
day contiguous states of Manipur, Nagaland, Assam and Mizoram, in the
Chittagong Hill Tracts in Bangladesh, and in northwestern Myanmar.
27
The traditional etymon of Arakan is from Pāli rakkhasa (Skt rākṣasa), as it
WATERS, KINGS, POLITIES, AND CITIES 61
would be confirmed by Burmese bilu, ‘ogre’ or ‘demon’, and by the old Tamil
word arrakaṉ for Sanskrit rākṣasa. Another feasible etymon could be found
through Tamil arrakam, arakku, Malayalam arakku, Kannaḍa aragu, Tulu araků,
aragů, ‘lac’, ‘shellac’, for Sanskrit rākṣā (Burrow and Emeneau 1961: no. 199). It
is reasonable to conjecture that the resin secreted by an insect (Kerria lacca) on
certain trees, mainly in India and Thailand, and used for dyeing and other
applications, could have been a valuable merchandise produced by the ancient hill
tribes of that land.
28
As the script almost matches with that of Yaśovarmadeva’s inscription at
Nālandā, it has been assigned by Johnston (1944) to the first half of the eighth
century to a date ‘not much later than’ 700, and by Sircar (1957–58) to about 729
on the basis of the reign-span of Yaśovarman (c. 725–c. 754). This datation is
confirmed not only by a comparison with the above mentioned copperplate of
Bhavadeva (Sircar 1951), but also by the internal evidence of a contemporary king
Śīlamegha mentioned therein, as Śīlamegha would be the throne name of king
Aggabodhi IV of Ceylon who reigned 727–766 (Gutman 1976: 36–38).
29
The ancient Dhanyawadi reveals an inner city and an outer one. The former, a
quadrangular walled area with another square series of walls inside it, should be
the site of the king’s palace, his court, and the administrative power. Close to its
northern side, the important Buddhist pilgrimage destination of Mahāmuni temple
was the centre of the outer city. The latter, almost oval in shape, walled an area of
5.6 km2. Considering the scarcity of brick foundations in the interval between the
outer and inner city walls, its inhabitants must have been common people living in
wooden structures, whose paddy fields were enclosed within the outer walls as
well, in order to prevent the recurrent raids by hill tribes. Since archaeology gives
evidence that Dhanyawadi was inhabited until the early sixth century, seemingly
the capital would have been shifted to Vesālī in that period (Gutman 1976: 43).
30
Vesālī was founded in the sixth century about ten km south of Dhanyawadi.
Larger (6.2 km2) and safer than Dhanyawadi, to embrace the most of drained land
on the foothills, the new capital has a somewhat oval shape. We can distinguish an
inner rectangular royal city (457 305 m) with walls protected by a moat, and the
cultivated fields within the outer walls.
31
Purempura has been identified with a place mentioned in the Pāli Mahāniddesa,
Naranapūra in Sinhalese manuscripts, Purapura or Parapūra in Burmese
manuscripts, and Parammukha or Parapura in Thai manuscripts (Johnston 1944:
369). It may reasonably be equated with the coastal trade port of Barakura
described by Ptolemy (Barakóura empórion, Ptol. Geog. 7.2.2.10; Renou 1925:
62 TILOPĀ I
43), at present the village of Parapāra, on the west bank of the Nāf.
32
As to the sources available in Tibet at the beginning of the seventeenth century,
Tāranātha listed the ones he had used for his compilation (rGya gar chos ’byung
130b1–5; THBI 350–51): (1) a variety of fragmentary narrations and compilations
chronologically incomplete, and probably barely reliable; (2) an unnamed work in
two thousand ślokas by a paṇḍita of Magadha, *Kṣemendrabhadra or
*Dharaṇīndrabhadra (Sa dbang bzang po), covering the history up to the time of
the Pāla king Rāmapāla; (3) the oral accounts of some Indian paṇḍitas; (4) a
Buddhapurāṇa, in one thousand and two hundred ślokas, by a kṣatriya paṇḍita
Indradatta (dbang pos sbyin) covering the period up to the four Sena kings; (5) an
untitled account of the succession of the teachers (slob dpon : ācārya) of
Vikramaśīla, of similar length, by a brāhmaṇa paṇḍita Bhaṭāghaṭī.
33
Yaśovarman seized Kanauj around 720 but was defeated in 733 by Lalitāditya
Muktapīḍa (c. 725–c. 756), the emperor of the Kashmiri dynasty of the Kārkoṭas.
34
As to the word prakṛti, we will see Tāranātha’s gtso bo gtso bo rnams (rGya gar
chos ’byung 192.3) to confirm the interpretation of prakṛti in the above context as
‘chiefs’ rather than ‘subjects’, as a more democratic reading would have suggested
(R.C. Majumdar 1971: 95–96). But, in the light of this not so much egalitarian
perspective, it is this primal ‘law of fish’, according to which the small fish is
devoured by those who are stronger than it, that a king has to face.
35
Interestingly, according to Tāranātha’s sources, the nāginī would have been the
queen dowager of either king Gopicandra (rgyal po Go pi tsan dra’i btsun mo) or
Lalitacandra (La li ta tsan dra’i btsun mo), the last two Candras mentioned above.
Tāranātha explains that she would have been a powerful and ferocious nāginī
made the queen of a former king (or the former of the two brothers, i.e.
Gopicandra) who was gifted with magic powers (sngon rgyal po rdzu ’phrul can).
36
Dantidurga (c. 735–c. 755) rose to power at the expense of the Chāḷukya king
Solankī ‘Vallabha’ Kīrtivarman, and assumed the title Vallabharāja, which was
attached to the names of the subsequent Rāṣṭrakūṭa kings (Reu 1933: 42).
37
The coastal markets of western India had suffered Arab retaliations since the
last quarter of the seventh century for the attacks of pirates―seemingly protected
by the king of Sindh, Rājā Dāhir (661–712)―on Arab shipping. Thus, about
eighty years since the death of Muhammad (c. 632), while the Umayyad general
Tariq ibn Ziyad conquered the Visigothic kingdom of Hispania, another Umayyad
general, Muhammad Bin Qasim, had entered the Indian subcontinent at the orders
WATERS, KINGS, POLITIES, AND CITIES 63
of the governor of Iraq, Al-Ḥajjāj bin Yūsuf. With the defeat and death of Rājā
Dāhir in 712, the dominion of the Umayyad Caliphate (Al-Ḫilāfa al-ʾumawiyya)
had been established also in the Indus Valley. Few years later, in 738, the forward
intrusion of the Arabs of Sindh was stopped by Nāgabhaṭa I.
38
The episode can be read in the Khalimpur inscription (ll. 21–23, v. 12; Kielhorn
1896–97: 248, 252), which describes how an unnamed king of Kānyakubja
(Kanauj) was installed by the Parameśvara Paramabhaṭṭāraka Mahārājādhirāja
Dharmapāladeva with the ready approval of the convened kings. The name of the
king of Kanauj, Cakrāyudha, is known to us from the Gwalior inscription (l. 7, v.
9b; R.C. Majumdar 1925–26: 108), where he is described as one whose lowly
demeanour was manifest from his dependence on others.
39
Thus we infer from the eleventh-century Rāmganj copperplate inscription of
Īśvaraghoṣa (N.G. Majumdar 1929: 149), where the donor is an alleged
mahāmāṇḍalika (= maṇḍalādhipati) with rājans, rājanyakas, rājanakas, rāṇakas,
sāmantas, and mahāsāmantas at his command. Since the inscription refers to the
viṣaya as a subunit of a maṇdala, the latter may be regarded as akin to the bhukti:
possibly, as suggested by Ramesh Chandra Majumdar (1971: 307–308), the bhukti
was an administrative unit ruled by the Pālas through their uparikas, while the
maṇḍala was under an adhipati enjoying internal autonomy.
40
Most probably, the walls were covered by thin malleable sheets of brass, as the
Chinese term yushi (俞石) would be for the calamine stone (Medhurst 1842–43:
s.v. shih), i.e. Lat. cadmea (Plin. Nat. 34.2), used in the formation of brass.
41
The site has been located thirteen km far from the ruins of Nālandā.
42
To prove Tāranātha’s confusion in compiling from his sources on this point, he
relates almost the same legend as told by Bu ston, but so as to ascribe the
foundation of Somapura Mahāvihāra to Devapāla (rGya gar chos ’byung 196.5–
197.6; THBI 265–66).
43
The site of Vikramaśīla has been identified with the remains brought to light at
Antichak, a village on the right bank of the Gaṅgā in the Bhagalpur District of
Bihar. The village is located at about fifty km east of Bhagalpur, and about
thirteen km northeast of Kahalgaon.
44
Nine field seasons of digging since 1960 by the Department of Ancient Indian
History and Archaeology of the Patna University, and a large excavation in the
years 1971 to 1882 by the Vikramashila Excavation Project of the Archaeological
64 TILOPĀ I
Survey of India have revealed a huge square monastery with a cruciform stūpa in
its centre, a library building, and a number of votive stūpas; in particular, a copper
seal with the legend vikramasya found there is noteworthy (Indian Archaeology –
A Review 1973–74: 9).
45
The ruins of Somapura have been found in the current Paharpur less than fifty
km northwest of Mahasthangarh, the ancient Puṇḍranagara on the banks of the
Karatoyā River (Ghoshal 1934).
46
B. kaḍi, H. kauḍī : Skt kapardaḥ, kapardikā, Pkt kavaḍḍa-, kavaḍḍiā. A later
account of the Venetian merchant Marco Polo (1254–1324) confirms this use of
cowries in the southeast of Asia. Curiously, the word he uses is porcellana: from
Italian porcello, in turn from Latin porcus, meaning a ‘female little pig’ or ‘gilt’,
but also alluding to the genitals of a virgin, as attested by M. Terentius Varro (Var.
Rust. 2.4.10). It is probably in this latter sense that Marco Polo adopted it on
account of the resemblance of the fissure of the shell to a vulva.
47
As to the diffusion of the cowries as small currency, Marco Polo reports about
their use in Yunnan, Bengal (Bangala), Jiaozhi (Cauçugu, Caugigu), and Annam
(Amu), today in northern Vietnam. Following the Latin version (De mirabilibus
mundi) in the redaction Z of a fifteenth-century manuscript kept at Toledo, Spain
(Barbieri 1998), the portions of Yunnan mentioned by Marco Polo are, (1) Carajan
(Ms. Z Caraçan, Carayan), i.e. Dali in northwestern Yunnan (...expe‹n›dunt pro
monetas porcellanas, 56.16; ...in ista quoque provincia expe‹n›dunt similiter
porcelanas de quibus superius declaratum, 57.7); (2) Zardandan (Çardandan), in
Persian ‘gold teeth’, the land of the people of Jinchi, ‘gold teeth’ in Chinese,
identified with the Dai people of current Baoshan in western Yunnan (...moneta
eorum est aurum, sed expendunt etiam porcelanas, 58.12); (3) Toloman in
northeastern Yunnan (...invenitur etiam in provincia illa aurum in habundancia.
Moneta quam minutim expendunt sunt porcellane, de quibus superius declaratur.
Et similiter supradicte provincie Bangala, Cauzugu et Amu expendunt porcellanas
et aurum. Aliqui sunt mercatores; et illi divites sunt valde, et multis et magnis
utuntur mercimon‹i›is, 63.8–10).
48
Sulaymān’s mention of an animal with a single horn lets us identify this kind of
Rhinocerotidae with the Indian (Rhinoceros unicornis) and the Javan (Rhinoceros
sondaicus) species who have one horn only.
49
Another possibility has been suggested by H. Rashid (1968: 251 ff. in Gutman
1976: 320) who cannot exlude that Rohitāgiri-bhujām-vaṃśa could be a metaphor
for the Arakanese Candras because the hills near Vesālī are red in the dry season.
II — THE HAGIOGRAPHIC TRADITION
A
t Aristarchus’ suggestion that we should ‘elucidate Homer out of
Homer’, a contextual approach to the most significant sources on
the hero of these pages can be conducive to a better comprehension
of several peculiar expressions, as well as historically and geographically
puzzling passages therein.
The Sources
It may be convenient to describe at the outset the relevant hagiographic
material, arranging in chronological order the sources sifted through, each
of them marked by a progressive letter of the Greek alphabet.
65
66 TILOPĀ II
FIGURE 1: Mar pa. rNal ’byor gyi dbang phyug ti lo pa’i lo rgyus, fol. 1b
Source β ― Mar pa
(1) rNal ’byor gyi dbang phyug ti lo pa’i lo rgyus (Torricelli and Naga 1995),
(2) dPal na ro paṇ chen gyi lo rgyus. In bDe mchog mkha’ ’gro snyan brgyud,
KHA: brGyud pa yid bzhin nor bu’i rnam par thar pa.
These two texts are known to us through a codex unicus which can be
found in a manuscript from the library of A pho rin po che Ye shes rang
grol (1925–74), the grandson of the ’Brug pa bKa’ brgyud master Shā kya
shrī rTogs ldan (1853–1919). Handwritten in an elegant cursive script (dbu
med), the manuscript contains a bKa’ brgyud scholastic manual (yig cha)
titled ‘The Aural Transmission from the Ḍākinīs of Śambara’ (bDe mchog
mkha’ ’gro snyan brgyud). It has been described in an anonymous preface
by Ellis Gene Smith in 1973 when its photostat reproduction was
published, and then by Peter Alan Roberts (2007).
As we will see more in detail later, this kind of textual collections
generally has two main sections, viz. the accounts of the successive masters
in the transmission lineage (brgyud), and the instructions relevant to that
esoteric tradition (snyan brgyud). In addition, these compilations can be
introduced by a survey of the teachings therein included. In our case, the
collection is preceded by the valuable ‘Introductory Notes by the Translator
of Zhang’ (Zhang lo’i thim yig), namely Zhang Lo tsā ba Grub pa dpal
Byang chub ’od zer, one of the earliest protagonists of the bDe mchog
snyan brgyud (Torricelli 2001). As to the transmission lineage, the
collection has the accounts of the following masters, some tentative dates
of whom have been proposed by Gene Smith and rectified by Roberts
(2007: 16, 50) on the basis of the internal evidence of the biographies―
THE HAGIOGRAPHIC TRADITION 67
Tilopa
|
Nāropā
(c. 956 – c. 1040)
|
Mar pa Chos kyi blo gros
(c. 1012 – c. 1097)
|
Mi la ras pa
(1040/52–1123/35)
|
Ras chung rDo rje grags pa
(1084–1161)
|
Khyung tshang pa Ye shes bla ma
(1115–1176)
|
Mar ston Tshul khrims Slob dpon sTar sgom Ma gcig Ang jo
’byung gnas | |
| | |
Bya btang pa bDe legs rin chen gZi brjid rgyal mtshan
(?–1337) (1290–1360)
| |
|
gNas rnying pa rGyal mtshan rin chen
|
Byams pa gser mchog ’Od zer dpal
|
Shar kha ras chen
|
Kun dga’ dar po (Ā nan da da ya)
We read in Gene Smith’s preface to the two-volume photostat, that ‘the yig
cha itself is, to a large extent, the work of Shar kha ras chen, Kun dga’ dar
po, and Byang chub bzang po’. The first master, who could be identified
with Ras chen Chos rje Shar ka (Roberts 2007: 47, 50), is the author of two
teachings, and the second of thirteen. Out of the latter’s texts, in the
colophon of the ’Khor lo sdom pa snyan brgyud lugs kyi dkyil ’khor sdom
tshig mun sel sgron me (p. 802 of the photostat of the first volume), we
read that Kun dga’ dar po (Ā nan da da ya) composed it (sbyar) at Se brag
sgrub gling ‘at the behest of Kun dga’ dpal ’byor’ (Kun dga’ dpal ’byor
zhes bya ring bskul ngor) in a Fire Rabbit year (rab byung zhes bya me pho
yos kyi lo). The year could be either 1447 if in the eighth Tibetan sixty-year
cycle (rab byung), or 1507 if in the ninth. On the other hand, since the
colophon shows Kun dga’ dar po’s personal connection with the Second
’Brug chen Kun dga’ dpal ’byor (1428–76), the year 1447 would seem
more realistic.
As to the third master, Byang chub bzang po (Bo dhi bha dra) authored
two instructional texts as well as two hagiographies. In fact, having been a
pupil of the last two ’Brug pa bKa’ brgyud masters whose accounts appear
in the collection―Shar kha Ras chen and the latter’s disciple Kun dga’ dar
po―he is the author of their accounts.1 We may thus reasonably infer that
this bDe mchog mkha’ ’gro snyan brgyud was compiled and edited by
Byang chub bzang po in the first half of the sixteenth century.
Unfortunately, his role as a compiler of the whole yig cha is less apparent.
First of all, we do not know whether he completed a work already begun by
his gurus, or the responsibility of both project and its fulfilment are to be
ascribed only to him; what’s more, we do not know his modus operandi in
the compilation of the texts.2 Let us see if ‘elucidating Homer out of
Homer’ can be of some help.
The Bod kyi lo rgyus rnam thar phyogs bsgrigs is a ninety-volume
collection of Tibetan historical and biographical texts. This ‘History Set’
(HS) has been compiled and facsimiled in recent times (2010–12) by the
THE HAGIOGRAPHIC TRADITION 69
editorial house of dPal brtsegs in Lhasa. Among the works reproduced from
ancient manuscripts and woodblock prints preserved for the most part in
the Drepung Monastery libraries, we can find another text authored by
Byang chub bzang po, the ‘Garland of Wish-fulfilling Gems of the Aural
Transmission Lineage’ (sNyan brgyud kyi brgyud pa yid bzhin nor bu’i
phreng ba 22: 249–455). This work includes the accounts of the sNyan
brgyud masters from Tilopa to Kun dga’ dar po, and its structure tallies
with that of our source β, with the exception of the rnam thar of Slob dpon
sTar sgom, which is missing in HS. A first comparison between the two
collections shows that, out of twenty-one hagiographies, thirteen texts
covering more than half of the whole work, are identical (=), and eight are
different (≠)—
β pp. HS pp.
Tilopa 8–28 ≠ 250–261
Nāropā 29–62 ≠ 261–276
Mar pa 63–96 ≠ 276–283
Mi la ras pa 97–125 ≠ 283–292
Ras chung 125–150 ≠ 292–310
Khyung tshang pa Ye shes bla ma 151–164 ≠ 310–320
Mar ston Tshul khrims ’byung gnas 165–169 = 320–325
Slob dpon sTar sgom 170–174 ― ―
Ma gcig Ang jo 175–176 = 325–327
Zhang Lo tsā ba 176–186 = 327–337
Dha ra shrī 187–196 = 337–347
bSod nams rgyal mtshan 197–206 = 347–357
Kun ldan ras ma 207–214 = 357–364
Bya btang pa bDe legs rin chen 215–226 = 364–376
gZi brjid rgyal mtshan 226–236 = 376–386
Dus zhabs pa Rin chen rgya mtsho 237–246 = 386–396
Chos grags dpal bzang po 247–248 ≠ 396–398
’Jam pa’i dbyangs Rin chen rgyal mtshan 249–257 = 398–407
gNas rnying pa rGyal mtshan rin chen 259–272 = 407–421
Byams pa gser mchog ’Od zer dpal 273–280 ≠ 422–425
Shar kha ras chen 281–291 = 425–434
Kun dga’ dar po 293–312 = 434–455
We can assume that Byang chub bzang po arranged two versions of the
same hagiographic collection. It stands to reason that also the HS text had
been prepared with the aim of fulfilling the same function within the same
scholastic context. Most probably, our editor organized the accounts of the
70 TILOPĀ II
successive masters of the bDe mchog snyan brgyud in parallel with the
instructions to be included in the yig cha. Now, given that he did it twice,
and the final version is obviously consistent with the one preserved along
with the instructional section in the manuscript β, we can infer that the HS
version represents its previous form.
For what reason did Byang chub bzang po compose the same collection
on two occasions? What happened since the time of the former version
until that of the latter? Apart from the texts matching in β and HS,3 out of
the eight ones that differ, HS has no final note at all for five, viz. the rnam
thars of Tilopa, Nāropā, Mi la ras pa, Ras chung, and Khyung tshang pa Ye
shes bla ma: thus, most likely they are the work of Byang chub bzang po
himself. As to the other three different texts, whereas the first two could
reasonably be ascribed to Byang chub bzang po as well, only the last one
has a genuine colophon.4
With regard to β, it appears in the colophon of the first text that it has
been composed at Gro bo lung in lHo brag by the great bKa’ brgyud master
and translator (lo tsā ba) Mar pa Chos kyi blo gros (c. 1012–c. 1097):5
de nas grub pa thob pas kyang sprul Now, the account of the lord of yoga
pa’i skur grags pa | rnal ’byor gyi dbang Tilopa who attained perfection and was
phyug te lo pa’i lo rgyus | sku che ba’i also celebrated as a nirmāṇakāya,
yon tan de nyid kyis mdzad pa’i gzhung composed in an autonomous way and
rang mtshan du byas nas mtha’ dag pa expounded in a complete form, the text
zhig bstan zin | dpal gro bo lung gi of the deeds performed by means of
dgon par | sras mdo sde’i don du yi ger those great good qualities has been
bkod pa rdzogs so (β 28). written down for my son mDo sde in
the seclusion of Gro bo lung.
The colophon of the second text confirms the author, but it does not
mention any place of composition, albeit seemingly the same:
dpal na ro paṇ chen gyi lo rgyus bstan The account of the great scholar, the
zin to || sras mdo sde’i don du mar pas glorious Nāropā, has been revealed.
yi ger bkod pa rdzogs so (β 62). Mar pa has terminated to set it down in
writing for his son mDo sde.
and mendacity, that they are naturally skeptical about clerical documents.
Nevertheless, a handful of facts seems to corroborate the authenticity of
those old Tibetan papers.
First, whereas the former account appears on the whole more accurate,
the latter gives the impression to be a rough draft. As a matter of fact, in the
account of Nāropā fifteen shorthand glosses can be found. If we observe
some cases, we see that these glosses can play either a narrative or a
poetical function. In the first case the author shortens the narrative context:
de nas bla ma’i sprul par ngo ma shes te After that, how he felt sad for having
’gyod pa dang | bla ma yid la byed cing not recognized it as a magical
phyin tshul sogs gong dang ’dra bar kun apparition of the guru, he proceeded
la shes par bya’o (β 36.6–7). keeping in mind the guru, and all the
rest should be known to every one as
similar to the above.
zhes pa’i bar rnams dgos pa’i dbang gis The text up to the above, apart from the
| ’don pa bsgyur ba ma gtogs gong dang modified chant, should be combined
’dra bar kun la sbyar bar bya’o || yang according to the need with all in the
te lo pa gar gshegs cha med cing | lo same way as above. Again, how Telopa
gcig gi bar du chos dang tha mal gyi vanished with no trace, and for one year
gtam gcig kyang ma byung yang | nā there was not even one single
ros phyi bzhin du ’brengs te dka’ ba doctrinary or conventional communica-
chen pos btsal tshul sogs kyang gong tion, and also how Nāropā went after
dang ’dra shes par bya’o (β 46.1–3). seeking for him through great hardship,
and so forth should be known as above.
dus gsum sangs rgyas thams cad dang || ‘All Buddhas of the three times, and...’
zhes dang dngos kyi tshig rkang gsum Including this, the three original lines of
po gong dang ’dra ba la | thun mongs the verse are as above; [add] to them:
yid bzhin nor bu ltos (β 46.6). ‘Look at the common wish-fulfilling
gem’.
nā ro pas ma go tshul sogs gong dang How Nāropā did not understand, and so
’dra’o (β 46.6–7). forth is as above.
THE HAGIOGRAPHIC TRADITION 73
dus gsum zhes sogs dang | dam tshig ‘[All Buddhas of] the three times, [and]
yid bzhin nor bu ltos (β 47.3). ...’ Including this, and so forth, [add:]
‘Look at the wish-fulfilling gem of
commitments’.
Poetical as well are the subsequent clips, from the sixth to the fourteenth.11
Only the last clip is again a narrative one:
zhes pa’i dka’ chen re res bzhin la It must be said combining it with what
sbyor zhes par bya’o (β 52.7). corresponds to one by one of the above
told hardships.
Quite sophisticated a forger would have been our editor to prepare a first
well organized text, and the following one as a rushed draft, without even
resolving the shortenings.
Moreover, as we will see more in detail in the next chapter, out of the
major points of discussion in Nāropā’s hagiographies, his
birthplace―whether in Kashmir or in Bengal―plays a prominent part
(Davidson 2005: 45). Now, whereas Byang chub bzang po’s account in HS
correctly places Nāropā’s birthplace in Bengal, the corresponding new
entry in β locates it in Kashmir.12 We may thus take for granted that our
editor was not responsible of the peculiarities of the account in β.
We know from the opening dedicatory verses of the former text (β 9) as
well as from both colophons that these accounts (lo rgyus) were ‘arranged
in written form’ (yi ger bkod pa) by Mar pa for the sake of his son Dar ma
mDo sde (sras mDo sde’i don du). If the fifteenth-century ‘Blue Annals’,
the Deb ther sngon po by ’Gos Lo tsā ba, are still reliable on that point,
Mar pa would have taken bDag med ma as his main wife after his second
journey to India in 1054, at the age of forty-two (Deb ther sngon po 354.4;
BA 402). It is reasonable that Mar pa and bDag med ma’s eldest son, Dar
ma mDo sde, had been born approximately one year later, around 1055. We
are also informed that Mi la ras pa resided six years and about eight months
with Mar pa, since the age of thirty-eight to forty-four (Deb ther sngon po
378.1–3; BA 432–33), i.e. in the years 1078–1084. Given that mDo sde
would have died when Mi la ras pa was still with Mar pa, the years 1055–
1084 could be the tentative dates of Dar ma mDo sde’s lifespan.
74 TILOPĀ II
Source γ ― Vajrāsana
*Caturaśītisiddhābhyarthanā (Grub thob brgyad cu rtsa bzhi’i gsol
’debs). In bsTan ’gyur, rGyud (Ō. 4578, Tō. 3758; Schmid 1958; Egyed
THE HAGIOGRAPHIC TRADITION 75
paṇḍitas, yogins and esoteric teachings. He got all the Ācārya Vajrāsana’s
consecrations (dbang), tantras, and also esoteric teachings. Later he was
abbot of Vajrāsana for a long time (rDo rje gdan gyi mkhan po rgyun ring
du mdzad). Then he wanted to go to the south. Finally the Ācārya and
thirty disciples arrived at Sauri. [...] He stayed there in Sauri and even was
famous as Sauripāda (Sau ri pa). The Ācārya had perfected the
utpattikrama and had the vision of many chosen tutelary divinities (yi
dam). In particular, he enhanced the esoteric teachings in the land of
India... (bKa’ babs bdun ldan 448.1–449.4; cf. SIL 64–65).
Given that Vajrāsana the Great was a contemporary fellow of Atiśa, and
Vajrāsana the Middle one generation younger, we may surmise that both
flourished in the second half of the eleventh century. In addition, since the
text includes Atiśa himself (Mar me mdzad, no. 22) among the eighty-five
siddhas, it is more realistic to ascribe the *Caturaśītisiddhābhyarthanā to
Vajrāsana the Middle alias Ratnākaragupta. This conjecture is corroborated
by the fact that, while the former was from the south of India, the latter was
from Gauḍa, therefore a Bengali like most of the eulogized siddhas.
Moreover, he would have been well versed in propitiatory services (sevā)
and consistent devotional texts, as it is the case of this prayer (gsol ’debs)
to the eighty-five siddhas.
Of our hero (Telopa, no. 23), we have just two pieces of information,
namely, he attained the supreme accomplishment grinding sesame (til
brdung) and saw (mjal) the Buddha in Bengal (Bhaṃ ga la).
Source δ ― Abhayadatta
*Caturaśītisiddhapravṛtti (Grub thob brgyad cu rtsa bzhi’i rnam thar).
In bsTan ’gyur (Ō. 5091; Grünwedel 1916: 170; Sempa Dorje 1979;
Robinson 1979: 98–99; Dowman 1985: 151).
Vīraprabha
|
Kamala a brāhmaṇa paṇḍita;
(Ka ma la)
|
78 TILOPĀ II
Source ε ― sGam po pa
Tai lo dang nā ro’i rnam thar. In gSung ’bum yid bzhin nor bu, KA, fols
1a–12a (pp. 1–24).
According to ’Gos Lo tsā ba’s Deb ther sngon po (377.7; BA 457), sGam
po pa bSod nams rin chen―aliases Dwags po lHa rje, and Zla ’od gzhon
nu―(1079–1153), would have spent thirteen months in the presence of
Mar pa’s disciple, Mi la ras pa (1040–1123). Now, since he would have
met his guru at the age of thirty-one (1079 + 31), while the latter was
seventy years old (1040 + 70), their first meeting would have occurred in
the year Iron Male Tiger (lcags pho stag), that is 1110, and the year of his
leaving would have been in the year Iron Female Hare (lcags mo yos), or
1111 (Deb ther sngon po 398.6; BA 458).
In spite of the title, sGam po pa’s Tai lo dang nā ro’i rnam thar does
not contain any real account of Tailopa’s life, but it mostly concerns with
his disciple Nāropā.
Source ζ ― Vibhūticandra
*Bāhyasādhanasaṃyoga (Phyi sgrub kyis rten ’brel). In bsTan ’gyur,
Ō. 5015.
On the textual basis of Ō. 5015, and 5014 (...bla ma phyi ltar sgrub pa’i
man ngag...), a better tentative re-Sanskritization of Tib. Phyi sgrub kyis
rten ’brel ought to be *Bāhyasādhanasaṃyoga instead of
*Bāhyasiddhipratītyasamutpāda (Cordier 1909‒15, 84: 3; Ō. 5015; TT 87:
14): thus the title should be understood as ‘Circumstances of the Outer
Practice’. Although the catalogue of the Peking Qianlong bsTan ’gyur
THE HAGIOGRAPHIC TRADITION 79
assigns the text to Tillopa (Tailikapāda), the colophon of the same edition
(Q YU 30a3), with the related sNar thang (N YU 30a6) and dGa’ ldan bsTan
’gyur (G YU 37a1), describes it as composed by Vibhūticandra (paṇ chen
Bhi bu ti tsan dras mdzad pa).16
Following the trail of Cyrus Stearns’ study on that paṇḍita (1996), we
know that Vibhūticandra was born in the second half of the twelfth century
in the Varendra Maṇḍala, within the Puṇḍravardhana Bhukti of northern
Bengal, and he would have studied as an ordained monk at Vikramaśīla.
With regard to his guru, the Kashmiri paṇḍita Śākyaśrībhadra (c. 1127–c.
1225), he could have met him either at Vikramaśīla or at Jagaddala, the
mahāvihāra in Varendra, where he went to escape eastwards from Turuṣka
invaders of Muḥammad ibn Bakhtyār Khaljī pressing from the west.17 After
three years spent studying there under Śākyaśrībhadra, in 1204 the two fled
to Tibet together with other fellow fugitives.
During the eleven years of his first stay in Tibet (1204–1214),
Vibhūticandra had contacts with more than one representative of the later
spread (phyi dar) of Buddhism in Tibet, in particular, with the founder of
the ’Bri gung tradition of the bKa’ brgyud pas, ’Bri gung skyob pa ’Jig rten
mgon po (1143–1217), and with the patriarch of Sa skya, rJe btsun Grags
pa rgyal mtshan (1147–1216), as well as with the latter’s nephew, the
future Sa skya Paṇḍita, Kun dga’ rgyal mtshan (1182–1251). In 1213 he
was in mNga’ ris with Śākyaśrībhadra: there, in a royal palace in Pu rang,
he translated many texts in collaboration with Glo bo Lo tsā ba Shes rab rin
chen. In 1214, when the old Śākyaśrībhadra left Tibet to Kashmir,
Vibhūticandra went to Kathmandu: probably with Glo bo Lo tsā ba, as their
collaboration continued there. In Kathmandu, he studied under important
masters, such as the Indian ācārya of Vikramaśīla Ratnarakṣita (Lo Bue
1997: 634), and the Newari Buddhaśrī (bal po Buddha shrī).18 Moreover,
Vibhūticandra would have become abbot of the Tham Bahil of
Kathmandu.19
In Tibet for a second time, we are informed of his translation work at
the temple of ’Bring mtshams in gTsang―where he composed and auto-
translated his important Trisaṃvaraprabhāmālā―and that he would have
‘spent time at the monastery of ’Bri khung gling, where his activities were
very influential’ (Stearns 1996: 139). Once back in Nepal, he occupied
again his position at the Tham Bahil until old age: it is in that period that
the crucial meeting between Vibhūticandra and ‘a much later Śavaripa
acting as the esoteric preceptor for Vibhūticandra’ (Davidson 2002b: 228)
did occur.20 The teachings on the ṣaḍaṅgayoga (rnal ’byor yan lag drug
80 TILOPĀ II
pa) of the Kālacakra system, which he received from that ‘young yogin
with bone loops fixed in his ear lobes’ (Stearns 1996: 139), were since then
labelled as the direct transmission of Vibhūticandra (Bi bhū ti’i nye
brgyud).
In order to spread this transmission, he composed his Yogaṣaḍaṅga, and
went to Tibet for the third time. There he gave the Kālacakra consecration
and Śavaripa’s teachings to many Tibetan people convened to Ding ri, near
the Tibet-Nepal border, where he was guest of the renowned yogin Ko brag
pa bSod nams rgyal mtshan (1181/2–1261). While living in the charnel
ground of mKhan pa, west of Ding ri glang ’khor, Vibhūticandra would
have translated several texts in association with the Tibetan translator Mi
mnyam bzang po. Among them, not only did he translate important texts on
Kālacakra, such as Anupamarakṣita’s Ṣaḍaṅgayoga, and the Yogaṣaḍaṅga
transmitted to him by Śavaripa at Tham Bahil before leaving, but he also
translated Tillopa’s Gurusādhana (GS, Ō. 5014), Nāropā’s Gurusiddhi (Ō.
5016), and Nāgārjuna’s Guruguhyasiddhi (Ō. 5017). Although the
*Bāhyasādhanasaṃyoga has no colophon, due to both the position it
occupies in the three bsTan ’gyur editions (Ō. 5015), and the texts
Vibhūticandra dealt with during his stay at Ding ri, it is reasonable to agree
with Stearns (1996: 162) and assign it to that period.
Reporting what Tillopa would have said to Nāropā, alias Abhayakīrti
(’Jigs med grags pa) at the moment of their first encounter, and later at the
presence of a lay disciple Indrabodhi of that period, Vibhūticandra puts the
same Tillopa’s Gurusādhana he had translated (Ō. 5014) within a
hagiographic anecdotal context, namely the ‘circumstances’ (rten ’brel). As
to the source of this account, a reasonable conjecture could identify it with
Vibhūticandra’s connections in the ’Bri gung bKa’ brgyud milieu, notably
during his first stay in Tibet, in 1204–14, with ’Bri gung skyob pa ’Jig rten
mgon po.
gru pa rDo rje rgyal po, gTsang pa rGya ras Ye shes rdo rje, and rGod
tshang pa mGon po rdo rje. Two lines below the latter, the colophon of the
entire collection has again rGyal thang pa bDe chen rdo rje (cf. Roberts
2007: 11–15). In Gene Smith’s anonymous preface to the modern photostat
reproduction of this gser ’phreng, we read that rGyal thang pa was a
disciple of the founder of the western (stod) school of the ’Brug pa bKa’
brgyud tradition, rGod tshang pa mGon po rdo rje (1189–1258), ‘the last
guru whose biography appears in this collection’―
LINEAGE TRADITION
The manuscript can be dated to the latter half of the fifteenth century or the
first half of the sixteenth century, and it is preserved at Hemis in Ladakh.
82 TILOPĀ II
We are informed by Khenpo Könchog Gyaltsen (1990: xvi) that this late-
thirteenth-century author from Western Tibet was a disciple of Ri khrod
dbang phyug (1181–1255), himself a disciple of ’Bri gung skyob pa ’Jig
rten mgon po.21
LINEAGE TRADITION
Source ι ― U rgyan pa
bKa’ brgyud yid bzhin nor bu yi ’phreng ba.
U rgyan pa Rin chen dpal, alias Seng ge dpal (1230–1309), the siddha
compiler of the entire collection, was since 1247 a disciple of the above
mentioned rGod tshang pa mGon po rdo rje (1189–1258): the latter, ‘tired
THE HAGIOGRAPHIC TRADITION 83
This gser ’phreng, compiled in the second half of the fifteenth century by
Mon rtse pa Kun dga’ dpal ldan (1408–1475), follows the ’Ba’ ra lineage of
the Yang dgon school, in turn an offshoot of the sTod ’Brug school of the
84 TILOPĀ II
Tilopa
|
Nāropā
(c. 956 – c. 1040)
|
Mar pa Chos kyi blo gros
(c. 1012 – c. 1097)
|
Mi la ras pa
(1040/52–1123/35)
|
Ras chung rDo rje grags
(1084–1161)
|
Khyung tshang pa Ye shes bla ma
(1115–1176)
|
Mar ston Tshul khrims
’byung gnas Slob dpon sTar bsgom Ma gcig Ong bhyo ras ma
| | |
| | |
THE HAGIOGRAPHIC TRADITION 85
These concise texts were composed in 1508 by ’Bri gung Chos rje Kun
dga’ rin chen (1475–1527), the last abbot of ’Bri gung monastery to follow
the pure ’Bri gung bKa’ brgyud pa tradition, before the rNying ma pa
tradition gradually took over.
86 TILOPĀ II
Yoginītantras
Vajrayāna, Mantrayāna, Mantranaya, Tantric or Esoteric Buddhism are
different names for an endogenous cultural outgrowth in the Buddhist
tradition that its followers call Mahāyāna, Great Vehicle. It developed
typically in the post-Gupta centuries as an increasing amount of worship
ceremonies, visualization techniques, evocation rituals, esoteric diagrams,
formulae, and magic spells centred upon one or another deity. Within an
analogical perspective, the chosen tutelary deity (iṣṭadevatā) was
meditatively and ritually deemed as the divine expression of the cosmic
energy, that was―and still is―represented in an esoteric circular diagram
called maṇḍala. Under such circumstances, a symbol was taken as the
symbol: in the same way as every single phenomenon (dharma) can stay
THE HAGIOGRAPHIC TRADITION 89
Yoginītantra
10th–12th cent.
|
proto-Yoginī
mid-8th c.→
Yogottaratantra
8th cent.→
Yogatantra
late 7th c.→
Caryātantra
mid-7th c.→
|
Ubhayatantra
Kriyātantra
2nd–6th cent.
Source: Adapted from English 2002, pp. 2–7.
Śrī Kambalapā (dpal La ba pa) and others removed (phyung) from the
country of Uḍḍiyāna the Yoginītantras (rnal ’byor ma’i rgyud rnams), that
spread also in Madhyadeśa (Deb ther sngon po 662.1–3; cf. BA 753).
Cakraśaṃvara
In the central position of the maṇḍalas of the Yogottara- and Yoginītantras
we do no find the Buddha Vairocana as in the case of the Caryā- and
Yogatantras, but Akṣobhya, or one of his multiple wrathful manifestations,
all members of the Adamantine Family (vajrakula : rdo rje’i rigs) of
Buddhas.22
One of these manifestations, crucial in the life of our Bengali
gentleman, is Cakrasaṃvara, a hypostasis of Heruka or Hevajra, and
essentially identitical with Buddhakapāla, Mahāmāyā, Saṃvara, and
Vajraḍāka (Snellgrove 1959, 1: 30–33; Mallmann 1975: 182–90). As such,
he is the central deity in the maṇḍalas of the Yoginītantras. In particular,
Heruka takes the name of Cakrasaṃvara or Saṃvara when imagined
copulating with his consort Vajravārāhī (rDo rje phag mo), alias
Jñānaḍākinī (Ye shes mkha’ ’gro ma), Bhagavatīyoginī (bCom ldan rnal
’byor ma), or Vajrayoginī (rDo rje rnal ’byor ma; Bhattacharyya 1924:
160–162; Tucci 1935: 16–74; Meisezahl 1967; Mallmann 1969; 1975: 50–
52, 187–89; Kossak and Casey Singer 1998 nos 2, 20, 21, 32, 43; English
2002). The theonym occurs as Śaṃvara/Śambara (bDe mchog), or
‘sublime’ (vara) ‘bliss’ (śam); as Saṃvara/Sambara, ‘union’ (sDom pa)
from Skt saṃ√vṛ, it is a synonym of samāja (’dus pa), saṃyoga, and
samayoga; as Cakraśaṃvara or Cakraśambara ‘sublime bliss in the cakras’
(bDe mchog ’khor lo), and Cakrasaṃvara, or ‘union of the cakras’ (’Khor
lo sdom pa), it alludes to the yoga experience which comes into existence
when the energy wheels or cakras (’khor lo) of the subtle body are
reintegrated into a dynamic synthesis (Tucci 1935: 17–19; Guenther 1963b:
4; Gray 2007: 4, 35–38).
The maṇḍala to enter―first liturgically in the maturation path
(vipākamārga : smin lam), then yogically in the liberation path
(muktimārga : grol lam)―has been described or implied in the huge
literature belonging to the cycle of tantras relevant with this deity, to begin
with the Cakrasaṃvaratantra, composed during the early-eighth to mid-
ninth century (Gray 2007: 11–14).23
While the text is entitled in the Sanskrit colophons the ‘Great King of
Yoginī Tantras called the Śrī Cakrasaṃvara’, (Śrīcakrasaṃvara-nāma-
92 TILOPĀ II
Abhiṣekas
The name of the ritual acts authorizing each step along the path is another
word that occurs in the Shamsher Manuscript, as well as in all the material
under study. It is a word that demands to be added to our conceptual grid:
seka ‘sprinkling’, in the sense of abhiṣeka ‘consecration’ or
‘empowerment’ (dbang bskur). By means of a subtle purification (abhi√sic
‘purify with aspersion of water’), the disciple is authorized, that is to say,
the power (dbang) to proceed deeper into the spiritual path is bestowed
(bskur) upon him. Such a path is ritually pointed out by the entering the
maṇḍala (maṇḍalapraveśa).
In the highest tantras, the starting point of the path is marked by the
first of four consecrations, called the Consecration of the Jar (kalaśābhiṣeka
: bum dbang), which comprises some consecrations—generally six—
performed in the lower tantras as well. The more essential aspect of the
practice, consisting in the progressive dissolution of any residual dualistic
attitude, is actuated by the three higher consecrations, viz. the Secret
Consecration (guhyābhiṣeka : gsang dbang), the Consecration of the
Knowledge of the ritual partner under the name of Prajñā
(prajñājñānābhiṣeka : shes rab ye shes kyi dbang), and finally the Fourth
Consecration (caturthābhiṣeka : dbang bzhi pa), also known as the
Consecration of the Word (śabdābhiṣeka : tshig dbang).
It appears almost certain that the Yoginītantras, with their focus on sexual
practices, the transgressive consumption of ‘polluting’ substances such as
bodily effluvia, female deities such as yoginīs and ḍākinīs, and fierce male
deities, such as the Heruka deities―who are closely modeled on Śaiva
deities such as Mahākāla and Bhairava, and bear the accoutrements of
charnel ground dwelling yogins―did not soley derive from a mainstream
monastic Buddhist context. Instead, they seem to have developed among
and/or been influenced by liminal groups of renunciant yogins and
yoginīs, who collectively constituted what might be called the ‘siddha
movement’.
THE HAGIOGRAPHIC TRADITION 95
Śmaśānas
To begin with β, a word occurs in the Tibetan sources again and again, dur
khrod (śmaśāna), or ‘charnel ground’. The ‘Gothic’ culture of bones and
skulls was gaining strong prominence in the texts of the Yoginītantras, in
line with the emergent Kāpālika esoteric aesthetics. As a matter of fact,
although nearly all of our knowledge about the Kāpālika sect and the
Kāpālika-like movement relies on fictional and hostile sources, these Hindu
worshippers of the god Bhairava-Śiva and his consort appear well
represented all over most of southern India since the eighth century
(Lorenzen 1972: 52–53).
We can imagine that, whereas the macrocosmic Śaiva model was based
96 TILOPĀ II
on the myth of the extreme penance of Śiva after beheading the god
Brahmā, its microcosmic shadows were the single Kāpālika ascetics who
practised the ‘great vow’ (mahāvrata), smeared with ashes, dwelling in
charnel grounds, eating in a skull cup (kapāla), with a staff (khaṭvāṅga) or
a trident (triśula) in their hand, undertaking severe yoga practices, and
showing an extremely antinomic, even criminal conduct (Lorenzen 1972:
73–82). Likewise, if the myth of Padmapāṇi or Heruka’s subjugation, and
the subsequent conversion of Maheśvara or Bhairava-cum-consort, was the
Bauddha atemporal model of a productive cultural dialogue and ensuing
contamination between Śaiva and Bauddha esoteric discourses, its
historical expression is the same kind of ascetics, with equally
reprehensible fashion and behavior.
One of the earliest occurrences of the eight charnel grounds as they
appear at the margins of the maṇḍalas in the Cakrasaṃvara tradition is the
following list in the Saṃvarodayatantra (SUT 17.36–37, dPal bde mchog
’byung ba zhes bya ba’i rgyud kyi rgyal po chen po, Ō. 20, Tō. 373; Tsuda
1974)―
compass counterclockwise (g.yon gyi shar sogs phyogs rnams), the four
intermediate points are referred to clockwise (g.yas kyi dbang ldan phyogs
rnams), viz. E, N, W, S, NE, SE, SW, NW.
The third text is the Aṣṭaśmaśānākhyāna (AŚĀ, Dur khrod brgyad kyi
bshad pa, Ō. 2345, Tō. 1216), by an Ācāryayogin (Slob dpon rnal ’byor
pa): the order is counterclockwise for the four cardinal points, and
clockwise for the four intermediate points: E, N, W, S, SE, SW, NW, NE.
The fourth text would be a compilation (btus pa) from the mahāsiddha
Virūpā’s (Bir ba pa) Uḍḍiyānaśrīyogayoginīsvayambhūtasambhogaśmaśā-
nakalpa (UYYSSŚK, dPal U rgyan gyi rnal ’byor pa dang rnal ’byor ma’i
rang byung gi longs spyod dur khrod kyi rtog pa, Ō. 2615, Tō. 1744).
Clockwise sequence: E, S, W, N, SE, SW, NW, NE.
Another text useful for a comparation can be the twelfth-century
Vajravārāhīsādhana (VS, rDo rje rnal ’byor ma’i sgrub thabs, Ō. 2292, Tō.
1581, vv. 70–76; English 2002: 310–13) by Umāpatideva or
Umapatidattapāda (U ma pa ti datta’i zhabs). The order is again
counterclockwise for the cardinal points, and clockwise for the intermediate
ones: E, N, W, S, NE, SE, SW, NW.
Rearranging the order as described in AŚ1, we can draw this scheme—
Noticeably the charnel grounds mentioned in the above texts are maṇḍala-
based, and their names appear as much fictitious as the multiple Tibetan
translations demonstrate. It cannot be excluded that portions of them be just
qualifications of the proper nouns (English 2002: 347), conceived in the
course of some exalted ascetic’s accomplishments; hence in the present day
it is very difficult to know whether all the sacred toponyms ever
corresponded to any definite and stable places on the map, or were applied
to a variety of sites in certain circumstances; whether to one or more than
one simultaneously, and whether time had ever shifted those designations
from one to another (Roşu 1969: 37–39). No doubt, it is discouraging to
count at least two places in Tibet claimed as Cāritra, and at least four as
Devīkoṭa (Huber 1990: 144–45). In addition, if this clerical Buddhist
relocation of traditional Indian sites on Tibetan soil dates from about the
eleventh century, it is even more disheartening that analogous processes
must have already occurred more than once in India as well, and certainly
since longer a time. From this point of view, the fact that a current toponym
could be evocative of some ancient sacred place is not at all contributing to
any conclusive identification.
Outlines
Shamsher Manuscript (α)
Going along with Tucci’s (1930) partition into nine fragments, our first
source could be schematized according to the following outline.
THE HAGIOGRAPHIC TRADITION 99
1 2a 2b 5 8
amanasikāra amanasikāra amanasikāra Vajrayoginī Saṃvarārṇava
(Lūyīpāda)
|
Kukurīpāda
|
(Saraha) Indrabhūtipā Indrabhūtipāda
| | |
Nāgārjuna UḍḍinīVajrayoginī Lakṣmīkarā
| | |
Śabara Tilopā Śabaranātha Śabaranātha Virupāpāda
| | | |
Nāropā | | |
| | | |
Advayavajra Advayavajra I Sāgaradatta Paiṇḍapātika I
| | | |
Dhyāyīpā Vajrapāṇi Vijayaghoṣa Ḍiṅgara
| | | |
Amoghaśrī Paiṇḍapātika Anaṅgavajra Paiṇḍapātika II
| |
Abhayākaragupta Biso
| |
Advayavajra II Paiṇḍapātika
|
Vinayagupta
|
Vāgīśvara
|
Sudhanaśrī
|
Līlāvajra
|
Lalitavajra
|
Kovihāra
Paṇḍita
102 TILOPĀ II
Mar pa (β)
rNal ’byor gyi dbang phyug ti lo pa’i lo rgyus
fols 1b–11b (photostat pp. 8–28)
U rgyan pa (ι)
Te lo pa’i rnam thar
fols 7a–26b (photostat pp. 14–52)
(1.4.1) 1.4 rnal ’byor pa zil gyis mnan pa―he overpowered the
yogin; 23.3
(1.4.2) 1.5 mu stegs pa btul ba―he converted the tīrthika; 25.2
(1.4.3) 1.6 sgyu ma mkhan btul ba―he converted the magician; 26.4
(1.4.4) 1.7 chang ’tshong ma btul ba―he converted the woman
selling liquor; 28.4
1.8 lus kyi bkod pa du ma mdzad pa―he assumed many
forms; 30.1
(1.4.7) 1.9 las rgyu ’bras mngon sum du bstan pa―he showed
vividly the causality of actions; 31.3
(1.4.6) 1.10 shan pa btul ba―he converted the butcher; 33.2
(1.4.5) 1.11 glu mkhan btul ba―he converted the singer; 34.3
(1.4.8) 1.12 nus pa can gzhan btul ba―he converted another
sorcerer; 35.3
(2) 2 bde mchog ’khor lor bstan pa―[Telopa’s] revelation as
Cakraśaṃvara; 36.5
{3} phyogs bcur grags pa mtha’ yas su grags pa―his
endless fame in the ten directions; 38.3
{3.1} rgya gar shar phyogs su khams gsum rab ’joms ngo
mtshar du grags pa―his fame in the east of India; 38.5
{3.2} rgya gar lho phyogs su sprul pa’i skus mngon shes
phyogs bcur khyab par grags pa―his fame in the south 41.1
of India;
{3.3} rgya gar nub phyogs su log par lta ba tshar bcad nas
sangs rgyas kyi bstan pa rgyas par mdzad pa―his fame
in the west of India; 42.4
{3.4} rgya gar byang phyogs su skal bzang thabs kyis btul
bas ngo mtshar snyan par grags pa―his fame in the
north of India; 45.3
(3) 3 bde mchog ’khor lo dngos su bstan pa―his
manifestation as Cakraśaṃvara himself; 50.2
(4) 4 dus gsum sangs rgyas thams cad kyi skur ’dus pa’i rang
bzhin du bstan pa―his manifestation as the aggregation
of the bodies of all Buddhas. 51.3
Ms. A Ms. B
(β) EXPLICIT IMPLICIT TITLES
PAGE PAGE
(1.1) rJe btsun ma’i slob ma’i slob ma’i tshul stan pa rdo rje
’chang gi mchog gi sprul sku ti lo shes rab bzang po
ni―Tilopa Prajñābhadra, the sublime manifestation
body of Vajradhara, is shown as the disciple of a disciple
of Bhagavatī; 22.2 97.6
his native land, family, and birth; 22.3 97.7
the astrologers’ response and his first name;
22.4 98.1
the old ugly woman’s first pronouncement;
22.7 98.4
Buddhas’ visions; 23.4 99.2
the same woman’s second pronouncement; 23.6 99.3
108 TILOPĀ II
(2) 2 bde mchog gi sprul par zhal gyis bzhes pa nang gi rnam
thar―inner biography, [Tilopa] as a manifestation of
Śaṃvara; 44.3
2.1 u rgyan nas phebs te ki ri me dpung ’bar ba’i dur khrod
du sangs rgyas rdo rje ’chang gis smin byed kyi dbang
bzhi bskur rgyud sde mtha’ dag gnang ba’i tshul―how
he left from Uḍḍiyāna, and the Buddha Vajradhāra gave
him the four ripening consecrations and all the tantras in
the charnel ground of Ki ri me dpung ’bar ba; 45.2
2.2 ma dag pa’i snang ba zlog phyir bka’ babs bzhi’i bla ma
brten pa’i tshul―how he relied upon the gurus of four
transmissions to avoid impure perceptions; 47.5
2.3 sa ma bhai ra wa ’jigs byed bzhad pa zhes bya ba’i dur
khrod du rnal ’byor gyi dbang phyug chen po ma tang gis
lung bstan nas dha ri ma’i khol po mdzad de sprul bsgyur
gyi bkod pa mchog gi rdzu ’phrul bstan nas grub pa’i
skyes mchog za hor rgyal po ’khor bcas mkha’ spyod du
drangs pa’i tshul―how he had a revelation in the charnel
ground of Sa ma bhai ra wa ’Jigs byed bzhad pa by the
great lord of yoga Mātaṅgīpā, he magically exhibited
sublime arrays of transformations working as servant of
Dharima, then the accomplished supreme being brought
the king of Zahor and his entourage to the celestial realm; 50.3
*Tilatailavajragīti (TVG); 63.3
(1.4) 2.4 tshad med kyi thugs rjes thugs sras rnal ’byor mtshan
brgyad smin grol la bkod pa’i tshul―how his
immeasurable compassion brought onto the path of
ripening and liberation eight spiritual sons with the marks
of yoga; 65.3
(1.4.1) 2.4.1 rnal ’byor pa nus pa thogs med rjes su bzung ba―he
accepted as a disciple the yogin Nus pa thogs med; 65.3
(1.4.2) 2.4.2 mu stegs nag po rjes su bzung tshul―how he accepted as
a disciple the tīrthika Nag po; 70.5
(1.4.3) 2.4.3 sgyu ma mkhan rjes su bzung tshul―how he accepted as
a disciple the magician; 74.4
(1.4.4) 2.4.4 chang ’tshong ma rjes su bzung ba’i tshul―how he
accepted as a disciple the liquor-selling woman; 78.5
(1.4.7) 2.4.5 las rgyu ’bras dngos su bstan te mu stegs rgyang phan pa
rjes su bzung ba’i tshul―how he showed directly the
causality of actions and accepted as a disciple the
materialist tīrthika; 84.4
(1.4.6) 2.4.6 shan pa rjes su bzung ba’i tshul―how he accepted as a
THE HAGIOGRAPHIC TRADITION 111
gurupūjā practices. Most likely, Mar pa’s account depends mainly on the
reports of his guru Nāropā, or someone of the siddhas’ entourage. If this is
the case, the words he listened to, and allegedly passed to his son mDo sde,
would have come from direct spectator. Since Nāropā and his entourage
witnessed the events of our siddha’s life only in part, many pieces of
information would necessarily depend on Tilopā himself. It is realistic to
conclude that, in about one century―since Tilopā to Dar ma mDo sde―the
fabula of the deeds has been somehow arranged at least three times,
according to both the pedagogic intent of the addresser (the master) and the
reverential approach of the addressee (the disciple). In line with the model
discussed in the Preface, we can represent the stream of this transmission of
data as a deferred interaction between informant and informed within the
bKa’ brgyud hagiographic tradition―
We do not know whether the narrative scheme of Mar pa’s account should
be ascribed to Tilopā, Nāropā, Nāropā’s entourage, or to Mar pa. For sure,
being β the earliest documental material on Tilopā, it deserves special
attention. Moreover, since Mar pa is assumed to have composed them,
there is sufficient reason to ascribe to that author the narrative scheme as
well.
In order to unearth some historical data out of their hagiographic
context, it could be a good strategy to look more in detail into Mar pa’s
narrative scheme. In particular, since Mar pa seems to lay here the
foundation stone of what later bKa’ brgyud tradition would codify up to the
level of an ideology, we will start from his trikāya (sku gsum) perspective
as it is exposed in the opening verses to his rNal ’byor gyi dbang phyug ti
lo pa’i lo rgyus. Possibly, to speak of three bodies of a buddha, that is to
say of an ‘awakened being’, exposes us to the many risks of reification, so
as to transform an intuitional or mystical view into a metaphysical or
religious one.30 Whereas the dharmakāya (chos kyi sku) or ‘body of
absolute reality’ is formless, the other two bodies have a perceptible form
(rūpakāya : gzugs sku), namely the sambhogakāya (longs spyod rdzogs pa’i
sku) or ‘body of enjoyment’, and the nirmāṇakāya (sprul pa’i sku) or
‘manifestation body’. The three are here pointed out only metaphorically:
the dharmakāya is alluded to as simplicity beyond any mental elaboration
(spros bral), the sambhogakāya as pervading throughout space (mkha’
khyab), and the nirmāṇakāya as the ‘nine moods of dance’ (gar dgu’i
THE HAGIOGRAPHIC TRADITION 115
nyams). As we will see, particularly interesting is here the last of the three,
the nine moods of dance, meaning the nine aesthetic emotions, or flavours
(rasa : ro) inspired in an audience by a performer, as well as the nine
expression modes of a tantric deity.
In Mar pa’s vision, the maturation of the one to be disciplined passes
through these three Buddha bodies. Now, they turn out to be the secret
source of a vast lake, barely rippled by ‘space-floating’ ḍākinīs, where he
can see the ‘lotus of the great bliss’ rising out of water with its special
fruits, the two siddhas Tilopā (Prajñābhadra) and Nāropā.
Following Mar pa’s verses, a threefold scheme comes out: first, to
reveal the nirmāṇakāya through the transmission lineage; second, to make
the ‘space-pervading’ sambhogakāya enter the organismic body (lus)
through dreams; third, to introduce the dharmakāya, which is ‘simplicity
beyond any mental elaboration’, through its characterization. Now, Mar pa
goes on, as to the aural transmission (snyan brgyud : karṇatantra) of the
ḍākinīs, out of the three―master, disciple, and Dharma―the last one is
threefold in turn, viz. outer, inner, and secret.
Again, the outer level of the Dharma relevant with the nirmāṇakāya
consists of instructions (gdams pa : avavāda) on the transmission lineage
(paramparā). Similarly, the inner level, relevant with the sambhogakāya,
consists of instructions on the maturation path (vipākamārga), and the
secret one, related to the dharmakāya, instructs on the liberation path
(muktimārga).
The pedagogic scheme is now more explicit: for the sake of his son, Mar pa
is presenting in written form the wish-fulfilling gem of the transmission
lineage (brgyud pa yid bzhin nor bu : paramparācintāmaṇi), or instruction
of the nirmāṇakāya. In other words, he is summoning the artistic and tantric
implications of the specific mental states that have been before poetically
labelled as the nine moods of dance.
This multifaceted phenomenology is based on the Indian aesthetic
canon of rasa―in the sense of both tasting and what is tasted―as
expounded in the Rasasūtra, sixth of the thirty-six chapters of Bharata’s
Nāṭyaśāstra (6.15).31 Bharata accepts eight kinds of rasa: the erotic
116 TILOPĀ II
(śṛṅgāra : sgeg pa), the comic (hāsya : rgod pa), the compassionate
(karuṇa : snying rje), the furious (raudra : drag shul), the heroic (vīra :
dpa’ ba), the fearsome (bhayānaka : ’jigs su rung ba), the unpleasant
(bībhatsa : mi sdug pa), and the wonderful (adbhuta : ngo mtshar). Then,
later speculation admits a ninth rasa, the calm (śānta : zhi ba, Gnoli 1956:
29).
As to their tantric interpretation, Gray (2007: 44–45) has pointed out
Abhayākaragupta’s description of the Cakrasaṃvara maṇḍala in the latter’s
Niṣpannayogāvalī (Bhattacharyya 1949: 23). The central deity of the
Yoginītantras is depicted therein as bringing together in one the nine moods
of dance (navarasa). We have seen that Mar pa, apparently following the
same ideological scheme, identifies Tilopā as the nirmāṇakāya of
Cakrasaṃvara and alludes to it as the ‘nine moods of dance’ (gar dgu’i
nyams). Alex Wayman (1977: 328) has drawn attention to a passage from a
text of the Yoginītantras, the Prakāśa-nāma-śrīhevajrasādhana (dPal rdo
rje’i sgrub thabs rab tu gsal ba, Ō. 2367, Tō. 1238 108a5) by a teacher of
Atiśa according to Khetsun Sangpo (1973–90, 1: 593), the late-tenth-
century Rāhulagupta:
‘Enjoying the same taste’ (ro gcig pa nyid : ekarasa) with Nairātmyā
(bDag med ma) is the erotic (sgeg pa); staying in the charnel grounds is
the heroic (dpa’ ba); the frown and grin is the unpleasant (mi sdug pa);
the blazing light is the furious (drag shul); the exaggeration of face is the
comic (rgod pa); the garland of dripping heads is the fearsome (’jigs su
rung ba); the consciousness of assisting sentient beings is the
compassionate (snying rje); the illusory form is the wonderful (ngo mtshar
ba); the abandonment of the defilement of lust, and so on is the calm (zhi
ba).
Now, given that Mar pa seems to conceive his pedagogic effort to illustrate
the nirmāṇakāya within the scope of such an aesthetic view, the sketches in
the narrative of Tilopā would have been purposely depicted according to
one of the above moods of dance. Reasonably, the author’s rhetorical plan
would have been that of inducing the one to be disciplined to experiment
the related principal feelings of human nature, rubricated by Bharata as the
permanent mental states (sthāyibhāva)—
sthāyibhāva rasa
delight (rati) erotic (sṛṅgāra)
laughter (hāsa) the comic (hāsya)
THE HAGIOGRAPHIC TRADITION 117
Mar pa divides the narrative of Tilopā into four parts: (1) his fame as an
individual human being (mi rang rgyud pa), (2) as a manifestation of
Śaṃvara (bde mchog gi sprul pa), (3) as Śaṃvara himself (bde mchog
dngos), and (4) as the aggregation of the bodies of all Buddhas (sangs
rgyas thams cad kyi sku ’dus pa). The sequence of the last three parts of
this fourfold scheme does not follow any strict chronological criteria but,
again, a pedagogic one. Directing the attention of the addressee to be
disciplined to an intriguing rasa-variety of tasteful sketches, Mar pa leads
him within concentric circles, corresponding in the narrative to a gradual
process of transfiguration of Tilopā into the tantric deity Cakrasaṃvara. As
we will see, this process would culminate two generations later in one of
the most interesting cultural issues within the Marpan tradition, the corpus
focussing upon the practice of that deity, the bDe mchog snyan brgyud.
During the centuries, more than one method of interpretation of the
cycle of Cakrasaṃvara and its relevant accomplishment liturgies (sādhana :
sgrub thabs) have been elaborated. A disciple of gTsang smyon He ru ka,
rGod tshang ras pa sNa tshogs rang grol (1494–1570), in a work on the
cycle according to the Ras chung snyan brgyud tradition, the bDe mchog
spyi bshad (2a6–b4; Tucci 1935: 29 n. 1), mentions nine sādhana treatises
(sgrub thabs kyi bstan bcos : sādhana-śāstra) in the vipāka- and
muktimārga (smin grol). They would correspond to the methods (lugs) of
(1) the Dharmarāja Pradyotacandra (chos rgyal Rab gsal zla ba), (2) the
Mahāsiddha Lūyīpāda (grub chen Lo hi pa), (3) the Ācārya Kṛṣṇa, i.e.
Kṛṣṇācārya (slob dpon Nag po pa), (4) the Mahāsiddha Vajraghaṇṭāpāda
(grub chen rDo rje dril bu pa), (5) the Mahāsiddha Kambalapā (sgrub chen
Lwa wa pa), (6) the Ācārya Nāgārjuna (slob dpon Klu grub), (7) King
Indrabhūti (rgyal po In dra bo dhi), (8) the Lord Maitrīpāda (mnga’ bdag
Mai tri pa), and (9) the brāhmaṇa ācārya Trilocana (slob dpon bram ze
sPyan gsum pa). In the Deb ther sngon po we read the following
transmission lineage connected with the cycle of Cakrasaṃvara (336.1–4;
BA 380; see also 764, 803)―
118 TILOPĀ II
A narrative scheme similar to the Marpan one (β) can be found in later
accounts as those by rDo rje mdzes ’od (θ) and U rgyan pa (ι) in the
thirteenth century, Mon rtse pa (κ) and gTsang smyon He ru ka (λ) in the
fifteenth century, dBang phyug rgyal mtshan (ν) and lHa btsun (ξ) in the
sixteenth century.
rGyal thang pa’s thirteenth-century account (η) has a scheme only
apparently different. While divided in two sections―a hymn of thirteen root
verses (rtsa ba’i tshig), and a commentary upon them (rtsa ba’i tshig ’grel
pa)―the central verses, 4 to 12, run roughly parallel with Mar pa’s scheme.
From the literary point of view, the hymn is one of the most charming of
these accounts. Be the following an occasion to catch a bird’s-eye view of
the traditional hagiographic material on Tilopā (Torricelli 1998a).
FIGURE 2: rGyal thang pa. rJe btsun chen po tilli pa’i rnam par thar pa, fols 1b–2b
1
β 291: Bo dhi bha dras Byang ri se brag gi sgrub gling du sbyar ba rdzogs sho. β
312: Bo dhi bha dras sbyar ba rdzogs so.
2
As to the pagination of the manuscript, it must be observed that the account of
Tilopa ends (β 28) at folio 11b (bcu gcig), and the first folio of the following
account of Nāropā (β 29), although seemingly of the same copyst’s hand, is
122 TILOPĀ II
would have been destroyed by the Turuṣkas around 1207 (Dutt 1962: 376–80).
18
Ratnarakṣita would have also taught Sanskrit to the above mentioned Zhang Lo
tsā ba Phur pa skyabs (–1273), whom we will meet again (Lewis 1996: 156).
19
Also called Stham Bihar, or Bikramaśīla Bihar, this small monastery in the
Thamel area of present Kathmandu would have been founded around 1042 by
Atiśa on his way to Tibet (Roerich 1959: 55–56; Petech 1984: 42–43; Locke 1985:
404–413).
20
As pointed out by Davidson, before this thirteenth century Śavaripa, we are
informed of more than one Śavaripa, whose earliest textual occurrence is in the
Shamsher Manuscript (source α).
21
For different identification and date see Roberts 2007: 9–11.
22
Five Buddha families (pañcakula) are mentioned in the Hevajratantra thus
(I.v.5): vajra padma tathā karma tathāgata ratnaiva ca | kulāni pañcavidhāny
āhur uttamāni mahākṛpa. The vajra-family is associated with the Buddha
Akṣobhya, the tathāgata-family with Vairocana, the padma-family with
Amitābha, the ratna-family with Ratnasambhava, and the karma-family with
Amoghasiddhi (HVT II.xi.5–7).
23
Tō. 368–414 for the Tibetan bKa’ ’gyur, and 1401–1606 for the bsTan ’gyur
(Wayman 1962: 234).
24
They are divided in fundamental (rtsa) and explanatory (bshad) tantras. As to
the former, there is the Mahāsambarodaya (Ō. 20, Tō. 373); as to the latter, there
are four subdivisions: (1) extraordinary (thun mong ma yin), (2) ordinary (thun
mong), (3) tantras about which there is discussion whether they are pure or not,
and (4) a fourth one. In the first subdivision there are the Vajraḍāka (Ō. 18, Tō.
370), the Herukābhyudaya (Ō. 21, Tō. 374), the Yoginīsañcaya (Ō. 23, Tō. 375),
the Mahāsambarodaya (Ō. 20, Tō. 373), and the Caturyoginīsampuṭatantra (Ō.
24, Tō. 376). In the second subdivision there is the rGyud kyi rgyal po chen po
dpal yang dag par sbyor ba’i thig le (Ō. 27, Tō. 382). As to the third subdivision
including the tantras ‘about which there is discussion whether they are pure or
not’, there are four further subdivisions: (1) the tantras related to citta (thugs
rgyud), (2) to vāk (gsung rgyud), (3) to kāya (sku rgyud), and (4) the emanated
tantras (’phros rgyud). In the first citta sub-subdivision, there are the Guhyavajra
(Ō. 28, Tō. 383), the Guhyasarvacchinda (Ō. 29, Tō. 384), the
Cakrasaṃvaraguhyācintya (Ō. 30, Tō. 385), the Khasama (Ō. 31, Tō. 386), the
THE HAGIOGRAPHIC TRADITION 125
Mahākha (Ō. 32, Tō. 387), the Kāyavākcitta (Ō. 33, Tō. 388), the Ratnamālā (Ō.
34, Tō. 389), and the Mahāsamaya (Ō. 35, Tō. 390). In the second vāk sub-
subdivision, there are the Mahābala (Ō. 36, Tō. 391), the Jñānaguhya (Ō. 37, Tō.
392), the Jñānamālā (Ō. 38, Tō. 393), the Jñānajvala (Ō. 39, Tō. 394), the
Candramālā (Ō. 40, Tō. 395), the Ratnajvala (Ō. 41, Tō. 396), the Sūryacakra (Ō.
42, Tō. 397), and the Jñānarāja (Ō. 43, Tō. 398). In the third kāya sub-
subdivision, there are the Vajraḍākaguhya (Ō. 44, Tō. 399), the Jvalāgniguhya (Ō.
45, Tō. 400), the Amṛtaguhya (Ō. 46, Tō. 401), the Śmaśānālaṃkāra (Ō. 47, Tō.
402), the Vajrarāja (Ō. 48, Tō. 403), the Jñānāśaya (Ō. 49, Tō. 404), the
Rāgarāja (Ō. 50, Tō. 405), and the Ḍākinīsaṃvara (Ō. 51, Tō. 406). In the fourth
‘emanated’ sub-subdivision, there are the Agnimālā (Ō. 54, Tō. 407), the
Ḍākinīguhyajvala (Ō. 52, Tō. 408), the Vajrabhairavavidāraṇa (Ō. 53, Tō. 409),
the Mahābalajñānarāja (Ō. 56, Tō. 410), the Vajrasiddhajālasaṃvara (Ō. 55, Tō.
411), the Sarvatathāgatacitta-garbhārtha (Tō. 412), the Cakrasaṃvaratantrarāja-
adbhuta-śmaśānālaṃkāra (Ō. 57, Tō. 413), the Anāvila (Ō. 58, Tō. 414), and the
Sambarakhasama (Ō. 59, Tō. 415). As to the fourth subdivision, there is the
Vajramahākālakrodhanātharahasyasiddhi-bhava (Ō. 62, Tō. 416).
25
Yogaratnamālā 49b: ḍai vihāyasagamane dhātur atra vikalpitaḥ. sarvākāśacarī
siddhir ḍākinīti (Snellgrove 1959, 2: 142).
26
It is the case of words such as Nepali ḍāknu and Bengali ḍākā ‘to call’, Bengali
ḍāk and Hindi ḍāknā, ḍaknā ‘shout, to shout’.
27
Erroneously Milāpā in Pandey 1990.
28
The text has been read in the manuscript as oḍḍini | vajrayoginī by Tucci , udinī
vajrayoginī by Lévi, and uḍḍinī | vajrayoginī by Pandey. Tucci (1930: 220 n. 8)
proposes the identification of this tantric yoginī of Uḍḍiyāna (Oḍḍini vajrayoginī)
with Lakṣmīkarā (Lakṣmīṅkarā) the disciple of the King of Uḍḍiyāna Indrabhūti;
Lévi (1930–32: 418, 427) conjectures of a Vajrayoginī from Uḍḍiyāna, and
suggests a better reading Uḍḍiyānī for Udinī.
29
The Saṃvarārṇavatantra could be identified with either the
Ḍākārṇavamahāyoginītantrarāja (mKha’ ’gro rgya mtsho chen po rnal ’byor ma,
Ō. 19, Tō. 372), or the Saṃvarodaya (bDe mchog ’byung ba, Ō. 20, Tō. 373). As
per Alexis Sanderson (1995 in English 2002: 52–53), the Saṃvarārṇavatantra
was the Buddhist scriptural source accrediting a Śaiva method for preserving the
correct form of the mantra, the letter-by-letter ‘extraction’ (uddhāra).
30
As a matter of fact, Herbert Guenther (1968b: 215–16) has already pointed out
126 TILOPĀ II
that the Sanskrit word kāya is a name for a dynamic process, for a structure of
experience, rather than a thing. In view of this, it is also worth remembering that
Tibetan language distinguishes between lus as a mere ‘organismic being’
(Guenther 1963a: 135), and sku, expressing ‘the idea of existence in an almost
Parmenidian sense’ (Guenther 1966: 143–44).
31
As explained by Raniero Gnoli (1956: 29), ‘in ordinary life each of these mental
states is manifested and accompanied by three elements, causes (kāraṇa), effects
(kārya), and concomitant elements (sahacara). The causes are the facts, images,
etc., by which it is manifested, the effects the physical reactions caused by it, and
the concomitant elements the accessory mental states accompanying it. The same
causes, etc., when represented on the stage or described in poetry, do not arouse
the corresponding sentiment, but make manifest (vyañj) a form of consciousness
different from it, aesthetic pleasure or rasa’.
III — WHO, WHEN, AND WHERE
127
128 TILOPĀ III
Consequently, Tilopā would have been about one generation younger than
the Candra king Śrīcandra―
Mahīpāla I Laḍahacandra
(r. c. 992 – c. 1042) (r. c. 1000 – 1020)
Sahor
It is difficult to get to any certainty in the controversial identification of the
Bengali region (yul) of Zahor, where Atiśa too was from. We read in fact in
the Deb ther sngon po (216.1; BA 241) that Atiśa (Jo bo rje) was born in
the great district (yul ’khor : rāṣṭra, MVy 5509) that Indians call Sahor
(rgya gar ba rnams Sa hor zhes zer), and Tibetans Zahor (bod rnams Za
hor zhes ’don). We can reasonably take Zahor as the Tibetan perception
and subsequent written rendering of |sahor| or |ʃahɐr|, an Indic name of
Persian origin for ‘city’ (Chattopadhyaya 1967: 61–63). Albeit a common
WHO, WHEN, AND WHERE 129
The above pieces of information adds two pivotal points in the location of
Harikela to the above list of three, namely, (1) it was in the eastermost
India; (2) it was reachable by sea, and thus endowed with a coast and at
least a sea-port; (3) it included the internal region of Śrīhaṭṭa; (4) its main
floodplain was the Brahmaputra-Jamunā; (5) in the mid-eleventh century
(Nag tsho Lo tsā ba’s time) its capital was Vikramapura, which is to be
located in the current Munshiganj District of the Dhaka Division.
Now, if we take into account that ecology, archaeology and ethnology
deem current Nagaland, Meghalaya, Manipur, Cachar, Mizoram, Sylhet,
Tripura, Chittagong and Arakan as parts of a single territorial unit
(Qanungo 1988: 31), Harikela could have embraced the coastal area
towards Arakan, from Chittagong to Noakhali and Comilla Districts, as
well as a portion of Tripura. More in detail, the geographical focus of
Harikela would agree in every aspect with the position of Chittagong and
some portions of the Chittagong Hill Tracts.
In actual fact, whereas the geographical focus of Sahor/Harikela is
Chittagong and some portions of the Chittagong Hill Tracts, its political
130 TILOPĀ III
*Jagāõ
At first glance, the toponym Jago seems even more obscure than Sahor. We
know from Tāranātha that Tilopā was from Caṭighawo (bKa’ babs bdun
ldan 422.1: Ca ṭi gha bo zhes bya ba’i grong khyer; SIL 45), where the
celebrated Piṇḍa Vihāra was situated (rGya gar Chos ’byung 190.2: Tsa ṭi
gha bo’i grong khyer gyi gtsug lag khang Piṇ ḍa bi ha ra; THBI 254–55).
Inasmuch the site has been identified with the current Chittagong at least
since Schiefner’s time (1869), Tāranātha’s Caṭighawo corresponds to the
region to the south of Tripura and north of Arakan. Also known as Ramma
(Skt ramya), the Beautiful Land, it was the place of the Paṇḍita Vihāra, as
we read in Das (1898: 24) on the basis of the eighteenth-century Sum pa
mkhan po’s Chos ’byung dpag bsam ljon bzang (tsa ṭi gā ba’i grong khyer
gyi paṇ ḍi ta bi ha ra zhes pa’i gtsug lag khang).
Regarding the controversial origin of the toponym, the European
Chittagong, like the current Bengali forms Caṭṭagrām, Cāṭigā/Caṭgā, as
well as the Chinese name Jidagang (吉大港) appear to have come, through
a later Brahmanical Sanskritization Cāṭigrāma, from Middle Indo-Aryan
Caṭigāõ.1 If we compare the Tibetan rendering in the Marpan tradition with
Tāranātha’s Caṭighawo, we observe that, while Tāranātha relies on a more
regular rendering of the toponym, Mar pa seems to provide indirect
evidence of its alteration in the eleventh-century common parlance.
Speculatively, the first element of Jago could be in fact the result of
apocope of the last vowel of caṭi, followed by lenition and fall of /ṭ/, with
sounding of /c/ for anticipatory assimilation to the following /g/ of gāõ—
MIA caṭigāõ > caṭ(i)gāõ > caṭgāõ > ca(ḍ)gāõ > cagāõ > jagāõ : Tib. jago.
Were we not taking in due account how deeply was the influence of Arakan
WHO, WHEN, AND WHERE 131
Thus, when the Candra dynasty of Vikramapura was under Śrīcandra, and
Tilopā would have been about twenty-four years old, the conquest of
current Chittagong by the Arakanese Candra king of Vesālī could have had
greater consequences on Tilopā’s native land. In spite of this, apart from
the present-day toponym, this Arakanese annexation was short-lived
because Culataingcandra died drowned in the sixth year of his reign (957).
In a city called *Jagāõ, in the country of Sahor in eastern India, there lived
the three, the brāhmaṇa gSal ba, his father, the brāhmaṇī gSal ldan ma, his
mother, and the brāhmaṇī gSal ba’i sgron ma, his sister (β 11.4).
The three names are regularly attested, with minor variants for the elder
sister of Tilopā―gSal ba’i sgron ma (β), gSal sgron (η, θ), gSal sgron ma
(ι)―as long as the beginning of the fourteenth century. Then, whereas
Tilopā’s sister is referred to as ‘one daughter’ (bu mo gcig) by Mon rtse pa
(κ), and she is not even mentioned by gTsang smyon and his contemporary
132 TILOPĀ III
Kun dga’ rin chen (λ, μ), the names of both sister and mother are
mentioned, albeit exchanged, by dBang phyug rgyal mtshan (ν) and his
fellow student lHa btsun (ξ).
Since the aryanization of Bengal in the fifth and sixth centuries, a series
of rites (saṃskāra) according to the Vedic tradition sanctified almost every
stage of a man’s life, from conception in the mother’s womb
(garbhādhāna) onwards (R.C. Majumdar 1971: 440–54). To be noted,
there is indirect reference in the Marpan tradition to the puṃsavana, the
ceremony to ensure the birth of a male progeny, and the nāmadheya, the
ceremony of naming the child on the tenth or twelfth day after birth
(Manusmṛti 2.29–30):
As no son had come yet, they worshipped with offerings and prayers all
the sacred receptacles, both Buddhist and non-Buddhist ones. Eventually a
son was born and, at that very moment, a light (’od) pervaded Bengal:
because of that, he was given the name gSal ’od (β 11.4–5).
The element gsal ba that the four names have in common seems to play the
distinctive function of a family name (gotra): also Tilopā’s mother must
have changed to her husband’s gotra and name at the time of their marriage
(gotrāntara)―
The Tibetan gsal ba, in the wide sense of ‘being clear, clarify, clarity,
luminosity’, according to the Mahāvyutpatti can be for the Sanskrit photic
terms dyutiḥ (3040), prakaṭaḥ (9393), prabhāsvarā (451), prasannaḥ
(7295), and vyaktaḥ (2898). With the intention of speculating as to the
family of Tilopā, it seems reasonable to conjecture that one of the above
words could be consistent with it. A route we can try to reduce the range of
possibilities passes through the sister’s name that occurs, albeit in different
context, in two titles of the bsTan ’gyur, the Śrī-cakraśambara-
maṇḍalopāyikāratna-pradīpoddyota (dPal ’khor lo bde mchog gi dkyil
’khor gyi cho ga rin po che rab tu gsal ba’i sgron ma, Ō. 2161, Tō. 1444)
WHO, WHEN, AND WHERE 133
As for him, whether a god, a nāga, a tree spirit (gnod sbyin : yakṣa), or
Whether a buddha, I do not understand what he is.
Anyhow, protect this great being with care!
With strong analogy with the Lives of Buddha, the parents would have
resolved to seclude him from the outer world (β 12.1–13.4):
After some time they were taking care of him as ordered, the father went
out and only the two, mother and son, were in. A veil of shade covered
them, and the mother looked at it. Many women had come into view,
bearing the signs of ugliness, blowing from their mouths, lame and
walking with the support of sticks. As the mother was wondering if they
were demons, and whether her child would die, the women spoke:
So they said. The mother asked, ‘In that case, what is to be done for his
benefit?’ At that they spoke again, ‘O child!’
So they spoke. In response, the boy said, ‘I do not know how to herd that!’
‘Go to the charnel ground of Salabheraha! The guru will teach you’.
Such would have been the ḍākinīs’ revelation (mkha’ ’gros lung bstan), as
the chapter is titled in β. The first challenge posed by this narrative is the
very word ḍākinīs. In point of fact, they are described by Mar pa as ‘many
women’ (bud med ... mang po) when they approached Tilopā’s mother, and
‘the same women as before’ (sngar gyi bud med de) when they revealed to
Tilopā his spiritual pedigree. Admittedly, these women appeared so
repellent that the mother had suspected they were demons (’dre), but
WHO, WHEN, AND WHERE 135
nothing else: just the two, Enter Ghost and Exit Ghost, seem to instill a
moderate sense of shadowy mystery. Albeit without any positive evidence,
we might speculate that they looked so repugnant in the eyes of the mother
as she was a lady of Brahmanical caste. Conversely, the women who
intruded into the courtyard of her house, and later appeared in front of the
boy, might have belonged to the aboriginal tribes, even today settled in the
current Chittagong Hill Tracts. Even more than now, in the tenth century
they were unaffected by aryanization, and their demon-like habits and
physical appearance find a genuine illustration in the terracotta placques at
Paharpur:
The Apprenticeship
In the bsTan ’gyur there is a work by Tilopā himself which contains
information about his gurus, the Ṣaḍdharmopadeśa (ṢDhU, Chos drug gi
man ngag Ō. 4630, Tō. 2330; Torricelli 1996). This brief text concerns six
yogic doctrines (chos drug : ṣaḍdharma), traditionally rubricated as (1) the
yogas of the inner heat (gtum mo : caṇḍālī), (2) illusory body (sgyu lus :
māyākāya), (3) dream (rmi lam : svapna), (4) luminosity (’od gsal :
prabhāsvara), along with (5) the yoga of the intermediate existence
between death and new birth (bar do : antarābhava), and (6) the ejection of
the conscious principle (’pho ba : saṃkrānti). Tilopā would have passed
them on to Nāropā, and Mar pa translated into Tibetan.
The Ṣaḍdharmopadeśa assigns the oral instructions on the six doctrines
(dharma) to four gurus, viz. Caryāpā (Tsā rya pa), Kambalapā (La ba pa),
Nāgārjuna (Nā gār dzu na), and Sukhasiddhi (Su kha sid dhi). These forms
of instruction can be traced back to what Tibetans label ‘the four
transmissions’ (bka’ babs bzhi), that is to say four lineages of masters along
which they finally came down to Tilopā. The term bka’ babs refer to the
condition of descent (babs) of an authoritative word, whether of command
or permission (bka’). It may signify the descent itself, as well as the content
of the authoritative word, the person uttering it, or the addressed person: in
all cases, it retains a decidedly dynamic connotation (Torricelli 1993).
Scholars are inevitably faced with the problem of these four distinct
transmissions, because ‘unfortunately Tibetan sources differ considerably
as to the lineage and content of each of these currents’ (Gene Smith 2001:
41).
In point of fact the problem is twofold, the identity of Tilopā’s direct or
indirect masters, and the teachings he was indebted to each of them. A
preliminary overall inspection of our hagiographic sources is sufficient to
assess the latter problem as far from any satisfactory solution: the material
appears too incoherent, too riddled with discrepancies to construe with real
precision. However, when we come to the bka’ babs bzhi masters, we have
a relatively good chance of bringing the terms of the problem at least into
focus.
In a cultural context where the transmitted doctrine typically passes
through an unbroken lineage of gurus (guruparamparā), and the lineage
almost coincides with the person, an acceptable understanding of Tilopā
cannot but come through that of the masters of these four bka’ babs. On the
138 TILOPĀ III
other hand, identifying the single persons implies to extract them from their
hagiographic time, and make an effort to regain a convincing place within a
more chronological one: to do that, only the context can substantiate
consistent details. Elizabeth English (2002: 9) has more than one reason to
warn that trying to ‘date authors according to the testimony of transmission
lineages, [is] a risky enterprise that Per Kvaerne describes as
“methodological error” (1977: 6)’; an enterprise, we must admit, that is
further ‘problematized by instances of individuals receiving multiple
lineages’ (Davidson 2002a: 46), as the case of Tilopā is.
In spite of this, something can still be done: even if not all the masters
are really recognizable, there are some who can be acceptably identified, as
for example Tilopā or Nāropā are. In light of the complex onomastics, if the
first difficulty is that most of the masters have multiple esoteric names, the
second is that we cannot say how many persons bear the same name in the
lineages. The main method we have at our disposal is based on the so-
called points d’appui (Snellgrove 1959, 1: 14), namely, to approach the
very person putting together a contextual grid made of datable kings
celebrated in inscriptions, in manuscript colophons, and so forth. In my
experience, the most common trap one risks falling into is imagining a
guruparamparā as a genealogical tree, where the presence of a member’s
name logically puts the ancestors in a past computable in terms of
biological generations.
Caryāpā
The name occurs as Tsāryapa in the bsTan ’gyur xylograph editions (N, Q,
D, C) of the Ṣaḍdharmopadeśa, and as Tsarya(pa) in β, θ, ι, λ, ν, ξ; besides,
λ, ν, and ξ attest also the form Nag po spyod pa. While Tsāryapa could be
an abbreviated transliteration of the title ācārya-pāda, ‘venerable ācārya’,
Tsaryapa is possibly the transliteration of carya- or caryā-pāda, ‘venerable
ascetic’, referring to one doing ascetic practice (caryā : spyod pa), as it is
translated in Tibetan (spyod pa pa). The problem of which title is connected
with the name Kṛṣṇa (Nag po) has been competently illustrated by
Tāranātha himself in his ‘Story of Kāṇha’s Complete Liberation’ (Kahna
pa’i rnam thar), composed when he was fifty-eight years old (1632):
Although Kṛṣṇācārya (Kṛṣṇa ā tsā rya) is another name for this ācārya,
there are many others bearing the name Kṛṣṇa (Kṛṣṇa pa). Being this
WHO, WHEN, AND WHERE 139
ācārya Kāṇhācārya (Kahnā tsā rya), that is the Black Ācārya (slob dpon
nag po), also Kṛṣṇācārya (Kṛṣṇā tsā rya pa) is for Black Ācārya. If caryā-
pā(da) (tsa rya pa) is affixed to the brief Kāṇha and Kṛṣṇa, they will
become Kāṇha-caryā-pā(da) (Kahna tsa rya pa), and Kṛṣṇa-caryā-pā(da)
(Kṛṣṇa tsa rya pa), or the Black Ascetic (nag po spyod pa pa). He is also
known as Caryācārya-pā(da) (Tsa ryā tsā rya pa) or the Ascetic Ācārya
(slob dpon spyod pa pa), as well as Caryāvajra (Tsa rya ba dzra) or the
Vajra of Ascetic Practice (spyod pa’i rdo rje), and Ācārya Caryādhari-
pā(da) (Ā tsā rya Tsa rya dha ri pa), or the Ācārya Lord of the Ascetic
Practice (slob dpon spyod ’chang dbang po). These are all names by
which he is known (Kahna pa’i rnam thar 266.3–5; cf. TLKK 5–6).
However, the two epithets Black Ācārya (Slob dpon nag po) and Black
Ascetic (Nag po spyod pa pa) would refer to a Kṛṣṇa (Nag po), or
Kṛṣṇapā(da) (Nag po pa), otherwise known as Kāṇhupā in Prākrit, and
Kāṇha in Apabhraṃśa (Shahidullah 1928: 25; Tagare 1948: 20). Again
Tāranātha:
Now, Kṛṣṇa (Nag po) is a name with many meanings, but it is really
Kāṇha (Kahna) that is the most extraordinary name of this ācārya. He is
also known as Kāṇhācārya (Kahnā tsā rya). In common parlance (’phal
skad du) he is known as Kāṇhipa (Kahni pa) (Kahna pa’i rnam thar
265.3–4; TLKK 4).
... Tilopā, a disciple of Vijayapāda (rNam rgyal zhabs kyi slob ma Tilli
pa), the last of many lineages of teachers (bla ma brgyud pa mang po’i
mthar gnas pa) of Cakrasaṃvara ... (Deb ther sngon po 672.3; BA 764).
... Balin Ācārya (Ba liṃ ā tsa rya), a contemporary (dus mtshungs pa) of
Śrī Nāropā, who was also known as Kṛṣṇapāda the Younger (Nag po
zhabs chung ba zhes kyang bya ba) ...
We can thus sketch the following line of gurus, that matches with the above
represented transmission lineage of Cakrasaṃvara in the Deb ther sngon po
(336.1–4; BA 380)—
142 TILOPĀ III
Haḍipā/Jālandharapā
|
Kāṇha/Kṛṣṇācārya
|
Bhadrapā/Guhyapā
|
Antarapā/Antarācārya/Caryāpā/Vijayarakṣita/Vijayapāda
|
|
Tilopā
Balin Ācārya
Kambalapā
Occurring in Tibetan sources as La ba pa (ṢḌhU, β, γ, η, θ, ι, κ, λ, ν, ξ), La
va pa (β), and Lva ba pa (μ), the name of that siddha derives from Tib. lva
ba or la ba for Skt kambala (MVy 5859), the woollen blanket he was
famous for wearing as his only clothes and property. On the authority of the
tantric Āryadeva’s Caryāmelāpakapradīpa (sPyod bsdus sgron me = Spyod
pa bsdus pa’i sgron ma, Ō. 2668, Tō. 1803), Tāranātha mentions
Kambalapā (Kam pa la pa) with Padmavajra as initiators (khungs su mdzad
pa), seemingly of the Yogottaratantras (rGya gar chos ’byung 103.2; THBI
152).
We are informed in the same book (178.6–179.1; THBI 240–41) that,
roughly speaking (’ol spyi tsam du), the great ācārya Kambalapā (Lva va
pā), Indrabhūti the Middle (In dra bhū ti bar pa), Kukurāja (Ku ku rā dza),
the ācārya Saroruhavajra (mTsho skyes rdo rje), and Lalitavajra (La li ta ba
WHO, WHEN, AND WHERE 143
Paramāśva
(rTa mchog)
|
Vīṇāpāda
(Bi nā pa/Pi vaṃ zhabs)
|
Vilasyavajrā alias Yoginī Cintā
(Bi lā sya ba dzra/sGeg mo rdo rje)
(rNal ’byor ma Cin to)
|
Vajraghaṇṭāpā alias Śrīmatigarbha
(rDo rje dril bu pa)
(Blo gros snying po’i dpal)
|
Indrabhūti II Kambalapā
(In dra bhū ti bar pa) (Lva ba pa)
| |
Haḍipā/Jālandharapā
(Dza lan dha ri pa)
|
Kāṇha/Kṛṣṇācārya
|
Bhadrapā/Guhyapā
|
Antarapā/Antarācārya/Caryāpā/Vijayarakṣita/Vijayapāda
|
Tilopā
Although, as per ’Gos Lo tsā ba, Kambalapā cannot but be the king
Indrabhūti himself (Deb ther sngon po 320.7–321.2; BA 362–63), i.e.
Indrabhūti II (Snellgrove 1959, 1: 12–13), whatever it may have been, the
encounter with Haḍipā/Jālandharapā, the guru of the late-eighth-century
144 TILOPĀ III
rje mdzes ’od: in point of fact, listening to (gsan pa) authoritative words
(bka’) does not necessarily imply any bodily presence of their author. If this
is the case, a more consistent reading of Mar pa’s passage would be that the
young brāhmaṇa student was introduced to the siddha Lavapa/Kambalapā
from the lips of Caryāpā. Being the latter, as we have seen, in a paramparā
that includes both Kambalapā and Kṛṣṇācārya, he could well have sung or
quoted the above caryāgīti, and grant to Tilopā the relevant instructions.
Nāgārjuna
From a merely historical viewpoint, the Nāgārjuna associated with Tilopā
cannot be the Mādhyamika philosopher of the second century CE.4 Nor can
he be the early-seventh-century master already pointed out by Benoytosh
Bhattacharyya (1928: xlv–xlvi, cvi–cviii), and probably corresponding with
the ‘metallurgist’ Nāgārjuna mixed with the original Mādhyamika
Nāgārjuna in the master that Xuanzang is reporting of (White 1997: 165).
We read in the Shamsher Manuscript of a Nāgārjuna predicted
(vyākṛta) by the Buddha (Śākyasiṃha), after the institution of the maṇḍala
of Dharmadhātu in the south of India (α vv. 11b–14):
A Tibetan text on the lineage stemming from Saraha (bla ma brgyud pa’i
rim pa, LGR; Passavanti 2008), preserved in the Tucci Tibetan Fund of the
IsIAO Library (no. 1095), opens a late twelfth-century anonymous
collection of six commentaries on Saraha’s dohās, the Ū phyogs gzigs par
146 TILOPĀ III
zhu’ | dpal sa ra ha’i mdo ha’i grel pa lags.5 Curiously, both rGyal thang
pa (η) and the author of the IsIAO Manuscript, albeit strongly dependent on
a source close or common to the Shamsher Manuscript (α), seem to neglect
the above vyākṛtād aparaṃ matam introducing a siddha supposedly later
(aparam matam) than the Nāgārjuna predicted (vyākṛtād).6 As a
consequence, both sources erroneously identify this Nāgārjuna with
Dāmodara, Śākyamitra, Advayavajra, whereas the three last names must be
referred to the Martabodha/Maitrīgupta/Maitrīpā(da) contemporary with
Atiśa:
Saraha
|
Nāgārjuna
|
Śabara
We read in the Deb ther sngon po (745.5; BA 841), on the authority of the
WHO, WHEN, AND WHERE 147
master of rGyal thang pa (η), namely rGod tshang pa mGon po rdo rje, that
Saraha was the promoter of mahāmudrā as the eminent path in the teaching
of Śākyamuni. Its context is that of the completion stage (utpannakrama or
niṣpannakrama : rdzogs rim), that is, the sets of meditative practices and
experiences relevant with the three highest tantric abhiṣekas (mchog dbang
gsum). In particular, while the six doctrines (ṣaḍdharma : chos drug) are
associated with the guhyābhiṣeka (gsang dbang), and the great bliss
(mahāsukha : bde ba chen po) with the prajñājñānābhiṣeka (shes rab ye
shes kyi dbang), mahāmudrā is related with the caturthābhiṣeka (dbang
bzhi pa).
Born in Odisha (O ḍi bi sha) as Brāhmaṇa Rāhula (sGra gcan ’dzin),
says Tāranātha in the bKa’ babs bdun ldan (362.5–365.2; SIL 2–3), he
would have been instructed on nonduality by a lower caste arrowsmith’s
daughter by means of the symbol of the arrow she was making. After that,
he would have roamed with her as his tantric consort, performing yogottara
practices in charnel grounds, celebrating gaṇacakras, and singing spiritual
songs. Since he would earn his living by doing the work of an arrowsmith,
he was famed as Saraha.7 His nonconformist behaviour would have
exposed him to censure, but he proved his innocence by expounding his
experience in the form of dohās, firstly to the people, secondly to the
queen, and thirdly to the king himself.8
Regarding his time, whereas Bhattacharyya’s chronology (1928: xliii-
xlv, cxvi-cxvii) assigns to Saraha the years around 633, and Shahidullah
(1928: 31) ‘vers 1000’, Rahula Sankrityayan (1934: 226) places him ‘au
milieu du VIIIe siècle’, and Dowman (1985: 71–72) agrees with the latter’s
conclusion, placing Saraha ‘in the second half of the eighth century and the
beginning of the ninth’. We can see that almost all the tentative datings of
Saraha depend on the time of the Pāla king mentioned by the Tibetan
sources, be it the case of Ratnapāla (Shahidullah 1928), or Dharmapāla
(Sankrityayan 1934, and Dowman 1985). In the source studied by Guenther
the name of a King Mahāpāla occurs, but Guenther is right in assuming that
such reference is not so consistent, not only for the variety of Pāla names
occurring in other texts, but also for the reason that ‘these names are as
common in the Indian setting as are Jones and Smith in English’.
Moreover, since ‘king is an administrative title [...] this Mahāpāla may well
have been a city magistrate’ (Guenther 1968a: 7–8; 1993: 7).
We are on a better ground in dating this master when we compare his
position in lineages of traditions parallel to that of mahāmudrā. In fact, if
the Sarahas mentioned in the lineages of Guhyasamāja and mahāmudrā are
148 TILOPĀ III
Brāhmaṇa Saraha
|
Śabarapāda I
|
Dāmodara / Martabodha / Śākyamitra / Maitrīgupta / Advayavajra / Maitrīpāda /
Śabarapāda II
According to Tāranātha (bKa’ babs bdun ldan 365.2; SIL 8), between the
two, Rāhula/Saraha and Śabarapāda I (the father), or Śabareśvara, or Saraha
II (the younger), the name of Nāgārjuna (Klu sgrub) should be inserted
(de’i [Saraha’s] slob ma ni slob dpon Klu sgrub yin)—
Brāhmaṇa Rāhula/Saraha I
|
Nāgārjuna
|
Śabarapāda I/Saraha II
|
Lūyīpāda Dāmodara/Martabodha/Śākyamitra/Maitrīgupta/
Advayavajra/Maitrīpāda/Śabarapāda II
which contains the substance of the whole literature on this subject, and is
very rare. He lived a hundred years before our time (Sachau 1910, 1: 189).
Mātaṅgīpā:
The earliest and most concrete piece of information to start with is that he
went to the south (β, μ, ν), most likely the south of India (ν). Being
allegedly blessed by Maheśvara (β, ν), i.e. Śiva, we can assume that the
charnel ground was associated with Śaiva ascetics, but probably with
Buddhist siddhas too, as we can infer from the fact that the ḍākinīs, namely
the yoginīs participating in the gaṇacakra, were of both Śaiva and Bauddha
traditions (β, ν).
Remarkably, in the above examined compilation from Virūpā, the
Uḍḍiyānaśrīyogayoginīsvayambhūtasambhogaśmaśānakalpa (UYYSSŚK),
a specific siddha-cum-lineage is attributed to each of the eight charnel
grounds as they are conceived in the maṇḍalas of the Yoginītantras
(Davidson 2002b: 104–105). In spite of any appeal to scientific prudence, it
sounds at least fascinating to be ‘informed’ by Virūpā that
...the southwestern (lho nub) charnel ground, called Terrible Laughter (Ha
ha sgrogs), [related to the northeastern (!) quarter by the form of Śiva
named] Īśāna (dBang ldan), a place with a perimeter of six yojanas, and
four yojanas wide, appearing like ten million white lotuses, was blessed
(byin gyis brlabs : adhiṣṭhita) by Śrī Parama Kṛṣṇapāda (dPal mchog Nag
po zhabs). [...] As for the yogins (rnal ’byor pa), there are the yogin
Suvarṇavarṇa (gSer mdog), the son of a powerful brāhmaṇa, [and so
forth]; as for the yoginīs (rnal ’byor ma), there are *Vaktrakrodhā (bZhin
khro ma), and so forth. They follow the two Tantrahṛdayas (rgyud snying
po gnyis), with the tantra of Hayagrīva (rTa mchog gi rgyud), and
WHO, WHEN, AND WHERE 153
Back down to earth, we observe that the name of the charnel ground where
Tilopā met his first gurus occurs twice in Mar pa as Salabheraha (β 13.3)
and Salabhera (β 13.4), with a ha added in dbu can script below the line,
and a mark above the line after bhe, to emend the word to Salabhehara. On
the basis of this Tibetan editorial amendment in the manuscript, I had
interpreted bheraha/bhe‹ha›ra as erratic renderings for Skt vihāra, and sala
for Skt śāla/sāla ‘enclosure, fence, tree’ (1995: 62 n. 5, 66 n. 15). But the
above occurrences in Kun dga’ rin chen (μ) and dBang phyug rgyal mtshan
(ν), has years later induced me to be more suspicious of that Tibetan
emendation, and to reconsider my ensuing conjectural interpretation.
In point of fact, also dBang phyug rgyal mtshan refers to a gaṇacakra of
ḍākinīs which was celebrated in a charnel ground ‘blessed by Maheśvara’
in the south of India. As we have seen, the second description sounds di
maniera, but dBang phyug rgyal mtshan affixes to the obscure Indic
toponym Samabirava the Tibetan ’Jigs byed bzhad pa, ‘terrifying’ (’jigs
byed) ‘laughter’ (bzhad pa), which confirms Kun dga’ rin chen’s location.
Looking for an Indic equivalence, bhairava (MVy 7177 s.v. ’jigs), or bhīma
(MVy 3584 s.v. ’jigs byed), but also virava ‘roaring’, could be for ’jigs
byed, i.e. Śiva, whereas hāsa (MVy 4286 s.v. bzhad ldan ma), or hāsya
(MVy 5040 s.v. bzhad gad) could be for bzhad pa. Now, if we take into
account two other Tibetan expressions for laughter, ha ha rgod pa (AŚĀ)
and ha ha sgrogs (UYYSSŚK) are also attested as the name of one of the
eight charnel grounds in the maṇḍalas, we might conclude that dBang
phyug rgyal mtshan identifies the charnel ground that he calls Samabirawa
with Aṭṭahāsa.
AŚĀ Ha ha rgod pa
UYYSSŚK Ha ha sgrogs
β Sa la bhe ra ha
β Sa la bhe ha ra
μ ’Jigs byed bzhad pa
ν Sa ma bi ra wa ’Jigs byed bzhad pa
bhairava Aṭṭahāsa
compatible with bhairava than with vihāra. As for the first element, both
sala and sama could be acceptable, because of the not rare confusion
between the Tibetan dbu med syllables la and ma—
la
ma
We have seen that the majority of the above maṇḍala-based texts on the
charnel grounds position Aṭṭahāsa in northeastern India. In actual fact, a
place with this name would have been convincingly identified as the
current village of Attahas in Labhpur (Labpur), in the Birbhum District of
the Bardhaman (Burdwan) Division of West Bengal (Sircar 1973: 57 n.,
82). On the other hand, as per Virūpā, Mar pa, Kun dga’ rin chen, and
dBang phyug rgyal mtshan, Aṭṭahāsa is to be found in the southwest
(UYYSSŚK) or in the south (β, μ, ν). Also Tāranātha in his ‘Life of
Kṛṣṇācārya/Kāṇha’ locates Aṭṭahāsa in the south: more exactly, in Trilinga,
the southern Telugu country which takes its name from the three śivaliṅgas
it contains, viz. (1) at Kaleśvara (kalakaleśvaratīrtha), the present-day
Kaleshwaram in the state of Telangana, (2) at Śrīśaila (Srisailam) in the
Kurnool District of Andhra Pradesh, and (3) at Drākśarāma (Draksharama)
in the East Godavari District of Andhra Pradesh (R.C. Majumdar ed. 1966:
373; TLKK 122). We are told by Tāranātha that the king of the land of
Trilinga (yul Tri ling ga’i rgyal po) once made an offering to Kṛṣṇācārya
and his attendants:
... phyogs de dang nye ba’i dur khrod ... they went to Terrible Laughter (Ha
Aṭṭa{ṭṭa} ha sa ste Ha ha sgrog par ha sgrog pa), which is the nearby
byon | der tshogs kyi ’khor lo’i spyod charnel ground of Aṭṭahāsa: a
pa yun ring du mdzad | (Kahna pa’i gaṇacakra was celebrated there for a
rnam thar 288.3–4) long time (cf. TLKK 28).
gorge along the hill range till it reaches Nagarjunasagar in the Guntur
District of Andhra Pradesh. The place has been variously called as Śrīśaila,
Śrīparvata, Śrīgiri, or Śrīnāga (Parabrahma Sastry 1990: 4), but the
occurrence of inscriptions at Nāgārjunakoṇḍa―about ninety-six km distant
as the crow flies―pointing at it as Śrīparvata (Siripavate Vijayapuriya-
puva-disā-bhāge... ‘On Śrīparvata, to the east of Vijayapurī...’ Inscription F
l. 2; Vogel 1929–30: 22–23), suggests that the sacred mountain is not a
mountain, but rather a range, to be identified with the whole Nallamalas.
As a matter of fact, the toponym Nāgārjunakoṇḍa, that is to say the
‘hill’ (Tel. koṇḍa) of Nāgārjuna, is a medieval one, as in the third to fourth-
century inscriptions the town-cum-valley was called Vijayapurī: possibly
from Vijaya Sātakarṇi, the Sātavāhana founder of the town which was
discovered in 1926. Nāgārjunakoṇḍa, before being transformed in the
Sixties of the last century into a colossal water reservoir (Nagarjunasagar),
was a valley of about twenty-three km2, closed on one side by the Kṛṣṇa
River, and by the last hilly offshots of the Nallamalas, or ‘black’ (Tel. nalla
: Skt kṛṣṇa) ‘hills’ (Tel. mala : Skt parvata), on the other three sides.
In the Prākrit inscriptions of the Ikṣvāku kings, the town of Vijayapurī
is always mentioned together with Śrīparvata (Siriparvate Vijayapure),
which emerges without a doubt the ancient name of the range. In this sense,
skipping any discussion of its location as reported in detail by Arion Roşu
(1969: 39–49), to decide whether Śrīparvata is Śrīśaila (Sircar 1973;
Dowman 1985; Linrothe 2006) or Nāgārjunakoṇḍa (Dutt 1931) could be
questionable, because the reverse is not true, as for instance when affirming
that the U.S.A. are America: in actual fact it would be more accurate to say
that the two places, Nāgārjunakoṇḍa and Śrīśaila, are on Śrīparvata.
In the Shamsher Manuscript we read (α 1.4 v. 22) that the siddha-to-be
Śabara or Śabareśvara had taken the two mountains Manobhaṅga and
Cittaviśrāma as his abode for practice (Manobhaṅga-Cittaviśrāmau
caryāsthānaṃ vivecitam), living there as a Śabara, i.e. like the tribal people
of the forest (ākṛtiṃ Śabarasyāsau dadhan nivasati sma saḥ). Noticeably
the IsIAO text reminds us of the Shamsher Manuscript, in that both open
with the Buddha going to the south, and instituting the maṇḍala of
Dharmadhātu, albeit sligtly different as to the orientation. More to the
point, just as in the Shamsher Manuscript (α 6.3), Maitrī(gupta / Maitrīpāda
/ Maitrīpā) / Advayavajra is sent in a dream to the two southern mountains,
where the lord of Śabaras or Śabareśvara had his abode (Tatz 1987: 701–
707), thus is it repeated a couple of centuries later in this Tibetan text, but
with a noteworthy detail here, that the two, Cittaviśrāma (Sems ngal gso
156 TILOPĀ III
bar byed pa) and Manobhaṅga (Yid pham pa), are clearly located on the
Śrīparvata (dPal gyi ri), that is to say on the current Nallamala Range:
The two hills are linked in the IsIAO Manuscript with two bodhisattvas,
their two emanations, and with two different lineages respectively. We read
in fact (LGR 2b1–9) that the Buddha appointed the bodhisattvas Mañjuśrī
and Avalokiteśvara as holders of two lineages: the former would have held
spiritual sway over the lineage of the gradual (rim gyis pa) path to
liberation, and the latter over the lineage of the instantaneous one (cig car
ba). Then, whereas Mañjuśrī would have appeared on the Cittaviśrāma as
Ratnamati (Blo gros rin chen), Avalokiteśvara would have arrived on the
scene of the Manobhaṅga Hill as Mahāsukhanātha Śrī Hayagrīva (Bde chen
mgon po dpal rTa mgrin). Besides, whereas the bodhisattva of Cittaviśrāma
would have transmitted his gradualist teaching to the ācārya Nāgārjuna, his
fellow of Manobhaṅga would have instructed the great brāhmaṇa Saraha in
the instantaneous path.
In the light of the foregoing, it is not at all unreasonable to relate
Cittaviśrāma with current Nāgārjunakoṇḍa, clearly referable to the activity
of the second-century Nāgārjuna, the Mahāyāna friend of a Sātavāhana
king (Dutt 1931). Likewise, we could identify the Manobhaṅga Hill with
Śrīśaila: as if the Vajrayāna discourse (Śrīśaila) were distant a few days on
foot from the Mahāyāna one (Nāgārjunakoṇḍa). That being so, it may be
worth mentioning that the earliest epigraph we know from Śrīśaila is an
early-seventh-century small label inscription on the rocky floor towards the
Śāraṅgadhara Maṭha, where a person of eminent yogic powers, a
Paramātmā Sarasa (Sa ra sa pa ra ma tma) is mentioned, whose prefixing
word sarasa could suggest his commitment with alchemy, in Sanskrit
rasāyana or rasaśāstra (Parabrahma Sastry 1990: 30–31, 51).
Already a famous centre of tantric worship since at least the first half of
the seventh century, Śrīśaila is a crucial Śaiva seat to this day. Not only it
WHO, WHEN, AND WHERE 157
has been celebrated as one of the eight secret places sacred to Śiva, but also
the divine phallus (śiva-liṅga) there enshrined, the Mallikārjuna-liṅgam, is
believed to be a self-emanated one (svayaṃbhū-liṅga), and one of the
twelve radiance signs (jyotir-liṅga) of the god. In the same way, Śrīśaila is
one of the eighteen Śakta sacred sites (pīṭha), seeing that the form of
Mahākālī consort (śakti) of Mallikārjuna, Bhramarāmbā as we read in the
Aṣṭādaśaśaktipīṭhastotra (2a), is claimed as one of the eighteen Śaktis.
We know that Śrīśaila was a crucial Kāpālika base since at least the
eighth century. Later, towards the end of the tenth century, the supremacy
passed to the Kālāmukhas, an offshoot of the Pāśupatas, and then to the
Vīraśaivas by about the fourteenth century (Lorenzen 1972: 51–52). A
visual evidence of those ash-smeared ascetics’ at Śrīśaila can be found on
the surrounding walls (prākāra) enclosing the two temples of Mallikārjuna
and Bhramarāmbā, built in the fifteenth century on an earlier foundation
(Shaw 1997; Linrothe 2006). This added prākāra has been decorated in the
early sixteenth century with crouds of siddhas’ images:
This firsthand familiarity, due to the time of the images, would explain why
a great part of the carved siddhas’ sectarian affiliation recognized so far are
Pāśupatas with gourd-shaped bags, possibly for ashes, and the liṅga-bearers
Vīraśaivas, who were dominant in the fourteenth century. But another
prominent presence among the identified siddha images is that of the split-
earred (kānpaṭhā) Nāth (nātha) siddhas, whose traditional lineage includes
Jālandhara (Linrothe 2006: 128 ff.), that is to say Haḍipā/Jālandharapā, the
guru of the Kāpālika Kāṇha/Kṛṣṇācārya. As to the Kāpālikas, Richard
Shaw (1997: 163) reports of a personal communication of Dr
Venkataramayya (13 July 1995):
The pilgrimages to great sacred places (tīrthayātrā) like Śrīśaila had, and
still have, a regular calendar based on the traditionally celebrated propitious
periods. Above all, the thirteenth night of the Phālguna month (February–
March) of every year was celebrated as the great Night of Śiva (mahā-
Śivarātri): the holiest occasion for an exceedingly congested religious
festival (Roşu 1969: 32), but also for authentic, semi-authentic, and false
ascetics to convene there from all directions of the Indian oecumene, and
exchange their first-hand inner experience, yoga techniques, as well as
practical tips. At night, all fires at the border of the forest, every dark corner
in the permanent or temporary resorts (śālā) girdling the sacred area, could
be the shelter of dubious pilgrims, beggars, sleeping devout families,
barking dogs, as well as of long-haired yogins and yoginīs in more isolated
spots, improvising their songs about the practice on unanimously known
melodies.
As it seems, we are here coming across a possible exception to the
above denounced impenetrability of the toponymy of the maṇḍala-oriented
charnel grounds. It may well be here the case of the southeastern śmaśāna,
variously known in the relevant literature as Lakṣmīvana (bKra shis mchog,
SUT, VS), Lakṣmīvat (La kṣ‹m›i can, AŚ2), Śrīvana (dPal gyi nags, AŚĀ),
and Śrīnāyaka (dPal ’dren, UYYSSŚK). As a matter of fact, the first element
śrī/lakṣmī of the toponym, as well as the above three occurrences of vana
‘forest’, could lead one to find a workable correspondence on the current
maps with Śrīśaila, as this remote place is still covered with dense forests
where tigers, crocodiles, and other wild animals live, and the few humans
inhabiting there belong to the hunter-gatherer aboriginal tribes.
Sukhasiddhi
The name occurs as Sukhasiddhi (Su kha siddhi) in the Ṣaḍdharmopadeśa:
as such, provided that the verse in the bsTan ’gyur be not a later
interpolation, Tilopā himself would have referred to the female guru of his
fourth bka’ babs by this very name. Subsequently, in the hagiographic
sources, the individuality of that woman is shrouded in a sort of nominal
mist, through which we can hardly distinguish the tradition (āmnāya) she
was a representative of. We find in fact *Subhaginī or *Subhagā (sKal ba
bzang mo, β, θ, ι, κ, μ; cf. BA 844), *Samantabhadrī Yoginī (Kun tu bzang
mo’i rnal ’byor ma, λ, ξ), Sumatī *Samantabhadrī (Su ma ti Kun tu bzang
mo, η, λ, ν, ξ), Sumatī (Su ma ti Blo gros bzang mo, μ; Su ma ti, ν), Śrīmatī
WHO, WHEN, AND WHERE 159
(dPal gyi blo gros ma, μ), as well as Sister Lakṣmīṅkarā (lCam Legs ‹s›min
kā ra, μ); sometimes she is generically referred to by the epithet ‘ḍākinī’ (β
15.5, θ 69.2, ι 17.6, μ 12.1).10
With regard to the tradition, we read in the Deb ther sngon po (343.7–
344.1; BA 390) that the so-called Six Texts of Vārāhī (Phag mo gzhung
drug), based in particular on the Saṃvarārṇavatantra (sDom pa rgya
mtsho’i rgyud), with their blessings (byin rlabs), textual commentaries
(gzhung gi bshad pa), and meditative procedures (nyams len gyi rim pa)
arrived to most of the yogins of Tibet. Whereas the Saṃvarārṇavatantra
can be identified with the above mentioned Ḍākārṇava-mahāyoginī-
tantrarāja (Ō. 19, Tō. 372), or the Saṃvarodaya (Ō. 20, Tō. 373), the Phag
mo gzhung drug includes six sādhana texts (Ō. 2259–64, Tō. 1551–56).
One of them, the Chinnamuṇḍavajravārāhī-sādhana (rDo rje phag mo dbu
bcad ma’i sgrub thabs, Ō. 2262, Tō. 1554), is authored by Devī Śrīmatī
(lha mo dPal gyi blo gros ma).11
In the same point, ’Gos Lo tsā ba indirectly does credit to the
guruparamparā of the Saṃvarārṇava as attested in the Shamsher
Manuscript, informing us that the sister of Indrabhūti (In dra bud dhi’i
lcam), Devī Śrīmatī (lHa mo dPal mo), bestowed the method (lugs) based
on the Saṃvarārṇavatantra to the Venerable Virūpā (rje btsun Bi ru pa),
and the latter in turn bestowed it to the one famed as the Great Avadhūtipā
(A ba dhu tī pa chen po), or Great Paiṇḍapātika (bSod snyoms pa chen po),
that is Dāmodara/Maitrīgupta/Advayavajra I (Tucci 1930: 214, 222 n. 3).
Besides, according to the same source (Deb ther sngon po 640.5; BA
731; cf. THBI 214n), also the Shangs pa bKa’ brgyud pa master Khyung po
rnal ’byor, in his somewhat implausibly long life (978/990–1127, corrected
by Kapstein 2005 to c. 1050–1127), would have met a ḍākinī Sukhasiddhi
disciple of a Virūpā (Bi rū pa’i slob ma mkha’ ’gro ma Su kha sid dhi
mjal): clearly a Virūpā and a Sukhasiddhi active in the eleventh century
(Dowman 1985: 52)―
β 26.3–4 rGya gar shar phyogs Na du ka ta’i ’gram | chu bo Kha su’i
rtsa | dur khrod rMa sha’i tshal | dgon pa Mya ngan med pa
bya yod...
η 52.3–4 dur khrod rMa sha’i tshal na | gnas gzhi Mya ngan med pa’i
dgon pa zhes pa na...
θ 82.1–2 chu bo Sa la na di dang Du la kṣe tra’i dur khrod ’Bar ba
’dzin rtsa ba’i gtsug lag khang na | Mya ngan med pa’i tshal
du...
ι 36.5–6 Du la ke du’i ’gram | dur khrod sMag sha’i rtsar | gnas Mya
ngan med pa’i tshal na...
κ 43.1 Du lang khye tra’i gram dur khrod sMan sha’i rtsa na gnas
gzhi Mya ngan med pa’i tshal zhes bya ba na...
λ A 39.4 B 114.5–6 Du la khye tra’i ’gram | dur khrod rMa sha’i rtsa | gnas gzhi
WHO, WHEN, AND WHERE 163
Mentioning two rivers, Nadukata and Khasu, Mar pa appears the most
meticulous informant. As per mere assonance, the former river he alludes to
might be identified with the current Dakatia River in the Noakhali District
of Bangladesh; in addition, being the Nadukata either ‘near to’, or a
‘channel of’ the Khasu River (chu bo Kha su’i rtsa), in both cases, the latter
river might possibly be the Meghnā. Another hopeless conjecture starting
from a possible assonance with Khasu might identify it with the current
river Kosī (Kauśikī), in northern Bengal. To crown it all, rDo rje mdzes ’od
(θ) introduces the river Salanadi, that cannot but remind the Salandi
(Salanadi) River of Odisha, a tributary of the Baitrani (Baitarani). The same
author introduces also Dulakṣetra, albeit ambiguously, as it is not quite
clear if it is matter of a river or a charnel ground, but the later sources have
unanimously Dulakṣetra as a river.
Also the name of the charnel ground gives us no help. We can only
observe that it is mentioned by Mar pa and rGyal thang pa as *Maṣavana or
*Maṣodyāna (rMa sha’i tshal, β, η), the Grove or Garden of Red Beans
(ma sha : māṣa; cf. māṣaka, MVy 9265). Then, with the exception of rDo
rje mdzes ’od, the name occurs as rMa sha’i rtsa, with minor variants in
rma (smag ι, sman κ), and the word tshal regularly metamorphoses into
rtsa (ι, κ, λ, ν, ξ). Fortunately, regarding the location of the seclusion (dgon
pa), we are on a less slippery ground. In all sources the name is Aśoka
(Mya ngan med pa). Probably it was in a grove of aśoka trees (mya ngan
med pa’i tshal na).13 It is worth noticing that among the many names of this
important tree, we find also piṇḍa (MW s.v. piṇḍī-puṣpa), that cannot but
suggest a different reading of the celebrated Piṇḍa Vihāra (Piṇ ḍa bi ha ra)
connected with Tilopā in *Jagāõ/Chittagong (rGya gar chos ’byung 190.2;
THBI 254–55).
Seemingly there is not a sign of this important monastery in the area of
current Chittagong. Qanungo (1988: 105) quotes what a ‘renowned
Buddhist scholar and a native of Chittagong’, Rai S.C. Das Bahadur, wrote
after a thorough but unsuccessful search for the location of the ruins of the
monastery:
164 TILOPĀ III
I tried to trace the site of Paṇḍit Vihāra in that town [Chittagong] but
without success [...] In the modern town of Chittagong [...] there is an old
mosque situated on an eminence. I always suspected that this old mosque
[? Jame Mosque] must have been built by the early Mahamedan
conquerors on the site and ruins of the Paṇḍit Vihāra of old, because it
was the invariable practice of the Moslem conquerors to at once convert a
vihāra into a mosque to mark their triumph over the Buddhists [...] In the
year 1904 on the hill adjoining the older mosque, a stone Buddha was
unearthed by the P.W. Department while levelling a piece of ground for
building an outhouse [...] It seems to me that this image [now preserved at
the Buddhist temple in the city] must have once belonged to the Paṇḍit
Vihāra.
Mar pa (loc. cit.) attributes paternity only to four of the six intructions dealt
with in the Ṣaḍdharmopadeśa—
Mar pa (β)
GURU TANTRA YOGA
Caryāpā svapna
Kambalapā prabhāsvara
Nāgārjuna Guhyasamāja māyākāya
*Subhaginī Hevajra and Cakrasaṃvara caṇḍālī
rGyal thang pa (η 17.4–5) gives a different version in the ninth verse of the
hymn in praise of Tilopā, and mentions Ḍeṅgipā (lDing gi pa), Karṇaripā
(Kar rna pa), Mātaṅgīpā (Ma tang gi), and Kambalapā (La ba pa) as the
gurus of the four transmissions (bka’ bzhi bla ma). The chapter containing
an explanation of this verse has the following lineages (η 32.7–40.4)—
WHO, WHEN, AND WHERE 165
The instructions relevant to each lineage are connected with the generation
stage (bskyed rim : utpattikrama), and the completion stage (rdzogs rim :
utpannakrama or niṣpannakrama) of the practice—
rDo rje mdzes ’od (θ 66.1–69.5) indicates six lines of transmission, two
non-human or buddhas’ (sangs rgyas kyi rgyud pa), and four human or
siddhas’ (grub thob kyi rgyud pa). The first two are aural transmissions
beyond words (snyan rgyud yi ge med pa) received directly from the ḍākinī
Vajrayoginī in Uḍḍiyāna, and the various tantric cycles received from the
bodhisattva Vajrapāṇi in the charnel ground of Ki ri me dpung ’bar ba in
the eastern India. For the human gurus of Tilopā, the author indicates four
different lineages with relevant teachings. Inexplicably, Tilopā would have
met Nāgārjuna in Varendra ‘to the south’ (lho phyogs Bha len tar),
Lalitavajra (Rol pa’i rdo rje) of the lineage of Kambalapā (La ba ba chen
po nas brgyud pa), Caryāpā/Vijayapāda (rNam par rgyal ba) of the lineage
of Lūyīpāda (Lu hi pa nas brgyud pa), Śabareśvara (Ri khrod dbang phyug)
of the lineage of Saraha (Sa ra ha nas brgyud pa), and the ḍākinī
*Subhaginī (sKal ba bzang mo). These would be the four siddhas’
166 TILOPĀ III
transmissions, but rDo rje mzes ’od does not identify Vijayapāda as
Caryāpā, because he notes that ‘according to some, there should be also a
transmission from Ācārya Caryāpā’ (yang la la dag gis slob dpon Tsa rya
pa las [...] bka’ babs ces kyang bzhed do)—
The same author, in the Ti lo shes rab bzang po’i rnam par thar (κ2 32.3–
WHO, WHEN, AND WHERE 167
In the text on Tilopā’s predecessors, Kun dga’ rin chen (μ 11.1–12.3) links
Tilopā with Nāgārjuna, Caryāpā, Kambalapā, and *Subhaginī; then he goes
on to reconstruct the lineages—
In conclusion, the association between the gurus of the four bka’ babs with
the six dharmas, when it occurs, would suggest the following order of
concordance—
ṢDhU β, κ2 θ λ, ν, ξ, μ
caṇḍālī Caryāpā ḍākinī Caryāpā Caryāpā ḍākinī
māyākāya Nāgārjuna Nāgārjuna Nāgārjuna Nāgārjuna Caryāpā
svapna Kambalapā Caryāpā Caryāpā
prabhāsvara Nāgārjuna Kambalapā Nāgārjuna Kambalapā Kambalapā
antarābhava ḍākinī ḍākinī ḍākinī
saṃkrānti ḍākinī ḍākinī ḍākinī Nāgārjuna
The Practice
A new radical turn is nearly upon Tilopā’s life, and a new revelation (lung
bstan pa : vyākaraṇa) marks it. In Mar pa it was the woman, namely his
spiritual sister the yoginī called Ḍākinī *Sukhapradā (bDe ster ma), who
imparted it to Tilopā after the sketch with the Prajñāpāramitā (β 14.3–4):
170 TILOPĀ III
Conversely, rGyal thang pa, Kun dga’ rin chen, and dBang phyug rgyal
mtshan have it that the same prediction came from Mātaṅgīpā. We read for
example in rGyal thang pa (η 39.6–7) that, once blessed Tilopā, Mātaṅgīpā
would have predicted, to be exact commanded, to perform religious
practices ‘as if he were a local sesame grinder’ (yul ’di’i til brdung pa’i
tshul gyis): whence his name, glosses rGyal thang pa.
With regard to the prostitute (smad ’tshong ma), whose name occurs in
the sources as Bharima/Bhari (β), or Dharima/Dharimo/Dhari (μ, ν), we
know almost nothing. We have scant pieces of information on the town
where the courtesan lived, and where Tilopā spent a part of his life: the
market town that Mar pa and rDo rje mdzes ’od have referred to as
Pañcāpaṇa (β 14.3, θ 70.5) is described by Kun dga’ rin chen and dBang
phyug rgyal mtshan as blessed by a king Ud ma skyes pa / dBu ma ke sa ra
(*Umākesara?), and easy to reach:
After that, he and Bharima went to the charnel ground called Kereli.
There they took delight in the practice of the secret mantras (gsang ba
sngags : guhyamantra) and performed it to its completion.
Following that, while scattering (’phro) sesame seeds (til ’bru) in the
above-mentioned market place, he attained the perfection close to the
sublime mahāmudrā.
At that moment, the people of the town had different visions of him:
some saw flames blazing (me dpung ’bar ba) from him, while others saw
his bone ornaments blazing (rus rgyan la me ’bar ba). The people asked
for instruction. At this, ‘O followers, may the innate reality that arose in
my intellect enter your hearts!’ so he uttered, and they were immediately
liberated.
After that, as the king of that country surrounded by his retinue came
riding an elephant to pay his respect, both that brāhmaṇa student and
Bharima raised an adamantine song (rdo rje’i mgur : vajragīti) with a loud
Brahmā voice:...
As we will see later, these three wish-fulfilling gems (yid bzhin nor bu
rnam gsum) were regarded as gems related to body, speech, and mind (sku
gsung thugs); namely, the general wish-fulfilling gem (thun mong yid bzhin
nor bu) of the body, the commitments’ gem (dam tshig yid bzhin nor bu) of
the speech, and the one of the natural state (gnas lugs yid bzhin nor bu) of
the mind.
Along with Vladimir Propp’s study of the narrative structure in
folktales (1928), we can see the father of Tilopā as embodying the character
of the donor, the one providing the hero with the magical object for the
quest, in this case a crystal ladder (shel gyi skas ka), a jewelled bridge (rin
po che’i zam pa), and a stem of burdock (rtsa byi bzung). In all sources,
this is the last time we find Tilopā’s father mentioned. Narratively, the
brāhmaṇa *Dyuti (gSal ba) disappears when his function ceases, i.e. as
soon as the hero receives the needed magical agent. From a biographical
viewpoint, we may assume that he did not survive much longer, because we
will find Tilopā’s brāhmaṇī mother in other episodes as a Buddhist nun.
In Mar pa’s pedagogic design, the reader is supposed to visualise a sort
of maṇḍala. What follows mirrors indeed the scheme of a threefold
maṇḍala, consistent with the three Buddha bodies in the above discussed
trikāya perspective (β 16.1–4):
motivation, but destroy and devour those who have no faith and whose
commitments are imperfect. So they stayed there as gatekeepers (sgo ma).
Mar pa’s text could be enjoyed as a dramatic maṇḍala, and the reader’s
entering it (maṇḍalapraveśa) would correspond to his following the
narrative trace of the hero’s entrance into the maṇḍala of Vajravārāhī (β),
or Jñānaḍākinī (β), or Bhagavatī Yoginī (η), or else Vajrayoginī (η, θ, ι, κ,
λ, μ, ν, ξ). Being the consort of Cakrasaṃvara, she is imagined in union
with him, but the maṇḍala to enter liturgically and yogically is here a mise-
en-scène. As observed by English (2002: 27), the cult of Vajrayoginī ‘has
no scriptural corpus of its own, but borrows from the scriptural tradition of
Cakrasaṃvara’. That is why the relevant maṇḍala and sādhanas are adapted
from the Cakrasaṃvara corpus. With a sādhana in the form of a play, it is
matter here of the maṇḍala of Vajrayoginī that becomes the correspondent
maṇḍala of Cakrasaṃvara as soon as Tilopā comes in (β 16.4–19.6):
Then that brāhmaṇa student arrived in front of the pavilion of the Fragrant
Shelter in the western country of Uḍḍiyāna. The nirmāṇakāya-
karmaḍākinīs, with demonic voices or rough thundering sounds, spoke
thus:
gaze (lta stangs) upon the ḍākinīs until they fell down senseless.
Recovered from their faint, they spoke:
At that, the brāhmaṇa student said, ‘Let me go inside!’ but the ḍākinīs
replied:
Having so declared, he cast a fixed gaze upon them till they fell down
senseless. ‘Let me go inside!’ he said, but the ḍākinīs replied:
So, after they had supplicated the dharmakāya-ḍākinī, the boy went in.
The dharmakāya-jñānaḍākinī was there surrounded, on her right and left,
WHO, WHEN, AND WHERE 175
by myriad heroes (dpa’ bo) and heroines (dpa’ mo). As the brāhmaṇa
student did not pay homage to her, the assembly said:
They were about to smash him when the dharmakāya-ḍākinī spoke to her
retinue:
I am *Pāñcāpaṇa,
My sister *Sukhapradā sent me.
View (lta), practice (spyod), fruit (’bras bu), commitments, and
The gems of the three bodies: I came here to have them.
’bru) for the speech, and symbolic implements (phyag mtshan) for the
mind. The brāhmaṇa student spoke:
After these words, the ḍākinīs of both the sambhogakāya and the
nirmāṇakāya of the jñānaḍākinī in one voice joined to raise this song:
After they had uttered that, they explained the root tantra of Cakrasaṃvara
in fifty-one chapters and, together with the tantra, they gave him its aural
transmission.
Then, the jñānaḍākinī spoke, ‘If you want to attain my body, be
assiduous in the generation stage. As to my speech, be assiduous in the
heart mantra (snying po). As to my mind, be assiduous in the mahāmudrā
of the completion stage. Go to the seclusion of Cūḍāmaṇi (gTsug gi nor
bu’i dgon pa) and take care of the three, Nāropā (Na ro), Riripā (Ri ri) and
Kasoripā (Ka so ri)!’ Having so spoken, the noblest of ladies (gtso mo)
disappeared.
He was named Tilopā Prajñābhadra (Te lo Shes rab bzang po). He
spoke:
The name of the seclusion occurs in the sources as gTsug gi nor bu’i dgon
pa (β, η, θ, ι, κ, λ, μ, ν, ξ), gTsug gi dgon pa (η, ι), and gTsug phud spra
178 TILOPĀ III
bha (ζ): gtsug, like gtsug phud (Skt cūḍā), means ‘crown, crest, head,
summit’; spra bha, probably for spra ba, would be for ‘ornament’. In Mar
pa there is also mention of an Aroga Vihāra of the seclusion of Cūḍāmaṇi
(β 20.2–3: gTsug gi nor bu’i dgon pa A ro ga’i gtsug lag khang), where a
ro ga’i is conjectural (a ro na’i cod.), from Skt aroga ‘painless’. Moreover,
we know from rGyal thang pa that it was in Sahor to the east (η 21a4: shar
Za hor gTsug gi dgon pa).15
A clue to locate that seclusion can be found in the sixth-century
Gunaighar copperplate grant of Vainyagupta issued from Krīpura, probably
in current Comilla District. In it, besides the royal residence, we read of a
town of Cūḍāmaṇi (l. 28; Bhattacharyya 1930; R.C. Majumdar 1971: 340).
The inscription in fact, demarcating the low lands (talabhūmi) granted to a
vihāra, refers to the channel (jolā for joḍa) between the seaport and the
town of Cūḍāmaṇi as their eastern limit (Cūḍāmaṇi-nagaraśrī-nauyogayor
maddhye jolā, l. 28). According to Dinesh Chandra Bhattacharyya (1930:
52–53), not only Krīpura, but also the granted lands were situated near the
find place of the plate, namely in the current Comilla District.
While Tilopā Prajñābhadra was on his way back from Uḍḍiyāna to the
Healty (a ro ga) Pavilion (gtsug lag khang : vihāra) of the seclusion of
Cūḍāmaṇi, we are told that a ninefold doctrine of incorporeal ḍākinīs was
bestowed upon him from the space element. As it is known to the student
of Indo-Tibetan Buddhism, the nine root verses of these ‘Doctrines of the
Incorporeal Adamantine Ḍākinīs’ (rDo rje mkha’ ’gro ma lus med pa’i
chos : Vajraḍākinīniṣkāya-dharma, VḌNDh) represent one of the greatest
legacies in the bKa’ brgyud tradition.
Tilopā’s Manifestations
To begin with Mar pa, the hagiographies report that Tilopā showed himself
in various ways. In particular, there are eight episodes in which we are told
how he overpowered a yogin, how he converted a tīrthika, a magician, a
woman selling liquor, a singer, a butcher, a materialist denying the law of
cause and effect, and a sorcerer. In addition to Mar pa (β), the same
episodes occur in rGyal thang pa (η), rDo rje mdzes ’od (θ), U rgyan pa (ι),
Mon rtse pa (κ), gTsang smyon He ru ka (λ), dBang phyug rgyal mtshan
(ν), and lHa btsun (ξ). From a narratological viewpoint, the core of each
episode is a dramatic opposition: it culminates in the protagonist’s triumph,
the conversion of the antagonist, and the instruction to the new disciple. As
to these eight instructions, we can read them in two Tilopan texts preserved
in Tibetan translation, the Acintyamahāmudrā (AMM), and the
*Aṣṭaguhyārthāvavāda (AGAA).
Tilopā would have met and instructed these individuals in eight
different places. The final picture we have is that of the ‘slow homecoming’
of a fully accomplished tantric adept who, at the time of his departure from
Uḍḍiyāna, had declared in obedience to the order of the ḍākinī where he
was heading: Cūḍāmaṇi, for the benefit of worthy disciples, Nāropā, and
the latter’s disciples Riripā, and Kasoripā.
Regarding the sequence of the episodes in the hagiographies, lHa btsun
(ξ) follows rGyal thang pa (η), U rgyan pa (ι), Mon rtse pa (κ), gTsang
smyon He ru ka (λ), and dBang phyug rgyal mtshan (ν), but also rDo rje
mdzes ’od (θ), with the exception of an inversion between episodes 3 and 4.
Strangely enough, apart from the first four episodes and the last one, Mar
pa’s arrangement (β) does not go with those in the later hagiographies, the
order of episodes 5, 6, 7 having been inverted: also here our source β shows
another lectio difficilior in fabula, which is worth noticing—
β η θ ι κ λ ν ξ
the yogin 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1
the tīrthika 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2
the magician 3 3 4 3 3 3 3 3
the liquor-selling woman 4 4 3 4 4 4 4 4
the singer 5 7 7 7 7 7 7 7
the butcher 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6
the materialist 7 5 5 5 5 5 5 5
the sorcerer 8 8 8 8 8 8 8 8
WHO, WHEN, AND WHERE 181
Since Tilopā is the first historical guru of the tradition passing via Mar pa,
one would have expected that the arrangement of the eight conversion
episodes in the later Marpan tradition followed the same sequence as that of
β. Logically, some new facts appear to have intervened in the period
between the second half of the eleventh century (the time of β) and the
thirteenth-century innovation (the time of η, θ, and ι): new facts whereby a
different arrangement of the episodes was established, and it was still
accepted in the second half of the fifteenth century (the time of κ), in 1494
(the time of λ), in 1523 (the time of ν), and in 1550 (the time of ξ).
Possibly, a fact representing the cause for this innovation could be
found in that set of supplementary instructions―and information―Ras
chung would have collected in India and Nepal by order of Mi la ras pa at
the beginning of the twelfth century: as we will see in more detail further, a
fact which was the basis of both textual traditions, the bDe mchog snyan
brgyud and the Ras chung snyan brgyud (Deb ther sngon po 382.3–6, BA
437–38).
In all hagiographies the episode of the contest with the yogin is the first
of eight to occur. As we know from the outlines in the second chapter, Mar
pa and other sources containing this episode narrate it immediately after
Tilopā’s stay in Uḍḍiyāna (β, ι, κ, λ). Moreover, we are told that Tilopā was
found in the north-western charnel ground of Jālandhara (’Bar ba ’dzin, θ,
λ, ν, ξ), a sacred site which was a traditional stopover for the siddhas and
the yogins going to―or coming from―Uḍḍiyāna.
According to Tāranātha, between the region of Jālandhara and
Uḍḍiyāna (yul Dza lan dha ra nas O rgyan gyi bar la) it was said to be one
hundred and twenty yojanas (dpag tshad brgya dang nyi shu yod skad), and
the siddha Kṛṣṇa (Kahna) would have covered that distance in one or two
days (Kahna pa’i rnam thar 274.4; TLKK 13). We find here mentioned
another possible site in our maps of the eight charnel grounds at the
margins of the maṇḍalas in the Cakrasaṃvara tradition, the charnel ground
of Vajrajvāla/*Jvālapariveṣakāpāla/Jvālavana: in fact, this śmaśāna can be
identified with the Śakta pīṭha of Jālandhara, or Jālandharagiri, Jālandhra,
Jālaśaila, and it can be located at Jvālāmukhī in the Kangra District of
Himachal Pradesh (Law 1954: 86; Sircar 1973: 86; Shastri 2009).
Many aspects of these episodes sound fictional, to begin with the
surplus of miracles performed therein. On the whole, the narratives reveal a
human, all too human rhetorical propensity for flaunting powers, better if
circled by mystery. However, in this particular case, it is also matter of the
182 TILOPĀ III
Indian medieval background where magic and power were the two sides of
the same coin. As it has been very sensibly observed by Davidson, the
cultural expressions of the Indian feudal system typify the double process
of apotheosis of kingship and feudalization of divinity; that is to say, ‘a
king could just as easily reformulate his image in favor of the model of
Śiva, who was, after all, represented as a killer divinity with a permanent
erection’ (Davidson 2002b: 90).
In addition, we can infer from the siddha hagiographic tradition and
folklore that magic contests and wizards’ duels were decidedly popular in
Tilopā’s cultural milieu. A fascinating case is the Song of Mānikacandra
(Mānikcandra rājār Gān) that belongs to a widespread oral tradition of
Bengal dating back at least to the twelfth century (Sen 1920: 14–15).
Western scholars have access to the story of king Mānikacandra, his queen
Maynā (Maynāmati), and the latter’s son Gopīcandra through the studies on
three relevant ballads published by George Grierson (1878, 1885).
We read therein of the queen Maynāmati, a disciple of the powerful
siddha Haḍipā/Jālandharapā, chasing the messenger of the king of death
who had taken away the life of Mānikacandra (vv. 95–144, Grierson 1878:
72–74). With a rhythm and humour that reminds the magic duel between
Merlin and Madam Mim in the Disneyan movie adaptation of The Sword in
the Stone, the fugitive transforms himself into various animals in order to
escape from Maynāmati, but the terrible queen takes each time a new shape
to capture him.
It is possible to shed some light on the circumstances of Tilopā’s
instruction to the yogin and the others through a synoptic reading of the
relevant passages in the above material. Moreover, we can tentatively elicit
from the hagiographic sources and the colophons of AMM some fragments
of information about these eight unknown disciples, viz. their status in
society, where they faced Tilopā, the names they took once converted, their
names after enlightenment, and the places of their subsequent spiritual
practice.
...swinging from the hair of a horse’s tail which was suspended from the
little toes of corpses piled on the branch of a tree. He was blue of
appearance, with blood-shot eyes, wearing cotton undergarments
(Gyaltsen 1990: 46).
Once arrived, Tilopā sat on a throne in front of the yogin, and the two
began the competition. According to the sources, albeit discrepancies of
little relevance, the two contenders were initially well matched, but in the
course of the contest Tilopā gradually overpowered the challenger. First,
184 TILOPĀ III
they debated about the topics of valid cognition (tshad ma : pramāṇa) and
the scriptural tradition (lung : āgama). After that, each of them drew a
maṇḍala in the sky and tried to destroy the other’s by means of wind and
rain. Next, they summoned up the corpses from the charnel ground, each of
them carrying a corpse on his back. The corpses were then transformed into
offering substances for the gaṇacakra (mchod rdzas), and taken back to the
charnel ground. Then, they rode lions and ran a race over the surface of the
sun and the moon. Tilopā made sun and moon fall down to the ground, and
rode over them on a lion’s back. At last, he turned himself inside out and
conjured up a maṇḍala with a charnel ground for every single hair of his.
He conjured up a tree in each of them and, on every tree, he played in a
cross-legged posture. As the yogin was not able to match this, ‘That is
wonderful!’ he exclaimed, ‘Where does such a miracle come from? Where
does this wonder-working man come from?’ Tilopā is said to have
answered with a song, a part of which is common to all sources:
Having understood the meaning (don rtogs, don dam rtogs pa), the yogin
Tilopā is beyond any efforts (’bad rtsol kun dang bral) in whatever he
does!
Once conquered his faith, Tilopā would have sung to him about the
inconceivable intrinsic being (rang bzhin bsam gyis mi khyab pa, AMM I).
The powerful yogin, thenceforth named Nus ldan Blo gros or simply
Blo gros, i.e. Mati, as stated in all sources would still live in Uḍḍiyāna in a
deathless state.
In a charnel ground, one league far from here, there is an Aquilaria tree
(shing sha pa), my brother has fixed the tail of a horse on it; then, he has
tied the legs and the hands of a corpse to that tail. He is there, hanging on
that corpse, and swinging.
When the woman repeated to the king what she had said to the ministers,
the king sent someone to check: things were just as she had described.
Tilopā took the field and magically destroyed that illusory army. Once
WHO, WHEN, AND WHERE 187
liquor (vāruṇī : chu bdag), i.e. the seminal essence, or spirit of awakening
(bodhicitta), by means of neither yeast (cikkaṇa : phabs) nor shredded bark
(Late MIA vakka : Skt valka, but Tib. rtsi, ‘juice’).16
In the role of one of the eight dramatis personae that Tilopā would
have met and converted, the status of this kind of woman was perceived as
so low that the liquor-selling woman (chang ’tshong ma) turns in later
sources into a prostitute (smad ’tshong ma, ξ, AMM III).
The occasion and the scenario are reminiscent of the well-known
miraculous drinking episode of Virūpā, as it can be found in the relevant
hagiographic material, to begin with Abhayadatta’s Caturaśītisiddha-
pravṛtti, and in the iconography of that siddha (Davidson 2002b: 259, 403).
In fact, whereas Virūpā stops the sun in its path lest he should settle the bill
to the liquor-selling woman for what he was gulping down, Tilopā drank all
the liquor under different forms, viz. a monkey and a cat (β), a cat only (η),
a cat and several yogins (θ), a beggar (λ), a monkey and a rat (ν), and a rat
only (ξ). Deprived of her own merchandise, the woman burst into tears.
‘What is wrong with you?’ people asked, and she told the story (lo rgyus).
‘Supplicate that yogin for your sake!’ people suggested. Weeping, the
woman approached Tilopā supplicating him to be accepted as a disciple,
and in a moment all the pots were again filled with liquor. Then, as Tilopā
sang about the inconceivable great bliss (bsam gyis mi khyab pa bde ba
chen po, AMM III), all were liberated.
Thenceforth named Nyi ’od sgron ma, or Yoginī Nyi ma ’od, then
Bodhisattva sGron ma ’dzin pa, all sources agree that the liquor-selling
woman would still live in the charnel ground of So sa gling.
ξ chang ’tshong ma dregs pa can zhig → rnal ’byor ma Nyi ’od sgron
ma;
AMM III smad ’tshong ma;
AGAA IV chang ’tshong ma → Nyi ’od sgron ma.
ξ glu mkhan mkhas pa dregs pa can zhig → rnal ’byor pa dByangs ldan
lkugs pa;
AMM IV glu mkhan;
AGAA IV glu mkhan dByangs skyong → dByangs ldan lkug pa.
(mu stegs pa las dge sdig med zer ba) are boiled there’. The shocked
Materialist, reifying what he had perceived, would have said (β 25.3–4):
Tilopā replied with a response song (lan mgur) revealing his view:
After these words, Tilopā sang about the inconceivable variety (sna tshogs
bsam gyis mi khyab pa, AMM VII).
The Materialist, named Jinabodhi (Dzi na byang chub) in most sources,
or Nag po me drangs ye shes (or ma drang) would continue to live in the
south of India on Śrīparvata (lho phyogs dPal gyi ri).
Tilopā’s Apotheosis
In the narration subsequent to Tilopā’s ‘slow homecoming’, the
hagiographies describe his threefold apotheosis, first as a manifestation of
Śaṃvara (section 2), then as Śaṃvara himself (section 3), and eventually as
the aggregation of the bodies of all the buddhas of the three times (section
4). Notably, in the first two stages he wears the monastic garb while in the
194 TILOPĀ III
As a Manifestation of Śaṃvara
We are informed that Tilopā took monastic vows (rab tu byung :
pravrajita) in the Aśoka Vihāra (β 26.3: dgon pa Mya ngan med pa). Given
that aśoka ‘painless’ is synonymous with aroga, we can reasonably identify
this vihāra with the above mentioned Aroga Vihāra of the seclusion of
Cūḍāmaṇi (β 20.2–3: gTsug gi nor bu’i dgon pa A ro ga’i gtsug lag khang).
In the vihāra there were both his maternal uncle and mother. The latter,
the Brāhmaṇī *Dyutimatī (gSal ldan ma) when married with Tilopā’s father
the Brāhmaṇa *Dyuti (gSal ba), had become a nun (btsun ma) presumably
after her husband’s death. Both had a pre-eminent position in the vihāra,
abbot (mkhan : upādhyāya) and ācārya respectively. The name given to the
fully ordained bhikṣu (dge slong) would have been *Kālapā (Ka la pa, β, η,
θ, ι, κ2, ν), the ‘Black One’, or *Kāpāla (Ka pa la, λ, ξ), possibly by reason
of his previous Kāpālika background. In Mar pa’s words (β 26.3–27.1):
While the others were engaged in the three wheels of religious duties
(’khor gsum), instead of undergoing his spiritual practices (chos spyod),
he would kill lots of locusts (cha ga), piling up their heads on one side and
their bodies on the other. All became involved in blaming him.
Meanwhile, there were those in charge of the proctor master of discipline
(dge skos), ‘Let us have a conference!’ they proposed, and the proctor
said, ‘Gather in general the religious persons (chos pa), in particular the
monks (btsun pa), and most particularly those of the seclusion of Aśoka’.
The controversy (brgal ba) was arranged, and the king of the country
spoke to him: ‘How is that you, apparently a monk (btsun), kill insects?
Where is your land, who are your abbot (mkhan) and teacher (slob)’?
Having so asked, the latter answered in song:
After these words, it is told that the locusts began to buzz and flew away.
At that all believed, and he was famed as a manifestation of Śaṃvara.
As Śaṃvara Himself
In the third section, where he is asserted to be Cakraśaṃvara himself, we
are told, still following Mar pa’s account (β 27.1–6), that
...in east India, those who came for alms (bsod snyoms), while
approaching, used to step in a decent way, their eyes looking at a distance
of a yoke (gnya’ shing), intoning melodious mantric verses (sngags kyi
tshig bcad) and, while leaving, they used to chant auspicious verses (shis
pa) for having taken what had been given (sbyin len). As they were
venerated by people for that, the king of the country invited all them.
They were welcomed within, then the king said, ‘For having taken what
has been given, everyone of you has to recite verses not in contradiction
with the words of grammarians (sgra mkhan), nor with valid cognition
(tshad ma : pramāṇa), scriptural tradition (lung), esoteric instructions
(man ngag : upadeśa), experiences (nyams myong : anubhava) and the
comprehension (rtogs pa) of those having a clear understanding (rtog pa
can rnams)’. So he said, and all exhibited themselves, one by one, without
contradiction with the other. When it was the turn of Ācārya Tilopā, he
recited without contradiction with all the others. At the end, the king
interrogated him about those verses and their meaning:
quitted at night and settled down in the charnel ground out of the town of
Kāñcīpura (? Kan tsi ra).19 While begging food for alms (zas bsod snyoms
blangs)―we are not told how long later―he met Nāropā, and the latter
lived ten years begging food for alms and offering it to his guru.
More than the above problematic toponyms, it is noteworthy here that
Tilopā would have quit his position as court priest before meeting Nāropā.
As to the latter, while we read in δ that he was son of low-caste liquor
seller, and that he would have earned his living by gathering and selling
wood before meeting Tilopā, the sources within the Marpan tradition have
it that also Nāropā would have resigned his position.
As observed by Davidson (2005: 44), Nāropā was ‘a figure around
whom so much hagiography has been wrapped that it scarcely seems
possible to find room for a real person’. It would be matter of a process of
depersonalization characteristic of the Buddhist hagiographic genre
(Davidson 2002b: 93), in this case ascribable to the bKa’ brgyud
hagiographers. Such a process brings about several questions, decidedly
more questions than answers. The details of the problem have been
summarized by Davidson (2005: 45) as follows:
gatekeeper (sgo srung : dvārapāla) gatekeeper after the death of Jetari (Dze
after the death of Ākaravajra (’Byung ta ri). He became abbot of Nālandā and
gnas rdo rje). Then, he was conferred was conferred the name Abhayakīrti: he
the name Scholar Abhayakīrti (Paṇ ḍi spent eight years there (992–1000).
ta ’Jigs med grags pa).
Once resigned his post, he looked Once resigned his post, he looked
for Tilopā. for Tilopā.
At eighty-five, in 1040 (lcags pho
’brug gi lo | dgung lo brgyad cu rtsa
lnga bzhes pa’i tshe, ν 311.4–5; ξ1 142),
he died at Phullahari.
Even today, out of the nine divisions of Bihar, the divison of Purnia or
Purnea (Pūrṇiā) includes the districts of Purnia (founded by the East India
Company in 1770), Katihar, Araria, and Kishanganj, which cover the north-
eastern part of the state. It is also the name of the headquarters of the
district and the division itself. It must be noted that one of the blocks of the
Purnia District is called Śrinagar.
Commonly known through Tibetan tradition as Phullahari, the toponym
has been elucidated by Mar pa (β 31.3–4) as Phullāparvata, Me tog gi ri,
and Phullā-ri, namely the Indic, the Tibetan, and the Indic-Tibetan patois
version respectively of the same place. According to Ramesh Chandra
Majumdar, Phullahari is to be found in eastern Magadha, that is in current
Bihar, ‘probably somewhere near Monghyr’ (1971: 525). As a matter of
fact, already Mar pa indirectly locates Phullahari in Pūrṇa (β 31.2–4):
...de nas sangs rgyas kyi bstan pa la ’jug ...Then as he deemed an incomplete
la bsnyen par ma rdzogs pa ’dis mi monastic ordination not good for the
yong snyam nas gnas gzhi Pur snar | Buddha’s teachings, he took the full
mkhan po Chos kyi bla ma | las kyi slob monastic vows in the region of Pūrṇa
dpon Chos kyi byang chub | gsang ste with the abbot Dharmaguru, the master
ston pa Chos kyi ye shes la bsnyen of the ceremony Dharmabodhi, and the
rdzogs byas to || interviewer mentor Dharmajñāna.
dge slong Chos kyi rgyal mtshan du He was named Dharmadhvaja [as] an
btags | der chos kyang mang zhig bshad ordained monk. On that occasion, many
do || doctrines were also explained.
mkhan po la sogs pa rnams kyi zhal nas The abbot and the others spoke, ‘Stay
bdag cag ma shi bar la ’dir sdod la chos here until our death and teach the
shod | shi nas shul bya dgos gsungs pa doctrine. When we die you should take
la | [this seat as] a legacy’. He replied:
WHO, WHEN, AND WHERE 201
rGya gar skad du Phu lā par ba ta | Bod ‘Phullāparvata in Indic, in Tibetan the
skad du | Me tog gi ri | Phu la ri | zhes Mountain of Blooms, [or] Mount
pa brda’ ’dres pa ste de la sgom par Phullā: so are the words confused. I
zhus pas request to meditate there.’
ci bde bar mdzod gsungs nas Phu la rir ‘Do as you like!’ they responded. Then
bzhugs so || he dwelt at Mount Phullā.
With regard to the academic position Nāropā would have held before
meeting Tilopā, we have an indirect proof in the Shamsher Manuscript (α)
where we read that Advayavajra, alias Maitrīpāda or Śabarapāda II studied
for twenty years in the presence of Nāropā the treatises of valid cognition,
Mādhyamika, and Pāramitānaya (viṃśativarṣaparyantaṃ Nāropādasamīpe
pramāṇa-mādhyamika-pārimitānayādi-śāstraṃ21 śrutam).
As we have seen in the second chapter, Vibhūticandra translated
Tilopā’s Gurusādhana (GS, Ō. 5014) while living at Ding ri. Then,
possibly on the basis of anedoctal information he got in the ’Bri gung bKa’
brgyud milieu during his first stay in Tibet (1204–14), he composed in the
Ding ri period this ‘Circumstances of the Outer Sādhana’ (ζ, Phyi sgrub
kyis rten ’brel : *Bāhyasādhanasaṃyoga). In order to put Tilopā’s
Gurusādhana within a hagiographic and anecdotal context, Vibhūticandra
202 TILOPĀ III
The prince (rgyal sras) Nāropā, due to the seven syllables (yi ge bdun pa)
sādhana,22 received a incorporeal ḍākinī’s prediction. He went eastwards
[from Nālandā] in search of the guru. ‘Have you heard about a siddha, the
guru called Tilopā?’ he asked. ‘Of a guru called Tilopā we have never
heard, but everywhere there is a beggar (sprang po) called Tilopā’, he was
answered.
At the gate of the vihāra called Cūḍāmaṇi (gTsug phud spra bha =
gTsug gi nor bu), there was a ragged cotton clad yogin (ras gha ’ja’ ra
gyon pa’i dzo ki), bloodshot eyed, acting loose and easy. He had taken
five alive fish, and was frying them in the kitchen of the monastic
community. The members of that community rebuked him: ‘You! We
don’t like. Don’t do that!’ they said. As soon as he snapped the fingers,
the fish entered in a large copper water container (chu zangs), alive and
moving quickly.
Thereafter, having tought ‘No doubt he is Tilopā’, he offered a
maṇḍala to him, and asked for the profound oral instructions. At first,
staring him with fixed eyes, spoke thus, ‘If you want to actualize in this
life [the condition of] a perfect buddha (rdzogs pa’i sang rgyas :
saṃbuddha), ...
1
Cf. Bengali caṭi ‘tavern, inn’ (Biswas and Sengupta 1968, s.v.), and Skt grāma-
‘village’ : Pāli and Pkt gāma-, Assamese and Nepali gāũ, Bengali and Oṛiyā gā,
Bihārī dialects and Hindi gāw (Turner 1931, s.v. gāũ).
2
The Tib. term sha pa is for the a ga ru or a ka ru tree (Bod rgya), that is the
Aquilaria (MW s.v. agaru), a tropical tree of the Thymelaeaceae producing a dark
resinous heartwood known as agarwood or aloeswood.
204 TILOPĀ III
3
Caryāgītikośa 11.2: Kāṇha kāpālī yogī pa ṭha acāre | deha naarī biharae
ekākāre = kṛṣṇa-kapālī praviṣṭaḥ pracāreṇa | deha-nagare viharati ekākāreṇa;
Dasgupta 1946: 66; Kvaerne 1977: 113; Bhayani 1997: 95–96.
4
The Kuchean monk Kumārajīva (Jiumoluoshi 鳩摩羅什, c. 334–c. 413)
composed a biography of this Nāgārjuna, the Longshu pusa zhuan (龍樹菩薩傳,
T.2047; Walleser 1923; Dowman 1985: 117–18).
5
We read in the colophon that its unnamed author claims to be a disciple of a
disciple of Par phu pa Blo gros seng ge, thus active in the first half of the
thirteenth century (Schaeffer 2005: 64–65, 72–73).
6
‘Ce qui suit n’est pas de la prophétie’ (Lévi 1930–32: 426).
7
The name is rendered in Tibetan as mDa’ bsnun, that is the ‘One who has shot
(Skt ha[n] : Tib. bsnun < snun pa) the arrow (BHS sara : Skt śara : Tib. mda’)’.
8
These three are famous as Saraha’s three cycles of dohās (do hā skor gsum),
namely, the Dohākoṣagīti (Ō. 3068, Tō. 2224) or People Dohās in one hundred
and sixty verses, the Dohākoṣopadeśagīti (Ō. 3111, Tō. 2264) or Queen Dohās in
eighty verses, and the Dohākoṣa-nāma-caryāgīti (Ō. 3110, Tō. 2263) or King
Dohās in forty verses.
9
Skt mātaṅgaḥ, MVy 5326 for Tib. gdol pa translating both mātaṅgaḥ and
caṇḍālaḥ, MVy 3868, 3869.
10
From a short account by Kun dga’ rin chen (μ 39.4–40.4) we elicit that a sKal
ba bzang mo would have been disciple of Anaṅgavajra (Yan lag med pa’i rdo rje),
the disciple of Padmavajra. Out of her extant synonyms―Su ma ti Blo gros bzang
mo, dPal gyi Blo gros ma, and lCam Legs min kā ra―the last name points at her
as the sister (lcam) of King Indrabhūti of Uḍḍiyāna. We read in the same source
(μ) that Lakṣmīṅkarā, after paying homage to the mahāsiddha Saroruhavajra, and
adoring him (grub chen mTsho skyes rdo rje la btud cing mos gus byas), would
have had visions (zhal mthong) of buddhas and bodhisattvas, got the relevant
instructions (rjes su bstan pa) and attained siddhi. Her elder brother, who was the
king of *Ramyakṣetra (Nyams dga’ zhing, μ 12.3 passim) in Uḍḍiyāna, gave her in
marriage to the king of Laṅkāpuri, in Uḍḍiyāna as well, whose name was
presumably Jalendra (Robinson 1979: 150–51; Dowman 1985: 229), and she went
there practicing the ascetic conduct of mad women (smyon ma).
WHO, WHEN, AND WHERE 205
11
Of the other five sādhanas, two are by Ākaracandra (sTong nyid ting nge ’dzin,
alias Aka sTong nyid ting ’dzin), a disciple of Avadhūtipā, one by Avadhūtipā
himself, one by Virūpā, and one by *Buddhadatta (Sangs rgyas byin) respectively.
12
The Tibetan term dgon pa translates Skt araṇya (MVy 2991, cf. 1134) and
kāntāra (MVy 5267, cf. 2992, 4646, 6626) in the Mahāvyutpatti, while Lokesh
Chandra (1959, s.v.) records in addition aṭavī and vana. The common meaning of
these words is forest, wilderness: in the broad sense of a secluded place where to
perform spiritual practice far from wordly distractions, but later the word ended by
taking the more institutional meaning of monastery.
13
The Saraca indica L.= Saraca asoca (Roxb.) W. J. de Wilde = Jonesia asoca
Roxb. is an evergreen plant belonging to the Caesalpinioideae subfamily of the
legume family.
14
While β, κ and μ put Nāgārjuna first, followed by Caryāpā, the others invert the
order.
15
This eastern location would already exclude the possibility of identifying this
seclusion with the Buddhist monastery of Cūḍāmaṇi in Nāgapaṭṭaṇam, current
Tamil Nadu, that was demolished by Jesuit missionaries in 1867. Moreover, since
the southern Cūḍāmaṇi Vihāra was built at the time of the Coḷa king Rājarāja (r.
985–1014), it cannot have been the theatre of Tilopā’s activity for chronological
reasons as well.
16
Incidentally, we may infer from this mention to yeast and bark that liquor,
generally made by distillation of rice, molasses, flour, and honey, was also
obtained by a process of fermentation of sugar in a solution, which was caused by
the fine powder of the root of a tree (R.C. Majumdar 1971: 458–59).
17
In point of fact, what appears a stubborn resistance in the hagiographies is the
expression of a philosophical question. The problem is also known to the
European culture since the time of Aristotle’s ‘Sophistical Refutations’ (De
sophisticis elenchis, 5, 167b 21–36; 6, 168b 22–26), and amply discussed in the
thirteenth century by the Scholastic Peter of Spain in his ‘Logical matters’
(Summulae logicales magistri Petri Hispani, 7, 56–57), as well as in Dante
Alighieri’s ‘Monarchy’ (De Monarchia, 3, 5). As in the case of the karmic
causality, it is matter of the logical fallacy of taking as a cause what is not a cause
(τὸ μὴ αἴτιον ὡς αἴτιον, De soph. elenchis, 167b 21), or non causam ut causa in
Dante’s words, but only occasion, extrinsic condition, or mere temporal sequence,
as it is the case expressed by in the formula ‘after this, therefore because of this’
206 TILOPĀ III
C
olophons, previous catalogues, and other paratextual approaches are
the main material for a catalogue of titles. The words ascribed to
Tilopā can be found in Indic and Tibetan documents. It is matter of
seventeen texts, which require a preliminary description of their
bibliographic details and cultural background.
Indic Material
Tilopā’s Dohākoṣa is the only Tilopan work survived to this day in its
original language. As a matter of fact, what we know of the Apabhraṃśa
text of Tilopā’s Dohākoṣa (TDK) has been incompletely quoted in an
anonymous Sanskrit commentary (pañjikā) on it, with the title Tillopādasya
dohākoṣapañjikā sārārthapañjikā (TDKP). It was discovered in 1929 by
Prabodh Chandra Bagchi in a Nepali manuscript belonging to the private
collection of Hemarāja Śarmā in Kathmandu and is currently preserved in
the National Archives of Nepal. The Dohākoṣas of Tilopā and Saraha
contained in the manuscript were published in 1935 with their Sanskrit
chāyā, notes, and translation in the Journal of the Department of Letters of
the Calcutta University (Bagchi 1935a), and as an independent book with
the same pagination in the same year (Bagchi 1935b). Then, in 1938, they
207
208 TILOPĀ IV
found their place at no. 25 of the Calcutta Sanskrit Series, but without notes
and translations; under the title of Dohākoṣa: Apabhraṃśa Texts of the
Sahajayāna School, the book included other fragments of Saraha’s songs,
and a Dohākoṣa by Kāṇha (Bagchi 1938).1
Since that time, no other first-hand studies have been done on that
codex unicus, and Tilopā’s stanzas were quoted from Bagchi’s editio
princeps.2 In all probability, this lack of attention to the original from the
late thirties of the last century is partly due to the fact that the National
Archive’s Bṛhatsūcīpatra, at no. 5–104, gives as short title ‘Dohākośa with
Pañjikā’, and the colophon reads ‘Śrī Mahāyogiśvara Bhillo Dohākośa
Pañjikā... nāma samāptaḥ’, because of the ambiguity between bha and ta
in Newari script. Nevertheless, thanks to the providential help of Mr. Nam
Raj Gurung, the general manager of the Kathmandu office of the Nepal
Research Centre, the manuscript edited by Bagchi was identified as the one
catalogued as 5–104, and microfilmed by the Nepal-German Manuscript
Preservation Project under the reel-number A 932/4.
The characters of the Kathmandu Manuscript are written in the
bhujimol variety of the Newari script, interspersed with some akṣaras in the
Kuṭila or Post-Licchavi script (Śākya 1974: 4–5, 16–17). The occurrence of
these graphic archaisms leads to think that the manuscript is a sample of the
early phase of bhujimol, a script which was in use since the eleventh
century (Pal 1985: 233). The second half of that century must have
coincided with the flowering of the Buddhist siddhas’ tradition among the
Newars in the Kathmandu Valley, and the Kathmandu Manuscript seems to
provide evidence of that season. It was in a sense the time of Vajrapāṇi, a
disciple of the siddha Advayavajra (alias Maitrīpā, Śabarapāda II, etc.).
As reported in the eleventh book of the Deb ther sngon po, the early
phase (snga) of diffusion of the mahāmudrā tradition in Tibet depended
somehow on Advayavajra, while his disciple the Indian Vajrapāṇi (rGya
gar Phyag na) gave the main impulse during the intermediate phase (bar).
We read therein that Vajrapāṇi went for ascetic practice (spyod pa la
gshegs), asking for alms in Nepal (Bal por ldom bu mdzad). Then, at the
age of fifty, he would have come to Lalitpur (Ye rang) and settled there (Lo
Bue 1997: 648). When in Lalitpur, in 1066, Vajrapāṇi instructed some
Tibetan scholars, among whom ’Brog Jo sras rdo rje ’bar is to be
remembered (Deb ther sngon po 758.3–4, BA 856). On that occasion, he
would have bestowed on them, inter alia, Saraha’s Dohās Trilogy (rgyal po
dang btsun mo dang dmangs do ha ste gsum mo). At the invitation of the
above mentioned ’Brog Jo sras, Vajrapāṇi and his Kashmiri disciple
A TILOPAN BIBLIOGRAPHY 209
Dharmaśrī sPyan gcig pa went to Tibet too (Deb ther sngon po 761.3, BA
859). Once in gTsang, he would have granted teachings on mahāmudrā to
several Tibetan savants (Deb ther sngon po 759.2–7, BA 857). Then he
would have gone back to Nepal.
The text of the Tillopādasya dohākoṣapañjikā sārārthapañjikā is
contained on folios 2–17 of the manuscript, and it is followed (17v4) by the
commentary to Saraha’s Dohākoṣa, namely the Dohākoṣapañjikā (Do ha
mdzod kyi dka’ ’grel, Ō. 3101, Tō. 2256) by the above mentioned
Advayavajra/Maitrīpā. Folios 1, 6, and 13 are missing. The remnant of this
portion of the manuscript has suffered the most serious mechanical damage
on folios 4 and 11, where an average of 9 and 6/11 akṣaras per line are lost.
In respect of its editio princeps, the manuscript should have been less
damaged when Bagchi studied it in the early thirties of the last century. We
can notice indeed that his edition sometimes reads one or more akṣaras,
especially at the right end of the line. On the other hand, in a number of
cases, Bagchi’s readings, integrations, and emendations are questionable.
His restorations of the lacunae at folio 4 are particularly suspect because
the leaf is broken almost vertically on its right-hand side. As we can infer
from the stanzas at 4r2–3 and 4v3–4, the number of the lost akṣaras should be
between 7 and 11 each line, but Bagchi does not take into account the
extent of the missing portions of text.
Even more problematic is the fact that Bagchi’s edition of the
Tillopādasya dohākoṣapañjikā sārārthapañjikā has two stanzas with
commentary (Bagchi 1938: 63–64, vv. 12, 13). Although inverted, the same
two can be found also in his edition of Advayavajra’s Pañjikā to the
Sarahapādasya Dohākoṣa (Bagchi 1938: 146–47, vv. 106–107; see
Shahidullah 1928: 164, vv. 108–109). The second passage should have
begun on the recto of folio 99 but, as we read in a footnote (loc. cit.), folios
99–101 resulted lost. Hence Bagchi’s restoration of the missing portion of
the Sarahapādasya Dohākoṣapañjikā is based upon two other testimonia,
namely the edition published by Hara Prasād Śāstrī in 1916 (his source A),
and a fragmentary manuscript of the Dohākoṣa in the Darbar Library
(source C). Since the two passages appear almost the same, we would have
been on sufficiently assured ground for speculating on the authorship of the
text and ascribing to Advayavajra also the Tillopādasya dohākoṣapañjikā
sārārthapañjikā. But a scrutiny of the whole manuscript has left little doubt
that what Bagchi edited as folio 6 is actually folio 99, with recto and verso
inverted. The folio is indeed broken off on its left-hand side, and the
foliation (number 6) in the blank around the binding hole is probably by
210 TILOPĀ IV
Tibetan Material
The sources of Tilopā’s works in Tibetan translation can be classified as
canonical, sectarian, and non-sectarian, namely from the collections of the
bsTan ’gyur, the bDe mchog snyan brgyud with the relevant hagiographic
material, and the gDams ngag mdzod respectively.
bsTan ’gyur
In the tantric section of the bsTan ’gyur, we find the translations of ten
texts ascribed to our siddha in the catalogues, i.e. Cordier 1909–15, Lalou
1933: 186–87, Ōtani (1961), Chattopadhyaya 1972, and Robinson 1979:
299 for the Peking Qianlong xylograph Tanjur, and Tōhoku (1934) for that
of sDe dge. Eight ascribed texts are common to both textual traditions of
the bsTan ’gyur, the sNar thang (N) and Peking Qianlong (Q), as well as
the sDe dge (D) and Co ne (C); here, for our convenience, they are listed in
the order of the former textual tradition:
Two texts ascribed to Tilopā are present only in the sNar thang/Peking
Qianlong tradition:
One text ascribed to Tilopā occurs only in the sDe dge/Co ne tradition:
Because of its position in the sDe dge/Co ne bsTan ’gyur, between the
above VḌNDh (Tō. 1527) and SUMKPC (Tō. 1529), another text could be
ascribed to our siddha:
Another text, ascribed to Tilopā in the sDe dge/Co ne bsTan ’gyur tradition,
is the incorporeal Vajraḍākinī’s instructions to Tilopā:
Given the paramparā of which Tilopā is the first historical guru in the
Marpan tradition, the position of these texts in the collection, albeit not
many, is so pre-eminent that it calls for some closer details.
We are informed by ’Gos Lo tsā ba (Deb ther sngon po 382.3–6, BA
437–38) that Mi la ras pa had ordered his disciple Ras chung (1084–1161)
to find further spiritual instructions. In fact, out of the nine doctrines
transmitted by the incorporeal ḍākinīs to Tilopā (lus med mkha’ ’gro chos
skor dgu), four were missing in Tibet, but according to Mi la ras pa’s guru
Mar pa, the relevant practices were still taught in India. Ras chung went
there and was instructed by some masters, to begin with Ti phu pa ‘The
One of the Pigeon’ (Skt *Pārāvatapāda). This siddha would have been a
direct disciple of both Nāropā and Maitrīpā (Nā ro dang Mai tri gnyis ka’i
214 TILOPĀ IV
brgyud―from a disciple of gNyal pa gsung gcad Nyi ma seng ge. Not yet
satisfied, he went twice to Ma gcig Ang jo, another disciple of Khyung
tshang pa, asking for instructions on that esoteric tradition, but she did not
bestow them on him. Eventually, the third time, she would have imparted
the thorough Aural Transmission of Śaṃvara to him.
Not only Zhang Lo tsā ba is one of the masters directly responsible for
the composition, the arrangement, and the transmission of the bDe mchog
snyan brgyud, but also we owe to him the first introduction to the collection
itself. He wrote in fact for his disciple rBa Dha ra shrī (’Gro mgon lha rje
Dha ra shri) a survey of its contents under the title ‘Introductory Notes by
the Translator of Zhang’ (Zhang lo’i thim yig, Torricelli 2001). As already
noticed, this important short text is to be found at the beginning of the same
manuscript of the bKa’ brgyud scholastic manual containing our
hagiographic source β.
The bDe mchog snyan brgyud was then elaborated in the fifteenth
century by gTsang smyon He ru ka. His disciple rGod tshang ras pa
prepared the xylographic blocks for printing his guru’s arrangement of the
collection at Ras chung phug (Gene Smith 2001: 62). On that occasion, he
wrote a catalogue (dkar chag) titled bDe mchog mkha’ ’gro’i snyan brgyud
kyi dkar chag rin po che’i gter (sNyan brgyud kyi dkar chag). Since no
complete set of the Ras chung phug prints has yet appeared apart from
‘occasional sections printed from the blocks’ (op.cit., Preface), rGod tshang
ras pa’s catalogue does not help so much in itself. In actual fact, as for the
teachings included in the fifteenth–sixteenth century Ras chung phug
edition, it is not always easy to detect from the mere dkar chag which text
is which. It is only thanks to the above mentioned reproduction of the bDe
mchog snyan brgyud that we can cast more light on its composition. The
whole collection is indeed preceded (pp. 1–6) by Pad ma dkar po’s mKha’
’gro snyan brgyud kyi dpe tho (Torricelli 2000).
While Zhang Lo tsā ba’s ‘introductory notes’ (thim yig) have been
written in a more curricular perspective, Pad ma dkar po’s ‘text inventory’
(dpe tho) is decidedly more bibliographical. These two authoritative
documents combined with the scrutiny of the texts actually included, form
the basis for a catalogue of the bDe mchog snyan brgyud (bD, Torricelli
2000). More specifically, we can place Tilopā’s works in the context of an
ascetic curriculum associated with the cycle of Cakraśaṃvara, as it was
arranged in the Marpan lineage.
216 TILOPĀ IV
GS Gurusādhana (ζ).
[3.1.2] As for the instructions coming from the blessing (byin brlabs :
adhiṣṭhāna) of the transmission lineage, there is the sealing text (rgya
gzhung) of the incorporeal ḍākinīs (VḌNDh). For the utpattikrama
associated with the means, the utpannakrama associated with the insight,
and the mahāmudrā associated with the nondual, there is the ninefold
promulgation of the doctrine (bD 46, 47), to begin with ‘Intrinsic vision:
look with the torch of gnosis!’ [3.1.3] As for those instructions coming
from the exalted activities (’phrin las : samudācāra) of the transmission
lineage, there are the eight yogins possessed with the right characteristics
(rnal ’byor mtshan ldan brgyad), or the sealing text on the eightfold
mahāmudrā (AMM), and its condensed meaning (AGAA)...
According to Pad ma dkar po, Tilopā is the only author in the section
connected with the paramparācintāmaṇi. To him are ascribed the three, the
Gangetic Instruction on the Great Seal (MMU), said to be the essential
instruction (gnad kyi man ngag zer), the eight Inconceivable dohā
compositions (AMM), and the Eight Profound meditation processes
(AGAA).
The wish-fulfilling gem of the maturation path, or vipākamārga-
cintāmaṇi (smin lam yid bzhin nor bu, Zh 3.2), is the inner (nang) or second
level, connected with the sambhogakāya, dealing with the cultivation of the
experience (nyams len). The Karṇatantravajrapada distinguishes two
stages in it, viz. outer (phyi), when the four consecrations into the sixty-
two-deity Cakraśaṃvara-maṇḍala of powdered colours are actually
A TILOPAN BIBLIOGRAPHY 219
bestowed, that is liturgically celebrated (KT 10–11); inner (nang), when the
consecrations are granted by means of four symbolic consecrations into the
maṇḍala of minium red-like Vajravārāhī, in particular into the one of
fifteen goddesses (KT 12). We find the same twofold division in the Zhang
lo’i thim yig. The former stage (Zh 3.2.1) is the one connected with the
Father (yab), i.e. Śaṃvara, and the latter (Zh 3.2.2) is the one connected
with the Mother (yum) Vajravārāhī. Being the focus of the Father stage on
the ascetic strategies, or means, and the one of the Mother on the insight,
the Karṇatantravajrapada maintains that the maturation path is complete
when upāya and prajñā begin to coalesce (KT 13): which marks the
opening of the liberation path, that is the secret (gsang) or third level after
the two of the maturation path.
The wish-fulfilling gem of the liberation path, or muktimārgacintāmaṇi
(grol lam yid bzhin nor bu, Zh 3.3), connected with the dharmakāya, deals
with the introduction (ngo sprod) to higher and higher degrees of
coalescence of prajñā and upāya. At this point of the path, the four
consecrations are to be performed according to a transcendent or secret
liturgy. A subtle process of sublimation is in progress. The rite, in fact, is to
be interiorized and integrated in the internal, i.e. corporeal maṇḍala (lus
dkyil), by means of meditation and yoga techniques. Once again, the
Karṇatantravajrapada and Byang chub bzang po help us to identify two
stages within the liberation path, the utpattikrama and the utpannakrama.
As for the utpattikrama, essentially dealing with the Consecration of
the Jar (bum dbang : kalaśābhiṣeka), there is a further twofold division, the
common wish-fulfilling gem (thun mongs yid bzhin nor bu :
sādhāraṇacintāmaṇi), and the wish-fulfilling gem of commitments (dam
tshig yid bzhin nor bu : samayacintāmaṇi).
The sādhāraṇacintāmaṇi (Zh 3.3.1) deals with the meditative practices
to perform (sgom bya) in connection with the Consecration of the Jar, and
the mixing of them as equalization of taste (ro snyoms : samarasa, KT 14–
15a). Apart from preliminaries like taking refuge (skyabs ’gro :
śaraṇagamana), generating the enlightened essence of awakening (sems
bskyed : bodhicittotpāda), and so forth in the function of a general
background, the main practice is subdivided into three parts―King,
Ministers, and Common People―as they are characterized in the
Karṇatantravajrapada, explained by Byang chub bzang po, and glossed by
Kong sprul Blo gros mtha’ yas in his edition of the same text (gD 5.45b).
The King (rgyal po) of the practices is the meditation on the union of
Cakraśaṃvara with Vajravārāhī as the immutable dharmatā, in the
220 TILOPĀ IV
abridged, intermediate, and detailed aspect. The Ministers (blon po) are the
guruyoga (bla ma’i rnal ’byor), the ecstatic concentration (ting nge ’dzin :
samādhi) associated with the Consecration of the Jar, and the meditation
and recitation of Vajrasattva (rdor sems bsgom bzlas). The Common
People (dmangs) are the seven yogas (rnal ’byor bdun : saptayoga), that is
the recollection of the above practices, and their integration with the seven,
eating, dressing, sleeping, circumambulating, muttering, washing, and
offering activities.
The samayacintāmaṇi (Zh 3.3.2) deals with the protections to be
activated (srung bya) in connection with the whole set of four
consecrations. As such, it preludes to the bestowal of the three superior
ones. In fact, we are informed by Kong sprul (loc. cit.), the three
commitments―profound, vast, and nondual―are related to the
Consecration of the Jar for the body, the Secret Consecration (gsang dbang
: guhyābhiṣeka) for the speech, and both the Consecration of the
Knowledge of the ritual partner under the name of Prajñā (sher dbang :
prajñājñānabhiṣeka) and the Fourth Consecration (bzhi pa’i dbang :
caturthābhiṣeka) for the mind (KT 15b).
The utpannakrama, or niṣpannakrama (Zh 3.3.3) deals with the
dharmatā, and it is related to the three superior consecrations into the
corporeal maṇḍala. Labelled as the wish-fulfilling gem of the natural state
(gnas lugs yid bzhin nor bu), it corresponds to the third or secret (gsang)
level, after the above two of the utpattikrama. We can distinguish three
main sets of meditative practices in it, namely the six yogic doctrines (chos
drug : ṣaḍdharma), the great bliss (bde ba chen po : mahāsukha), and the
great seal (phyag rgya chen po : mahāmudrā).
As for the first set of practices, ṣaḍdharma (Zh 3.3.3.1), it is matter of
the six-limbed practice aimed at thorough liberation by means of the upper
door in connection with the guhyābhiṣeka (gsang dbang dang ’brel ba ...
steng sgo rnam grol ba’i chos). These six, not specified in the Zhang lo’i
thim yig, are the above listed (1) caṇḍālī, or self-igniting warmth and bliss
(KT 16–25); (2) māyākāya, or self-liberation from the eight conditions of
this world (KT 26–35), viz. gain, loss, happiness, suffering, fame,
dishonour, blame and praise;3 (3) svapna, or self-cleansing from delusion
(KT 36–41); (4) prabhāsvara, or going beyond darkness (KT 42–49); (5)
saṃkrānti, or the elixir which turns things into gold (KT 50–55); (6)
parakāyapraveśa, or rejecting an external aspect (KT 56–60). The
operational focus of these practices is on the energy channels, the cakras,
and vital air; thus the yogin was supposed to be familiar with the essentials
A TILOPAN BIBLIOGRAPHY 221
As for the five aṅgavāyus, (1) caraṇa (rgyu ba) in the eyes is responsible
for sight, (2) in the ears samudācāra (yang dag par rgyu ba) for hearing,
(3) in the nose avicārata (mngon par rgyu ba) for smelling, (4) in the
tongue upacāra (rab tu rgyu ba) for tasting, (5) in the skin and the sex
organs vicaraṇa (shin tu rgyu ba) for sensitivity.
Mahāsukha (Zh 3.3.3.2) deals with the practices related to the lower
door in connection with the prajñājñānābhiṣeka (shes rab ye shes dang
’brel ba mkha’ ’gro’i gsang sgrog pa ’og sgo bde ba chen po). The focus is
on the ḍākinīs’ secret pronouncement (KT 61–79).
Regarding mahāmudrā (Zh 3.3.3.3), it deals with the practices related to
the illumining gnosis in connection with the caturthābhiṣeka, or
śabdābhiṣeka (tshig dbang dang ’brel ba ye shes gsal ’debs par byed pa
phyag rgya chen po). The focus is on citta as the gnosis of the three
buddhakāyas (KT 80–103). The text alluded to by Zhang Lo tsā ba is
Tilopā’s instructions to Nāropā, the Mahāmudropadeśa (bD 1.1).
While the Karṇatantravajrapada goes on teaching the antarābhava (KT
104–123), the Zhang lo’i thim yig lacks any mention of it, and continues
enumerating further instructions on those auxiliary techniques to be
employed on the path (Zh 3.3.3.6). It is matter of semiautonomous
practices, such as seminal control, yantras, prāṇāyāma, homa, and so forth,
aimed in particular at transmuting all activities and performances into
saṃbhāras, and preventing the practitioner from obstacles (KT 124–127).
Following the overall instructions which make up the tantric path (lam),
both vipāka- and muktimārga, the Karṇatantravajrapada concludes by
summarizing (KT 128–139) how the fruit is attained (’bras bu ji ltar thob
tshul), as it is styled by Kong sprul (gD 5.47b).
We could recapitulate the above records into one table, in every column
of which Tilopā’s texts are arranged in the order of the specific
collection—
Indic N, Q D, C
bD rNam thar gD
Material (Ō.) (Tō)
TDKP SŚS TCUP MMU TVG MMU
(2193) (1242) (1.1)
SUMKPC SŚS AMM VḌNDh ṢDhU
(2238) (1471) (1.2)
TCUP VḌNDh AGAA AMM SUMKPC
(2371) (1527) (2)
TDK VḌBhDCTSN SUMKPC MMU GS
(3128) (1528) (4)
MMU SUMKPC SGMA NDhG
(3132) (1529) (5.1)
KBhA TDK NDhG GS
(3227) (2281) (5.2)
VABNBhK MMU SŚS
(3256) (2303) (14)
NSV AMM VḌNDh
(4629) (2305–2312) (45)
ṢDhU ṢDhU NSV
(4630) (2330) (54)
AMM KBhA
(4635) (2385)
GS VABNBhK
(5014) (2414)
As we can infer from the above table, with the exception of the
hagiographies, the authoritative editors of the sectarian and non-sectarian
collections used thematic and curricular criteria, but not all texts are
included. Likewise, the order of the texts in the canonical collections, albeit
within the range of a generally thematic approach, appear put together on
shuffle. For this reason, whichever way we look for a coherent order of the
texts, be it within a thematic, a curricular, or a biographical perspective, it
would not cover all Tilopan production.
226 TILOPĀ IV
1
As to these two texts, Bagchi (1938: i) wrote that ‘The former is entirely new
whereas the second is a very correct and more complete copy of the Dohākoṣa of
Saraha already known’.
2
After Bagchi (1935), some verses have been translated by Dasgupta (1946,
1950), while a complete English translation can be found in N.N. Bhattacharyya
1982 (289–91), and more recently in Jackson 2004 (129–42).
3
Dharmasaṃgraha lxi: aṣṭau lokadharmāḥ || lābho ’lābhaḥ sukhaṃ duḥkhaṃ
yaśo ’yaśo nindā praśaṃsā ceti).
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Sophistical Refutations). Bekker, A. Immanuel, ed. 1831. Aristoteles Graece
ex recensione Immanuelis Bekkeri edidit Academia Regia Borussica. Berlin:
G. Reimer, 164a–184b.
Aristot. Met. = Ἀριστοτέλους Τὰ μετὰ τὰ φυσικά (Aristotle’s
Metaphysics). Bekker ed. 1831, 980a–1052a.
Aristot. Pol. = Ἀριστοτέλους Πολιτικά (Aristotle’s Politics).
Bekker ed. 1831, 1252a–1342b.
Diod. Bibl. = Διοδώρου Βιβλιοθήκη ἱστορική (Diodorus
Siculus’ Historical Library). Oldfather, Charles Henry, ed. transl. 1935.
Diodorus of Sicily in Twelve Volumes with an English Translation. Vols 4–8.
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Plin. Nat. = Plinii Naturalis historia (Pliny the Elder’s
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London: William Heinemann, 224–439.
Porph. Quaest. Hom. = Porphyrii Quaestionum Homericarum
(Porphyry’s Homeric Questions). Schrader, Hermann-Albert, ed. 1880.
Porphyrii Quaestionum Homericarum ad Iliadem pertinentium reliquias.
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227
228 TILOPĀ
Indic Sources
Abhidhānacintāmaṇi ― Boehtlingk and Rieu 1847.
Abhisamayālaṃkārāloka ― Vaidya 1960.
Aṣṭasāhasrikāprajñāpāramitā ― Vaidya 1960.
Karpūramañjarī ― Konow and Lanman 1901.
Caryāgītikośa ― Bhayani 1997.
Dīpavaṃsa ― Oldenberg 1879.
Dharmasaṃgraha ― Müller et. all. 1885.
Nāṭyaśāstra ― Ghosh and Kumar 2006.
Niṣpannayogāvalī ― Bhattacharyya 1949.
Mañjuśrīmūlakalpa ― Sāstrī 1920–25.
Manusmṛti ― Olivelle 2005.
Mahāvaṃsa ― Geiger 1912.
Milindapañha ― Trenckner 1880.
Yogaratnamālā ― Snellgrove 1959.
Raghuvaṃśa ― Kāle 1922.
Saṃvarodayatantra ― Tsuda 1974.
Hevajratantra ― Snellgrove 1959.
Chinese Sources
Da tang da ci en si san zang fa shi zhuan ― Huili 慧立. Da tang da ci en
si san zang fa shi zhuan 大唐大慈恩寺三藏法師傳 (‘Biography of the
Dharma master Tripiṭaka from the great Cien monastery of the Great Tang’).
Taishō vol. 50 no. 2053.
BIBLIOGRAPHIES 229
Tibetan Sources
Kahna pa’i rnam thar ― Jo nang rJe btsun Tā ra nā tha,
Jo nang Tā rā nā tha Kun dga’ snying po. Slob dpon chen po spyod ’chang
dbang po’i rnam thar ngo mtshar snyan pa’i sgra dbyangs.
Photostat: Five Historical Works of Taranatha (Rgya gar chos ’byuṅ,
Kahna pa’i rnam thar, Bka’ babs bdun gyi rnam thar, O rgyan rnam
thar Rgya gar ma, and Sgrol ma’i rnam thar). Reproduced from
impressions of 19th century Sde-dge blocks from the library of Ri-bo-
che Rje-druṅ of Padma-bkod by Tseten Dorji. Tezu: Tibetan
Nyingmapa Monastery 1974.
TBRC W1KG10418.
Kun dga’ rin chen (source μ) ― ’Bri gung Chos rje Kun dga’
rin chen. bKa’ rgyud bla ma rnams kyi rnam thar rin chen gser ’phreng.
Photostat: gSung ’bum. Delhi: Drigung Kargyu Publications 2003,
vol. 1, bKa’ babs bzhi’i brgyud pa’i bla ma rnams kyi rnam thar, 1–
41; rJe btsun ti lo pa’i rnam thar dbang bzhi’i chu rgyun, 41–50.
TBRC W23892.
bKa’ babs bdun ldan ― Jo nang rJe btsun Tā ra nā tha.
bKa’ babs bdun ldan gyi brgyud pa’i rnam thar ngo mtshar rmad du byung ba
rin po che’i khungs lta bu’i gtam.
Photostat: Five Historical Works of Taranatha (Rgya gar chos ’byuṅ,
Kahna pa’i rnam thar, Bka’ babs bdun gyi rnam thar, O rgyan rnam
230 TILOPĀ
thar Rgya gar ma, and Sgrol ma’i rnam thar). Reproduced from
impressions of 19th century Sde-dge blocks from the library of Ri-bo-
che Rje-druṅ of Padma-bkod by Tseten Dorji. Tezu: Tibetan
Nyingmapa Monastery 1974.
TBRC W1KG10418.
sGam po pa (source ε) ― sGam po pa bSod nams rin
chen, Dwags po lHa rje, Zla ’od gzhon nu. Tai lo dang nā ro’i rnam thar. In
gSung ’bum.
Photostat: Khams-gsum chos-kyi rgyal-po dpal-mñam-med sgam-po-
pa ’gro-mgon bsod-nams rin-chen mchog-gi gsuṅ-’bum. Published by
Ven. Khenpo Shedup Tenzin and Lama Thinley Namgyal. Vol. 1.
Kathmandu: Shri Gautam Buddha Vihara 2000, vol. 1, 23–46.
TBRC W23439.
rGya gar chos ’byung ― Jo nang rJe btsun Tā ra nā tha.
Dam pa’i chos rin po che ’phags pa’i yul du ji ltar dar ba’i tshul gsal bar ston
pa dgos ’dod kun ’byung rgya gar chos ’byung.
Photostat: Five Historical Works of Taranatha (Rgya gar chos ’byuṅ,
Kahna pa’i rnam thar, Bka’ babs bdun gyi rnam thar, O rgyan rnam
thar Rgya gar ma, and Sgrol ma’i rnam thar). Reproduced from
impressions of 19th century Sde-dge blocks from the library of Ri-bo-
che Rje-druṅ of Padma-bkod by Tseten Dorji. Tezu: Tibetan
Nyingmapa Monastery 1974.
TBRC W1KG10418.
rGyal thang pa (source η) ― rGyal thang pa bDe chen rdo
rje. rJe btsun chen po tilli pa’i rnam par thar pa. In bKa’ brgyud yid bzhin nor
bu yi ’phreng ba.
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’Brug-pa Dkar-brgyud-pa tradition by Rgyal-thaṅ-pa Bde-chen-rdo-
rje. Reproduced from a rare manuscript from the library of the Hemis
Monastery by the 8th Khams-sprul Don-brgyud-ñi-ma. Tashijong,
Palampur: Sungrab Nyamso Gyunphel Parkhang 1973, pp. 16–57, 59–
135.
TBRC W23436.
Chag lo tsā ba chos rje dpal gyi rnam thar ― Chos dpal dar byang. Chag lo
tsā ba chos rje dpal gyi rnam thar.
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of Chag Lo-tsā-ba Chos rje dpal (Dharmasvāmin). Critically edited
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Delhi: International Academy of Indian Culture 1981.
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Deb ther sngon po ― ’Gos Lo tsā ba gZhon nu dpal.
BIBLIOGRAPHIES 231
Bod kyi yul du chos dang chos smra ba ji ltar byung ba’i rim pa deb ther
sngon po.
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Gzhon-nu-dpal (1392–1481). Reproduced by Lokesh Chandra from
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gDams ngag mdzod ― ’Jam mgon Kong sprul Blo
gros mtha’ yas. gDams ngag mdzod.
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TBRC W21811.
bDe mchog snyan brgyud ― bDe mchog snyan brgyud nor
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Photostat: Bde mchog sñan brgyud nor bu skor gsum. Collected
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Photostat: bCom ldan ’das dpal ’Khor lo sdom pa’i spyi bśad theg
mchog bdud rtsi’i dga’ ston ye śes chen pi’i sman mchog. A detailed
explanation of the Cakrasamvara and its history according to the
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232 TILOPĀ
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A manuscript collection of orally transmitted precepts focussing upon
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250 TILOPĀ
253
254 TILOPĀ
Bo dhi bha dra; 86; 87; 88; 89; 90; 160; 166
91; 93; 150; 268; 269; 270 Chittagong inscription; 53
bZang po chos grub; 150 Chos ’byung; 40; 42
Cachar Chos ’byung dpag bsam ljon bzang; 161
current Cachar District, IN-AS; 160 Chos dpal dar byang; 247
Cakrāyudha; 34; 79 Chos drug bsdus pa’i zin bris; 271
Campā; 22 Chos grags dpal bzang po; 90; 151
Campārṇa, or Campāraṇa Chos kyi grags pa
current Champa (Campā), IN-BR; Ba ri Lo tsā ba Chos kyi grags pa;
97; 152 95; 152
Candella dynasty; 51; 63 Cittaviśrāma; 116; 123; 124; 192; 193
Candra dynasty of Arakan; 23; 24; 25; Coḷa dynasty; 252
27; 28; 51; 54; 55; 59; 81; 162 Comilla City, BD; 10; 15; 17; 18; 58;
Candra dynasty of Bengal; 23; 51; 56; 61; 74
57; 58; 59; 60; 61; 62; 63; 64; 113; Comilla District, BD; 10; 17; 160; 220
158; 160; 162; 168 Comilla Division, BD; 14
Candradvīpa; 60 Coromandel Coast; 7
Candragupta Maurya; xxii Cūḍāmaṇi town; 220
Candraprabha; 200 Cūḍāmaṇi Vihāra; 219; 220; 223; 238;
Cāritra; 123 248; 251; 252
Cārvaka school; 234 Culataingcandra; 52; 53; 158; 162
Caryācāryapāda; 171 Da tang da ci en si san zang fa shi
Caryāgītikośa; 231; 250 zhuan; 36
Caryāmelāpakapradīpa; 176 Da tang xi yu ji; 9; 12; 36; 70
Caryāpā; 128; 169; 170; 172; 175; 176; Da tang xi yu qiu fa gao seng zhuan; 9;
177; 178; 179; 187; 203; 205; 207; 18; 21; 31; 70
208; 209; 210; 251; 274 Ḍākārṇavamahāyoginītantrarāja; 154
Cāryapā; 172 Ḍākārṇava-mahāyoginī-tantrarāja; 196
Caryāvajra; 171 Dakatia River; 18; 201
Caṭigāõ Dakṣiṇa-Rāḍhā; 69
current Chittagong City, BD; 64; 161 Dāmodara; 123; 124; 179; 180; 183;
Caṭighawo; 161 184; 196
Chag Lo tsā ba Chos rje dpal; 229; 247 Damodarpur inscription; 69
Chag lo tsā ba chos rje dpal gyi rnam Danmolidi. See Tāmraliptī
thar; 229; 247 Dantidurga; 32; 78
Chāḷukya dynasty; 11; 78 Daomolidi. See Tāmraliptī
Chaṇḍīmuḍā Peak; 18 Dārikāpā; 146; 204; 206; 209
Chandra, Lokesh; 164; 251 Das, Sarat Chandra; 161
Chandraketugarh, IN-WB; 68 Dasgupta, Shashibhusan; 277
Chang’an; 69; 70 Ḍavāka; 69
China; 7; 13; 25; 45; 70 Davidson, Ronald M.; 36; 112; 153;
Chinnamuṇḍavajravārāhīsādhana; 196 225; 241; 247
Chittagong City, BD; 23; 54; 64; 160; dBang phyug rgyal mtshan; 109; 136;
161; 162; 167; 202; 275 147; 157; 159; 163; 178; 186; 187;
Chittagong District, BD; 54; 55; 160 189; 190; 191; 208; 209; 210; 211;
Chittagong Division, BD; 1; 53; 54; 76; 212; 213; 221; 222; 223; 228; 230;
INDEX 257
62; 64; 65; 66; 67; 68; 96; 97; 171 Gurjara-Pratīhāra dynasty; 31; 32; 44;
Gauḍas; 62; 64 50
Gaya District, IN-BR; 45 Guruguhyasiddhi; 102
gDams ngag mdzod; xxv; 98; 258; 260; Gurusādhana; 102; 248; 260; 266; 267
266 Gurusiddhi; 102
Gene Smith, Ellis; 84; 85; 94 Gutman, Pamela; 25
Ghosrawa inscription; 45 Gwalior inscription; 32; 33; 34; 79
gLing ras pa Padma rdo rje; 103 Gyaltsen, Khenpo Könchog; 104
Glo bo Lo tsā ba Shes rab rin chen; 101 gZhung ’brel
gNas rnying pa rGyal mtshan rin chen; bDe mchog mkha’ ’gro snyan brgyud
150 kyi gzhung ’brel sa bcad dang sbrags
Gnoli, Raniero; 155 pa, bDe mchog mkha’ ’gro snyan
Gomatī River rgyud kyi gdams pa yid bzhin nor bu
current Gumti River; 18 skor gsum; 107; 264
Gopacandra; 10; 11; 20; 72 gZi brjid rgyal mtshan; 150
Gopāla; 29; 30; 31; 33; 34; 40; 56 Haḍipā; 172; 175; 176; 177; 194; 198;
Gopāla II; 63; 64; 66; 67 225
Gopalganj District, BD; 11; 72 Haribhadra; 31; 39; 42
Gopicandra; 78 Haricandra; 28
Gopīcandra; 225 Harikela; 4; 21; 22; 53; 54; 59; 60; 61;
Gorkhā District, NP; 15 62; 63; 64; 159; 160; 162; 168; 275
Govinda III; 20; 34 Harṣavardhana; 11; 12; 14; 15; 36; 71
Grags pa rgyal mtshan; 150 Hemacandra; 160
Gray, David Barton; 118; 143 Hevajratantra; 153; 178
Grierson, George Abraham; 225 Hevajravyākhyāvivaraṇa; 174
Gro bo lung; 89 Hugli River; 13
Grub thob brgyad cu rtsa bzhi’i gsol Huili; 36; 37
’debs; 94 Hūṇas; 10; 44; 71; 72; 117
gSan yig Ikṣvāku dynasty; 192
Zab pa dang rgya che ba’i dam pa’i Imperial Gupta dynasty; 7; 8; 9; 10; 11;
chos kyi thob yig gang ga’i chu 35; 36; 69; 70; 71; 72; 112; 117
rgyun (gsan yig); 98 Imperial Pāla dynasty; 20; 29; 31; 34;
gTsang; 101; 152; 257 35; 40; 44; 45; 48; 50; 56; 58; 59;
gTsang pa rGya ras Ye shes rdo rje; 103 60; 61; 62; 64; 65; 66; 95
gTsang smyon He ru ka Indrabhūti; 145; 154; 176; 177; 178;
gTsang smyon He ru ka Sangs rgyas 182; 183; 196; 198; 206; 207; 209;
rgyal mtshan; 106; 109; 110; 134; 210; 251
145; 147; 207; 222; 223; 245; 263; Indrabhūtipā; 126; 197
264 Indrabhūtipāda; 125; 126; 197
Guangzhou; 70 Indrabodhi; 102
Guenther, Herbert V.; 154; 157; 182 Indradatta; 78
Guhyapā; 173; 174; 175; 177 Indus River; xxii; 7; 49; 79
Gujarat, IN-GJ; 7; 50 Irda inscription; 65
Gunaighar inscription; 10; 72; 73; 220 Jackson, Roger R.; 277
Guntur District, IN-AP; 116; 191 Jagaddala Mahāvihāra; 100; 152
Guravamiśra; 48; 49 Jagatamalla; 252
INDEX 259
Jago; 148; 160; 161 176; 177; 178; 187; 198; 203; 204;
Jairampur inscription; 72 205; 206; 207; 208; 209; 210; 275
Jālandhara Kamboja Pāla dynasty; 62; 64; 65; 66
current Jvālāmukhī, IN-HP; 105; Kambojas; 44; 50; 60; 61; 62; 64; 65; 66
224; 227 Kanauj City, IN-UP; 11; 20; 27; 31; 33;
Jālandharagiri; 225 34; 36; 48; 78; 79
Jālandharapā; 146; 172; 175; 176; 177; Kāñcīpura; 241; 252
194; 198; 225 Kangra District, IN-HP; 225
Jālandhra; 225 Kangyur Rimpoche; 106
Jālaśaila; 225 Kāṇha; 117; 170; 171; 172; 173; 175;
Jalendra; 251 177; 187; 190; 194; 198; 250; 256;
Jambu; 245 274
Jamunā River; 2; 67; 159 Kāṇhācārya; 171
Jātakhaḍga; 15; 19 Kāṇhipa; 171
Jayapāla; 44; 48; 66 Kāṇhupā; 171
Jayatuṅgavarṣa; 17 Kāntideva; 53; 54; 55; 59
Jessore, BD; 74 Kānyakubja. See Kanauj City, IN-UP
Jetari; 244 Kāpālika tradition; 119; 172; 173; 186;
Jharkhand, IN-JH; 1; 49; 69 194; 200; 231; 238
Jiaozhi; 81 Karahāṭaka; 179
Jinarakṣita; 42 Karatoyā River; 68; 73; 80
Jñānaprabha; 243 Kārkoṭa dynasty; 78
Jñānasiddhi; 243 Karmānta
Jñānaśrīmitra; 124 current Baḍkāmtā (Barkamta), BD;
Jñānavālī; 124 15; 16
Jo bo rje’i bstod pa pa brgyad cu pa; Karnaphuli River; 2
159 Karṇaripā; 148; 203; 204; 206; 209; 210
Johnston, Edward H.; 23; 25; 51; 53; 76 Karṇasuvarṇa; 11; 12; 73
Jvālavana; 121; 224 Karṇatantravajrapada; 267; 269; 270;
Kahalgaon City, IN-BR; 80 272; 273; 274
Kahna pa’i rnam thar Karṇatantravajrayoginī; 267
Slob dpon chen po spyod ’chang Karpūramañjarī; 22; 54
dbang po’i rnam thar ngo mtshar Karṭrpura; 69
snyan pa’i sgra dbyangs; 170; 171; Karuṇābhāvanādhiṣṭāna; 259
172; 173; 174; 191; 224 Kashmir; 50; 92; 101; 241; 243; 244
Kailan inscription; 17; 61; 75 Kasoripā; 219; 223
Kaiser Shamsher Jang Bahadur Rana; 83 Kathmandu; 83; 101; 153; 255; 256
Kāḷachuri dynasty; 51; 63 Kathmandu Manuscript; 256
Kaladan River; 23; 25 Kauśikī River
Kālāmukha tradition; 194 Kosi; 73; 201
Kaleśvara Kedāramiśra; 44; 48
current Kaleshwaram, IN-TG; 190 Kelisahar, BD; 54
Kaliṅga; 173 Khaḍga dynasty; 14; 15; 16; 17; 18; 19;
Kalyāṇacandra; 62; 64; 66 31; 74
Kāmarūpa; 11; 12; 44; 64; 69; 74 Khaḍgodyama; 15; 19
Kambalapā; 114; 128; 145; 164; 169; Khalimpur inscription; 30; 79
260 TILOPĀ
rgya gar chos ’byung; xvii; 20; 22; 161; 163; 220
28; 29; 30; 39; 40; 41; 43; 55; 77; Sākāra school; 124
78; 80; 95; 176; 200; 202 Śākyamitra; 123; 124; 179; 180; 183;
rGyal thang pa 184
rGyal thang pa bDe chen rdo rje; Śākyaśrībhadra; 100; 101
102; 103; 129; 147; 178; 180; 181; Salabheraha; 166; 175; 189
185; 202; 203; 204; 208; 211; 212; Salanadi River; 201
220; 221; 222; 223; 245 Śalaputra; 245
Ri khrod dbang phyug; 104 Samācāradeva; 10; 20; 72
Riripā; 219; 223 Samantabhadra; 243
rJe btsun chen po ti lo’i rnam par thar Samataṭa; 4; 12; 14; 15; 16; 17; 18; 19;
pa; 109 20; 22; 31; 54; 60; 61; 62; 64; 69;
rJe btsun chen po tilli pa’i rnam par 73; 74; 160
thar pa; 102; 129 Sammatīya school; 124
rJe btsun Grags pa rgyal mtshan; 101 Sampradāyavidhi; 125
rJe btsun ti lo pa’i rnam thar dbang Samudragupta; 8
bzhi’i chu rgyun; 135; 186 Saṃvarārṇavatantra; 154; 196
rJe btsun ti lo’i rnam par thar pa; 136 Saṃvarodaya; 154; 196
rNal ’byor byang chub seng ge’i dris Saṃvarodayatantra; 120
lan; 247 Saṃvaropadeśamukhakarṇaparamparāc
rNal ’byor gyi dbang phyug ti lo pa’i lo intāmaṇi; 168; 260; 261; 267
rgyus; 84; 94; 128; 142 Sanderson, Alexis; 154
rNying ma pa tradition; 108 Sandrókottos; xxii
Roberts, Peter Alan; 84; 85; 90 Sangs rgyas thams cad kyi rnam ’phrul
Rohitāgiri; 57; 58; 61; 62; 81 rje btsun ti lo pa’i rnam mgur; 110;
current Lalmai Hills, BD; 58 138
Rohtas (Rohatās) District, IN-BR; 58 Sankrityayan, Rahula; 182
Roman Empire; 7 Śāntideva; 19; 76
Roşu, Arion; 192 Saptagrāma, IN-WB
Rudrākṣamahātmya; 22 Sātgāon; 74
Rūpacintāmāṇikośa; 22 Saraha; 123; 126; 146; 180; 181; 182;
Rupnarayan River; 13 183; 184; 193; 204; 205; 206; 207;
Śabara; 123; 124; 126; 181; 192 209; 250; 255; 256; 257; 277
Śabaranātha; 126 Sarahapādasya Dohākoṣa; 257
Śabarapāda; 183; 184; 247; 256 Sarahapādasya Dohākoṣapañjikā; 258
Śabaras; 123; 124; 166; 167; 192 Śāraṅgadhara Maṭha; 193
Śabareśvara; 124; 146; 183; 184; 192; Sarasvatī River; 13
205 Saroruhavajra; 176; 251
Ṣaḍaṅgayoga; 102 Sarvatathāgatatattvasaṃgraha; 114
Ṣaḍdharmopadeśa; 168; 169; 170; 172; Śāsanadhara; 244
195; 203; 207; 260; 266 Śaśāṅka; 11; 12
Sāgara; 124 Śatasāhasrikāprajñāpāramitā; 184; 199;
Sāgaradatta; 124; 126 200
Sahajaśaṃvarasvādhiṣṭhāna; 259; 262 Sātavāhana dynasty; 116; 191; 193
Sahor (Za hor) Śavaripa; 101; 153
Harikela; 137; 140; 158; 159; 160; Sāvitrī; 179
INDEX 265