Early Music Advance Access published June 20, 2013

Peter Hauge

Dowland and his time in Copenhagen, 1598–1606

T his article draws on sources housed in the Royal

Archives, Copenhagen which, though they do
not always mention Dowland by name, have turned
to the lutenist John Dowland perhaps, but they are
relevant when seeking information on the trusted
agent, consultant, negotiator and well-paid musi-

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out to be surprisingly informative about aspects cian ‘Dulandt’ with a wife of some financial means
of his life, about his professional connections, and living in London. The lack of information does not
about the terms of his employment during nearly necessarily say anything about Dowland’s produc-
eight years spent in the service of the Danish court. tivity as a composer or performer; it merely indi-
Some of the documents discussed are already well cates that musicians, being only household servants,
known, and I have discussed others, more recently were not placed high on the ladder of employees,
discovered, in essays published elsewhere.1 The facts though they did receive a fairly good salary. They
are not in themselves revolutionary, but efforts to did not wield any power or have any political or
bring them all together and place them in a wider economic importance in the business of govern-
late Renaissance socio-cultural context seem to me ment. Instrumentalists represented worldly luxury,
to be worthwhile. and were therefore also the first to be discharged in
At first sight the sources on Dowland in times of economic hardship.
Copenhagen are unpromisingly sparse. There are When Dowland arrived in Copenhagen (illus.1)
no important musical sources, and no prints of in 1598, the political climate between England and
Dowland’s music have survived in the libraries or Denmark was tense due to, among other things,
archives—if there ever were any. In comparison, harsh measures which the Danish king had taken
there are a few of Michael Praetorius’s publications concerning access to the Baltic Sea.3 Some English
presented to Christian IV still in the Royal Library, merchants had been reduced to destitution as a
even though Praetorius was not employed at the consequence. They wrote to Elizabeth I’s council
Danish court, having only visited the country once pleading for action against Danish interference
in 1618 to deliver instruments which Christian IV with English trade in the Baltic region. An English
had bought.2 There is very little English music in the delegation objecting to the restrictions, headed by
collections, implying that the king’s and the court’s Edward Zouche and Christopher Parkins, arrived
interest in English music was non-existent—so, why in Copenhagen at the beginning of July. Christian
employ an English lutenist? IV offered to pay some compensation but the
One of the main obstacles to the study of English government was not satisfied, and in late
Dowland is that we tend to look in the wrong autumn 1598 Parkins was sent on a second mission
places, expecting to find musical works, biographi- to Copenhagen to negotiate better terms. It was
cal information as well as information on the com- during this delegation’s visit to Copenhagen that
poser’s oeuvre scattered throughout the collections Dowland appeared at the court and received a
of libraries and archives. There is a cornucopia of contract. It is likely that he was part of the retinue
material relevant to the study of the working condi- or that he travelled together with the embassy in
tions of those employed at court that at first sight the service of Parkins. It was customary to include
does not appear to provide us with this biographical musicians when sending delegations to Europe, as
information: the documents do not seem relevant is evident from account books and travel journals.4

Early Music, © The Author 2013. Published by Oxford University Press. All rights reserved. PAGE 1 OF 16
doi: 10.1093/em/cat042
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1  Part of a prospect of Copenhagen around 1611, made by Jan Dircksen (Johan Didriksen) after a now-lost painting by
Johannes van Wick (by kind permission of The Royal Library, Copenhagen)

An interesting detail regarding Dowland’s often placed in one of the three groups: instrumen-
employment reveals that ‘His Royal Majesty has talists, singers or trumpeters (see illus.2 for the court
graciously ordered and accepts John Dowland to musicians arranged by group).
be a lutenist in his Majesty’s service’: the king has Dowland was not the only English musician
expressly requested (‘ordered’/‘reserved’) Dowland.5 who received a contract on that day: Robert Bosan
Evidently he had heard about the acclaimed lutenist, (‘Rubbertt Bosann’ or ‘Bosenn’), an instrumentalist,
either through his agents in London or his family was also employed and would receive 60 daler (about
connections, for instance with Heinrich Julius, Duke £30) and, in addition to the basic wage, ‘seven daler
of Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel. Dowland might have each month towards board and the usual livery’
been approached while in England and offered the (seven daler was low in comparison with other
position at the Danish court,6 perhaps in September instrumentalists who would most often receive
1597, when a Danish delegation had visited London. about 10 daler a month). Dowland, on the other
One of the members of the delegation was the court hand, was to receive 500 daler, but there is a very
organist, Melchior Borchgrevinck, who was sent important distinction: the king ‘intends to let him
along in order to buy instruments for the Chapel have 500 daler yearly for his sustenance’ (my italics);
Royal. The position as lutenist at the Danish court that is, Dowland did not receive any special payment
had been vacant since the death of Johann Spaltholtz towards board and livery as other instrumentalists
some time in 1596, and it seems likely that they and singers did, but was to receive a total amount for
would have been looking for a replacement.7 While his sustenance—a specification applied to no other
in London, the Danish delegation heard a lutenist musician or singer employed at court. Dowland had
who was given a pecuniary gift; a few days later, the to pay for these expenses out of his own pocket,
queen’s trumpeters were given a present, too, and so between 74 and 120 daler should be deducted
soon afterwards a lutenist again received two daler from his income when comparing it with that of
for ‘playing for the gentlemen in the evening’.8 As the other musicians; thus Dowland’s basic wage
usual, no names are mentioned. Is it possible that would be around 380 daler. To understand the size
Dowland performed on one of these occasions? The of that wage we may compare it with that paid to
entry on Dowland’s employment mentions that he is another well-known English musician employed at
employed as a lutenist—a specific instrument desig- the Danish court, William Brade. During Brade’s
nation was rarely indicated unless the player clearly first period of employment, 1594–6, he received 100
had an individual function; musicians were most daler a year, of which 60 was the basic wage and

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2  Francis Clein or Søren Kiær, detail of ceiling showing the court musicians in groups, Rosenborg Castle, c.1620 (by kind
permission of Rosenborg Castle, Copenhagen)

40 was for board and livery. During the years 1599 a year, yet livery and board was raised to 240 daler,
to 1606, Brade’s basic wage was raised to 200 daler the total still amounting to 320 daler.9 All salaries
while that for livery and board was set to 12 daler a were constructed in individual ways reflecting
month, making 320 daler in total. This was about personal conditions such the size of the musician’s
60 daler a year less than Dowland received in the or singer’s household and other obligations. It seems
same period. However, during 1620–22 Brade’s wage that there were circumstances in Brade’s life which
was, for some unknown reason, reduced to 80 daler meant that expenses towards board and livery were

Early Music PAGE 3 OF 16

increased during his last period in Copenhagen: 12 ordinary musicians receiving the same wage includ-
daler a month is a large amount compared to most ing board and livery (about 144 daler a year), and the
other servants employed at court. It is remarkable second includes musicians receiving a much higher
that Dowland did not receive payment for board and salary. Musicians were not at the top of the hierarchy
livery separately but accepted a total sum. This might of employees even though their salaries were more
reflect the fact that he did not have a household than triple those of ordinary workers. The higher
or family in Copenhagen to support: his wife and wages reflect the fact that many musicians and sing-
family remained in London. Nevertheless, Dowland ers could read and write and were therefore employ-
still needed to support his family financially, unless able in other contexts such as messengers, agents,
it had a separate source of income in England. consultants, teachers and dealers. Musicians’ sala-
Though it is possible that he was able to sit at the ries were constructed in distinct ways depending
table together with the king’s counsellors and did on assignments, personal circumstances, talent and
not need a uniform, as was required of all the other demand: each wage must be evaluated judiciously

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servants, he still had to have lodgings somewhere in and itemized before a comparison between individ-
town. It has been argued that Dowland’s wage was ual musicians makes any sense.
comparable to that of an admiral of the fleet.10 Indeed, Both the way in which Dowland’s contract is
the admiral’s basic wage was 500 daler; but he also summarized in the account book, and the amount
received additional income from various lands and itself are extraordinary when compared to those of
taxes given to him by the king which significantly numerous other court musicians. Only a few musi-
supplemented his basic income. In 1590, the ‘singing cians’ contracts were outlined in a similar way. John
master’, Gregorius Trehou, received 416 daler a Mynor (‘Johannes Meijnnertt’ or ‘Meinnert’)13 is one
year, of which 32 were for expenses for taking care of these. However, his contract also notes that
of eight singing boys, 192 for board and livery, and
24 for leasing a dwelling; in 1606 he also received His Royal Majesty has graciously appointed and accepts
earnings from a canonry in Roskilde.11 The year after John Mynor to be a singer in his Majesty’s Chapel Royal
Dowland’s discharge, two Italian musicians from and he shall always be available with his music in his said
Royal Majesty’s chambers and otherwise in the church
the court in Poland arrived in Copenhagen, having or to wherever his Majesty lets him be summoned and
been especially requested by the Danish court: the ordered.14
organist Vincentius Bertholusius’s agreed wage was
1,000 daler while the lutenist and violist Jacobus The specification that Mynor was to be available
Merlis was to receive 600 daler a year—both larger wherever and whenever the king demanded does
sums than Dowland’s. However, like Dowland’s, not appear in Dowland’s entry, although the original
Merlis’s and Bertholusius’s salaries were inclusive of contract, which has not survived, might have con-
unspecified amounts for board and livery, so were tained a similar passage.15
not as large as they might at first appear.12 Later it was common to include an oath of
The organization of the Chapel Royal is clearly allegiance to the king when contracts were given
reflected in the account books. From 1599 to 1611, to elite musicians who had access to his private
before the chapel was reorganized, under the head- quarters. The chapel masters Borchgrevinck and
ing ‘Court Servants’ are: (1) ‘trumpeters and tim- Pedersøn received contracts of this kind; only a few
panists’; (2) ‘instrumentalists’; (3) ‘singers’; (4) ‘boy such contracts have survived but formulations of
singers’; and (5) ‘several other court servants’. The allegiance appear in various documents. When the
chapel master belonged to the fifth group together lutenist Giovanni Baptista Veraldi was employed in
with the court tailor, the court priest and the court 1618, a contract was drawn up stating that since he
apothecary, all of whom worked outside the court had access to the king’s private chambers he would
and did not participate in its daily duties. The group be paid for his ‘loyal and keen service’.16 Whether
of instrumentalists corresponding to halberdiers the inclusion of this phrase was due to his Catholic
and kitchen personnel may be divided into two dis- faith is an open question;17 but the tone became even
tinct categories: the first consists of a large group of more pronounced in later contracts, implying a

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much greater awareness of the problems involved. month received 600 daler as a gift from the king, an
Many incidents occurred over the years, notably additional sum which was not part of the wage that
amongst the numerous informants attending the he received regularly every three months. There is
court, who often created problems since they had no indication as to the reason for this rather sudden
a closer allegiance to their sovereign than to their and very gracious gift, but he must have satisfied
employer.18 the king in some way, either as a lutenist, com-
Dowland did not receive any wages during his poser or political mediator. On 1 July, the king’s ship
first year, and therefore the king’s grocer, Herman trumpeter John Baxter (‘Johann Bagster’ or ‘Hanns
Roose, lent him 200 daler.19 As a rich merchant liv- Bastier’), an Englishman who had been in the king’s
ing in Elsinore with an extensive network, Roose service since 1597, left for England, with instructions
was often employed by the king to negotiate deals to engage new trumpeters.23 He was provided with
and transfer funds to the king’s creditor, John Stokes, 30 daler towards expenses such as boat rental, board
in London.20 Presumably Roose was Dowland’s pri- and initial payment of the musicians. Though the

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mary connection to England; he was involved with amount more or less corresponded to the yearly wage
the community of English musicians: when the of a carpenter, Baxter did not have enough and had
bass singer John Mynor and the viol player Daniel to borrow from various persons in London. Having
Norcombe (‘Daniell Norckum’) fled in 1602 with returned to Copenhagen in October with five new
money belonging to the king, their instruments— trumpeters, Thomas Knadt, Edduardt Lorendhs,
including a ‘Fiol de Gamma’—and other posses- Johannes Gudiem (?), Matthias Bettmann and Artur
sions, which they had left behind, were confiscated Bettman, he contacted the book-keepers who
in Roose’s house.21 The king was so infuriated that
he sent agents all over Europe to apprehend the two entrusted to John Baxter, his Royal Majesty’s ship trum-
musicians. The surviving documents give no clues peter, who, on his said Royal Majesty’s behalf, again shall
as to why they absconded, so it is impossible to say perform and give to John Stokes and Master Lamb of
London in England, also to Master John Dowland (his
whether the incident was linked to the tense rela- Royal Majesty’s lutenist) his wife the mentioned money
tionship between the two countries. he had borrowed from and lent of them in England.
Political relations worsened during the fol- And which money then was given in the hands of the
lowing years, and diplomats were sent back and five English trumpeters, whom he according to his Royal
forth between England and Denmark. In particu- Majesty’s gracious command in the present year 1600 in
England has appointed and accepted in the service of his
lar, Secretary of State Robert Cecil used Stephen Royal Majesty. Likewise, expenses are due for board, rent
Lesieur, whose detailed reports make interesting of boat as well as other essentials and needs in England
reading (though there is no mention of music or and on the return from there to the kingdom with the
musicians).22 A few years later, Lesieur played a cen- mentioned five trumpeters, except the 30 Daler that he
tral role in requesting Dowland to obtain and send was given for these needs in July month last in the present
year 1600 by his Royal Majesty’s own chamber [i.e. the
on information concerning Danish governmental king’s private purse]. Given according to his returned and
decisions. It seems plausible that he and Dowland signed statement. [In left margin: 130 daler].24
may have met in Copenhagen in the autumn of 1599,
when Lesieur arrived with protests from the English Baxter had contacted Dowland’s wife and might
queen regarding the mistreatment of some English have handed over the manuscript for the Second
fishermen, while the Danes on the other hand com- Booke of Songs or Ayres which then was sold to
plained about English pirates ransacking the North the publisher George Eastland and entered in the
Sea searching for Spanish contraband. Dowland’s Stationers’ Register on 15 July 1600.25 It seems strange
salary was paid routinely and, as of May 1600, he that Baxter would have borrowed money from
was regularly referred to as both ‘Master’ and ‘His Dowland’s wife unless she was affluent, as he could
Majesty’s Lutenist’, indicating that he might also easily have asked the king’s creditor in London,
have had teaching responsibilities. In June, while John Stokes, whom he had already contacted, for a
Dowland was in Elsinore, he finished the manu- larger loan or obtain a bill of exchange. It is possible
script to his Second Book of Ayres, and the following that Baxter had received the proceedings of the

Early Music PAGE 5 OF 16

sale from Mrs Dowland in order to deliver it to her King Charles IX of Sweden) and the Danish king, to
husband but had unfortunately found it necessary whom he delivered a letter from Elizabeth; Dowland,
to use it to cover expenses, hence owing Dowland the new employees and the diplomat probably trav-
money. But if that were the case, it seems strange elled together.29 By mid-June, the recently employed
that the accounts mention that the money had to be harpist and dancer had registered with the authori-
returned to Dowland’s wife and not to Dowland. It ties, receiving contracts, while Dowland presented
seems that Mrs Dowland’s business role should not the royal couple with gifts consisting of several pairs
be underestimated. One should also keep in mind of English gloves, strings for the king’s tennis racket,
that she had to take care of the household while lute strings and a golden cord for the king’s lute. He
her husband was abroad. Two of the trumpeters, then handed over a list of expenses:
Thomas Knodd and Edward Laurence, were
dismissed just over four weeks after their arrival According to his Majesty’s own most gracious command,
in Copenhagen; apparently they did not satisfy the returned and satisfied John Dowland, his Royal Majesty’s

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corps of trumpeters and timpanists.26 lutenist, who on behalf of his said Royal Highness out
In the following summer, in 1601, Dowland and a of his own purse most humbly had taken with him and
few other court musicians around at that time were spent in London in England; first, 140 daler which he
has given to a harp-player and a dance-master whom
presented with a small portrait of the king.27 He also at that place [i.e. London] he has according to his
received half a year’s wages in advance, as the king Royal Majesty’s most gracious command appointed and
and his court were to go on their customary sum- employed in the services of his Majesty on account of
mer progress around the country, and those musi- their future salary and board which also has been given
cians not needed on the tour were paid in advance. them and settled here in his Royal Majesty’s public
treasury a short while ago; also given for several pairs
In September, Dowland received 300 daler from of English gloves, which he has purchased for his Royal
the customs in Elsinore—part of the king’s private Majesty and for his Royal Majesty’s beloved wife, the
purse—so that he might purchase ‘several instru- high-born princess Queen Anna Catharina: 72 daler; for
ments’ in England. Besides buying musical instru- racket strings: 15 daler; for a case of viols [or violins]:
ments—a box of viols or violins, an Irish harp and 102 daler; and 20 daler for expenses which arose from
transferring the mentioned case from England to this
some additional strings—he was also instructed kingdom to his Royal Majesty; furthermore, for an Irish
to contract a dancer and a harpist for one year. In harp and extra strings: 104 daler; then for the board of
October 1601, Dowland engaged Henry Sandon the mentioned John Dowland and the aforementioned
(‘Henrich Sanduoon’), a dancer or a dance-master, harp player and dance master which they have spent
whose wage was to be 300 daler, and about two weeks on the travel from England to this kingdom: 100 daler;
also for lute strings and a golden cord around his Royal
later the harpist Charles O’Reilly (‘Carolus Oralii’), Majesty’s lute: 3 daler; thus his expenses amount to in
presumably an Irishman, was contracted and was total as written above: 506 daler in accordance with
to receive 200 daler. Dowland approached them in the handed-in statement and list which is signed by his
England and paid part of their salary in advance. most gracious Royal Majesty himself. Against his above-
Besides the one-year agreement, he promised them mentioned expenses which he on his Royal Majesty’s
behalf has raised on a bill of exchange in London in
an allowance of 10 daler a month, an arrangement England (from some English merchants which are
which he negotiated independently and without called the ‘Mellsingsche Company’): 289 daler; thus on
the king’s knowledge. He bought an instrument, this occasion he has now according to this settlement
which was to remain the property of the king, for of accounts received what he by his Royal Majesty’s
the harpist.28 Like Baxter the year before, Dowland public treasury has been disbursed and paid as above
mentioned: 217 daler.30
did not have enough money and had to obtain a bill
of exchange from a company of English merchants,
for 289 daler. All three remained in England for As was customary, Dowland then passed on the
the winter, arriving in Copenhagen in May 1602. case of viols or violins to a silversmith, who orna-
Lesieur arrived in Copenhagen at the same time, this mented the instruments with the king’s monogram.31
time in connection with controversies between the It is possible that Sandon and O’Reilly had been
Swedish Duke Charles (who in 1604 would become contracted for a specific occasion in 1602, the most

pAGE 6 OF 16 Early Music

likely being the festivities in connection with send- Dowland was being asked to procure information
ing the king’s younger brother Duke Hans to Russia, on what was happening in Denmark at the time and
where he was to marry Xenia, daughter of Czar Borís report on the discussions taking place in the king’s
Godunóv, in August 1602.32 The progress was a fail- council on the unsuccessful negotiations. Whether
ure and many, including Duke Hans as well as musi- one might term this ‘spying’ is an open question,
cians and trumpeters, died.33 So, since the one-year depending on how we understand the term today.
contract terminated in September 1602, Sandon and Dowland was encouraged and lured into agreeing,
O’Reilly retired (‘aftakket’) from service. In October, for Lesieur writes:
when Sandon had already received part of his salary
and pension through Dowland, his accounts were I will see yow repaid ... therffore I  pray satisfie me very
particularly of what yow shall think worthie my knoledge
settled and two weeks later O’Reilly received his final for her ma.sties seruice’.
cheque through Dowland and left the court.34
As the political disputes between the two coun- The negotiations slowly turned into hot air: the

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tries slowly worsened—though diplomatic delega- Danish government briefly discussed the results at
tions had met on neutral ground in early spring the beginning of 1603, and later the English delega-
1602—the problems were turning dangerously into tion sent a messenger to Copenhagen to receive the
a Gordian knot. During summer 1602 it was finally prepared table of customs fees and a declaration of
agreed to try and settle some of the issues at a con- the Danish council’s understanding of free trade and
ference that was to take place in Bremen, starting fishing rights.38 No more was heard of the Bremen
in late September. Robert Cecil appointed Lesieur conference.
as secretary to the English delegation.35 At the Perhaps Lesieur’s letter to Dowland was inter-
same time Dowland wrote to Lesieur, who replied cepted or Dowland decided to hand it over to Jonas
to the letter. On 16 October, Lesieur wrote again Charisius, Secretary of the German Chancellery,
to the lutenist in Copenhagen, apparently seeking realizing its possible consequences. That the letter
information on what the king and his counsellors was considered important by the Danish authorities
were planning; he also told Dowland—as he had is evident, as a copy of it was placed in the official files
already said in the previous letter—that in order to on the Bremen negotiations.39 That the addressee
contact Lesieur he should send correspondence to seems unimportant in that context is implied by the
Ruloff Pieterson, a merchant in Lubeck whose net- copyist writing merely ‘Mr. D’, not even bothering to
work the English administration often employed.36 write Dowland’s name in full. The transcription was
The negotiations were awkward and failed to make evidently carried out by an English person as the
any significant progress, so after a month of dis- spelling does not follow Lesieur’s in all instances but
cussions, on 26 November, the Danes wished to indicates a person well acquainted with the English
depart; a recess was drawn up, meetings suspended language.40 The English copyist has also omitted
and they departed. At the beginning of December, some phrases and even rephrased sentences. Thus
Cecil’s envoy Lesieur—initially employed by Lesieur writes
Francis Walsingham as a diplomat mainly dealing
with north European matters and the Hanseatic Mr. Dowland. The 16.th. Octobre I  wrote vnto yow an
towns—wrote again to Dowland enclosing a packet aunswear vppon your lre vnto me of the 12.th. Septembre.
I doubt not but yow haue receiued my said ltres in w.ch
of letters (illus.3), one of which was from Dowland’s I  sent yow one from your wyffe, also one for monsr.
wife. He explains that Antoyne Waillant (a frencheman the kings Architecte &
Ingenier,) and one from my selffe to mr. Robert Flower,
it may be the king will shortly call a Parlament, in any then I gaue yow direction...
wyse hearken to it and aduertisse me of it when yow haue
any certainitie theirof for ye tyme & place[.] I  send this And the transcription reads:
messengier of purpose to returne me yo[ur] aunswear you
shall heere of him at mr. Robert Brighowse in Elsenore, Mr. D | The 16. Oct. I writhe vnto yow an answear vppon
therffore take no haste to send him awaye but w.th good & your Lettres vnto me the 12. Septemb: I doubt not but you
certain matter[.]37 haue receiued my said lettre, In wich I sent Iow one from

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3  Letter (page 2 of 3) from Stephen Lesieur to John Dowland dated 2 December 1602 (DK-Kk, nks 1350, 2o, læg nr.5) (by
kind permission of The Royal Library, Copenhagen)

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Antoine Vaillant, and one from my selff to mr: Robbert between the lutenist and the diplomat was not out
Flower. Then I gaue yow direction... of the ordinary and appears to have been a com-
mon procedure with Dowland. Lesieur’s other let-
The spelling habits of the copyist are not essential ters have not survived, implying that they did not
in this context; what is interesting is the fact that contain important information from the viewpoint
the mention of Dowland’s wife has been left out of the Danish authorities. The political situation and
in the transcription. Lesieur’s postscript mention- the dispute between England and Denmark is most
ing Elizabeth’s health and the Earl of Tyrone is also likely the reason why this letter has survived in both
absent. This information was apparently not rel- its original form and in a contemporary transcript.
evant for the authorities, either because it had noth- By February 1603, Dowland’s manuscript to his
ing to do with the political situation or because the Third and Last Booke of Songs or Ayres had been
request for information was of a private nature. registered in London. A  couple of months later
Queen Elizabeth died in March 1603, and Christian IV’s second son was born, and prepara-

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Lesieur’s promise to Dowland concerning a possible tions were made for the festivities which were to
reward came to nothing. With the accession of King take place during that summer. James I  ‘apoynted
James I and Queen Anne, sister to Christian IV, the therlle of Ruttland to goe Ambasodor to the King
situation changed entirely and Dowland could not of Denmarke, who did invite our King to be god-
actively promote himself or have others do so for father to a sonne Wch God haith sent the queene
a much-coveted position at the new English court of Denmarke’.42 Following the event, Christian IV
without creating at least a disapproving grunt from accepted the Order of the Garter at Elsinore on 14
the Danish king or a refusal from James or Anne. July, and on the following day Dowland received
Dowland must have annoyed his employers, for from part of his salary in advance, 125 daler for the
now on the account books seldom give his title as period 18 May–18 August, revealing that he had
‘His Royal Majesty’s Lutenist’; he is merely addressed obtained permission to travel to London ‘on pri-
as ‘Lutenist’ or ‘Master’. Perhaps the counsellors real- vate business’.43 On the day that the Earl of Rutland
ized the danger of having Dowland so close to the departed, 16 July, the English trumpeters on board
inner circles of government when Elizabeth’s envoys the two boats which had brought the delegation to
were approaching him with furtive requests for Copenhagen received 100 daler from the king, and
information on decision-making in the king’s coun- Dowland was finally reimbursed for expenses (217
cil. The letter from Lesieur may have played a cru- daler in all) sustained on his travel nearly two years
cial part in Dowland’s discredit at the Danish court. earlier, when he had engaged Sandon and O’Reilly.44
However, information-gathering was not necessarily Dowland had spent around 800 daler (about £400)
clandestine. It was indeed common practice for gov- fulfilling his list of obligations in England—an enor-
ernments to obtain information about a country’s mous sum. It is curious that it was during the fes-
political situation, important members of its society tivities when the king was receiving the Order of
as well as its economy, geography, army, ports and the Garter that Dowland received his payment and
statistics—information that was available to anyone was finally compensated. Is it possible that Dowland
visiting the country. Numerous pocket-books were asked the English visitors to intervene on his behalf
published on the subject. Secret information would in order that he would be reimbursed? The king had
normally be written in code and often hidden. Some personally signed Dowland’s list of expenses of 16
17th-century authors even argued that music could July, suggesting that he took a particular interest in
be employed as a code, and since most musicians the list; perhaps encouraged by the Earl of Rutland
were capable readers and writers of it, they were of to settle the account, Christian IV signed the list
course also valuable for the transmission of sensi- and Dowland forwarded it to the book-keeper.45
tive information.41 If Lesieur had thought that his Dowland may indeed have joined the party together
request might cause trouble for the English gov- with two Danish envoys, Christian Friis and Henrik
ernment or Dowland, it seems more likely that he Below, who arrived in London on 24 or 25 July where
would have encoded the letter. The correspondence they presented a gratuity to some trumpeters. They

Early Music PAGE 9 OF 16

continued to Hampton Court where they enjoyed should also be noted that throughout the eight years
a performance of vocal music for which six sing- that Dowland was employed in Denmark, the King
ers were given 12 daler.46 Due to the plague raging of Denmarks Galiard is the only piece he thought
in London, King James and Queen Anne withdrew worth dedicating to his patron. Nor did he find it
to Winchester, where they stayed for three weeks. necessary to nurse his Danish associates with publi-
Here Dowland gained access to the royal couple and cations: his books of ayres clearly address an English
presented his new volume of music, Lachrimae, or audience and were dedicated to English patrons, as
seaven teares figured in seaven passionate pavans, was Lachrimae. Dowland was evidently concentrat-
which he dedicated to Queen Anne. ing his energy on maintaining his English network.
There are signs suggesting that the original dedi- During the spring of 1604, Christian IV began
catee of the Lachrimae was Elizabeth, and that preparing for a journey to Norway in order to hold
Anne was simply a necessary substitute after the council meetings there. On 3 May 1604, as Dowland
unfortunate death of Elizabeth in early 1603: in the had still not arrived, the king decided to hire a

Downloaded from http://em.oxfordjournals.org/ at New Copenhagen University on June 20, 2013

Lachrimae, Dowland employs allegories associated new lutenist, Hans Nielsen, who had only recently
with Elizabeth and merely transfers them to the new returned from Italy where he had been studying in
queen, Anne.47 The overall structure of the 21 pieces Venice, sponsored by the king.52 Nielsen may have
indicates a conscious arrangement which seems accompanied the king on the progress in place of the
to reflect the popular notion of the universe as the absent Dowland. Dowland arrived some time before
relation between macro- and microcosm: thus the 10 July, when he approached the royal book-keeper
first set consisting of the seven pavans corresponds who attended to business while the king and his
to the super-celestial sphere above the planets;48 the council were away. The book-keeper states some-
second section matching the seven planets has at its what reluctantly that Dowland’s return is accepted
centre the King of Denmarks Galiard, also known and that he is given his salary on condition that the
as the ‘Battle Galliard’, corresponding to Apollo (the king approves it and wishes to keep him in his ser-
sun), who is the leader of the nine muses on Mount vice when he returns, for Dowland had been away
Parnassus, each guarding a source of inspiration— on private business longer than agreed:
an allegory Dowland also hints at in the dedication
when he says that Christian IV is ‘the only Patron It depends on his Majesty’s gracious pleasure whether his
and Sun-shine of my else vnhappie Fortunes’.49 Majesty will be pleased to grant him the said wage, in view
of the fact that he has travelled to England on his own
The third section is the lowest and most inferior business and remained there for a long while, longer than
realm, the terrestrial world, which was character- his Royal Majesty had granted him leave of absence.
ized as being ‘corrupt and inconstant, enveloped in
darkness and ignorance’.50 The centre of this realm The final phrase notes that if the king will not grant
is of course the infamous English pirate, captain even a part of his previous wage then Dowland must
Digory Piper, who by capturing Danish vessels cre- ‘do future service ... or give satisfaction to his Royal
ated much frustration in the Danish government Majesty in other ways’.53 It is obvious that Dowland’s
and was one of the original causes of the problems long absence had at least annoyed, if not the king
between Denmark and England.51 The dedication personally, then the administration in Copenhagen.
of the whole volume to Queen Elizabeth—who, During the spring of 1605 the king laid plans for
though the King of Denmark (‘battle galliard’) is the the teaching of ‘the little boys and girls’ to play vari-
centre of the volume, nevertheless presides over the ous instruments, and in April he paid Brade for ‘four
whole collection (or universe), and with the notori- lutes as well as several different kinds of lute strings’
ous pirate and enemy of Denmark in an even infe- to be given to the children.54 Perhaps he wished
rior position, below Christian IV—suggests that to use Nielsen’s abilities now that he had hired
Dowland was originally lobbying for a position at him and had two lutenists in his employment. Yet
the English court. Keeping in mind Lesieur’s promise there is an interesting entry dated 9 July remarking
of a reward if Dowland succeeded in obtaining the that the king has made Dowland an ‘advance pay-
desired information, supports this interpretation. It ment with a view to his future service’.55 This odd

pAGE 10 OF 16 Early Music

comment is explained when it is noted that one of procurer of goods such as instruments. Looking at
the boys, who had been studying in Italy and later the amount of time he spent travelling, it is tempting
was apprenticed to Borchgrevinck, was to be handed to conclude that his employment as the king’s lute-
over to Dowland in September.56 Apparently this did nist played a minor role in comparison to other obli-
not take place in September, for the boy received an gations. Considering this in an early 17th-century
introduction dated 10 October which he was to pre- context, it is clear that an overwhelming number of
sent to Dowland. The boy’s name, Hans Borckratz, is musicians were employed on similar terms, not only
not mentioned in the account books but only in the at the Danish court but also in Germany (and most
letter of introduction, which ordered Dowland to likely throughout Europe). Thus Praetorius men-
teach and provide board and instruction, for which tions that he had so many other duties that he did
he was to receive 100 daler.57 not have time to compose music – he, too, was sent
During December 1605 and until early February abroad on business peripheral to his duties as chapel
1606, the king was on a short military campaign in master.63 A  musician who could read and write in

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Germany; a couple of weeks after he had returned, addition to speaking several languages would be
he released both Dowland and Brade from service. employable in many different contexts, and it seems
It seems that Brade might have found employment only natural that his employer would utilize those
at the court of Gottorff.58 Dowland’s accounts were abilities.64 Dowland might have been encouraged
settled on 10 March—on the same day as the king to accept the post as lutenist at the Danish court in
and his counsellors met for their quadrennial coun- 1598 as an intermediary between the English and
cil meeting. There is no indication in the surviv- Danish governments in order to facilitate the flow of
ing documents as to the reason for Dowland’s and information during the serious disputes between the
Brade’s discharge. Both entries are very detailed in two countries. Since the relationship had become
comparison to many other dismissals occurring more amicable with the accession of King James
regularly throughout the year. But perhaps there is I, perhaps Dowland’s position as a mediator had
a subtle hint in the use of the phrase ‘førløffuidt aff become more or less redundant or perhaps, due to
thiennestenn’ rather than ‘bekommet sinn Affskeed’, his close connection with Cecil’s envoy Lesieur, the
implying that they were ‘released from duty’ rather Danish authorities doubted Dowland’s loyalty to his
than ‘having received [their] dismissal’.59 It has been employer.
argued that the king was forced to cut expenses and Looking at Dowland’s musical production, it is
that he therefore dismissed the two English musi- remarkable that he did not dedicate a single col-
cians on grounds of cost;60 however, (1) in the over- lection of music to his employer: all three books of
all picture, dismissing only two musicians in order ayres, which clearly address an English-speaking
to save money seems somewhat ineffective and (2), audience, and Lachrimae, are deliberately related
in that case it seems rather curious that in 1607 he to England and patrons or possible patrons there. It
would employ two Italian musicians who were even seems implausible that Christian IV would not have
more expensive (1,600 daler, to Dowland’s and accepted a dedication and in return paid a hand-
Brade’s 820 daler).61 It seems more likely that they some gift. There are indeed many examples of the
were joining the service of a court somewhere in king receiving personal copies and dedications, the
Germany on the king’s recommendation. It was also authors of which he sent gratuities.65 Dedications
around this time that Christian IV started planning were an integral part of the patron–client relation-
his well-known summer journey to visit his sister ship and important for maintaining a network. In
and brother-in-law in England.62 Whether there is a order to preserve the interest of patrons, dedica-
connection is an open question. tions were both public statements and visible praises
of the dedicatees and ultimately also an expression
Conclusion of self-appraisal.66 The fact that works of art were
Dowland had a whole range of assignments while commodities used to earn a living should not be
he was employed in Denmark, not only as a lute- underrated. It is clear that Dowland preferred to
nist but also as an agent, consultant, messenger and cultivate his English connections rather than trying

Early Music PAGE 11 OF 16

to maintain his employer’s attention and interest: he would not abscond as Norcombe did, infuriating
knew that at some stage he was going to return to the king. He also received several gifts, proving the
England and therefore needed to keep his English king’s satisfaction with his work. It is noticeable,
network alive. however, that during his final years of employ-
That Dowland’s focus was on England did ment Dowland had annoyed Christian IV—the
not—at least at first—worry the Danish king and most likely cause being the correspondence which
authorities, as it is possible that he was employed the lutenist held with Lesieur and later also the
by agreement with both Danish and English offi- long absence from court occurring in 1604–5.
cials. During his first years of employment he was Elizabeth’s death in early 1603 meant a complete
a highly trusted servant: the enormous sums of change in Dowland’s hopes: in order to return to
money that he handled prove that they must have England and obtain a position there, he would
found him absolutely reliable and knew that he need to tend to his patrons.

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Peter Hauge is a senior researcher at the Danish Centre for Music Publication at The Royal Library in
Copenhagen, and has written extensively on topics ranging from the critical editing of music, music and
philosophy of the Renaissance, to John Dowland, Johann Adolph Scheibe and Carl Nielsen. Among his
most recent publications are a complete critical edition and translation of Robert Fludd’s De templo
musicae (1618) and the first critical edition of Scheibe’s Passion Cantata of 1768. ph@kb.dk

1  See, for example, D. Poulton, John in Michael Praetorius—Vermittler 6 Spohr, ‘How chances it they travel’,
Dowland (London, 2/1982), and J. M. europäischer Musiktraditionen um p.134.
Ward, ‘A Dowland miscellany’, Journal 1600, ed. S. Rode-Breymann and 7  The Chapel Royal was also in the
of the Lute Society of America, x (1977). A. Spohr (Hildesheim, 2011), pp.33–49, process of being reorganized in 1598
More recently discovered sources are at pp.38, 49. Unfortunately, the archives due to the accession of Christian IV,
dealt with in P. Hauge, ‘Dowland in holding the musical collections with higher salaries for musicians and
Denmark 1598–1606: a rediscovered among others things were engulfed more foreign musicians employed.
document’, The Lute, xli (2001), by devastating fires during the 18th
pp.1–27; P. Hauge, ‘John Dowland’s century, destroying large parts of the 8  DK-Ra, TKUA, Speciel Del, Tillæg:
employment at the royal Danish collections. Gesandtregnskaber, 7., 1597–1629:
court: musician, agent—and spy?’, in Forskellige Gesandtregnskaber. ‘Arild
3  See E. P. Cheyney, ‘England and Huitfeldts og Christian Barnekows
Double agents: cultural and political Denmark in the later days of Queen
brokerage in early modern Europe, Regnskab’, f.23r (London, 19–9–1598).
Elizabeth’, The Journal of Modern
ed. M. Keblusek and B. V. Noldus History, i (1929), pp.9–39; some of the 9  All figures rely on A. Hammerich,
(Leyden, 2011), pp.193–212; B. Moe, English reports and complaints are Musiken ved Christian IVs Hof
‘Musikkulturel trafik i København in London, British Library, Add. Ms. (Copenhagen, 1892), pp.209–14. See
og Rostock: Musikerrekruttering og 48152; see also W. D. Macray, ‘Report of also P. Hauge, review of A. Spohr, ‘How
repertoirefornyelse i første halvdel af the Deputy-Keeper of Public Records chances it they travel’, Fund og Forskning,
1600-tallet’ (PhD diss., University of for the year 1883’, The 45th annual l (2011), pp.602–9, at pp.605–6.
Copenhagen, 2010); and A. Spohr, ‘How report of the Deputy Keeper of the 10 Hammerich, Musiken, p.22, and
chances it they travel’ Englische Musiker Public Records (London, 1885), app.2, even repeated as recently as in Spohr,
in Dänemark und Norddeutschland no.1. See also Hauge, ‘Dowland in ‘How chances it they travel’, p.212; but
1579–1630 (Wiesbaden, 2009). Though Denmark’, pp.1–27. see Ward, ‘A Dowland miscellany’, p.99.
many documents have appeared in 4  Hauge ‘Michael Praetorius’s
modern transcriptions, all references 11  O. Kongsted, ‘“Confirmatio fratrum
connections to the Danish court’, pp.30–1. per manuum appostionem”: listen over
in the present article are to the original
material. 5  The Royal Archives, medlemmer af Collegium vicariorum
Copenhagen (hereafter DK-Ra), perpetuorum in ecclesia Roskildensi
2  P. Hauge, ‘Michael Praetorius’s ‘Rentemesterregnskaber, 1599–1600’, 1552–1668 i Det Kongelige Bibliotek:
connections to the Danish court’, Udg. Afd. 19, 18–11–1598. Ny kgl. Samling 718, fol., og dens

pAGE 12 OF 16 Early Music

musikhistoriske betydning’, Fund og player in England (August 1599); see working on the continent, and Mark
Forskning, xlii (2003), pp.51–67. DK-Ra, TKIA, perioden indtil 1676, 5., Bateman who was also a trumpeter.
12  Moe, ‘Musikulturel trafik i 1596–1602, ‘Patenten’, ff.193v–194r. 25  Second Booke of Songs or Ayres
København og Rostock’, pp.90–1. 21  DK-Ra, ‘Sjællandske Tegnelser, (London, 1600). See also M. Dowling,
13  There has been some discussion 1602–1603’, 24–9–1602, f.379r, ‘Miss. til ‘The printing of John Dowland’s
as to whether Johan Meinert was Brede Rantzau’; see also request sent “Second Booke of Songs or Ayres”’,
John Mynors or John Maynard, the to Venice, DK-Ra, TKUA, Alm. Del, The Library, xii (1932), pp.365–80, with
composer of The XII Wonders of the 1 (Indtil 1676), 9., ‘Latina’ (1600–15), summary in Poulton, John Dowland,
World (London, 1611). Taking Danish ff.47v–48r. pp.245–7, and J. L. Smith, Thomas East
spelling habits into consideration the 22  London, British Library, Add. Ms. and music publishing in Renaissance
most likely name seems to be Maynard 48152. England (Oxford, 2003), pp.41–2.
or perhaps more likely Mynor, that is, 23  Bagster was of English origin since 26  ‘21–11–1600: remitted and paid to
without an ‘s’ at the end. he signed his name as ‘John Baxter’, John Baxter, his Royal Majesty’s ship
14  DK-Ra, ‘Rentemesterregnskaber, thus also proving that unlike many trumpeter, which he immediately shall
1600–1601’, Udg. Afd. 17, 29–7–1600: of his fellow trumpeters employed again deliver to the two trumpeters

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‘Konn: Maiettz: haffuer Naadigst at the court he could read and write; by the names of Thomas Knodd and
bestilled och Ahntagenn Johann see DK-Ra, ‘Rentemesterregnskab, Edward Laurence, who recently were
Meinertt, for enn Sannger vdj hanns 1600–1601’, Udg. Afd. 7, 21–11–1600. employed in service and now again
Maiettzs: Cantorie, Och schall hannd have been relieved from duty, and
24  DK-Ra, ‘Rentemesterregnskab, which his Royal Majesty has graciously
stedtze Whare paa med hanns Musica 1600–1601’, Udg. Afd. 5, 16–10–1600:
vdj Høigbemeldte Konn: Maiettzs: given and presented them as pension:
‘Samme Dag [i.e. 16 October 1600] 30 daler’ [21–11–[1600] tillstelledt och
Gemacher, och ellers vdj Kierckenn, dllr Antuordett Johann Bagster Konn:
och huor som heldst hanns Maiettzs. offueranndtwordett Johann Bagster,
Maietts: Schifftrommetter, som hannd Kgl. Matts. schifftrommetter, som
hannum lader tillsige og beffale’. See also Paa Hogbemelte Konn: Maietts:
Cristoffer Zettzinskj’s contract which hand strax fraa siegh Igjen schall
Weignne igien skal forrette och leffwerre till de tuinnde trommetere
includes a similar phrasing on the duties, Wdgiffue til Johan Stockis och Mester
‘Rentemesterregnskaber’, 1600–1601, Weed naffnn Thommas Knod och
Lamb Lunden wdj Engeland, Saa och Edward Lorenntzs, Som Nyeligen vore
Udg. Afd. 19, 29–10–1599. On similar but till Mester Johannes Dowlandt Konn:
later contracts, see Moe, ‘Musikulturel bleffuen Anthagen vdj Tjennesten, Och
M[aietts]: Lutenist, hans Høstrue, nu igienn erre bleffeunn forløffuidt
trafik i København og Rostock’, p.26. Huilcke for:ne penninge, hand haffde aff thiennestenn, Som Kongl: Maiett:
15  A contract existed, as it is referred Laannt och optagen aff dennum dennum naad. haffuer schenckett och
to in the first entry of the book-keeper’s der Wdj Enngelland, Och samme forehret till affthoeg – xxx dr.], DK-Ra,
account on Dowland. Penninge igienn Wdgiffuen till dee ‘Rentemesterregnskab, 1600–1601’, Udg.
16  DK-Ra, ‘Sjællandske Register’, 5. Engelske Trommetter, Paa Haanden, Afd. 7, 21–11–1600.
f.360r; see also Moe, ‘Musikulturel som hand effter Konn: Maietts:
Naadigste befalling, wdj nerwerrendis 27  Thus Borchgrevinck received
trafik i København og Rostock’, p.41.
Aar. 1600. derudj Engelland, haffuer a small portrait on 4 August 1601.
17  It should be emphasized that it was not DK-Ra, ‘Rentemesterregnskab,
only Catholics who might receive such bestellid och Anthagen Wdj Konn:
Maietts: tienneste. Sammeledis som 1600–1601’, Udg. Afd. 7, 4–8–1601.
contracts (for example, the new chapel 28  DK-Ra, ‘Sjællandske Tegnelser,
master, Fontana, in 1648), Protestant er Opgangen till fortering, shiffsleige
och ellers Anden Nodtrufft och 1602–1603’, 24–9–1602, f.379.
musicians did too; see Moe, ‘Musikulturel
trafik i København og Rostock’, p.41. behouff, der wdj Engelland, Och 29  T. Rymer and R. Sanderson,
paa hiembreigsen der fraa, med Foedera, conventiones, literæ, et
18  On merchants of art and agency, for:ne 5. Trommetter, herinnd wdj cujusque generis acta publica (London,
see B. V. Noldus, ‘A spider in its web: Rigett igien, widere end dee xxx 1615), xvi, pp.440–1.
agent and artist Michel le Blon and his dllr, som hannum till dis behouff,
northern European network’, in Double 30  DK-Ra, ‘Rentemesterregnskab,
wdj Julii maanid nest forledenn, wdj 1603–1604’, Udg. Afd. 23, 16–7–1603:
agents, pp.161–91. nerwerrendis Aar. 1600. aff Konn: ‘effter Maijtts: eigenne Naadigste
19  DK-Ra, ‘Rentemesterregnskab, Maietts: eegid Cammers, er bleffuen befalling, Igengiffuenn och
1599–1600’, Udg. Afd. 19, 30–11–1600. tillstillid och offuerantwordett, effter fornøigedt Johannes Dowlannd,
20  John Stokes (‘Stackjen’, ‘Stockis’, hans Offuergiffne och Vnnderschreffne Konngl: M: Luttennist. Som hand
‘Stackiss’, ‘Stocker’) was also involved Registers formelding. [In left paa høigbemeldte Konngl: Maijtts:
with English musicians employed at margin: jrexxx Dllr.].’ The Batemans veigenne, aff sinne eigenne Pendinge
the Danish court; besides Dowland, were probably brothers and related vnderdanigst Haffde fortragt och
with whom he was in contact, Stokes to Robert Bateman, a violist and vdgiffuen, till Lunden vdj Engellannd,
was also requested to find the best viol composer who seems to have been Først – jre xl. dallr Som hannd

Early Music PAGE 13 OF 16

haffuer giffuen, eenn Harpslager, 32  See Hammerich, Musiken, p.29. 41  Hauge, ‘John Dowland’s
och eenn Dandzsmester, Hannd Duke Hans left for Russia on 1 August employment’, pp.193–5.
dersammestedzs, effter Konngl: 1602. 42  London, British Library, Ms. Stowe
Maijtts: Naadigste befalling, haffuer 33  Historisk Calender, ed. L. Engelstoft 150, f.188; and DK-Ra, TKUA, England
bestillidt och Antagen, vdj hanns and J. Møller (Copenhagen, 1814), i, AII, breve nr.195–6. See also TKUA,
Maijtts: thienneste, paa regenschaff, pp.73–193; and Hammerich, Musiken, Alm. Del 1 (Indtil 1676), 9, ‘Latina’
aff derris tillkommende Lønn pp.29–31. (1600–15), ff.58ff., which includes
och Besolding, som ochsaa med 34  DK-Ra, ‘Sjællandske Tegnelser, numerous letters to King James and the
dennum, her vdj Konngl: Maijtts: 1602–1603’, 24–9–1602, f.379r, ‘Miss. til negotiations and planning of Rutland’s
Rente Cammer, er bleffuen kortidt Brede Rantzau’; ‘Rentemesterregnskab, visit.
och Affregnit, Item, giffuedt for 1602–1603’, Udg. Afd. 20, 17–7–1602; 43  DK-Ra, ‘Rentemesterregnskab,
eenn Deell Engelske Handsker, ‘Rentemesterregnskab, 1602–1603’, Udg. 1604–1605’, Udg. Afd. 19, 10–7–1604:
Hannd Haffuer Indkiøfft, till Konngl: Afd. 20, 11–10–1602, 31–10–1602. ‘hannd haffuer werridt forreigsedt till
Maijtts: och hanns Maijtts: kierre Englland, vdj hans eigenn Werffue,
Elske: Gemahell Høigborne førstinde 35 Rymer, Foedera, xvi, pp.429–36;
Hauge, ‘Dowland in Denmark’, pp.1–27. och bestillinng’ (‘he has been travelling

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Dronning Anna Catherina – Lxxij to England on his own business and
dr, For Rackete Strennge – xv dall, 36  See also, for example, Historical
Manuscripts Commission, ‘Calendar of work’).
for eenn kiste med Fioler – jre ij
daller, Och xx dall til Omkostening, the manuscripts of the most hon. the 44  DK-Ra, ‘Rentemesterregnskab,
som paa for: kiste er opgangen, alt Marquis of Salisbury’ (London, 1899), 1603–1604’, Udg. Afd. 8, 16–7–1603.
offuerføre, der fraa Engelland her viii, pp.113–14, where Thomas Ferrers There is an account in John Nichols,
Innd vdj Riigedt till Konngl: Maijtts: mentions that the queen employed him The progresses of James I (London,
Dißligest, for eenn Irisch Harpe, ‘in a matter of Materiales or Alchemy, 1826), i, pp.163–4, according to which
med Strennge der till – jre iiij dallr, bought of one Roloffe Petersen of ‘Lord Ambassadour ... set sayle for
Lubeck’. England on 19 July’, which does not
dernest, for huis fortering, for: Johann
37  Letter to Dowland: DK-Kk, nks agree with the Danish documents, see,
Doulannd, sampt for: Harpeslager,
1305, 2o, læg 5; Robert Bryghus or for example, H. Fr. Rørdam, ‘Sivert
och Dandzsmester, Haffuer giordt,
Robbert Bridhouse owned a house in Grubbes Dagbog’, Danske Magazin, iv
paa reigsen, fraa Engellannd her vdj
Elsinore, paid tax, and is mentioned Rk., 4 (1878), p.17.
Riigedt – jre dallr, Saa och for Luten
Strennge, och eenn Guldsnor, omkring several times in documents in 45  See quotation above.
Konngl: Maijtts: Lutte – iij dallr, Saa connection with Scots and Englishmen; 46  DK-Ra, TKUA, Speciel Del, Tillæg:
Hanns gandsche vdgifft beløffuer, see Hauge, ‘Dowland in Denmark’, Gesandtregnskaber, 7., 1597–1629,
effter som forschreffuid staar – vre pp.12, 23. ‘Forskellige Gesandtregnskaber’,
vj dallr, effter Hoesliggende hanns 38  Macray, ‘Report of the Deputy- ff.8r–12v.
der paa Offuergiffuenne Register Keeper’, no.1, p.56. 47  For further references and a
och forteignelßis formelding som aff 39  DK-Ra, TKUA, Alm. Del (Indtil detailed study of Lachrimae, see
Konngl: Maijtts: sielffued Naadigst, 1676), b.147, ‘Dr Jonas Charisius P. Hauge, ‘Dowland’s seven tears, or the
er vederschreffuen, Emod huilcken Gesandtskabspapirer’. art of concealing the art’, Dansk Årbog
forschreffuenne, hanns vdgifft, Hannd for Musikforskning, xxix (2001), pp.9–
paa Konngl: Maijtts: weigenne, 40  Very few in the Danish
administration—if any at all, and 36. For other possible interpretations,
Haffde Optagenn, der till Lunden vdj see P. Holman, Dowland: Lachrimae
Engelland, paa wechsell – Aff eenn certainly not the king—were able
to read and write English; thus (1604) (Cambridge, 1999), pp.36–74,
deell Engelske kiøbmand, som kaldis, and D. Pinto, ‘Dowland’s tears. Aspects
dett Mellsingsche Companej – ijre correspondence between the English
and Danish courts was always in Latin of “Lachrimæ”’, The Lute, xxxvii
Lxxxix dallr, Saa hannum, aff Konngl: (1997), pp.44–75. See also Hauge, ‘John
Maijtts: effter dennd Leijlighied, paa or French or Italian. A letter in English,
now shelved in the Royal Archives, Dowland’s employment’, pp.206–11.
denne Affregning haffuer till kommidt, 48  See Holman, Dowland: Lachrimae,
som Hannum nu, her aff hanns Maijtts: Copenhagen, clearly reveals that they
had great difficulty in reading and pp.36–60; for an interpretation of
Rente Cammer, er bleffuenn erlaugdt the position of the seven pavans,
och Affbetallidt, som forbemeldt er ijre understanding English. The letter has
an appended abstract in Danish and see Hauge, ‘Dowland’s seven tears’,
xvij Dr.–’ pp.15–36.
the most difficult words are translated
31  DK-Ra, ‘Rentemesterregnskab, into Latin or Danish in the margins. 49  John Dowland, Lachrimæ,
1601–1602,’ Udg. Afd. 13, 1–5–1601, 8–7– Some of the words have even been or seaven teares (London, s.d.),
1601, 15–8–1601, 4–11–1601, 14–11–1601, mistranslated; see H. Glarbo, ‘Om den Dedication, sig.a2r. It is tempting
9–1–1602, 6–2–1602, 20–4–1602; and dansk-engelske forbindelse i Christian to suggest that piece no.8, Semper
‘Rentemesterregnskab, 1602–1603’, Udg. IV.s og Jakob I.s tid’, Fra Arkiv og Dowland semper dolens (‘Always
Afd. 14, 24–8–1602. Museum, 2. ser., 2 (1932), p.76. Dowland, always pain’) is thus

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appropriately under the influence of 56  DK-Ra, ‘Sjællandske Tegnelser’, 64  Dowland was able to read
Saturn and closely linked with the register, nr.15, 1605–12, 10–10–1605, f.65; Latin and was most likely able to
concept of melancholy. ‘Rentemesterregnskab, 1605–1606’, Udg. understand German. The lutenist
50  Hauge, ‘John Dowland’s Afd. 19, 15–10–1605. Steffen Brade, William Brade’s son,
employment’, p.209. 57  DK-Ra, ‘Sjællandske Tegnelser’, knew German, English and French;
51  Some of the other pirates were register, nr.15, 1605–12, 10–10–1605, f.65. see his entry in the Liber amicorum
Blackadder and Thomas Clarick; Digory of Johannes Jessen, DK-Kk, MS
58 Spohr, ‘How chances it they travel’, Thott 1941, 4o, f. 67, reproduced in
Piper caused so much frustration p.63.
that Frederick II wrote to Elizabeth Spohr, ‘How chances it they travel’,
59  See, for example, Thomas p.11.
complaining and seeking recompense;
Cuttings’s dismissal in 1609, DK-Ra,
E. P. Cheyney, ‘England and Denmark’, 65  Hauge, ‘Michael Praetorius’s
‘Rentemesterregnskab, 1610–1611’, Udg.
pp.25–6; W. D. Macray, ‘Report of the connections’, pp.40–2.
Afd. 16, 10–10–1610.
Deputy-Keeper’, app.2 no.1, p.29.
52  DK-Ra, ‘Rentemesterregnskab, 60 Spohr, ‘How chances it they travel’, p.62. 66  K. Enenkel, ‘Reciprocal
1604–1605’, Udg. Afd. 19, 29–10–1604. 61  See the above discussion of salaries. authorisation: the function of

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dedications and dedicatory prefaces
53  DK-Ra, ‘Rentemesterregnskab, 62  Numerous accounts of the visit in the 15th and 16th century “artes
1604–1605’, Udg. Afd. 19, 10–7–1604. were published around that time; see antiquitatis”’, in ‘Cui dono lepidum
54  DK-Ra, ‘Rentemesterregnskab, also Nichols, The progresses of James I, novum libellum?’ dedicating Latin
1604–1605’, Udg. Afd. 22, 15–4–1605. ii, pp.54–93. works and motets in the sixteenth
55  DK-Ra, ‘Rentemesterregnskab, 63  Hauge, ‘Michael Praetorius’s century, ed. I. Bossuyt et al. (Leuven,
1605–1606’, Udg. Afd. 19, 9–7–1606. connections’, p.46. 2008), pp.39–41.

Early Music PAGE 15 OF 16

 Abstract

Peter Hauge lute-player seem not to have been of greatest importance

to the Danes. At the same time, it is clear that Dowland
was close to the policy-makers there, and had access to
Dowland and his time in information which the English government found inter-
Copenhagen, 1598–1606 esting and sought to utilize, as the English diplomat
John Dowland was employed in Copenhagen during Stephen Lesieur’s request in December 1602 reveals. After
the period 1598–1606, the first years of which marked a the death of Elizabeth I in 1603 and his hopes for an early
politically tense time in relations between England and return to England vanished, the Danish authorities began
to doubt Dowland’s loyalty, and sought to give him other

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Denmark; numerous delegations were sent between
Copenhagen and London trying to reach agreement on assignments. It also seems that Dowland had annoyed the
fishing rights and Sound dues. Dowland, who arrived at king by his extended stay in London ‘on private business’
the same time as part of an English delegation visiting in 1604–5, for in March 1606 he and William Brade were
Christian IV, carried out duties at court, which included discharged from service in Copenhagen as the king pre-
not only playing the lute but also working as a consult- pared to visit James I and Anne in England.
ant, agent, negotiator and messenger, entailing several Keywords: John Dowland; Copenhagen; employment;
long trips between Denmark and England. His duties as a politics; lute; espionage

pAGE 16 OF 16 Early Music