SOCIOLOGY

PAPER-II
COMPREHENSIVE COURSE ON OPTIONAL
FOR UPSC CSE 2020/2021
PAPER-2 TRIBES IN INDIA-II

© DEEPANSHU SINGH

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 ASPECTS OF MODERNISATION
IN RELATION TO THE TRIBAL SOCIETIES
There are several reasons accounting for high dropout rate. The curriculum in
most cases is not relevant to the conditions in which the tribals live. They find
education a kind of onerous burden. Low standard of teaching and facilities in
tribal schools is another factor. It has also been found that teachers in these schools
are generally from non-tribal communities and they take posting in tribal areas as
a kind of punishment. Thus, they are able to evince little interest.

Domestic duties of the tribal children, especially the girls, are another factor. From
young age, they are entrusted with household chores, fetching water to looking
after the younger brothers and sisters. Absence of feedback from the family,
inspiring the children to take their study seriously, is an important factor. The
economic status of tribal households, in most cases, cannot afford to keep the
children as consuming, rather than producing members for a long time.

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 ASPECTS OF MODERNISATION
IN RELATION TO THE TRIBAL SOCIETIES

ADVERSE IMPACTS-
EXPLOITATION AND DISPLACEMENT- discussed already

Contact situations with the outsiders have been equally detrimental. Destruction of
the forests as a consequence of felling of trees for industrial purposes has threatened
the small communities of hunters and food-gatherers. Modern diseases unknown
to tribals have been introduced with the entry of outsiders in tribal areas. The
tribal population in Andaman Islands has greatly declined because of high mortality
rate. Measles and influenza, the killer diseases for those who had not developed
any resistance to them, played havoc with the Andaman tribals.

Similarly, at the time of Independence, the Toda population had fallen to under
500. The chief cause of their decline was the prevalence of venereal diseases
(Walker 1986: 283). In most cases, depopulation of a tribe was mainly because
of rapid ecological changes that created imbalances in their habitats

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 ASPECTS OF MODERNISATION
IN RELATION TO THE TRIBAL SOCIETIES
Modernisation created economic disparities in various sections of the society. Those
who could take advantages of new economic and educational frontiers were able
to better their lot, while a large sections of the tribals, not adequately prepared to
deal with new challenges, gradually depressed into poorer sections of the society.
Against economic and social disparities, they have raised a collective voice.
Modernisation, in other words, has given rise to a new consciousness amongst the
People

There was no concept of a job. Most were harmoniously engaged in agriculture. In modern parlance, they were self-
employed. Simple agriculture techniques which would not destroy resources around them. Simple seeds with organic
manure would lead to appropriate amount of grain for the family.
They had their own belief system, creation myth, after life, notions of ethics and morality, how to maintain harmony
with nature and celebrate festivals. The knowledge of herbal medicines would help them fight minor and major
disease.
All these notions were distorted at the onset of industrialisation, which was a manifestation of a worldview which
isn’t adivasi. Odisha has a high number of tribal communities. According to the 2011 census, there are about 62 tribes
in Odisha. A land of multiple perspectives on life and development.
All other perspectives were never understood and a singular notion of the idea of development was monopolised
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Khadiya community - They believe the body is temporary and hence bodily needs are secondary. This song
personifies life and tells it to wait until the day of death where it can ponder over the richness of life collected.
Due to discourse created by a non-tribal worldview, the concept of materialism was introduced into adivasi society. All
the basic necessities of the life became more oriented towards capital.
By the influence of this external worldview the concept of need and want saw distortion. People started to focus on
surplus agricultural product so as to earn money which may cater to other wants which are portrayed as needs by the
non-adivasi worldview.
To maximise the surplus, people started using chemical fertilisers which in the long run reduced the fertility of land.
Complicated food habits were introduced which were regarded as superior in nature and this needed more money.
Money could only be earned by working under some person or in an industry. Due to shortage of money to fulfil these
wants, people migrated to metros where they struggled to earn a livelihood and a dignified life. The idea of simple and
eco-friendly homes was distorted into the idea of modern pucca house which needed cement, iron and other materials
which would involve displacement of communities to extract said raw materials.
The free health system was replaced by monetised health system which is mostly unknown to the adivasi community or
mostly unaffordable.
In recent decades, we've seen industries spring up in Odisha. Recent policies — like Make In Odisha — opened the
floodgates for national and international investors to set up their industries and businesses.
Concepts such as land banks, high tech survey created problems for tribals. The struggle of the Dongria Kondh in the
Niyamgiri hills needs no introduction.

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 ASPECTS OF MODERNISATION
IN RELATION TO THE TRIBAL SOCIETIES
Rabari
The Rabari are a lesser studied community, spreading from Western Rajasthan to
the Kutch region of Gujarat. Their settlements (locally called dhani) are also found
in some villages of Haryana, Punjab and Uttar Pradesh. Numbering more than
400,000 members, these people have been differently designated in the states of
their predominance for the grant of preferential treatment, in Gujarat, they are one
of the Scheduled Tribes while in Rajasthan they are included in the lists of other
Backward Classes (OBCs) and the Semi-nomadic Tribes

The Rabari are pastoralists. They

domesticate camels, sheep, cows, buffaloes and goats. As the grazing areas have
drastically reduced, and the areas they have been traditionally inhabiting have a
harsh climate with a measely rainfall, these people are constrained to migrate with
their flocks to other regions rich in fodder (Saizman 1986: 49-61).

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 ASPECTS OF MODERNISATION
IN RELATION TO THE TRIBAL SOCIETIES
the term Raika used for the Rabari was an occupational one: it designated
a ‘camel riding messenger’ (Westphal-Hellbusch 1975:126)

The Rabari of Gujarat have changed much more than their counterparts in Rajasthan.
In Gujarat, they identified themselves with the dominant pastoral caste, the
Bharawad, and were able to enter milk-cooperatives as dairymen, thus their
economic status improved (Salzman 1987: 44-50). There was a Rajya Sabha
M.P. from the Rabari of Gujarat. For taking up the issues of their community, the
Rabari have founded an Association, and it publishes some periodicals titled
Gopalbandhu (from Gujarat) and Raika Jagriti (from Haryana).

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 TRIBAL MOVEMENTS- UPDATED
In the latter half of the last century, the tribals, especially in central India, had
reacted against their exploiters. These movements were directed towards freeing
their land from all those who exploited them economically and culturally. At the
same time, each of these movements put emphasis on revitalisation of their culture,
their traditional culture which was swayed under the impact of the outsiders.

The Tana Bhagat movement, for example, derived its name from the ritual of
‘expelling from the Oraon land foreign spirits, nefarious powers and ghosts’,
borrowed from the Munda. Along with this, they also sought to drive away the
‘evil powers of modern innovations’ like steam boat, motor car, bicycle, etc. These
modern innovations that were being introduced into their land were seen as the
means of exploitation. Exorcising the ‘ghost of modernity’, they desired to revert
to their original religion, the Kurukh Dharma (Roy 1915).

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 TRIBAL MOVEMENTS- UPDATED
The charismatic leaders
of Oraon, Santal and Munda were believed to free the people not only from the
webs of evil supernatural powers, but also from the ‘iron clutches’ of the nontribal
exploiters and oppressors (Roy 1915; 1928; Singh 1983). Another such
movement occurred in 1922 among the tribals of South Gujarat where under
supernatural command of the female goddess, Devi, they stopped consuming liquor,
and later on it took nationalist turn (Hardiman 1987)

In the Santal myths of the

nineteenth century, there was a description of the ancient days of independence
and glory, and all this was swept away once the outsiders with modern weaponry
started infiltrating into their areas. Martin Orans (1965: 35) writes, “The Santal
are thus pictured as independent, powerful and constituted exactly in the image of
an ideal Hindu Kingdom”. The movement had the aim of reverting to their traditional
religion Sarna Dharam, and social structure.

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 TRIBAL MOVEMENTS- UPDATED
The Sahariya of Morena district (Madhya Pradesh) have founded
their association called Adivasi Jati Sudhar Sangha. For ‘purifying’ their people,
it has identified twelve principles like regular bath, education for the children,
abstaining from eating ‘dirty’ animals (like swine, sambur, etc.), respect for the
educated people, etc. (Joshi 1987: 308-317)

tribal associations serve two purposes. They endeavour their best to keep
the whole group united. For such a unity, the traditional styles of living, except
those, which are ‘bad’ cannot be given up. They must be revived. Such a unity is
needed for demanding better deal from the government. The ethnic interests of the
tribals, thus, merge with political demands for separate states and are voiced and
sustained.

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RELIGION OF TRIBES- ADDITIONAL NOTE
Religion of a tribe is simple insofar as it is expressed in everyday language and
experienced in everyday life. It is descriptive, demonstrative and readily discernible.
Among the tribes religious myth, belief, religious value and religious action are not
treated as something apart from other kinds of belief and behaviour, as followed
in social, economic and political contexts.
Yet, the meaning of beliefs and behaviour
of the tribals appears mysterious to the outsiders. This is precisely because theirs
is a religion without explanation. However, tribal religion is no less complete than
the highly developed form of complex religion to the extent that its implicit philosophy
recognises the same universal truth.

Toda and their long horned buffaloes were created on

the high massif of the Nilgiri Hills by the great goddess Teikirzi. Their settlement is
marked by the unique barrel-vaulted houses and dairy buildings. The dairy buildings
are temples.
The Tarthar people alone can own the most sacred dairy temples with their associated herds the Religion in
Tribal Societies Teivaliol men, called ‘the servants of the gods’ fulfil the highest priestly tasks associated with
them.
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RELIGION OF TRIBES- ADDITIONAL NOTE
If a child were born to a woman who had not been given a bow, it would be a bastard with
no patrician affiliation. In former days when polyandry was the norm, the several
husbands of a woman took turns to assume the paternity of her children. Childbirth is a polluting event. It is
not only the mother and her child who are ritually defiled, but also all other people and things which come in
close contact with them. Purificatory rite is performed on or just before the day of the new moon after birth.

The principal festival of the Oraon

is called Sarhul, the Feast of the Sal Blossoms, also known as the Marriage of
the Earth. Another festival known as Kadlota, is celebrated when rice grains have
formed in the rice plants. The Toda perform their rituals according to the position
of stars and new moon

Apa Tani’s eschatological beliefs, as

recorded by Furer-Haimendorf (1953): “The Apa Tani believe that the souls,
Yalo, of all those who die a natural death go to Neli, the place of the dead, which
looks like an Apa Tani village with long rows of houses. As an Apa Tani lived on
this earth so will he live in Neli; a rich man will find the cattle he has sacrificed
during his lifetime.

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Furer-Haimendorf (1962) describing the event of an earthquake in a Konyak
Naga village addresses himself to the problem of tribal mind: “What is the Konyak’s
idea of the natural phenomena that sometimes threaten his life and his property?”
The answer given by Furer-Haimendorf is that the Konyak Naga man is not a
primitive, living in mortal fear of the unknown. In fact, his worldview is rather clear
and simple. A Konyak Naga’s ideas on-nature are derived from logical deduction

Mawrie’s (1981) self-interpretation of Khasi religion points to the same intuitive

rationality. According to Mawrie, a Khasi family facing affliction or distress or
financial problems believes that all such events have a cause. The cause may be
an offense, displeasing the spirits. The family generally finds out the cause by
resorting to divine consultation. After discovering the cause they perform sacrifice
to atone the shortcomings so that the affliction may disappear

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 HINDUISM AND TRIBALS
Ethnographic studies of different tribal groups show that the contact of the tribals
with their neighbours varied from part-isolation to complete assimilation. The Tharu
(Srivastava 1958) and the Khasa (Majumdar 1962), the two central Himalayan
tribes in North India are a good example of completely assimilated or Hinduised
tribes. By adopting Hindu caste names, wearing the sacred thread, establishing
social links with the local Rajput and Brahmin groups, these tribals have
incorporated their identity with high caste Hindus. Similarly, the Kshatriya model
(Srinivas 1966) of Hinduism has been adopted in middle India by the Chero,
Kharwar, Pahariya of Bihar and the Bhumij of Madhya Pradesh. The Bhumij
Kshatriya Association, founded in 1935, showed wider implications of Hinduisation
of the tribals. The concept of tribal Rajput continuum (Sinha 1961) was evolved
in the course of historical studies of the Bhumij Raj of Birbhum.

In Eastern India the Bauri of West Bengal (see Shasmal 1967) accepted to observe
the prescribed number of days of pollution for mourning, wear the sacred thread

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 HINDUISM AND TRIBALS
the Mahali of West Bengal (Sengupta 1966)
have adopted and assimilated the elements of local belief and practices of the
Hindus. Similarly, in many of the Oraon villages of Chotanagpur, Hindu gods and
goddesses are worshipped; Hindu priests are employed to carry out ritual
performances during life-cycle ceremonies (Sahay 1962 and Sachchidanand 1964)

we find that beliefs and practices of the

neighbouring Hindu castes have been adopted by the Chenchu, Kadar and
Muthuvan. Hindu gods and goddesses like Aiyappan, Maruti and Kali are
worshipped by the Kadar. Presiding deities of Madurai temple, Palaniandi and
Kadavallu are treated as their chief deities by the Muthuvan

It is not out of place here to mention that the tribal groups have also been affected
by their neighbours. Such as the Buddhists and the Muslims. In upper Lahaul and
the Ladakh region, the Bhot tribals are mainly Buddhists. Similarly, the Gujar of
the North-Western Himalayan region and the Bhil of Rajasthan have close contacts
with Muslim groups and are affected by their beliefs and practices.
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 SOCIO-RELGIOUS MOVEMENTS
among the tribals are the
Munda Rebellion, Jatra Bhagat Movement and Kharwar Movement. All these
examples show that the tribals (among whom the movements emerged) were never
totally isolated from the main currents of Indian society. Secondly, the exploitative
forces (against whom the movements were addressed) were not only colonisers,
but also the non-tribal upper castes. Thirdly, the influencing contact with the outgroup
did not come only from Christian missionaries but also from Hindus and
Muslims.
at what stage of contact, does a socio-religious movement arise?
Due to varying intensity of crises, various durations may be necessary in particular
groups for the movements to crystallise. Also, a movement may emerge, become
active and then lie dormant (see Lawrence 1964). Again, a socio-religious
movement may come at the initial stage of contact or it may come after the
completion of acculturation.
When one culture meets the other, one social order is affected by the other.

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 SOCIO-RELGIOUS MOVEMENTS
As a result rapid changes take place and the
existing social order breaks down. In the case of tribal India, large scale changes
were introduced by the missionaries. These changes, in turn, produced disturbance
in the way society was previously organised among the tribals. The disturbances
caused many a dilemma for the people, leading to both psychological social
deprivations. These are the situations, which triggered the path to socio-religious
movements.

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THANKYOU

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