City Fondation Myths
City Fondation Myths
City Fondation Myths
Do myths recounting the origins of ancient cities function solely for their own
societies, or were they equally/exclusively written with rival or neighbouring cities
in mind? Compare and contrast the origin myths of at least three different cities in
the ancient Greco-Roman world.
Origin myths lies within the wide realm of classical mythology exploring the
relationship between mortals and divinity. As a result, they are often ubiquitous in a
range of sources, from epic poetries, historical prose, to decorative art and
mythology, and often with co-existence various versions of narration on the same
city attracts mass attention from various study fields. As origin myths interact and
and specification, largely from its contribution to humanity studies, to small areas
such as the relationship between the myth and its audience, reflects significant
influence to the world which it revolves in. This essay takes interest in the three
with all three approaches in examining foundation myths of their function within the
communities that they circulate in. 2 Through the lens of various sources composed
1
Sweeney, Naoíse Mac, ed, Foundation Myths in Ancient Societies: Dialogues and Discourses, (Philadelphia:
University of Pennsylvania Press, 2015), 1-19, https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt9qh48v / jstor
In her book Foundation Myths in Ancient Societies: Dialogues and Discourses, Sweeney introduces three
2
approaches to foundation myth: 1. Positivist: foundation myths carry a collective of views on city
foundations from various perspectives, which can be interpreted as different episodes in history. They can
be stitched together to form an overarching historical narration 2. Constructivist: Individual myths as
representative of different political or strategic positions 3. Dialogues and discourse: The ongoing process
by ancient historians and poet on foundation of ancient Athens, Thebes and Rome,
the essay argues that the origin myths orient and revolves around its external
community rather than its own. Such was supported by interpretation of primary
political propaganda. Additionally, the argument takes a twist in the definition of the
community to the city foundation and the community to the city’s territory,
reconsider the nature of city foundation and what the myths tells about ancient
colonialism. 3
acknowledgement to other tribes. While this ideal is often expressed through purely
praising the originality of the founding community of the city, the sense of inferiority
Autochthony myths of Athens and Thebes in this case, is found significant in proving
such point, with their cynical view on aetiology, in a sense highlights their rejection
to external communal influence. 4 Both Athenians and Thebans are claimed to birth
of mythopoesis and the continual dialogue between stories, storytellers, and their audiences.
Sweeney, Foundation Myths in Ancient Societies: Dialogues and Discourses, 1-19,
3
The phrase ancient colonialism here refers to invasion from a foreign community to the native land. It is
not a professionally recognized concept but rather a depiction of what is understood from my studies.
Sweeney, Foundation Myths in Ancient Societies: Dialogues and Discourses, 1-19.
4
from the soil of Attica or Boeotia (Thucydides, History of the Peloponnesian War
1.2.1), which intends to show the purity and uniqueness of their relationship with
the land. 5 In Athens’s case, this can be understood as implicitly avoiding any
the prestigiousness and privilege in their foundation. 6 The myth encourages its
Erechtheus raised by Athena, which enhance their superiority among other mortal
communities. 7 This also sets a close relationship with the land and the Athenian
community. 8 Solidity in this case means a place that holds the lives of its community
5
Berman, Daniel W, "The Double Foundation of Boiotian Thebes," Transactions of the American
Philological Association (1974-) 134, no. 1 (2004): 1-22, doi: 10.2307/25010831/
https://www.jstor.org/stable/20054096 / jstor; Kallet-Marx, Robert Morstein, "Athens, Thebes, and the
Foundation of the Second Athenian League." Classical Antiquity 4, no. 2 (1985): 127-51, doi:
10.2307/25010831 /www.jstor.org/stable/25010831. / jstor and Detienne, Marcel, and Elizabeth Jones, "The
Art of Founding Autochthony: Thebes, Athens, and Old-Stock French." Arion: A Journal of Humanities and
the Classics 9, no. 1 (2001): 46-55, https://www.jstor.org/stable/20163827 / jstor
6
Erich Gruen, "Did Ancient Identity Depend On Ethnicity? A Preliminary Probe." Phoenix 67, no. 1/2 (2013):
1-22, doi:10.7834/phoenix.67.1-2.0001. / https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.7834/phoenix.67.1-2.0001 / jstor
Sweeney, Foundation Myths in Ancient Societies: Dialogues and Discourses, 1-19.
7
8
Haarmann, Harald, "Myth-making as Social and Political Agency: Myths as Vehicles for Group Solidarity
and Ethnic Self-identification," In Myth as Source of Knowledge in Early Western Thought: The Quest for
Historiography, Science and Philosophy in Greek Antiquity, 87-108, (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag,
2015), doi:10.2307/https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctvc2rmjp.8 / jstor.
9
Haarmann, "Myth-making as Social and Political Agency: Myths as Vehicles for Group Solidarity and
Ethnic Self-identification", 87-108; Detienne, Marcel, and Elizabeth Jones, "The Art of Founding
Autochthony: Thebes, Athens, and Old-Stock French”, Arion: A Journal of Humanities and the Classics 9, no.
1 (2001): 46-55, https://www.jstor.org/stable/20163827 / jstor
of the Acropolis, buries the fallen soldiers from the Peloponnesian War. 10 This
enhances the originality and close relationship with the divine earth of Athenians,
born from and inhabit in the same pure land after death. Furthermore, the city’s
autochthonous narration illuminates the central position Athens holds in later Greek
relationship with the land, Thebes’s origin myth (Ovid, Metamorphoses 3.511-733) in
12
This can be found evident in a number of conflicts and wars between Thebes and
Athens such as the Peloponnesian War. 13 Noting that there is a shifting relationship
between the two city states during the war which makes is hard to define their
supreme position against each other. 14 Thebes changes its position of being the ally
10
Detienne and Elizabeth, "The Art of Founding Autochthony: Thebes, Athens, and Old-Stock French”, 46-
55.
11
Haarmann, "Myth-making as Social and Political Agency: Myths as Vehicles for Group Solidarity and
Ethnic Self-identification", 87-108; Detienne and Elizabeth, "The Art of Founding Autochthony: Thebes,
Athens, and Old-Stock French”, 46-55.
The foundation story of Thebes references (Ovid, Metamorphoses, 3.511-733). It is acknowledged that
12
this is a relatively late recount, as well as a Roman interpretation. However, the story depicts relatively fully
and comprehensively. It stresses the fierce and power inherited from the chthons. The Spatois grown from
the Ismenian serpent’s teeth killed by Cadmus indicates Theban’s relationship with underworld, one of the
primordial divinities. The Roman interpretation also leans towards a competitive approach which is
convenient in emphasizing Thebe’s autochthony supremacy with their strength in war.
Detienne and Elizabeth, "The Art of Founding Autochthony: Thebes, Athens, and Old-Stock French”, 46-55;
Bremme, "Myth as Propaganda: Athens and Sparta.", 9-17.
13
Bremme, "Myth as Propaganda: Athens and Sparta.", 9-17.
14
Haarmann, "Myth-making as Social and Political Agency: Myths as Vehicles for Group Solidarity and
Ethnic Self-identification", 87-108; Detienne and Elizabeth, "The Art of Founding Autochthony: Thebes,
Athens, and Old-Stock French”, 46-55; Bremme, "Myth as Propaganda: Athens and Sparta.", 9-17.
of Athens or Sparta. 15 This flexible and dynamic relationship, however can be argued
as demonstrating autochthonous myths considers equality with other city states with
similar origins. 16 The dominant roles of Titan and Olympian gods take in Athens and
Thebes’s aetiology to some extent, projects what is beyond the realm of foundation
myths. 17 In reverse, autochthonic city myths could be addressing their rival or ally
gods in records like Hesiod’s Theogony (Hesiod, Theogony 1-24). The link between
the development of society and culture in the ancient world as well as the
methodology is often recognized with its strong and absolute expression or with
15
The relationship between Athens, and Thebes is concluded from description in a number of secondary
sources with assistant of some online researches.
Haarmann, "Myth-making as Social and Political Agency: Myths as Vehicles for Group Solidarity and Ethnic
Self-identification", 87-108; Detienne and Elizabeth, "The Art of Founding Autochthony: Thebes, Athens,
and Old-Stock French”, 46-55; Bremme, "Myth as Propaganda: Athens and Sparta.", 9-17.
16
Pelling, "Bringing Autochthony Up-to-Date: Herodotus and Thucydides", 471-483.
17
Properzio, Paul, "Telling Stories: The Myth Tradition From Homer To Gilgamesh To Vergil." The Classical
Outlook 88, no. 3 (2011): 79-81, https://www.jstor.org/stable/43940075/jstor
18
Murray, Oswyn, "History and Reason in the Ancient City", (Papers of the British School at Rome 59, 1991):
1-13, www.jstor.org/stable/40310917. / jstor; Properzio;, "Telling Stories: The Myth Tradition From Homer
To Gilgamesh To Vergil", 79-81.
extensive details, applying these strategies to incept a collective identity within their
target community. 19 Athens in this case built close association with the Ionian
community and seek ethnic self- identification with one of the major Greek tribe. 20
One of the earliest evidences is Homer’s direct link of Athenians to Ionians in Iliad,
addressing the two as equivalent to each other (Homer, Iliad 13.685-689). This
and was later widely discussed among narratives during the 5th century. Solon’s
depiction of Athens as “the eldest land of Ionia” (Solon, Fragments 4a) stressing
Athens as the mother city of all the Ionians. Such relationship was further developed
recount of the royal relationship of Athens (Herodotus, The Persian Wars 8.44.2).
Athenians and Ionians in this recount exist in parallel, Athenians as decedents from
Erechtheus and Ionians is genially related to Xuthus (Herodotus, The Persian Wars
Wars 8.44.2), the two together forms leaders for war. Herodotus’s writing reveals the
popular ideology of identifying Athenian and Ionian communities as one among the
19
Bremme, "Myth as Propaganda: Athens and Sparta.", 9-17; Wilson, Walter T, "Urban Legends: Acts 10:1-
11:18 and the Strategies of Greco-Roman Foundation Narratives", (Journal of Biblical Literature 120, no.
1,2001): 77-99, doi:10.2307/3268594/ https://www.jstor.org/stable/3268594/ jstor
20
Bremme, "Myth as Propaganda: Athens and Sparta."
among the nobles during the Peloponnesian War. 21 As a Greek historian who
recounts folk storytelling, his texts further reflects the heavy influence of political
agenda among major population in ancient Greece. The Ionic column supporting the
form, unifying the identity between Athenian and Ionian at an urban scale. 22
identity as a known fact, Rome’s foundation myth extensively writes about its
neighbouring and rival communities, from Trojan to Sabine and Aboriginies. 24 This
can be considered colonial story telling done in a strategic way with an ambition to
incorporated vivid and detailed information in their myth, while disregarding the
some violence depicted, potentially convince new immigrants to the city ( Livy,
21
Cartledge, Paul, Sparta and Lakonia: A Regional History, 1300-362 BC (Sussex: Psychology Press, 2002),
108.
22
McGowan, Elizabeth P, "The Origins of the Athenian Ionic Capital", (esperia: The Journal of the American
School of Classical Studies at Athens 66, no. 2, 1997), 209-33. doi: 10.2307/148483 /
https://www.jstor.org/stable/148483 / jstor
23
Haarmann, "Myth-making as Social and Political Agency: Myths as Vehicles for Group Solidarity and
Ethnic Self-identification", 87-108.
24
Erich Gruen, "Did Ancient Identity Depend On Ethnicity? A Preliminary Probe.", 1-22.
25
Wilson, Walter T, "Urban Legends: Acts 10:1-11:18 and the Strategies of Greco-Roman Foundation
Narratives", 77-99.
History of Rome 1.19-13; Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Roman Antiquities 2.46.1-3).
successful later when the Roman expanded to Republic and Empire. 26 Rome’s
success was certainly well recognized and its foundation attracts a range of opinions
across ancient communities subjectively associating their culture with the foundation
of Rome. The collective iterations of myths across 8th century BCE to 1st century CE
declaration. 28 Positively, the distant memories from various myths reveals human as
26
Mike Duncan, “History of Rome”, transcribed by Mike Duncan, 2015.
Sweeney, Foundation Myths in Ancient Societies: Dialogues and Discourses, 1-19.
27
28
Erich Gruen, "Did Ancient Identity Depend On Ethnicity? A Preliminary Probe.", 1-22; Sweeney,
Foundation Myths in Ancient Societies: Dialogues and Discourses, 1-19; Bremme, "Myth as Propaganda:
Athens and Sparta."; Wilson, Walter T, "Urban Legends: Acts 10:1-11:18 and the Strategies of Greco-Roman
Foundation Narratives", 77-99; Patterson, Lee E, "Kinship Myth In The Literary Sources: Conquests and
Territorial Possession", In Kinship Myth in Ancient Greece, 69-82, (University of Texas Press,2010),
https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.7560/722750.9 / jstor
Sweeney, Foundation Myths in Ancient Societies: Dialogues and Discourses, 1-19.
29
Fig.1. Erechtheion on Acropolis
aetiology. 30 This paragraph links colonial ideals with original ethnicity of the
foundation community, argues that origin myths explicitly tell stories of rival
Rome all involve invasion from a foreign individuals or community to the cities’
native land. These communities all became what is known as the rulers of the land.
first ruled the Attica region (Apollodorus, The Library 3.14.1-2), while this is
considered native, the development of the story takes its turn to a foreign
his hometown in the island of Sphairia finally arrived at the land of Athens after
completing his quest defeating the Minotaur which made him the founding hero of
Theseus and his collective descents are not native to the land of Athens. Referencing
30
Erich Gruen, "Did Ancient Identity Depend On Ethnicity? A Preliminary Probe.", 1-22.
31
Pelling, "Bringing Autochthony Up-to-Date: Herodotus and Thucydides", 471-83.
to Herodotus discussion on ethnicity in the History, the collective and their rituals
and traditions define their origins and belonging (Herodotus, The Persian Wars
8.144.2–3). 32 This further support Theseus and his descendent community inherit
ethnicity of his home island of Sphairia. Therefore, the founding legend that evolves
categorized as colonial storytelling, of stronger external forces taking over the rules
of Athens. 33 Noting that the myth evolves from autochthony towards hero
foundation in which the later version is more popular among story telling. 34 This
aetiology where Cadmus, the Greek hero, foreign to the land of Boeotia defeated the
Ismenian dragon and planted the first Thebans on their native land (Ovid,
32
This shows the emergence of the ethnicity concept.
33
Wilson, Walter T, "Urban Legends: Acts 10:1-11:18 and the Strategies of Greco-Roman Foundation
Narratives", 77-99.
Sweeney, Foundation Myths in Ancient Societies: Dialogues and Discourses, 1-19.
34
Sweeney, Foundation Myths in Ancient Societies: Dialogues and Discourses, 1-19; Wilson, Walter T,
35
"Urban Legends: Acts 10:1-11:18 and the Strategies of Greco-Roman Foundation Narratives", 77-99;
Bremme, "Myth as Propaganda: Athens and Sparta", 9-17.
central core of mingling of people from various tribes. 36 Livy’s classical focus on
Romulus and Remus’s foundation, which suggests the central tribe’s ethnicity being
Trojan (Livy, History of Rome 1.1.9, 1.2.4-5) While Dionysius argues from a Greek
perspective the powerful Rome with origins from the Greeks (Dionysius of
Halicarnassus, Roman Antiquities 1.9-13,1.31 and 1.89). The analytical approach from
narration on the same myth. 37 Such can also be found in earlier example of Ovid’s
using mythology to seek a sense of belongings and strive for their own benefits
among tribes. 38
In conclusion, as the narration for social and civic ideology in mythology, origin
immigrant foundation, highlighting the core ideas among foundation myths. From
36
Erich Gruen, "Did Ancient Identity Depend On Ethnicity? A Preliminary Probe.", 1-22.
Sweeney, Foundation Myths in Ancient Societies: Dialogues and Discourses, 1-19.
37
38
Erich Gruen, "Did Ancient Identity Depend On Ethnicity? A Preliminary Probe.", 1-22; Patterson, Lee E,
"Kinship Myth In The Literary Sources: Conquests and Territorial Possession", 69-82.
tribes, to using political propaganda as assistance for territorial expansion, which
then raises discussions on ethnicity and identity of communities within the upheaval
insights into ancient storytelling. As the dominant resource used in ancient studies,
aetiology in this case provides people with a sustenance for their social ideas and
holds the society’s occasional anxiety. On the reverse, the conflicts and shifts in
between divinity reflects ancient individuals’ search for self-identity and a sense of
belongings within the world that is constantly in conflict for glory defined by
40
Haarmann, "Myth-making as Social and Political Agency: Myths as Vehicles for Group Solidarity and
Ethnic Self-identification", 87-108.
Bibliography
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/www.jstor.org/stable/25010831. / jstor
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https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt9qh48v / jstor
Wilson, Walter T. "Urban Legends: Acts 10:1-11:18 and the Strategies of Greco-
Roman Foundation Narratives." Journal of Biblical Literature 120, no. 1 (2001): 77-99.
Accessed July 22, 2020. doi:10.2307/3268594/
https://www.jstor.org/stable/3268594/ jstor
List of Figures
Fig.1. Unknown. Erechtheion on Acropolis. Unknown.
https://www.britannica.com/topic/Erechtheum