Perspectives On Instructional Comunication Preiss Wheeless
Perspectives On Instructional Comunication Preiss Wheeless
Perspectives On Instructional Comunication Preiss Wheeless
Communication Education
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Perspectives on Instructional
Communication's Historical Path to the
Future
Raymond W. Preiss & Lawrence R. Wheeless
Published online: 20 Jun 2014.
To cite this article: Raymond W. Preiss & Lawrence R. Wheeless (2014) Perspectives on
Instructional Communication's Historical Path to the Future, Communication Education, 63:4,
308-328, DOI: 10.1080/03634523.2014.910605
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Communication Education
Vol. 63, No. 4, October 2014, pp. 308–328
Perspectives on Instructional
Communication’s Historical Path to the
Future
Raymond W. Preiss & Lawrence R. Wheeless
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The field of communication education celebrates the centennial year of the National
Communication Association. Many conceptual and theoretical advances have been
made during these years, and assessing the history of instructional communication
provides a clearer appreciation of the field’s trajectory. We trace how the boundaries of
instructional communication expanded to include theories and perspectives originating
in other subdisciplines of the national organization. We also point to secular trends
that may complicate and disrupt the prospects of the next-generation scholars. These
trends are assessed, and recommendations are proposed for instructional research and
theory development in the digital age.
Raymond W. Preiss (Ph.D., University of Oregon, 1988) is a Professor of Communication Studies at Viterbo
University. Lawrence R. Wheeless (Ph. D., Wayne State University, 1970) is a Professor Emeritus of
Communication Studies at the University of North Texas. Correspondence to: Raymond W. Preiss, Viterbo
University, Communication Studies, 800 Viterbo Dr., La Crosse, WI 54601, U.S.A. Email: rwpreiss@viterbo.edu.
communication. Eadie (2011) described the difficulties they faced when he summar-
ized the speech, journalism, and communication narratives of the field. He pointed
to tensions between academic levels (high school and college), disciplines (English
and speech), and objectives (teaching and scholarly). In Eadie’s (2011) narrative
account of these struggles and quarrels, new scholars will recognize many of the
luminaries who established the paths we walk today. These differences and tensions
were managed by broadly defining the new field (The National Association of
Teachers of Speech [italics added]). Teaching was the core that united the new field,
but the content and methods were diverse. Charles Woolbert’s (1923) definition of
the speech component of the discipline included the study of all forms of talk,
including the rhetoric motivating speech. He included oral performance, the study
of vocal mechanisms (speech audiology and pathology), and speech science, a
compendium of significant findings that can be used by others to guide decisions and
actions. In effect, these foundational principles managed disagreements by embracing
multiple objectives, multiple methods, and multiple audiences. This new, expansive
field was as noisy then as it is today.
Broad and inclusive disciplinary boundaries allowed members to have an
organizational platform for their remarkably different approaches. Most speech
departments were affiliated with English departments. The broad definition of
“speech” allowed early scholars to study public address in departments that were
largely concerned with written texts. Rhetoric, public address, public speaking, and
theatre found a home in the inclusive speech department. Of course, this diversity
was also a source of tension, and not all of the disagreements were resolved over
the years. Teachers and scholars went about their work and spoke about their
commitments with the clarity and passion of the times.
In an important review of Communication Education, Sprague (2002) reflected on
the breadth and depth of topics and approaches covered in the field’s flagship
instructional journal. She adopted an “upward spiral” account for the progression of a
field that is evolving “with a sense of calling and a clarity of purpose” (Sprague, 2002,
p. 337). In the 1970s, that spiral resembled a vortex. Work was aggregating across the
communication studies (then speech) discipline. Concepts clarifying processes in
persuasion, interpersonal, and group contexts were folded “back” into the educational
mission of the field. Communication Education (then, the Speech Teacher) was at the
310 R. W. Preiss and L. R. Wheeless
center of this vortex, and Sprague’s description of the topics and methods (pp. 338–
341) published in those early years nicely captures the energy of the controversies and
competing approaches of the day. We were a noisy group of rhetoricians, thespians,
debaters, critics, scientists, speech teachers, and trainers, and each constituent group
had its advocates and champions. We have always been a busy field, and the range of
topics apparent in Communication Education speaks to the passions of many genera-
tions of prolific writers and thoughtful educators. It is worth remembering that an
important, new instructional tradition emerged during those discussions about
methods, approaches, perspectives, and findings. We describe the tensions created by
social scientific approaches in the next sections. At the time, few understood the
direction we would “spiral,” but everyone had an opinion about where we should
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go next.
In the 1960s, a new group of the professorate joined the discussion. Trained in the
methods of social science, many were paying attention to research programs in
psychology and sociology that addressed communication concerns. These scholars
formed what is now the International Communication Association (ICA, formerly
the National Society for the Study of Communication) as a venue for circulating
research findings. Groups of communication scholars schooled in the philosophy and
methods of the social sciences advocated a process-centered research agenda. Those
committed to rhetorical, historical, and humanistic methods bristled at the
introduction of “foreign” methods into the speech field. Following the publication
of the report on the New Orleans special conference on communication (Kibler &
Barker, 1969) the entire field roiled. Eadie (2011) reported the far reaching nature of
the discipline’s recalibration. Sproule (2008) described the churn and confluence of
events in stunning detail (pp. 169–171). The discussion was between and within
camps, and the discipline debated methods, approaches, perspectives, theories, and
variables.
While the scope and detail of the clashes are beyond our purpose, the outcome was
informative. In the midst of the rancorous argument, the publication of B. Aubrey
Fisher’s (1978) Perspectives on Human Communication made the case for diversity of
method and multiplicity of approach. The field of communication studies emerged
from an “agreement” that more, not less, communication would promote theory
development, understanding, and application of knowledge. Of course, the disagree-
ments continued, and all sides interrogated rival approaches and reflected upon their
own limitations. More importantly, scholars went back to work in their libraries,
laboratories, control rooms, classrooms, media rooms, performance venues, and field
projects. The discipline had embraced “more communication” as the route to theory
development and relevance. Fisher’s view won the day. The discipline became broader
and more nuanced.
entropy and uncertainty) moves to the destination. Berlo (1960) adapted the basic
mechanism of the Shannon–Weaver approach while “humanizing” the nature of
information. The S-M-C-R model (source, message, channel, receiver), stresses source
characteristics (attitudes, knowledge, and skills) while a message (not information
and uncertainty) moves through a channel to a receiver. Rooted in scientific
sensibilities, Berlo stressed interdependence in a persuasive process (pp. 106–120)
and embraced nonverbal as well as verbal messages.
In the 1970s, instructional communication was compatible with the variables of the
S-M-C-R taxonomy. Researchers were unfolding and explicating the processes of
communication, and the application of these principles to classroom dynamics was a
logical step. It is noteworthy that many of these leading researchers were neither
admirers nor followers of Berlo. They understood that by following the linear
approach, attention was diverted from alternative theories stressing learning,
relationships, and cognitive processes. They argued that the S-M-C-R perspective
was quite mechanistic and linear, and research generated from this perspective tended
to be very pragmatic (applied), overemphasized the source (teacher), and under-
estimated the receiver (student). The channel was assumed to be face-to-face
(auditory and visual), although the mass lecture had replaced classroom contact
with senior professors in some of the undergraduate curriculum. In spite of these
flaws, skeptics embraced S-M-C-R because it was useful and logical, and provided a
counterpoint for more process-oriented accounts of communication. It organized the
information in Woolbert’s speech science, and the movement of information from
source to receiver was the vehicle for summarizing the processes operating at each
step. Instructional communication scholars renamed the journal The Speech Teacher
to Communication Education, institutionalizing their focus on communication
scholarship. The fragmentation and convergence Eadie described and the spiral
Sprague venerates reflect, also, a consolidation of persuasion, interpersonal, and
group processes into the instructional communication enterprise.
The bias toward the source and the application of linear findings has many roots,
including the tradition of speech education. Public-speaking education was tradi-
tionally offered by speech departments. The rationale for skills development stressed
civic obligations (participatory democracy), personal development (empowerment
and potential), and economic success (employment and advancement). These same
312 R. W. Preiss and L. R. Wheeless
concerns are expressed today (Bertelsen & Goodboy, 2009; Morreale & Backlund,
2002). It is worth remembering that the earliest days of the communication education
field were dynamic and uncharted. Reid (1990) provided an inside look at university
life as a speech teacher in the 1940s and 1950s. The pressure of the war and the ability
to overcome adversities speaks to the resiliency of our organizational ancestors.
The draft diverted students into the war effort, budgets were frozen, governance
obligations multiplied, and faculty were called to service. During this same period, no
fewer than six influential books were published that defined the speech discipline and
specified the methods of speech criticism. Currently available online (natcom.org),
Reid’s personal account documents what university life was like in speech depart-
ments during those formative years. The photo gallery associates faces with the names
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seen in this and other historical narratives about the communication discipline. Most
readers will be enthralled by the stories of the day-to-day life of a speech scholar in
the early- to mid-twentieth century.
When solders returned from World War II and used their GI Bill, they filled
university classrooms, entered graduate schools, and taught at universities while the
Korean and Vietnam Wars escalated and simmered. As the social turmoil of the
1960s and 1970s destabilized the civic functions of education, the S-M-C-R type
approach flourished because it was flexible and pragmatic. During this time, of
course, other models replaced the S-M-C-R model in speech communication
textbooks (e.g., Ross, 1965). These models specified a more complete process
involving the context of the communication, message encoding, receiver decoding
of the message, and feedback. Earlier, however, the World War II generation that
built the highway system and electrified the nation also set the standards for
delivering higher education. Their “can do” styles of management and planning were
deployed to organize higher education. New technologies were quickly absorbed into
the university environment. Because the S-M-C-R model was a clear way to
benchmark “what works” in education, it resonated with the pragmatic thinking of
the time. A linear application of general instructional communication principles
privileged the traditional teacher-to-student flow of information, and it became a
stepping-stone path the new field traversed as it sought legitimacy in the academy.
The field of speech communication embraced speech, rhetoric, persuasion, interper-
sonal communication, group communication, organizational communication, mass
media, journalism, and communication education.
the proliferation of new journal outlets allowed for replication studies of variable-
analytic claims. In recent years, meta-analytic summaries have quantified the
direction and magnitude of bodies of literature, occasionally offering path models
of variables across S-M-C-R categories. Woolbert’s call for a useful and significant
“speech science” took root and flourished in the instructional communication
literature. The linear source bias went largely unquestioned for many years.
with learning objectives, a development that shifted emphasis away from the teacher
in favor of the student receiver. Thus, efforts to promote learning theory as a unifying
explanation were widely accessible, but the impulse to validate general communica-
tion theories in the classroom context prevailed.
One reason for the speed of developments in instructional communication research
involved the editorial policies of the ICA. During this time, Communication Yearbook
showcased instructional communication research, and the top papers in the
Instructional Communication Division of ICA were published along with an
overview chapter that summarized recent trends or offered theoretical and conceptual
perspectives (McCroskey & McCroskey, 2006). This served as a unifying voice within
the area and called discipline-wide attention to new developments and findings. The
subversive subtext, of course, was that those pursuing general theories elsewhere
could bring their work to the Instructional Communication Division. Although this
editorial policy ended in 1986, the common forum was invaluable for publicizing the
division’s work in the early years. As others have noted, the newly renamed journal
Communication Education filled this vital role and published the markers described
in this section: common definition, contextual theorizing, variable-analytic hypothes-
izing, and portable reasoning where general communication principles were applied
to learning situations.
The silhouette of the developments in the instructional communication field in the
next sections is not an exhaustive review of the literature contained in each domain.
Nevertheless, it is informative to count the mile posts that mark progress along the
road. Along the way, we will see the slow but irreparable weathering of the four gables
of S-M-C-R’s research roof. Many of the topics covered are flourishing today, and
they illustrate the creative application of Sprague’s “upward spiral” and Eadie’s
“fragmentation and convergence.”
Teacher behaviors
Reflecting the complexity of the classroom, research rapidly aggregated on a variety of
source-oriented techniques associated with instructional success. The list roughly
conforms to the S-M-C-R typology, although some conceptualizations question the
linear taxonomy by combining categories. For example, Nussbaum and Scott (1980)
found that interaction between students and teachers facilitated learning, conflating
Perspectives on Instructional Communication 315
the source-receiver categories. S-M-C-R thinking does not specifically address mutual
or sequential communication acts (nor does it exclude these possibilities). Kearney,
Plax, Richmond, and McCroskey’s (1985) work on power in the classroom was rather
source-oriented, while Schrodt and his colleagues’ theorizing about teacher immedi-
acy (Andersen, 1979) stressed message features as a route for perceptions of a teacher
credibility (Schrodt & Witt, 2006) and student learning (Allen, Witt, & Wheeless,
2006). Thus, theorizing tended to draw attention to the receiver through S-M-C-R
refraction. Similarly, Norton (1977) theorized about the effect of teacher commun-
ication style on learning outcomes. Later, Rubin and Feezel (1985, 1986) took this
approach when they identified communication skills associated with successful
instruction. The result was a style resembling communication competence, an
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Teacher messages
Research about instructional communication frequently leans toward message
features. Gail Sorensen’s (1989) work on instructors’ self-disclosure explored the
learning consequences of revealing personal information to students, a message-
centered approach that continues today (Lannutti & Strauman, 2006). This message
orientation can be seen in many variable-analytic approaches to instruction.
McCroskey and Richmond’s (1983) theorizing about instructional power evolved
into Behavior Alteration Techniques (BATs) and Behavior Alteration Messages
(BAMs) that were an application of the compliance-gaining literature to the
instructional context (Kearney et al., 1985). Recent conceptualizations and research
on attitudes toward teacher credibility (Finn et al., 2009) indicated that messages
conveying caring can promote teacher credibility and learning. Schrodt et al. (2009)
found that teacher credibility mediates perceived student confirmation and teacher
clarity to positively affect student learning. Thus, teacher messages are thought to be
more than a vehicle for information transfer, as confirmation and clarity increase
receptivity to information and understanding.
There are many examples of variables classified under the rubric of instructional
messages. Prominent on this list would be the association between student–student
interaction and solidarity (Nussbaum & Scott, 1980), the benefits of classroom
participation (Rocca, 2010), the use of humor (Bryant, Comiskey, Crane, & Zillman,
1980; Downs, Javidi, & Nussbaum, 1988; Wanzer, Frymier, & Irwin, 2010), and the
use of affinity-seeking strategies (Andersen, 1979; Bell & Daly, 1984; McCroskey &
McCroskey, 1986; Wanzer, 1998). Also, instructor use of classroom questions was
found to affect student involvement (Myers, Edwards, Wahl, & Martin, 2007), and
student use of questions can signal gaps in understanding (Kendrick & Darling,
1990). Evidence continues to aggregate in each of these areas, and the progress
toward theoretical paradigms associated with message-related educational outcomes
is unmistakable.
316 R. W. Preiss and L. R. Wheeless
Receiver characteristics
The cluster variables associated with anxiety-based low verbal output have a storied
history in the communication studies field (and in other disciplines). The variety of
terms used to describe communication apprehension (CA; McCroskey, 1977) will be
familiar to most readers (e.g., shyness, reticence, and stage fright). While CA is often
viewed as a factor limiting someone from being an effective source, in educational
contexts CA can affect receiver functions as well (McCroskey & Andersen, 1976).
Classroom CA has most often been associated with low course satisfaction (Scott &
Wheeless, 1975), low cognitive performance (Bouris & Allen, 1992), higher drop-out
rates (McCroskey, Booth-Butterfield, & Payne, 1989), women’s learning style
preferences (Dwyer, 1998), and perceptions of learning (Allen, Long, O’Mara, &
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Judd, 2008). While research on CA and student learning typically focused on receiver
disruptions, studies also examined CA characteristics in college teachers (Kearney &
McCroskey, 1981), primary and secondary teachers (McCroskey, Andersen, Rich-
mond, & Wheeless, 1981), and teaching assistants (Roach, 1998). Thus, CA provided
a process bridging source-receiver content, execution, and reception that complicated
the linear view of instruction. CA is also an example of processes developed in the
speech communication and interpersonal communication contexts being imported to
the instructional context.
There have been attempts to resist theorizing that overemphasizes or privileges the
source. A recent example, termed receiver empowerment (Frymier, Shulman, &
Houser, 1996; Houser & Frymier, 2009), rebalanced theoretical emphasis away from
the source. A source’s empowerment message or behavior is thought to impact student
receivers and produce a receiver-based motivational state associated with affective and
cognitive learning. Teachers who employ strategies that make content relevant can
elicit student empowerment, and students who experience empowerment tend to value
course content, see connections between content and their lives, and report using more
learning behaviors. Therefore, students are seen as engaged participants who inquire,
consider, and assess information. By shifting emphasis toward receiver agency,
empowerment provides a more balanced view of the learning process.
Of course, source-oriented theorizing was also resisted in the early days of the field.
Wheeless (1975) theorized that individuals were more often receivers than sources
and that anxiety functions in both roles. He defined receiver apprehension as a
broad-based fear associated with misinterpreting, inadequately processing, or failing
to adjust psychologically to others’ communication. A meta-analysis by Preiss,
Wheeless, and Allen (1990) indicated that apprehensive receivers were ineffective
listeners, experienced anxiety when processing messages, were ineffective when
processing information, and approached message interpretation in a cognitively
simple manner.
Receiver apprehension evolved considerably from the early source-anxiety com-
parison, as it resisted source bias by emphasizing message processing. Wheeless,
Preiss, and Gayle (1997) argued that messages that are complex or abstract, or require
intellectual flexibility during processing may evoke anxiety and antipathy that
Perspectives on Instructional Communication 317
mediates an individual’s ability to manage information. Termed informational
reception apprehension (IRA), this anxiety was conceptualized as a threshold
and filter that moderates informational reception, perception, and/or adjustment
(Wheeless et al., 1997). IRA proposes a dynamic message-filtering and message-
processing system associated with anxiety and antipathy. When flexibility, complex-
ity, and abstractness exceed preferred thresholds, the resulting apprehension may
distort message processing and alter perceptions of the information being considered.
There is support for this reasoning, as high levels of IRA have been associated with
conservative religious and political orientations (Wheeless & Schrodt, 2001) and
lower levels of student motivation (Schrodt, Wheeless, & Ptacek, 2000), and may
occur during face-to-face interactions (McEwen & Reed, 1999).
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Feedback factors
While feedback was never part of Shannon and Weaver’s (1949) typology, the
concept came to be associated with receiver responses. The feedback “loop” became a
standard part of the speech communication and interpersonal communication
literature and came to be featured prominently in instructional studies based upon
compliance-gaining strategies (i.e., power in the classroom; Kearney et al., 1985) and
compliance-resistance strategies (Burroughs, 2007; Burroughs, Kearney, & Plax,
1989). Attempts to understand classroom management involved compliance-gaining,
power, and resistance. Student misbehavior was thought to rupture classroom
climate, and this type of logic led to a long list of student responses to teacher
misbehaviors (Kearney, Plax, Hayes, & Ivey, 1991; Kelsey, Kearney, Plax, Allen, &
Ritter, 2004). These misbehaviors, especially incompetence, tended to elicit instruc-
tional dissent (Goodboy, 2011a) and resistance (Goodboy, 2011b).
Similar to the way dissent leads to student agency, student perceptions of
instructors’ communication can motivate teacher contact (Goodboy & Bolkan,
2011) and teacher–student communication (Goodboy, Martin, & Bolkan, 2009).
Even in classroom situations that are clearly source-oriented, rebalancing can bring
the receiver’s role into perspective. For example, the perceived teacher confirmation
literature stresses teacher behaviors. Schrodt, Turman, and Soliz (2006), however,
emphasized student responses to confirmation as the basis for understanding,
instructional ratings, and motivations for learning. Sidelinger and Booth-Butterfield
(2010) found that teacher confirmation and classroom climate were associated with
conditions leading to self-regulated learning. The “coconstruction” of these percep-
tions is the rebalancing that reflects receiver agency. Similarly, Turman and Schrodt
(2006) provided paradigmic balance when examining the role of confirmation
behaviors on student perceptions of instructor power. These approaches look to the
student as the motivational bases for learning outcomes (Pintrich, 2003) through
processes such as self-regulation and meta-cognition.
McCroskey and McVetta (1978) developed a conceptual basis for different seating
arrangements in the classroom. Students appeared to understand the interaction-
inhibiting nature of traditional (column and row) seating environments. For required
courses, this structure was preferred, and for elective courses, interaction-promoting
configurations (horseshoe, circle) were desired. Interestingly, high CA was positively
associated with traditional seating while low CA students favored seating that
facilitated interaction. Today, there is more evidence that class size is associated with
student involvement in the classroom (Rocca, 2010; Sidelinger & Booth-Butter-
field, 2010).
Attention to the environment is important because the source orientation has
oversimplified theorizing about environmental variables within the educational
context. This understanding is vital to the online and distance learning enterprises,
and while attention has recently shifted to these contexts, our theorizing is rather
limited. For example, the use of technology by instructors using different levels of
immediacy (Schrodt & Witt, 2006) has refined our understanding of distance
learning. Rocca’s (2010) thoughtful review of the literature on student participation
illustrated how S-M-C-R thinking obscures dynamic qualities of the instructional
environment. Thus, it is unclear if computer-mediated communication (CMC)
immediacy is comparable with face-to-face immediacy, as participation, both dynamic
and pallid, can dramatically affect student engagement and learning (Rocca, 2010).
The variables included in Rocca’s review transcend S-M-C-R categorization, and
combinations of conditions, levels of measurement and interaction effects defy simple
interpretation. It is difficult to find parallels between CMC immediacy and fluid,
interpersonal dynamics.
More attention will likely need to be directed at the content and the climate of
CMC and classroom participation. While confirmation messages are undoubtedly
essential, it is difficult to confirm sexist, racist, or uninformed student participation.
Also, one aspect of good teaching is creating a classroom where there is volatility and
vulnerability (Henry, 1994), and where dominant ideologies are challenged (Mayo,
2002). A learning community is often a process of tension as students wrestle with
and through concepts and social issues at a cognitive and emotional level (Jehangir,
2012). Creating safe spaces for difficult dialogues and emotional exchanges can
reduce these tensions (Boostrom, 1998; Hackford-Peer, 2010; Mayo, 2010; Stengel &
Perspectives on Instructional Communication 319
Weems, 2010), although this type of classroom climate has received little theoretical
attention in the instructional communication literature. A safe classroom refers to
inclusive groups of learners. The goal of an academic safe place is to create an
“inclusive and effective learning environment in which opportunities for complex
cognitive, intrapersonal, and interpersonal development exists for all students”
(Baxter Magolda, 2000, p. 94). A safe classroom promotes dialogue (Littlejohn &
Domenici, 2001), inclusion (Boostrom, 1998), and respect (Adams, 1997).
Gayle, Cortez, and Preiss (2013) argued that a safe space is an educational
metaphor for designing classrooms that address difficult or tension-filled learning
encounters (Boostrom, 1998; Holley & Steiner, 2005; Mayo, 2010). This approach
reduces source bias because students feel empowered to take risks by expressing their
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unique insights and disagreeing with others’ points of view (Boostrom, 1998; Holley
& Steiner, 2005). Empowerment shifts theoretical emphasis toward receivers and
away from teachers, as a safe space is a necessary, but not sufficient, condition to
foster higher-order reasoning. Safe spaces do not guarantee that students will grapple
with opposing viewpoints, and safety alone may not be sufficient to promote deep
understanding. Safety may, however, promote learning of problematic content. For
example, Mayo (2010) examined difficult dialogues about multicultural issues. Her
work indicates that a sense of safety is required to overcome the tension-filled
moments during conflict-laden discussions. Safe spaces affect both what and how
much students learn (Holley & Steiner, 2005), and assignments may be crafted that
help students explore their own progress (Montero, 1995) and develop self-motivated
learning (Ortiz, 2000). The tensions between these qualities suggest that classroom
climate is not a static concept but a system-like, synchronous process that evolves
within classes and across sequences of classes as students mature intellectually. Thus,
there are reasons to question the ability of distance learning, virtual classes, and
massively open online classes (MOOCs) to build safe spaces on important, difficult
topics. The challenge for variable-analytic theory-building is to blend immediacy,
safety, and content into a digital pedagogy that is both relevant and engaging.
services. The technology story does not privilege status or pedigree. Nonaccredited
private-for-profit universities can be niche players addressing specialty skills and
occupations. Larger, accredited virtual universities can offer a full portfolio of degrees
and certificates. Education may move into the 21st century as a commodity that adds
value and leverages security in uncertain times. If even a portion of this secular vision
has merit, communication educators must consider digital technology as an integral
component of their theorizing about instructional communication.
instructional research must develop a digital pedagogy and curriculum that exploits
these tools and the relationship students have with new technologies. For example,
Liu (2010) found that Facebook, Wikipedia, and YouTube were the most frequently
used social media. Social engagement, direct communication, immediate feedback,
relationship building, and locating new friends were the common reasons for
adopting social media. These motives provide avenues for research that make our
curriculum relevant for the digital age.
In addition to efforts to examining the role of teacher credibility and immediacy in
distance-learning courses, wikis can be used as a learning environment where
students can edit the content of a website to extend content as their learning
progresses (Boudet & Talon, 2012). Flatley (2005) reported on the effectiveness of
blogging in a business communication classes. McCorkle and McCorkle (2012) used
LinkedIn to deliver social media content in a marketing course. Lin, Hoffman, and
Borengasser (2013) studied Twitter as an optional, extra credit classroom activity.
Students tended to consume, rather than produce, tweets. Also, there were privacy
concerns regarding this messaging channel, and although support for Twitter
increased during the term, a majority of students found the technology to be
distracting in the classroom. These are the types of variable-analytic investigations
that will continue to assist educators interested in applying (and assessing) new media
technology in their courses.
Of course, the application of new media platforms must be theory-driven and
appropriate. Schwartzman (2006) made this point when describing the use of
threaded discussion boards to teach virtual problem solving. The field of instructional
communication must be forward looking as it considers and assesses evolving
technologies. For the new generation of technology users, social media appears to be
more than a matter of student motivation or self-regulated learning. The channel is
not like our grandfather’s television or our grandmother’s telephone, as these
technologies have converged with computers, often in the form of interactive mobile
devices. Our pedagogy and curriculum have emphasized online learning as the
environment became transient and characterized by multitasking. This development
may provide opportunities for flipped classes where some work (e.g., information
acquisition) is shifted to mobile devices, and the “free time” may be used for analysis,
synthesis, and decision-making. Flipping is not a new concept, as instructors have
322 R. W. Preiss and L. R. Wheeless
been urging students to read books before coming to class for longer than the
National Communication Association has been a professional organization. That
said, there is something important going on when students experience different forms
of lectures outside of class, search Communication and Mass Media Complete from
their iPads, form virtual discussion groups where they become familiar with key
positions, and then return to the classroom to solve problems or resolve controver-
sies. Students become teachers to one another and advocates for positions and
interpretations, a type of higher-order thinking that may promote deeper learning. In
essence, technology may “flip” content ownership, not classes, and it may create a
powerful pedagogy once fully understood and “deployed.”
The communication studies field is now steeped in technology. To be competent in
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