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Stress, Coping Styles, and Opt

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Soc Psychol Educ (2010) 13:409–424

DOI 10.1007/s11218-010-9132-0

Stress, coping styles, and optimism: are they related


to meaning of education in students’ lives?

Michelle N. Krypel · Donna Henderson-King

Received: 14 August 2008 / Accepted: 22 April 2009 / Published online: 30 June 2010
© Springer Science+Business Media B.V. 2010

Abstract We explored the meanings that undergraduate students make of their


education and how these meanings relate to students’ perceived stress, styles of coping
with stress, and optimism. Participants completed a meaning of education question-
naire, the Perceived Stress Scale, the COPE (a measure of coping styles), and the Life
Orientation Test-Revised. As expected, optimists were less likely, and students who
used disengagement coping styles were more likely, to see education as a source of
stress or as an escape. Emotion-focused coping positively predicted several meanings
of education, including seeing the university experience as providing opportunities for
social connections, for learning and for self-development. These and other findings
are discussed in terms of student success in college.

Keywords Education · Stress · Coping style · Optimism · University

Students often complain about the stress they must endure in order to obtain a univer-
sity education. During these formative years, college students engage in challenging
academic work, explore career options and make decisions that can have a profound
impact on their futures. In this study, we explored whether the meanings that students
attribute to their education are related to the stress that is part of the contemporary
college experience. Specifically, we studied the relationships between meanings of
education and several variables related to stress: students’ perceived stress, coping
styles, and optimism.

M. N. Krypel (B)
Boynton Health Service Mental Health Clinic, University of Minnesota, 410 Church St. SE,
Minneapolis, MN 55455, USA
e-mail: mkrypel@bhs.umn.edu

D. Henderson-King
Grand Valley State University, Allendale, MI, USA

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410 M. N. Krypel, D. Henderson-King

While educators may have their own views about what education ought to mean
to students, students themselves see university education in a myriad of ways. Very
little research has focused on the meaning of education among students, and most
of the previous research in this area has examined how specific student populations
view their education. For example, compared to their counterparts whose families
have some history of college experience, first generation college students are more
likely to view their education as a way of gaining respect or status, a way to bring
honor to their families, and as an opportunity to assist their families financially after
they earn their degrees (Bui 2002). Weiner (1999) found that students with psychiatric
disabilities view their education as a way to normalize their lives. For these students,
the pursuit of a university education provides structure and daily routine, as well as a
sense of hope for the future (Weiner 1999). However, little is known about the broader
question of how a general college student population views their education.

1 Predicting students’ meanings of education

In one of the few studies to focus on a more general student population, Henderson-
King and Smith (2006) explored the diverse meanings that education holds in the lives
of contemporary undergraduate students. Based on a factor analysis of 86 question-
naire items, ten different meanings of education emerged. They included education
as (1) career preparation, which includes seeing education as learning career-related
skills as well as a way to enhance future earnings and chances of promotion; (2) an
opportunity to mature and demonstrate one’s independence; (3) a way to think about
the direction their lives might take and to plan their futures; (4) learning to think and
being exposed to new ideas and cultural diversity; (5) an opportunity to know and
understand themselves better, discover their passions, and grow as individuals; (6)
the natural next step to take after completing high school; (7) a way to enhance their
social life, develop friendships and become involved in extracurricular activities; (8)
a chance to learn skills that will enable them to make a difference in the world; (9) a
source of stress; and, (10) an escape, either from the responsibilities of adulthood or
from a tense home situation.
These meanings were found to be related to psychological characteristics such as
academic motivation and values (Henderson-King and Smith 2006). In the case of
academic motivation, engaging in intellectual activity purely for the enjoyment of it
positively predicted most of these meanings; however, it did not predict seeing edu-
cation as taking the next step after high school, as a source of stress, or as an escape.
Holding the values of intellectualism and academic achievement positively predicted
seeing education as the opportunity for learning. The same held true for the meanings
of education as the opportunity for enhanced self-awareness and self-development and
for learning skills to enable one to create change in the world.
In the current study, we examined possible links between stress in the lives of stu-
dents and the meaning which they attributed to their education. The goal of our research
was to add depth to increasing interest regarding the role of stress in students’ lives.
We, of course, expected that students who experience a high level of stress in their lives
would be more likely to see education as a source of stress. However we decided to

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Meanings of education 411

explore more thoroughly the less obvious relationship between stress and the various
other meanings that students commonly ascribe to their education. We also examined
whether coping strategies and optimism were related to meanings of education, given
that individuals differ not only in their perceptions of stress, but also in their responses
to stressors.

2 Perceived stress

The transactional model of the cognitive response to stress emphasizes that the impact
of stressful events is determined more by a person’s perceptions of the stress than by
objectively measured stress in the situation (Lazarus 1966). Thus, perceived stress has
been thoroughly explored in the literature in terms of its psychological impacts on
performance. For example, Chang et al. (2000) found that stress is associated with
an increased risk of job burnout, as well as with greater expressions of emotional
exhaustion and job cynicism.
Analysis of perceived stress among college students is particularly relevant to the
current study. Research has found that perceived stress tends to increase over the course
of the academic year among college freshman (Wintre and Yaffe 2000) and can have
profound effects on students’ physical and emotional health. Chang (1998) found that
perceived stress partially accounts for variations in depressive symptoms and life sat-
isfaction scores in college students. Higher levels of perceived stress have also been
correlated with increased feelings of anger and decreased likelihood of controlling
their anger in college students (Winterowd et al. 2005). Increased perceived stress has
also been shown to be positively correlated with symptoms of physical illness among
first-semester college students (Miczo et al. 2006).
Thus, based on what we know about variations in perceived stress, different stu-
dents could interpret the same potentially stressful aspects of education in unique
ways, which may also account for divergence in how they each view their education.
From this perspective, students with high levels of perceived stress may be less likely
to see their undergraduate years as an opportunity for positive goal attainment, and
more likely to see it in negative terms. As a result, students who have higher levels
of perceived stress may be less likely to focus on positive aspects of education such
as learning and self-growth because they may be more concerned with the stress that
education entails than with its benefits. Instead, they may be more likely to see educa-
tion, like other life domains, as contributors to their stress. Indeed, Gan et al. (2007)
recently found that higher stress is related to lower student engagement. Thus, we pre-
dicted that higher levels of perceived stress would negatively relate to characteristics
such as seeing education as a chance for learning and self-development, and positively
relate to other characteristics such as seeing education as a source of stress.

3 Coping styles

There is a well-established relationship between perceived stress and coping. Higher


levels of perceived stress have been found to increase coping efforts (Shields 2001),
and people vary not only in their perceptions of potential stressors, but also in the

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412 M. N. Krypel, D. Henderson-King

coping strategies that they are likely to use when dealing with stress. Folkman and
Lazarus (1986) identified problem-focused and emotion-focused coping as two gen-
eral responses to stress. Problem-focused coping is a proactive style that aims to deal
directly with the source of stress. For example, people who use this approach may
attempt to minimize distractions that prevent them from focusing on the stressor,
or generate a specific solution to deal with the problem. Emotion-focused coping
involves a more affective approach to dealing with stressors. People who utilize this
approach may seek emotional support from friends or find relief in venting their
feelings. However, Carver et al. (1989) argue that coping styles cannot be reduced to
merely two categories, and they emphasize the importance of another coping style: dis-
engagement. Rather than actively engaging in attempts to deal with a stressor, people
may, for example, deny that they are experiencing stress or try to distract themselves
from it.
The use of specific coping strategies may vary over the course of a stressful experi-
ence. Folkman and Lazarus (1985) found that during a college examination, both prob-
lem-focused and emotion-focused coping were used at different stages of the exam.
The controllability of the situation also plays a role in choice of coping strategy. Indi-
viduals with low perceptions of control are more likely to engage in emotion-focused
coping (Endler et al. 2000). In addition, Carver et al. (1989) found that undergradu-
ates who believed it was possible to change the stressful situation were more likely to
engage in problem-focused coping strategies such as active coping and planning.
The coping strategies utilized by college students have been studied extensively. For
example, utilizing parental support is associated with reductions in perceived stress
among college students (Miczo et al. 2006). Further, nontraditional college students
more often use problem-focused coping strategies than do traditional college students
(Morris et al. 2003). In a study of first-year law students, those with greater positive
affect were more likely to use problem-focused coping strategies and less likely to use
emotion-focused strategies such as instrumental social support to cope. Those who
used emotion-focused coping were more likely to experience thoughts of dropping
out of school, and those who used venting were more likely to experience negative
attitudes toward school (Pritchard and McIntosh 2003). In another study, students who
used problem-focused coping methods were more likely to persist in school than those
who did not (Shields 2001). These findings suggest that students who use less adap-
tive coping styles, such as venting, may have more negative attitudes toward education
than those who do not. In the current study, we were particularly interested in the rela-
tionships between individual students’ coping styles and the meaning they make of
their education.
There is evidence that students who habitually cope by using approach strategies,
which are similar to problem-focused coping strategies, are motivated by academic
interest, effort, personal responsibility, and feelings of efficacy in organizational and
critical thinking skills, as well as a willingness to be assertive (Appelhans and Schmeck
2002). Thus, student motivation with regard to academic work is related to coping
styles, which suggests that to the extent that motivation is linked to meaning, specific
meanings of education may be related to coping styles as well.
In the current study, we were particularly interested in the relationships between
individual students’ coping styles and the meaning they make of their education.

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Meanings of education 413

For example, might students who typically engage in problem-focused coping have an
orientation to life in general, and their education in particular, that has problem solving
and activism at its center?
Disengagement coping involves both behavioral and mental disengagement, as
well as denial of one’s problems. Students who see adult responsibilities primarily as
a burden looming in their future may attempt to find ways to mentally and behavior-
ally disengage from life’s responsibilities. Such students, as they envision a future of
increasing and weightier responsibilities, may experience their undergraduate years
as a respite from what awaits them. Thus, we expected that students who use disen-
gagement coping would be more likely to see education as an escape.
Problem-focused coping involves positive reinterpretation of stressful events.
Therefore students who use this style of coping may view education in terms of its’
positive potential, such as providing a chance to change the world. Moreover, because
problem-focused coping includes active coping, planning, suppression of competing
activities, and positive reinterpretation and growth, students who rely on a problem-
focused coping style may be more likely to see education in terms of the opportunity
to learn and develop as a person. Furthermore, people who use the direct tactics of
problem-focused coping may be generally more goal-oriented, and may therefore be
more likely to think of education in terms of their future career. Thus, we predicted
that problem-focused coping would be related to seeing education as enhancing self-
development, learning, making a difference in the world, and improving future career
prospects.
Emotion-focused coping involves seeking social support for instrumental and emo-
tional reasons, as well as the venting of emotions. Due to this emphasis on social
support, students who utilize emotion-focused coping styles may be more likely to see
education in terms of its capacity to provide such support and develop social networks.
Thus, we predicted that emotion-focused coping would be related to seeing education
as an opportunity to make social connections.

4 Optimism

Optimism is characterized by positive expectations of the future and has been linked to
the process of coping with stress (Scheier et al. 2001). Carver and Scheier (2003) sug-
gest that a person’s level of optimism has a profound impact on their expectancies and
therefore can serve as a useful predictor of behavior. Optimistic students, for exam-
ple, should be expected to assume that they are capable of handling the challenges of
higher education, whereas pessimistic students should be less likely to do so. Chang
(1998) found that optimism serves as a moderator between stress and psychological
well-being and also has a direct impact on psychological adjustment. Furthermore,
optimists and pessimists differ in secondary appraisal of stressful situations, and indi-
viduals who are more optimistic report low levels of perceived stress (Chang et al.
2000; Baldwin et al. 2003; Robinson-Whelen et al. 1997). Due to these lower levels
of perceived stress, optimists may be less likely to experience emotional exhaus-
tion and physical symptoms related to burnout (Chang et al. 2000). Optimism also
plays a role in the selection of coping strategies. Optimists are more likely to report

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414 M. N. Krypel, D. Henderson-King

using problem-focused coping, emotion-focused coping responses such as positive


reinterpretation and seeking emotional support, and disengagement coping strategies
such as acceptance and resignation (Scheier et al. 1986). They are less likely to use dis-
engagement strategies such as denial and distancing (Hatchett and Park 2004; Brissette
et al. 2002; Carver et al. 1989).
Previous research has explored optimism and coping in the context of educational
institutions. In a study of college students, optimism predicted better adjustment to
college, higher self-esteem, and decreased loneliness (Montgomery et al. 2003). More-
over, a longitudinal study by Aspinwall and Taylor (1992) found that indirect benefits
of optimism on adjustment to college were mediated by the type of coping strategy
students used. Increased levels of optimism and desire for control were associated
with increased use of active coping when dealing with the stress of college.
In a study of undergraduate students’ adjustment to the first semester of college,
optimists showed smaller increases in stress and depression than did pessimists (Bris-
sette et al. 2002). Thus, optimism should be negatively related to students’ perceptions
of stress in college, and to the likelihood that they will view the university experience
as a source of stress. We also predicted that students high in optimism would be less
likely to see education as an escape from the real world. Furthermore, we predicted that
optimism would be positively related to the view that education can lead to changing
the world, learning, self-development and social connections because these mean-
ings imply more positive expectations of the future that are frequently espoused by
optimists.

5 Method

5.1 Participants

Participants were 309 (204 female and 105 male) undergraduate students at a Mid-
western public university. The study was approved by the university’s Institutional
Review Board. Students participated voluntarily as partial fulfillment of a research
requirement for an introductory psychology class. They chose this study from a large
set of possibilities, though they did not know about the topic of this or any other
studies at the point of registration. Survey completion took approximately forty-five
minutes. The mean age of the participants was 19. Eighty-nine percent were White,
3% were African-American, 5% were Asian, 2% were Hispanic, and 2% specified
“other.” Seventy-seven percent were first-year students, 15% were sophomores, 5%
were juniors, and 3% were seniors.

5.2 Procedures and materials

Data were collected in sessions composed of 10 to 15 participants. Participants


responded to a survey that included measures of perceived stress, coping styles, opti-
mism, and meanings of education.

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Meanings of education 415

5.2.1 Perceived stress

The Perceived Stress Scale (PSS) is a 14-item inventory designed to measure how
stressful participants appraise situations in their lives to be (Cohen et al. 1983). Par-
ticipants are instructed to consider their thoughts and feelings over the last month and
indicate how often they have thought or felt a certain way. Participants respond to each
item on a scale of 0 to 4, with 0 meaning “never” and 4 meaning “very often.” A sam-
ple item is, “In the last month, how often have you been upset because of something
that happened unexpectedly?” Scores were obtained by calculating the mean across
all items. The Cronbach’s alpha coefficient for the PSS was .84.

5.2.2 Coping styles

The COPE is a 53-item instrument that is designed to measure the strategies that
people use to cope with stress (Carver et al. 1989). Participants responded to each
item on a scale of 1 to 4, with 1 being “I usually don’t do this at all” and 4 being “I
usually do this a lot.” Mean scores were calculated across all items for each subscale,
with higher means indicating stronger endorsement. A principal components factor
analysis revealed three factors including emotion-focused coping, problem-focused
coping, and disengagement coping. Similar factors have been utilized by Carver et al.
(1989) and Sadeh et al. (2004). Emotion-focused coping involves seeking emotional
and instrumental social support and expressing emotions related to stressors. A sample
item is, “I let my feelings out.” Problem-focused coping includes actively seeking and
planning a solution to problems that cause stress, and minimizing distractions that
would keep one from solving the problem. A sample problem-focused coping item
is, “I take direct action to get around the problem.” Disengagement coping involves
mentally or behaviorally disengaging from the stress, as well as denying its existence.
For example, “I pretend that it hasn’t really happened.” The Cronbach’s alpha coef-
ficients for each of the subscales of the COPE were .92 for Emotion-focused, .86 for
Problem-focused, and .80 for Disengagement.

5.2.3 Optimism

The Life Orientation Test-Revised (LOT-R) is a 6-item inventory that measures gen-
eral optimism vs. pessimism (Scheier et al. 1994). Participants are asked to respond
to items on a five-point scale indicating their agreement with statements ranging from
“strongly disagree” to “strongly agree.” A sample item is, “In uncertain times, I usu-
ally expect the best.” Negatively worded items are reverse coded and scores equal the
mean across all items. Higher scores indicate higher levels of optimism. The Cron-
bach’s alpha coefficient for the LOT-R in the current study was .80.

5.2.4 Meaning of education

The Meaning of Education (MOE) questionnaire was used to assess the meanings of
education in students’ lives (Henderson-King and Smith 2006). On this 87-item ques-
tionnaire, participants respond to each item on a 10-point scale, with 1 being “agree not

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416 M. N. Krypel, D. Henderson-King

at all” and 10 being “agree very much” (see Appendix Table 6 for sample items). The
MOE consists of 10 subscales. The Career subscale consists of 11 items and measures
education as a way to prepare for a career and to enhance future earning potential. The
Independence subscale consists of 5 items and refers to seeing education as a way to
gain maturity and be seen as an independent adult. The Future subscale consists of
3 items and measures students’ view that education provides a way to explore future
directions one’s life may take. The Learning subscale is composed of 10 items that
measure education being seen as a way to think critically and be exposed to cultural
and social diversity. The Self subscale is made up of 11 items that measure the extent
to which education provides opportunities for self-exploration and personal growth.
The Next Step subscale consists of 3 items that measure the view that education is
simply the next step in life or the expectation of family members. The Social subscale
consists of 12 items and measures the degree to which students see education as a place
to socialize and become involved with extracurricular activities. The World subscale
is made up of 8 items that measure students’ view that education is a way to gain skills
that will help one to make a difference in the world. The Stress subscale is composed of
12 items which measure if students see education as a source of stress in their lives. The
Escape subscale measures 11 items that characterize education as a means of escaping
the responsibilities of adulthood or a stressful home environment. Scores were obtained
by calculating the mean across all items for each subscale, and higher scores indicate
stronger endorsement for each subscale. Cronbach’s alpha coefficients for the MOE
were .85 for Career, .86 for Independence, .91 for Future, .89 for Learning, .90 for
Self, .75 for Next Step, .88 for Social, .82 for World, .87 for Stress, and .77 for Escape.

5.2.5 Demographics

The demographic questionnaire that participants completed included questions regard-


ing their sex, age, and year in school.

6 Results

SPSS 14.0 was used to analyze the data.

6.1 Sex-related differences

T-tests were conducted to determine whether men and women differed on the various
meanings of education (see Table 1). Women scored significantly higher than men on
Career, t (309) = 1.98, p < .05; Independence, t (309) = 3.06, p < .01; Learning,
t (309) = 2.68, p < .01; Self, t (309) = 2.83, p < .01; Next Step, t (309) = 2.14,
p < .03; and World, t (309) = 2.32, p < .02. Men had significantly higher mean
scores than women on Stress, t (309) = 2.08, p < .04. There were no sex-related
differences on the Future, Social, and Escape meanings.
T-tests were also conducted on all of the stress and coping variables in order to
test for sex-related differences (see Table 2). Results showed that women scored
significantly higher than men on emotion-focused, t (309) = 7.86, p < .01, and

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Meanings of education 417

Table 1 Means and standard deviations for meanings of education by sex

Meaning of Full sample Women Men F p


education (n = 310) (n = 204) (n = 105)
Mean SD Mean SD Mean SD

Career 8.19 1.14 8.14 1.12 7.90 0.92 1.98 .05


Independence 8.03 1.40 8.05 1.38 7.53 1.48 3.06 .01
Future 7.75 1.80 7.87 1.71 7.59 1.65 1.38 ns
Learning 7.60 1.30 7.61 1.28 7.21 1.17 2.68 .01
Self 7.38 1.43 7.42 1.42 6.96 1.26 2.83 .01
Next Step 7.04 2.06 7.44 2.01 6.95 1.74 2.14 .03
Social 6.59 1.72 6.77 1.51 6.62 1.33 .82 ns
World 6.36 1.46 6.46 1.43 6.08 1.23 2.32 .02
Stress 4.92 1.60 4.66 1.56 5.05 1.61 −2.08 .04
Escape 4.03 1.45 3.89 1.26 4.03 1.41 −.95 ns

Table 2 Means and standard deviations for perceived stress, coping styles, and optimism, by sex

Coping styles Full sample Women Men t p


(n = 310) (n = 204) (n = 105)
Mean SD Mean SD Mean SD

Perceived stress 1.87 0.53 1.90 0.52 1.79 0.55 1.76 ns


Emotion-focused 2.71 1.14 2.92 0.05 2.30 0.06 7.86 .001
Problem-focused 2.83 1.80 2.88 0.03 2.75 0.04 2.28 .02
Disengagement 1.66 1.30 1.65 0.03 1.69 0.04 −.99 ns
Optimism 3.53 0.70 3.56 0.66 3.47 0.76 .98 ns

problem-focused coping, t (309) = 2.28, p < .02 (see Table 2). There were no sex-
related differences on perceived stress, disengagement coping or optimism.
Pearson correlational analyses were conducted to assess interrelationships among
perceived stress, coping styles, and optimism (see Table 3 for zero order correlation
coefficients), and between these variables and the various meanings of education (see
Table 4 for zero order correlations).

6.2 Results of regression analyses

Multiple linear regression analyses were used to examine the extent to which emo-
tion-focused coping, problem-focused coping, disengagement, perceived stress, and
optimism predicted the meanings of education. In order to control for sex, this variable
was entered into the equation simultaneously with all of the stress-related predictor
variables (see Table 5).

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418 M. N. Krypel, D. Henderson-King

Table 3 Zero-order correlations for perceived stress, coping styles, and optimism

Optimism Perceived Emotion-focused Problem-focused


stress coping coping

Perceived stress −.47∗∗∗


Emotion-focused .07 .09
Coping
Problem-focused .33∗∗∗ −.18∗∗ .34∗∗
Coping
Disengagement −.286∗∗∗ .44∗∗∗ .02 −.20∗∗∗
Coping
* p < .05; ** p < .01; *** p < .001

6.2.1 Perceived stress

As expected, perceived stress negatively predicted Learning, β = −.16 p = .02, and


Self, β = −.14, p = .04, and positively predicted the meaning of education as Stress,
β = .22, p < .001.

6.2.2 Coping styles

Emotion-focused coping positively predicted Social, β = .26, p < .001, as expected.


It also positively predicted the meanings of Career, β = .18, p = .006, Independence,
β = .20, p = .002, Learning, β = .22, p < .001, Self, β = .26, p < .001, and
World, β = .22, p < .001.
As expected, problem-focused coping positively predicted Self, β = .13, p = .03,
and World, β = .14, p = .03. However, contrary to our predictions, problem-focused
coping did not predict Career, or Learning.
Consistent with our hypotheses, disengagement coping positively predicted Escape,
β = .35, p < .001. In addition, disengagement coping positively predicted the mean-
ings of Future, β = .16, p = .01, and Stress, β = .20, p < .001.

6.2.3 Optimism

As expected, optimism negatively predicted Stress, β = .16, p = .008, and Escape,


β = −.17, p = .006; and it positively predicted Social, β = .14, p = .04. Contrary
to our hypotheses, optimism did not predict World, Learning, or Self.

7 Discussion

These findings provide evidence that stress-related variables are, indeed, related to
the meanings that students ascribe to their education. Once again, the correlational
nature of these findings precludes causal inference. Thus, while some of our interpre-
tations may suggest a particular causal direction, we need to be mindful of the fact
that directionality may, in fact, differ from what is implied.

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Meanings of education

Table 4 Zero-order correlations for meanings of education, perceived stress, coping styles, and optimism

Predictors Career Independence Future Learning Self Next step Social World Stress Escape

Perceived stress −.06 −.02 .01 −.14∗ −.08 .08 −.06 −.09 .37∗∗∗ .17∗∗
Emotion-focused .22∗∗∗ .25∗∗∗ .16∗∗ .27∗∗∗ .31∗∗∗ .02 .26∗∗∗ .27∗∗∗ −.09 −.00
Problem-focused .18∗∗ .13∗ .11∗ .22∗∗∗ .22∗∗∗ −.03 .17∗∗ .24∗∗∗ −.17∗∗ −.17∗∗
Disengagement −.06 .01 .12∗ −.09 −.01 .09 .06 −.06 .34∗∗∗ .38∗∗∗
Optimism .10 .07 .04 .09 .07 .07 .16∗∗ .13∗ −.33∗∗∗ −.25∗∗∗
* p < .05; ** p < .01; *** p < .001

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419
420

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Table 5 Beta coefficients for meanings of education regressed on perceived stress, coping style, optimism, and sex

Predictors Career Independence Future Learning Self Next step Social World Stress Escape

Perceived −.04 −.04 −.06 −.16∗ −.14∗ .09 −.05 −.08 .22∗∗∗ −.08
stress
Emotion-focused .18∗∗ .20∗∗ .11 .22∗∗∗ .26∗∗∗ −.05 .26∗∗∗ .22∗∗∗ −.07 .05
Problem-focused .09 .04 .09 .12 .13∗ −.04 .06 .14∗ −.00 −.07
Disengagement −.01 .05 .16∗∗ −.01 .07 .10 .12 .02 .20∗∗∗ .35∗∗∗
Optimism .04 .02 .02 −.05 −.04 .15∗ .14∗ .03 −.16∗∗ −.17∗∗
Sex −.02 −.09 −.03 −.06 −.06 −.13∗ .06 −.03 .09 .03
Adjusted R2 .06∗∗ .06∗∗∗ .03∗ .09∗∗∗ .11∗∗∗ .02∗ .09∗∗∗ .09∗∗∗ .21∗∗∗ .15∗∗∗
* p < .05; ** p < .01; *** p < .001
M. N. Krypel, D. Henderson-King
Meanings of education 421

There has been debate in the literature regarding which coping strategies are most
effective in dealing with the stresses of college life (Sasaki and Yamasaki 2007; Aspin-
wall and Taylor 1992). The current study provides further insights into this issue. With
regard to the regression analyses, of particular note emotion-focused coping predicted
several of the meanings of education. Students who cope using this style are more
likely to see education as satisfying their psychological needs, by offering opportu-
nities to establish social connections, to gain and demonstrate independence, and to
enhance self-awareness and self-growth. This is consistent with other research that
has found that males who have lower social connectedness are more likely to appraise
campus life negatively (Lee et al. 2002). Students who use emotion-focused coping
also seem likely to see education in terms of more pragmatic concerns, such as build-
ing a career, gaining knowledge, and learning how to change the world, all of which
are strategies for preparation for life beyond college.
Problem-focused coping was related to the view that education is about self-devel-
opment. This may be because students who take a problem-focused approach to dealing
with stress are especially likely to view the challenges of college as opportunities to
develop personal skills and sense of agency. Thus, rather than feeling overwhelmed by
the pressures of college, they may have a tendency to view what others see as stressors,
instead, as opportunities for growth. Problem-focused students were also likely to see
education as useful in learning to create change in the world. Students who use more
active means of coping may be more motivated to take a direct approach to making
a difference, not only in their own lives, but also in the world more generally. While
many students may be motivated to help people or otherwise have a positive impact
on the world, problem-focused students may be more likely to concretize these goals
and see their education as instrumental in this process.
In addition, disengagement coping was associated with more negative meanings
of education such as education as a stressor and education as an escape from other
aspects of life. By coping in potentially self-defeating ways and viewing education in
a negative light, these students may set themselves up to fail by spending less time
on academic work. Students may be able to overcome academic problems that could
result from the tendency to disengage by becoming more aware of their coping strat-
egies. Those with a disengagement coping style could potentially learn to recognize
when they are disengaging from stress, especially the stress associated with their aca-
demic life, and attempt to deal with problems more directly. Prior research has shown
that students who view their education as stressful have lower overall adjustment to
college as well as lower GPAs (Wintre and Yaffe 2000) and that students who are able
to decrease their levels of stress show improvements in academic, social, personal, and
emotional adjustment to college (Friedlander et al. 2007). Thus, students may benefit
immensely from learning more effective ways to cope with the stress of college, as
this may have an affect not only on their perceived levels of stress, but also on the way
they think about education and the role it can play in their lives.
Carver and Scheier (2003) found that optimists are less likely to give up pursuit of
their goals and are more likely to be accepting of challenges in their lives. In addi-
tion, they tend to be healthier both physically and psychologically (Pritchard et al.
2007).The results of this study are consistent with these findings in that optimists
were less likely to see education as a stressor or a chance for escape. This suggests

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422 M. N. Krypel, D. Henderson-King

that optimism may protect students from negative and self-defeating views of edu-
cation and may help them to maintain a positive attitude toward the challenges and
responsibilities of student life.
Keeping in mind their correlational nature, how might these findings be applied to
help students succeed in college? Carver et al. (1989) suggest that coping style may
be a preference rather than a personality characteristic. Some evidence suggests that
while college women fairly consistently use emotion-focused coping across their first
semester, men increase their use of emotion-focused coping during this time (Pritchard
and Wilson 2006). Thus, students may be able to adjust their coping style over time in
order to adapt better to the demands of college life. Moreover, emotion-focused coping
and, to some extent, problem-focused coping are positively related to more productive
and positive meanings of education. Thus, helping students to habitually engage in
these ways of coping, rather than disengagement, may also facilitate their tendency to
see education in ways that ultimately will help them make the most of their undergrad-
uate experience. Alternatively, if university students can be encouraged to think about
their education in relatively positive terms rather than primarily as a source of stress
or as an escape, they may be more likely to become actively involved in their educa-
tion and also to develop productive approaches to coping with stress. In other words,
if students can be encouraged to engage in the opportunities and experiences affor-
ded during their undergraduate years, they may be less likely to develop or maintain
disengagement as a primary coping style, at least in terms of their academic life.
Due to the variation in perceived stress among students, it seems that while it is
certain that college life can be stressful, students differ in their reactions to that stress
and also perhaps in perceived stress and how it influences the meanings they attri-
bute to their education. Those who are more optimistic are likely to view college in
positive terms that may lead to increased persistence in pursuing their education. The
current findings highlight the need for further research focusing on which meanings
of education lead to greater success in college, as well as whether efforts to maintain
a positive outlook and adopt particular coping styles have any effect on the ways in
which students view their educational experience.

Acknowledgments We are grateful to Eaaron Henderson-King and Jessica Sobanski for feedback on
an earlier version of the manuscript. We also acknowledge and appreciate the Student Summer Scholars
program at Grand Valley State University for support provided for this project.

Appendix

Table 6 Sample items


Meaning of Sample item
education

Career Increased job opportunities


Independence Proving to yourself and others
that you are an adult
Future A way of figuring out what to do in life
Learning Being able to expand one’s mind

123
Meanings of education 423

Table 6 continued
Meaning of Sample item
education

Self An opportunity for increased self-awareness


Next Step The normal thing to do after high school
Social A good way of meeting people
and making new friends
World Helps people to make a difference in the world
Stress Causes burn-out and discouragement
Escape Putting off the responsibilities of adulthood

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Author Biographies

Michelle N. Krypel is a psychiatric social worker at Boynton Mental Health Clinic at the University of
Minnesota. She received her Master’s Degree in Social Work from the University of Michigan. Her research
interests include the meaning of education, grief in college students, and improving mental health services
on college campuses.

Donna Henderson-King received her doctorate in Social Psychology at the University of Michigan and
is currently an Associate Professor at Grand Valley State University. She has published research on educa-
tional influences on group consciousness and intergroup tolerance, the psychological effects of exposure to
idealized media images, and attitudes about cosmetic surgery, in addition to meanings of education. She is
currently examining psychological correlates of the meanings that education holds for students.

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