Yahweh

Yahweh[a] was the national god of Ancient Israel.[1] His origins reach at least to the early Iron Age and
likely to the Late Bronze Age.[2] In the oldest biblical literature he is a storm-and-warrior deity[3] who leads
the heavenly army against Israel's enemies;[4] at that time the Israelites worshipped him alongside a variety
of Canaanite gods and goddesses, including El, Asherah and Baal,[5] but in later centuries El and Yahweh
became conflated and El-linked epithets such as El Shaddai came to be applied to Yahweh alone,[6] and
other gods and goddesses such as Baal and Asherah were absorbed into the Yahwistic religion.[7]

Towards the end of the Babylonian captivity (6th century BCE), the very existence of foreign gods was
denied, and Yahweh was proclaimed as the creator of the cosmos and the one true God of all the world.[8]
During the Second Temple period, speaking the name of Yahweh in public became regarded as taboo.[9]
Jews began to substitute the divine name with the word adonai (‫)‬ֲאֹד ָני‬, meaning "Lord", and after the
Temple was destroyed in 70 CE the original pronunciation was forgotten.[10] Outside Judaism, Yahweh was
A 4th century BCE drachm (quarter
frequently invoked in Graeco-Roman magical texts from the 2nd century BCE to the 5th century CE [11] shekel) coin from the Persian
under the names Iao, Adonai, Sabaoth, and Eloai.[12] province of Yehud Medinata,
possibly representing Yahweh
seated on a winged and wheeled
sun-throne
Contents
History
Late Bronze Age origins (1550–1150 BCE)
Iron Age I (1150-586 BCE): Yahweh as an Iron Age national god
Exile and Second Temple (586 BCE-70 CE)
Yahweh and the bible
Worship
Yahweh and the rise of monotheism
Graeco-Roman syncretism
See also
Notes
References
Citations
Sources

History

Late Bronze Age origins (1550–1150 BCE)

In the earliest Biblical literature Yahweh is a storm-god typical of ancient Near Eastern myths, marching out from a region to the south or
south-east of Israel with the heavenly host of stars and planets that make up his army to do battle with the enemies of his people Israel:[13]

There is none like God, O Jeshurun [a name for Israel]

who rides through the heavens to your help and the clouds in His majesty.

“The eternal God is a hiding place, and underneath are the everlasting arms; and He drove out the enemy from you, and said,
‘Destroy!’

so Israel lives in safety, untroubled is Jacob's abode ...

Your enemies shall come fawning to you,

and you shall tread on their backs".

There is almost no agreement on the origins of this god.[14] His name is not attested other than among the Israelites and seems not to have any
plausible etymology,[15] ehyeh ašer ehyeh ("I Am that I Am"), the explanation presented in Exodus 3:14 (https://www.mechon-mamre.org/p/p
t/pt0203.htm#14), appearing to be a late theological gloss invented at a time when the original meaning had been forgotten.[16] One scholarly
theory is that 'Yahweh' is a shortened form of the phrase ˀel ḏū yahwī ṣabaˀôt, "El who creates the hosts",[17] but the argument has numerous
weaknesses, including, among others, the dissimilar characters of the two gods El and Yahweh, Yahweh's association with the storm (an
association never made for El), and the fact that el dū yahwī ṣaba'ôt is nowhere attested either inside or outside the Bible.[18] The oldest
plausible occurrence of his name is in the phrase "Shasu of yhw" in an Egyptian inscription from the time of Amenhotep III (1402–1363
BCE),[19][20] the Shasu being nomads from Midian and Edom in northern Arabia.[21] The current consensus is therefore that Yahweh was a
"divine warrior from the southern region associated with Seir, Edom, Paran and Teman".[22]
There is considerable although not universal support for this view,[23] but it raises the question of how Yahweh made his way to the north.[24]
An answer many scholars consider plausible is the Kenite hypothesis, which holds that traders brought Yahweh to Israel along the caravan
routes between Egypt and Canaan.[25] This ties together various points of data, such as the absence of Yahweh from Canaan, his links with
Edom and Midian in the biblical stories, and the Kenite or Midianite ties of Moses,[24] but its major weaknesses are that the majority of
Israelites were firmly rooted in Palestine, and the fact that the historical role of Moses is highly problematic.[26] It follows that if the Kenite
hypothesis is to be maintained then it must be assumed that the Israelites encountered Yahweh (and the Midianites/Kenites) inside Israel and
through their association with the earliest political leaders of Israel.[27]

Iron Age I (1150-586 BCE): Yahweh as an Iron Age national god

Contrary to the traditional picture of the Israelites entering Palestine from outside its borders, the current
model is that they developed from the native Canaanite population, and that Israelite religion was
accordingly much closer to that of the Canaanites than the Bible suggests.[28] The Israelites initially
worshiped Yahweh alongside a variety of Canaanite gods and goddesses, including El, head of the
Canaanite pantheon, (he, not Yahweh, was the original "God of Israel"—the word "Israel" is based on the
name El rather than Yahweh), Asherah, who was El's consort, and major Canaanite deities such as Baal.[29]
El and his seventy sons, who included Baal and Yahweh, made up the Assembly of the Gods, each member
of which had a human nation under his care; a textual variant of Deuteronomy describes Yahweh received
Israel when El divided the nations of the world among his sons, and incidentally suggests that El and
Yahweh were not identified as the same god in this early period:[30][31]

When the Most High ('elyôn) gave to the nations their inheritance,

when he separated humanity,

he fixed the boundaries of the peoples

according to the number of divine beings.

Solomon dedicates the Temple at

For Yahweh's portion is his people,
Jerusalem (painting by James Tissot
Jacob his allotted heritage.[b] or follower, c. 1896–1902).

Between the Judges and the first half of the monarchy El and Yahweh and other gods merged in a process
of religious syncretism;[32] 'el (Hebrew: ‫אל‬‎) became a generic term meaning "god", as opposed to the name of a specific god, and epithets such
as El Shaddai came to be applied to Yahweh alone, diminishing the position of El and strengthening the position of Yahweh,[6] while features of
Baal, El, and Asherah were absorbed into Yahweh.[7] In the next stage the Yahwistic religion separated itself from its Canaanite heritage, first
by rejecting Baal-worship in the 9th century, then with prophetic condemnation of Baal, the asherim, sun-worship, worship on the "high
places", practices pertaining to the dead, and other matters.[33]

The 9th century BCE saw the emergence of nation-states in Syria-Palestine, including Israel, Judah, Philistia, Moab and Ammon, each with its
national god.[34] Thus Chemosh was the god of the Moabites, Milcom the god of the Ammonites, Qaus the god of the Edomites, and Yahweh the
"God of Israel" (no "God of Judah" is mentioned anywhere in the Bible).[35][36] This development occurred first in the kingdom of Israel
(Samaria), and then in Judah, the southern kingdom, where king Jehoshephat was a strong ally of the Omride dynasty of the northern
kingdom.[37] In each kingdom the king was also the head of the national religion and thus the viceroy on Earth of the national god,[38] and
when Judah became an Assyrian vassal-state after the destruction of Israel, the relationship between the king and dynastic god Yahweh came to
be thought of in terms of Assyrian vassal treaties.[39]

The Bible retains traces of this worship of multiple gods both in the region and in Israel.[40] In this atmosphere a struggle emerged between
those who believed that Yahweh alone should be worshiped, and those who worshiped him within a larger group of gods.[41] The Yahweh-alone
party, the party of the prophets and {Deuteronomist]s, ultimately triumphed, and their victory lies behind the biblical narrative of an Israel
vacillating between periods of "following other gods" and periods of fidelity to Yahweh.[41]

Exile and Second Temple (586 BCE-70 CE)

In 587/6 Jerusalem fell to the Neo-Babylonians, the Temple was destroyed, and the leadership
of the community were deported.[42] The next 50 years, the Babylonian exile, were of pivotal
importance to the history of Israelite religion, but in 539 BCE Babylon in turn fell to the Persian
conqueror Cyrus the Great, the exiles were given permission to return (although only a minority
did so), and by about 500 BCE the Temple was rebuilt.[43] The period between the destruction
of the Temple and Cyrus's edict permitting the return is called the Exilic period, and the
subsequent period the post-Exilic period (divided between Persian and Hellenistic eras).

Towards the end of the Second Temple period, speaking the name of Yahweh in public became
regarded as taboo.[9] When reading from the scriptures, Jews began to substitute the divine
name with the word adonai (‫)‬ֲאֹד ָני‬, meaning "Lord".[10] The High Priest of Israel was permitted The Second Temple (modern model, 1:50 scale)
to speak the name once in the Temple during the Day of Atonement, but at no other time and in
no other place.[10] During the Hellenistic period, the scriptures were translated into Greek by
the Jews of the Egyptian diaspora.[44] Greek translations of the Hebrew scriptures render both the tetragrammaton and adonai as kyrios
(κύριος), meaning "the Lord".[10] After the Temple was destroyed in 70 CE, the original pronunciation of the tetragrammaton was forgotten.[10]
The period of Persian rule saw the development of expectation in a future human king who would rule purified Israel as Yahweh's
representative at the end of time—a messiah. The first to mention this were Haggai and Zechariah, both prophets of the early Persian period.
They saw the messiah in Zerubbabel, a descendant of the House of David who seemed, briefly, to be about to re-establish the ancient royal line,
or in Zerubbabel and the first High Priest, Joshua (Zechariah writes of two messiahs, one royal and the other priestly). These early hopes were
dashed (Zerubabbel disappeared from the historical record, although the High Priests continued to be descended from Joshua), and thereafter
there are merely general references to a Messiah of David (i.e. a descendant).[45][46] From these ideas, Christianity, Rabbinic Judaism, and
Islam would later emerge.

Yahweh and the bible

In recent decades, it has become increasingly common among scholars to assume that much of the Hebrew Bible was assembled, revised and
edited in the 5th century BCE to reflect the realities and challenges of the Persian era.[47][48] The returnees had a particular interest in the
history of Israel: the written Torah (the books of Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers and Deuteronomy), for example, may have existed in
various forms during the Monarchy (the period of the Kingdom of Israel and, later the Kingdoms of Israel and Judah), but it was in the Second
Temple that it was edited and revised into something like its current form, and the Chronicles, a new history written at this time, reflects the
concerns of the Persian Yehud in its almost-exclusive focus on Judah and the Temple.[47]

Prophetic works were also of particular interest to the Persian-era authors, with some works being composed at this time (the last ten chapters
of Isaiah and the books of Haggai, Zechariah, Malachi and perhaps Joel) and the older prophets edited and reinterpreted. The corpus of
Wisdom books saw the composition of Job, parts of Proverbs, and possibly Ecclesiastes, while the book of Psalms was possibly given its modern
shape and division into five parts at this time (although the collection continued to be revised and expanded well into Hellenistic and even
Roman times).[47]

Worship
Yahweh's role as the national god was reflected each year in Jerusalem when the king presided over a ceremony at which Yahweh was
enthroned in the Temple.[49]

The centre of Yahweh's worship lay in three great annual festivals coinciding with major events in rural life: Passover with the birthing of
lambs, Shavuot with the cereal harvest, and Sukkot with the fruit harvest.[50] These probably pre-dated the arrival of the Yahweh religion,[50]
but they became linked to events in the national mythos of Israel: Passover with the exodus from Egypt, Shavuot with the law-giving at Biblical
Mount Sinai, and Sukkot with the wilderness wanderings.[36] The festivals thus celebrated Yahweh's salvation of Israel and Israel's status as his
holy people, although the earlier agricultural meaning was not entirely lost.[51] His worship presumably involved sacrifice, but many scholars
have concluded that the rituals detailed in Leviticus 1–16, with their stress on purity and atonement, were introduced only after the Babylonian
exile, and that in reality any head of a family was able to offer sacrifice as occasion demanded.[52] A number of scholars have also drawn the
conclusion that infant sacrifice, whether to the underworld deity Molech or to Yahweh himself, was a part of Israelite/Judahite religion until
the reforms of King Josiah in the late 7th century BCE.[53] Sacrifice was presumably complemented by the singing or recital of psalms, but
again the details are scant.[54] Prayer played little role in official worship.[55]

The Hebrew Bible gives the impression that the Jerusalem temple was always meant to be the central or even sole temple of Yahweh, but this
was not the case:[36] the earliest known Israelite place of worship is a 12th century BCE open-air altar in the hills of Samaria featuring a bronze
bull reminiscent of Canaanite "Bull-El" (El in the form of a bull), and the archaeological remains of further temples have been found at Dan on
Israel's northern border and at Arad in the Negev and Beersheba, both in the territory of Judah.[56] Shiloh, Bethel, Gilgal, Mizpah, Ramah and
Dan were also major sites for festivals, sacrifices, the making of vows, private rituals, and the adjudication of legal disputes.[57]

Yahweh-worship was famously aniconic, meaning that the god was not depicted by a statue or other image. This is not to say that he was not
represented in some symbolic form, and early Israelite worship probably focused on standing stones, but according to the Biblical texts the
temple in Jerusalem featured Yahweh's throne in the form of two cherubim, their inner wings forming the seat and a box (the Ark of the
Covenant) as a footstool, while the throne itself was empty.[58] No satisfactory explanation of Israelite aniconism has been advanced, and a
number of recent scholars have argued that Yahweh was in fact represented prior to the reforms of Hezekiah and Josiah late in the monarchic
period: to quote one recent study, "[a]n early aniconism, de facto or otherwise, is purely a projection of the post-exilic imagination"
(MacDonald, 2007).[59]

Yahweh and the rise of monotheism

The worship of Yahweh alone began at the earliest with the prophet Elijah in the 9th century BCE, but more likely with the prophet Hosea in
the 8th; even then it remained the concern of a small party before gaining ascendancy in the Babylonian exile and early post-exilic period.[60]
The early supporters of this faction are widely regarded as being monolatrists rather than true monotheists;[61] they did not believe Yahweh was
the only god in existence, but instead believed he was the only god the people of Israel should worship.[62] Finally, in the national crisis of the
exile, the followers of Yahweh went a step further and outright denied that the other deities aside from Yahweh even existed, thus marking the
transition from monolatrism to true monotheism.[8]

Graeco-Roman syncretism
Yahweh is frequently invoked in Graeco-Roman magical texts dating from the 2nd century BCE to the 5th century CE, most notably in the
Greek Magical Papyri,[11] under the names Iao, Adonai, Sabaoth, and Eloai.[12] In these texts, he is often mentioned alongside traditional
Graeco-Roman deities and Egyptian deities.[12] The archangels Michael, Gabriel, Raphael, and Ouriel and Jewish cultural heroes such as
Abraham, Jacob, and Moses are also invoked frequently.[64] The frequent occurrence of Yahweh's name
was likely due to Greek and Roman folk magicians seeking to make their spells more powerful through the
invocation of a prestigious foreign deity.[12]

A piece of coinage issued by Pompey to celebrate his successful conquest of Judaea showed a kneeling,
bearded figure grasping a branch subtitled BACCHIVS IVDAEVS or "The Jewish Bacchus", which has been
interpreted as depicting Yahweh as a local variety of Dionysus.[63] Similarly, Tacitus, John the Lydian,
Cornelius Labeo, and Marcus Terentius Varro all identify Yahweh with the Greek god Dionysus.[65] Jews
themselves frequently used symbols that were also associated with Dionysus such as kylixes, amphorae,
leaves of ivy, and clusters of grapes, a similarity Plutarch used to argue that Jews worshipped a
hypostasized form of Bacchus-Dionysus.[66] In his Quaestiones Convivales, Plutarch further notes that the
Jews hail their god with cries of "Euoi" and "Sabi", phrases associated with the worship of
Dionysus.[67][68][69] According to Sean M. McDonough, Greek speakers may have confused Aramaic words Silver denarius depicting the
such as Sabbath, Alleluia, or even possibly some variant of the name Yahweh itself for more familiar terms submission of Bacchius Iudæus,
associated with Dionysus.[70] possibly the Roman interpretation of
Yahweh.[63]

See also
Ancient Semitic religion Jah, a short form of the name Sacred Name Movement
Enlil, chief deity of the Sumerian pantheon Jehovah Tutelary deity
Historicity of the Bible Names of God in Judaism
History of ancient Israel and Judah Qos, national god of Edom

Notes
a. /ˈjɑːhweɪ/, or often /ˈjɑːweɪ/ in English; ‬𐤄𐤅𐤄𐤉 in Paleo-Hebrew; reconstructed in Modern Hebrew: ‎‫ַיְה ֶו ה‬‎[jahˈwe]
b. For the varying texts of this verse see Smith 2010, pp. 139–140 & chapter 4

References

Citations
1. Miller & Hayes 1986, p. 110. 25. Van der Toorn 1999, pp. 912–13. 48. Berquist 2007, p. 3–4.
2. Miller 2000, p. 1. 26. Van der Toorn 1995, pp. 247–248. 49. Petersen 1998, p. 23.
3. Smith 2001, pp. 146. 27. Van der Toorn 1995, pp. 248. 50. Albertz 1994, p. 89.
4. Hackett 2001, pp. 158–59. 28. Cook 2004, p. 6-7. 51. Gorman 2000, p. 458.
5. Smith 2002, p. 7. 29. Smith 2002, p. 7,32. 52. Davies & Rogerson 2005, pp. 151–52.
6. Smith 2002, p. 8,33–34. 30. Hess 2007, p. 103. 53. Gnuse 1997, p. 118.
7. Smith 2002, p. 8, 135. 31. Smith 2002, p. 32. 54. Davies & Rogerson 2005, pp. 158–65.
8. Betz 2000, p. 917. 32. Smith 2002, p. 7-8. 55. Cohen 1999, p. 302.
9. Leech 2002, p. 59–60. 33. Smith 2002, p. 9. 56. Dever 2003a, p. 388.
10. Leech 2002, p. 60. 34. Schniedewind 2013, p. 93. 57. Bennett 2002, p. 83.
11. Betz 1996, p. . 35. Hackett 2001, p. 156. 58. Mettinger 2006, pp. 288–90.
12. Smith & Cohen 1996b, pp. 242–256. 36. Davies 2010, p. 112. 59. MacDonald 2007, pp. 21, 26–27.
13. Hackett 2001, p. 158–160. 37. Levin 2013, p. 247. 60. Albertz 1994, p. 61.
14. Kaiser 2017, p. unpaginated. 38. Miller 2000, p. 90. 61. Eakin 1971, pp. 70 and 263.
15. Hoffman 2004, p. 236. 39. Levin 2013, p. 248. 62. McKenzie 1990, p. 1287.
16. Parke-Taylor 1975, p. 51. 40. Romer 2015, p. 2. 63. Scott 2015, pp. 169–172.
17. Miller 2000, p. 2. 41. Sperling 2017, p. 254. 64. Arnold 1996, p. .
18. Day 2002, p. 13–14. 42. Grabbe 2010, p. 2. 65. McDonough 1999, p. 88.
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