Modern Infrastructure and Historic Urban Landscape: Re-Evaluating Local Conservation Practices in Light of Hanoi's Metro Project
Modern Infrastructure and Historic Urban Landscape: Re-Evaluating Local Conservation Practices in Light of Hanoi's Metro Project
Modern Infrastructure and Historic Urban Landscape: Re-Evaluating Local Conservation Practices in Light of Hanoi's Metro Project
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Introduction
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Huê-Tâm Webb Jamme, Floriane Ortega
impactful external influences are the 1000-year-long struggle against Chinese influence, the
French colonial presence in Indochina (1887–1954), the Soviet influence after the Declaration
of Independence in 1945, and the global influence since the transition from a state-driven to a
market-driven economy in the early 1990s. The resulting cultural landscape mixes styles driven
by the Sino-Vietnamese tradition, but imprinted with French and Soviet features and, more
recently, influences of the global economy (Logan 1995, 1996, 2000; Papin, 2001; Pedelahore
2001, 2010; Sidel 1998; Van Horen 2005).
The city’s approach to heritage conservation is rather traditional in the sense that it centers
on architectural and physical characteristics of monuments and isolated buildings. Conservation
activities remain concerned with identifying, listing and protecting individual buildings and
artifacts in the Old Sector, i.e. the official preservation area which includes the ancient impe-
rial citadel of Thang Long, the 15th-century market town—often referred to as the Ancient
Quarter—and the French colonial quarter (Musil 2016) (see Figure 4.2.1). Drafted and imple-
mented by the communist state with very little public participation, historic conservation poli-
cies serve the “image-making, nation-building” process (Logan 2014). Historical and cultural
heritage still assumes a significant role in shaping the revolutionary narrative of the nation’s
collective memory (Tai 2001).
Hanoi has also embarked on the path of Asian “worlding cities,” modeling itself after suc-
cessful rising dragons like Singapore, Shanghai and Hong Kong (Ong 2011; Roy and Ong,
2011). To a certain extent, the monumental approach to heritage conservation supports the
“art of being global.” For example, Thang Long imperial citadel made the UNESCO’s World
Heritage List in 2010, an event that leaders celebrated as an achievement towards international
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The system itself represents a conservation challenge, especially because of the disruptive
visual impact on the places where elevated sections develop. More generally, this 21st-century
mega-project of transportation infrastructure will alter not only the visual but also the social
experience of the multilayered heritage of the historic city. Therefore the questions are: What
are the impacts of Hanoi’s metro project on the efforts for balancing heritage conservation and
modern development? Who are the actors who have been shaping recent understanding of
Hanoi’s historic urban landscape, in the context of metro development?
Methods
Study area
Figure 4.2.1 shows our study area. We conducted two case studies, focusing respectively on
Hoan Kiem Lake and Long Bien Bridge, two significant landmarks of Hanoi’s urban core that
the metro project has directly affected. Hoan Kiem Lake falls within the boundaries of Hanoi’s
Old Sector. The Long Bien Bridge spans the Red River, which constitutes the northern border
of the Old Sector.
We focus on metro lines 1 and 2 and their impacts on Hoan Kiem Lake and Long Bien
Bridge. The government is currently developing both lines with technical and financial support
from Japanese official development aid.
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Huê-Tâm Webb Jamme, Floriane Ortega
Research methods
We reviewed the existing planning documents for the project, with special attention given to
the vicinity of the two sites. We assessed the heritage policy framework relevant for these cases
and checked whether the metro project triggered heritage policy safeguards. More importantly,
we sought to discern the public opinion through a review of press articles and other material
available in the Vietnamese media—video clips of television news, one radio podcast and one
filmed conference, both in English and in Vietnamese.
Hoan Kiem Lake is Ha Noi’s heart, the place to which people, young and old, flock to
celebrate the Tet (New Year) festivities or just to enjoy strolling with friends and family
on a balmy evening . . . The protection of the lake, its two islands . . . and their temples,
the banks and their trees and gardens, and the ring of notable buildings lining the encir-
cling boulevard, has become one of the most important heritage conservation objectives
in Hanoi.
(Logan 2000)
Hoan Kiem Lake cannot be dissociated from the adjacent Ancient Quarter (see Figure 4.2.1);
it is the gateway of this historical area also referred to as the Area of the Thirty-Six Commercial
Streets. In the 15th century, villagers progressively settled near the imperial citadel that they
used to serve. They created thirty-six streets specialized by guilds, which progressively became
a permanent market town. Today, although their function has changed, specialization has
remained and the streets still bear the names of the thirty-six types of goods that were originally
sold7 (Gillespie and Logan 1995; Sauvegrain 2001).
The Ancient Quarter is still the bustling activity center of Hanoi, the most densely popu-
lated district, and it encompasses a wide range of uses. Several major public and administrative
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Infrastructure and historic urban landscape
Figure 4.2.2 Hoan Kiem Lake’s sacred landscape (photo credit: H.-T. Webb Jamme)
buildings are located in the area, most of them facing Hoan Kiem Lake. The commercial func-
Conservation framework
The Old Sector is the only area of Hanoi that falls under a regulatory framework for the
preservation of urban heritage. Hoan Kiem Lake appears in the delimited protected area
because of the widely accepted value of its scenic landscape. In the early 1990s, Hanoi failed
to obtain protection from UNESCO and the World Heritage Commission for the Ancient
Quarter. However, the city received substantial support from foreign experts and interna-
tional institutions9 to elaborate a heritage policy (Sauvegrain 2001).
In parallel to Western heritage practices, Hanoi’s heritage policy has evolved from a mere
listing of classified buildings and monuments in the 1980s to early 1990s10—original temples,
pagodas, communal houses, fortified walls and the imperial citadel—to an area-based policy
centered on the consistency and historic record of the Thirty-Six Commercial Streets and their
potential for tourism (Pedelahore 2001). Since the master plan issued in 1994, the area has
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extended to the French Quarter, and the end year of the colonial era (1954) has become the
reference year to define historic heritage. Building height restrictions were created as the key
architectural preservation strategy for the Ancient Quarter. The 2001 Law on Cultural Heritage
addressed intangible heritage, including “scenic landscapes” of aesthetic and historical value,11
Hoan Kiem Lake being the typical example. Finally, Hanoi’s 2030 master plan includes a spe-
cific regulation for architectural planning and management in the Old Sector. At the center of
this plan remain restrictions on building heights, floor-area ratios, building and population den-
sity, and form and materials for the façades (Hanoi’s People’s Committee 2013). The plan shows
a new concern for the bloc structure, street patterns and public space but without detailing the
mechanisms for achieving their preservation. It also includes provisions for limiting the impacts
of the metro project (see later).
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Over time, the general spirit of the preservation framework has evolved towards allowing
improvements of the living conditions for the population of the Old Sector, through improved
housing and infrastructure, while defining the national identity through architectural preserva-
tion. Nonetheless, Sauvegrain (2001) showed a tension between the governmental conception
of heritage preservation and inhabitants’ priorities. She found that people’s attachment to the
place was both spiritual and practical and that their primary concerns were to preserve their
lifestyles while improving their businesses, rather than preserving architectural artifacts for their
historical value, as envisioned by the state. This touches upon the question of preserving urban
spaces that are fully inhabited and densely populated.
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Huê-Tâm Webb Jamme, Floriane Ortega
concerned with traffic impacts. Before 2013, engineers and leaders of Hanoi’s planning and
transportation departments were leading the debate on C9 metro station’s location. They were
arguing about conditions for motorized and pedestrian traffic around the lake. On the other
hand, most architects and planners seemed to believe that the metro would not only solve traffic
issues but would also “create the right conditions for pedestrians”12 to “comfortably approach
the major cultural, historical, social and economic venues in the center of Hanoi.”13
Then local and national authorities began to pay more attention to the economic conse-
quences for tourism. When the station location was officially approved in 2013, the main argu-
ment of both the Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism and Hanoi’s People’s Committee was
that enhanced conditions for pedestrians would “attract more visitors”14 and therefore increase
the attractiveness of the sector for tourism (Huu Tuan 2013).
In 2016, when the central Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism raised the issue of the
design of the station’s entrances, the debate moved to less practical concerns about the intangible
heritage value of Hoan Kiem Lake as a sacred landscape. Different stakeholders expressed fears
of potential disruptions of the overall landscape (Hoang Ha 2016). Initially, leading architects
argued that, as long as the entrances remained “simple and modest,” the station’s design—
“mostly underground . . . with only the roof being visible above ground”15—would not cause
any major disruption of the landscape and would not encroach upon the lake view.16
Finally, following the latest protection plan for the Old Sector released in 2015, concerns
arose regarding the preservation of Hoan Kiem Lake as a historic urban landscape. As seen in
the plan or in press articles, these concerns confirmed governmental interests in preserving Hoan
Kiem’s townscape and culture value. They also revealed significant shifts towards promoting
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•• “The organization of urban railway lines must not affect relics, heritage, streets, Local
street blocks and morphological characteristics of the Old Sector” (Hanoi’s People’s authorities
Committee 2015)
•• The design of the C9 station “touches upon deep spiritual beliefs of the people”17 Experts
•• The station will “perturb the sacred spirits of Hanoi, so the spiritual consequences Experts
of the metro are hazardously unpredictable”18
•• “National heritage and protected monuments linked with the legend, history Public
and culture of the city, in a valuable space and aesthetic landscape . . . should opinion
be preserved to enhance public life” (Hoang Ha 2016)
•• “We do not want to simply protect our national heritage with a glass Public
cover . . . We still have to find ways to enhance the heritage value of Hoan Kiem opinion
Lake . . . but without exerting more pressure than what this sensitive area can
handle” (My 2016)
However, we find similar mechanisms that suggest a movement of the Vietnamese approach
to heritage towards a historic urban landscape approach. These mechanisms include in particular
the involvement of the public in the debates shaping the definition of the heritage value of the
site and the conception of the monument as having a pivotal function in the past and future
geography of the city. In both cases, the progressive change regarding the definition of heritage
resulted from debates triggered by the metro project.
We also see a significant difference. Various stakeholders have seized the opportunity of this
debate to finally shape and express their cognitive representation of the monument and there-
fore address the politically sensitive question of the role of the colonial period in the collective
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memory. This is a major difference with the debate around Hoan Kiem Lake, whose heritage
value is generally agreed upon by authorities and inhabitants.
Conservation framework
The Long Bien Bridge does not belong to the list of monuments classified as national heritage,
neither is it a prospective candidate, although Hanoi’s regulation for the preservation of the Old
Sector asserts the cultural and heritage value of all construction built before 195422 (Hanoi’s
People’s Committee 2013; Ngo Duc Thinh 2014).
The explanation lies in the ambiguous relationship of the government towards Hanoi’s colo-
nial heritage since independence. As part of a legitimation enterprise, the communist party has
been concerned with promoting a version of history in line with the revolutionary narrative of
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Figure 4.2.4 Long Bien Bridge’s original spans (photo credit: H.-T. Webb Jamme)
Figure 4.2.5 Long Bien Bridge’s rebuilt section (photo credit: H.-T. Webb Jamme)
the nation’s development, a version of history in which landmarks of the colonial period do not
belong (Tai, 2001). After independence, the colonial architecture was simply disregarded for
not being part of the revolutionary movement. Only the traditional Sino-Vietnamese buildings
and sites were defined as official heritage, whereas colonial heritage was considered ideologically
dangerous (Logan, 1995, 2000; Pedelahore, 2001).
A shift in attitudes happened rather quickly in the mid-1990s as an illustration of the com-
modification of heritage. The tourism industry played a key role in repackaging the colonial
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heritage of Hanoi (Kennedy and Williams 2001; Pedelahore 2001; Tai 2001). It highlighted
the economic benefits of marketing “a nation of colonial pleasures” to attract international
tourists (Kennedy and Williams 2001). This evolution led to a political re-appropriation of the
colonial heritage.
The government has been very selective when it comes to addressing this political sensitiv-
ity. This commodification, and therefore preservation, of some of Hanoi’s politically sensitive
colonial heritage thus did not translate into preservation efforts for the Long Bien Bridge. While
getting benefits from the transformation of large colonial residences into luxurious hotels and
government buildings, the government has not engaged in extensive renovation efforts on Long
Bien Bridge.
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The second debate, which did not occur in the case of Hoan Kiem Lake, unfolded the public’s
perceptions of the multilayered history of the site. Table 4.2.2 gives illustrations of the wide range
of opinions that followed the governmental decision to demolish the bridge. Most of the selected
arguments reported here emanated from leading architects and historians of Hanoi, through
interviews they gave in the media or through their interventions at the symposium on the future
of the Long Bien Bridge. The point here is not to discuss the historical veracity of these argu-
ments but to assess the extent to which the public showed its attachment to this landmark.
Finally, this vivid and multi-faceted attachment of the public to the bridge converged in
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Table 4.2.2 Public opinion on the heritage value of the Long Bien Bridge
•• “The long and short beams create a dragon shape that suits the history of Hanoi, which was first
named Thang Long (Rising Dragon) . . . King Ly Thai To . . . moved the capital there in 1010 after
he claimed he had seen a dragon flying over the Red River” (Trinh Nguyen 2014)
•• “We had 4,000 years of national culture, but it’s only when the French came . . . that there finally
was a bridge across the Red River for the first time”26
•• “Hanoians are proud of the bridge and it was designed by Gustave Eiffel, who designed the Eiffel
Tower”27,28
•• “Twenty years ago I heard some opinions that the Long Bien Bridge was a product of the French
colonial domination, so it should be demolished . . . In fact the bridge is also a witness of a lively
cultural exchange between the West and the East”29
•• “Remember the golden days of the Vietnamese industry, when it was the most modern bridge in the
southern hemisphere until the Sydney Harbour bridge opened in 1932; it was one of the longest
bridges in Asia”30
•• “The bridge played a key role in boosting trade and industry in the capital . . . A group of
construction workers on the bridge soon formed the famous Lo Ren street—blacksmiths street—in
the Ancient Quarter” (Trinh Nguyen 2014)
•• “Although it was built by the French, it contributed significantly to the socio-economic development of
•• “I remember back in 1954 . . . the transfer between the French army and the army of the Viet Minh
happened on the Long Bien Bridge”33
•• “It is a historical witness, as it saw the defeated French troops leaving Hanoi and it amazingly
withstood the U.S. bombardments”34
•• “The fact that it is still here after the many vicissitudes of History shows that the bridge is a significant
symbol of the resilience of Thang Long - Hanoi”35
•• “It is the only bridge that helped the North-Vietnam to move food and all sorts of goods during the
war . . . People gave their lives to protect this bridge . . . It’s a partly thanks to this bridge that they
won the war”36
•• “I asked thousands of couples, of many generations. They all had dates on Long Bien Bridge. A long
time ago, when there was no air conditioning, it was the only cool place for a date”37
•• “There are many poems and songs about the bridge”38
•• “When I came back in 1989, after thirty years being away, the first thing I did was I went to see
Long Bien Bridge . . . The bridge has entered the subconscious of all Hanoians . . . In the minds of
many generations, it is a bit like the symbol of the city . . . It is a bit like the Eiffel tower in Paris.
They see the shadow of the bridge and it triggers a [very strong] attachment to the bridge. For a
long time, they could not see it, or say it, because the bridge was built by the French. But now they
can see the symbol”39
Infrastructure and historic urban landscape
infrastructure” (Bandarin and Van Oers 2015). This progressive approach to heritage conserva-
tion had not been included in the local policy framework, and its implementation is even more
uncertain, but the critical debates over Hoan Kiem Lake and the Long Bien Bridge did cause
some ad hoc regulatory changes in Hanoi’s master plan.
Indeed, the prospect of a metro system in Hanoi has led, at least in the two cases detailed
here, to an unexpected examination of their cultural significance and uniqueness. In historic
cores faced with the risk of museification, such examination is particularly critical in the process
of revitalizing their functional role in the development of the cities (Heath et al. 2103). In the
case of Hanoi, the urban core has never ceased to be a vital functioning part of the city; the
question is whether it can remain so and still preserve its character. The fact that the original
fabric of the city—the last remaining traces of the ancient city on the urban palimpsest—is under
extreme development pressure makes discussions over the city’s image and identity and the
conditions of its physical and functional conservation even more critical.
In a country that has always had an ambiguous “relationship to exogenous influences [and]
to modernity—both notions being perceived as equivalents in Vietnam” (Pedelahore 2010),
we find it particularly interesting that the discussions on the historical and cultural significance
of the studied sites emanated from Hanoians. Despite the central role played by international
parties in the preparation of Hanoi’s metro project, they were not particularly influential in the
project-related debates on heritage. This strengthens the most recent paradigm of “new herit-
age studies” which “see heritage conservation not merely as a technical and managerial matter
but as cultural practice, a form of cultural politics” (Logan et al. 2016). The city is considered
“a living space, where the meaning of the built environment has to be understood in relation
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“infrastructure plays a ‘liberator’ role” (Bandarin and van Oers 2015). If the metro system fulfills
the precondition of providing an incentive for Hanoians to sustain their ancestral and variegated
uses of public space, it would constitute a great step in the progress towards conserving the most
delicate aspect of heritage, which has less to do with the physical and the material than with
Vietnamese identity and society.
Notes
1 In this chapter, we use Heath et al.’s (2013) distinction between preservation and conservation.
Heritage preservation is defined as “concerned with limiting change” whereas conservation “is about
the inevitability of change and the management of that change.”
2 “[In line with the] 2011 UNESCO Recommendation on the Historic Urban Landscape, [it] offers a
new possibility to reconnect the city management processes, while also valuing the historic city as a
resource for the future . . . Each layer [of the urban fabric] represents a moment in the history of the city,
an expression of its culture, of its economic strength, of the ways it adapts to the physical environment,
of its innovation capacities and its technological achievements” (Bandarin and Van Oers 2012).
3 This happened at a crucial and highly political moment, just before the celebration of Hanoi’s 1000th
anniversary; it was a clear expression of the politicization of Hanoi’s heritage (Logan 2014).
4 Construction works have already started for line 2 and line 3, with expected completion dates remain-
ing uncertain. Line 3—the pilot metro line—was originally planned to start operating by December
2016, but current indications are that the completion date is more likely to be 2020 for this line and
2022 for line 2 (personal correspondence with Shizuo Iwata in July 2016).
5 According to some versions of the legend, the holy turtle gave him the sword and claimed it back after
Le Loi defeated the Chinese. Other versions say that the turtle reclaimed a sword that was previously
given to him by a local dragon-shape god.
6 Previously called Luc Thuy (Green Waters). Nowadays, Hoan Kiem Lake is also referred to as Ho Guom
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1 7 Pham Sy Lien, Deputy Chairman of the Vietnam Association of Architects (cited in Kien Thuc 2013).
18 Ha Dinh Duc, Center for Environmental Technology and Sustainable Development (cited in Kien
Thuc 2013).
19 Le Viet Ha, architect (cited in My 2016).
20 Two stations are being planned on both sides of the Red River. These have not appeared to be as
polemical as Hoan Kiem Station.
21 Hanoi’s urban development has historically tended to turn its back to the river.Therefore, Gia Lam dis-
trict long remained the poorest and most agricultural part of Hanoi. Its location close to the city center
explains the fast development currently observed in Gia Lam, which is mostly residential in nature.
22 The regulation remains unclear whether this rule applies to houses only, or to buildings and monu-
ments alike.
23 Nguyen Nga, interview conducted on June 5, 2016.
24 Nguyen Nga started to work in 2007–2008 on a project to restore and transform the Long Bien
Bridge within the larger scope of “living museum” project that includes: on the bridge, a museum
in the original spans that would be covered with glass, and a promenade reserved for pedestrians,
bicycles and electric vehicles that would be part of a larger itinerary in the old sector; inside the
bridge, in the columns, some commercial kiosks where traditional craft villages would be represented;
underneath the bridge, a large park on the island. It is only in June 2015 that she was finally invited
by the government to make an official presentation of her project.
25 Held on February 25, 2014. Symposium available online. Retrieved from www.youtube.com/
watch?v=ukDSt7DGkgk.
26 Hoang Dao Kinh, PhD, speech at Hanoi’s University of Architecture, 2014.
27 Dao Ngoc Nghiem, leading architect in Hanoi and Vice-Chairman of Hanoi Urban Planning and
Development Association (cited in Trinh Nguyen 2014).
28 “Many people credit the design of the bridge to Gustave Eiffel. The company of Daydé et Pillé won
the tender and started work in 1898 . . . The Doumer Plan (1898–1902) generat[ed] numerous projects
for the Compagnie des Etablissements Eiffel. But Gustave Eiffel had resigned from the company in
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