United Nations S/2010/596

Security Council Distr.: General

29 November 2010

Original: English

Letter dated 15 November 2010 from the Chair of the

Security Council Committee established pursuant to resolution
1533 (2004) concerning the Democratic Republic of the Congo
addressed to the President of the Security Council

On behalf of the Security Council Committee established pursuant to

resolution 1533 (2004) concerning the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and in
accordance with paragraph 6 of Security Council resolution 1896 (2009), I have the
honour to submit herewith the final report of the Group of Experts on the
Democratic Republic of the Congo.
In this connection, I would appreciate it if the present letter, together with its
enclosure, were brought to the attention of the members of the Council and issued as
a document of the Council.

(Signed) Maria Luiza Ribeiro Viotti

Chair

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Enclosure
Letter dated 26 October 2010 from the Group of Experts on the
Democratic Republic of the Congo addressed to the Chair of the
Security Council Committee established pursuant to resolution
1533 (2004)

The members of the Group of Experts on the Democratic Republic of the

Congo have the honour to transmit herewith the final report of the Group prepared
pursuant to paragraph 6 of Security Council resolution 1896 (2009).

(Signed) Raymond Debelle

(Signed) Mouctar Kokouma Diallo
(Signed) Steven Hege
(Signed) Frederick Robarts
(Signed) Pawel Tarnawski

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Summary
The Government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo has registered
progress in its efforts to bring peace and stability to the eastern part of the country,
not least by building on its rapprochement with its neighbours. A number of
encouraging initiatives are under way, including the Government’s leadership role in
the promotion by the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region of the
legal trade in natural resources in the region for the benefit of all of its inhabitants.
President Joseph Kabila has publicly recognized that the involvement of
criminal networks within the Forces armées de la République démocratique du
Congo (FARDC) in the illegal exploitation of natural resources has created a conflict
of interest with the army’s constitutional security mandate. This involvement has led
to pervasive insubordination, competing chains of command, failure to actively
pursue armed groups, amounting in certain cases to collusion, and neglect of civilian
protection. Criminal involvement can range from illegal taxation, protection rackets
and indirect commercial control, to more direct coercive control. Taken together, the
consequences of this involvement in the exploitation of natural resources by
networks within FARDC are an important cause of insecurity and conflict in the
eastern part of the country.
Congolese armed groups, including the Forces patriotiques pour la libération du
Congo, Mai Mai Sheka and Alliance des patriots pour un Congo libre et souverain,
have continued to form coalitions among themselves and with foreign armed groups,
despite their varying strategic agendas. Through those alliances, foreign and
Congolese armed groups have been emboldened to attack FARDC and pillage mining
sites and local populations. Some armed groups, such as Mai Mai Sheka, have been
generated by criminal networks within FARDC that compete for control over
mineral-rich areas. In addition, armed groups continue to tap into popular unease
with the current status quo in the Kivus, including fear of unmanaged refugee
returns, land grabs, politico-military marginalization and resentment caused by
ongoing insecurity. Although armed groups have been forced to concede most of the
main mining sites in the Kivus, they continue to control smaller mines in more
remote areas and have increasingly relied on intermediaries and predatory attacks to
profit from the mineral trade.
Units of the former Congrès national pour la défense du peuple (CNDP) in
FARDC have gained military control over most of the strategic areas rich in natural
resources in the Kivus, presenting a challenge to their integration into FARDC. The
process has also been undermined by the withholding by CNDP of non-integrated
units and weapons, links to armed groups and profound internal divisions. More
recently, CNDP has reunified and increased recruitment to oppose redeployment
outside the Kivus.
The arrests in Europe of senior political leaders of the Forces démocratiques de
libération du Rwanda (FDLR) has signalled stronger international resolve to bring to
justice those who command and represent the group from afar. Yet the Group has
found that impact of those arrests on the morale of combatants and their military
leaders has been more limited than expected. FDLR increasingly works with other
armed groups, including former enemies, to attack and loot both civilian and military
targets. FARDC operations, meanwhile, have successfully disrupted FDLR taxation
and trading activities, although the organization continues to exploit natural
resources in remote areas.

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The Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) still abducts children and commits
atrocities in Orientale Province, but it appears to have withdrawn most of its forces
to Southern Sudan and the eastern area of the Central African Republic. The Group
investigated reports of contacts between an LRA delegation and officers from the
Sudanese armed forces, finding that contacts took place at the initiative of LRA,
which was seeking to re-establish relations and to negotiate refuge in the Sudan. The
Group also researched sources of financial and military support to the Ugandan-led
Allied Democratic Forces, including from its London-based leader Jamil Mukulu and
Pakistani and Moroccan trainers. Moreover, following the disappearance from
Burundi in July 2010 of opposition leader Agathon Rwasa, the Group monitored the
remobilization of his Forces nationales de libération movement and its use of South
Kivu as a rear base, where it has already formed alliances with local armed groups.
The present report documents a small number of cases of direct and command
responsibility for the recruitment and use of children by the leaders of Congolese
armed groups as well as two military commanders from FARDC, all of whom have
used children as their personal escorts. The Group did not duplicate investigations
into the mass rape of more than 300 civilians over three days in Walikale, but its
research did lead to some observations on the nature of the coalition responsible for
this atrocity.
The report also examines a number of challenges to the transparency and
traceability of mineral supply chains from the eastern part of the Democratic
Republic of the Congo, as well as an industry-led initiative aimed at addressing the
involvement of armed actors in the supply chain. After full and wide-ranging
consultations, particularly with the Congolese Government, the Group has presented
two options for due diligence guidelines. The first option, drawn precisely from the
Group’s mandate, provides guidance to importers, processors and consumers of
minerals from the eastern part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo on how to
mitigate the risk of providing direct or indirect support to illegal armed groups
and/or to individuals and entities that are subject to targeted sanctions. The second
option provides guidance to the same audience to mitigate the additional risks of
providing direct or indirect support to criminal networks and perpetrators of serious
human rights abuses within FARDC. Both options employ the same five-step risk-
based due diligence approach developed by the Group and other stakeholders
through a working group hosted by the Organization for Economic Cooperation and
Development to develop due diligence guidance for responsible supply chains of
minerals from conflict-affected and high-risk areas.

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Contents
Page

I. Scope and methodology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9

II. Context . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
A. Regional developments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
B. National context . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12
C. Overall security context . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13
III. Congolese armed groups . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
A. Mai Mai Sheka/Nduma Defence for Congo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
B. Alliance des patriots pour un Congo libre et souverain . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17
C. Forces patriotiques pour la libération du Congo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18
D. Forces républicaines fédéralistes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20
IV. Foreign armed groups . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23
A. Forces démocratiques de libération du Rwanda . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23
B. Lord’s Resistance Army . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30
C. Allied Democratic Forces . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31
D. Forces nationales de libération . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32
V. Information relevant to the Sanctions Committee’s designation of individuals referred to in
subparagraphs (d), (e) and (f) of paragraph 4 of resolution 1857 (2008) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34
A. Political and military leaders operating in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and
recruiting or using children in armed conflict in violation of international law . . . . . . . . 34
B. Individuals operating in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and committing serious
violations of international law involving the targeting of children or women in situations
of armed conflict, including killing and maiming, sexual violence, abduction and forced
displacement . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38
C. Individuals obstructing access to or distribution of humanitarian assistance in the
eastern part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41
VI. Challenges for the integration of armed groups . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42
VII. Illegal exploitation of natural resources . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47
A. Minerals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49
B. Natural resources other than minerals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 67
C. Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 74
VIII. Transparency and traceability challenges for mineral supply chains from the eastern part of
the Democratic Republic of the Congo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 77
IX. Due diligence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83
A. Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83

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B. Methodology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 86
C. Options . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87
X. Recommendations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 96
Annexes
1. List of meetings and consultations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99
2. Photograph and short biography of Ngabo Gadi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 104
3. Political programme of FPLC distributed in early 2009 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 105
4. Home of Colonel Innocent Kabundi (FARDC Zone 3 Operations Commander, South Kivu)
located at Kabaragasha, near Burungu, which was attacked on 2 June 2010 by FPLC
commander Emmanuel Sengyumva . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 108
5. FDLR regional resistance committees . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109
6. Paix et réconciliation manifest of “FDLR elements” with comments after screening by the
Rwandan Demobilization and Reintegration Commission . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 110
7. Structure of RUD-Urunana . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 112
8. Communiqués from Felicien Kanyamibwa and RUD-Urunana on events at Kasiki . . . . . . . . . 113
9. United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo
Disarmament, Demobilization, Repatriation, Reintegration and Resettlement Section data on
intentions of RUD combatants at Kasiki . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 116
10. Structure of Allied Democratic Forces . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 120
11. Examples of past Western Union transfers allegedly destined for ADF . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 121
12. Photo obtained from Burundian authorities of FNL commander Antoine “Shuti” Baranyanka 122
13. Summary of CNDP personnel, 31 December 2008 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 123
14. CNDP combatants declared 12 January 2009 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 124
15. House containing an arms cache held by former CNDP elements on a hill outside of Ngungu,
Masisi territory . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 125
16. Official records of tax revenue received by the CNDP parallel administration of
“Masisi/Mushake” for the month of December 2009 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 126
17. Photos of the Bwiza settlement controlled by CNDP within the Virunga National Park . . . . . . 127
18. Letter addressed to President Kabila by ex-CNDP commanders protesting plans for
redeployment outside of the Kivus. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 128
19. Decree from the Ministry of Mines suspending mining activities in the provinces of South
Kivu, North Kivu and Maniema as of 11 September 2010 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 131
20. Article 21 of the Democratic Republic of the Congo Mining Code, law 007/2002, which
prohibits the involvement of the security forces in mining activities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 132
21. Articles of military penal code 023/2002 concerning punishment for looting and violation of
direct orders . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 134
22. Canister allegedly containing uranium trafficked by FDLR and Établissement Namukaya . . . 136

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23. Engraving on canister allegedly containing uranium trafficked by FDLR and Établissement
Namukaya . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 137
24. Text message from Établissement Namukaya agent wishing to sell alleged uranium . . . . . . . . 138
25. Photograph of alleged uranium in the possession of Établissement Namukaya agents . . . . . . . 139
26. Description of minerals in the possession of Établissement Namukaya agents . . . . . . . . . . . . . 140
27. Document obtained from the provincial mining division demonstrating total exports of
cassiterite from North Kivu Province during the first half of 2010 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 141
28. Letter from Walikale Territorial Administrator to Lieutenant Colonel Yusuf Mboneza,
commander of the 212th brigade, denouncing the involvement of his soldiers in mining
activities at Bisie . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 142
29. Letter from the Military Prosecutor’s Office denouncing Captain Zidane and overall
insecurity at Bisie by soldiers of the 212th brigade . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 144
30. Letter from General Amisi ordering the removal of soldiers from the 212th brigade and the
installation of the mining company Geminaco on 9 February 2010 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 146
31. Letter from 8th Military Region Commander, General Vainqueur Mayala, relaying an order
of General Amisi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 147
32. Photos of those injured in violent confrontations with the 212th brigade during protests
against the arrival of Geminaco with military escorts at Mubi in early March 2010 . . . . . . . . . 149
33. Letter from Socagrimines addressed to the Minister of National Defence, Charles Mwando
Nsimba, denouncing the militarization of Omate by Geminaco . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 150
34. Soldiers of the reserve battalion under the command of Major Safari overseeing mining
activities in Omate in July 2010 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 152
35. Letter from the Military Prosecutor’s Office in Kinshasa ordering the demilitarization of the
Omate mine until the conflict over mining rights is resolved through the judicial system . . . . 153
36. Letter from Minister of National Defence, Charles Mwando Nsimba, to the Military
Prosecutor’s Office and the General Army Headquarters asking both to investigate the
conflict at Omate . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 154
37. Ministry of Mines list of gold traders in Mubi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 156
38. Press statement of South African-based Dimension Resources upon acquiring an 18 per cent
stake in Geminaco in May 2009 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 157
39. Extracts from the conclusions of a five-day inclusive seminar held in Walikale territory in
June 2010 between civil society members, administrative officials and representatives of
armed groups . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 158
40. Colonel Chiviri’s “Prince de Zamunda” bar in Kamituga, where he is alleged to purchase
gold and ore (the chairs are labelled in his name) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 160
41. Text message from FDLR commander to Colonel Heshima threatening to kill his family if he
goes too quickly in operations against them . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 161
42. Samples of copper stockpiled by the 4th Division Commander, Colonel Bernard Byamungu . 162
43. Official notes from a meeting between civil society, mining authorities and FARDC officers
in Manguredjipa, Lubero territory, on 17 March 2010 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 163

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44. Timber production by the 22nd Sector at the “Madame Merlo” farm between Kiroliwe and
Kitchanga . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 166
45. Trucks belonging to Major Eustache between Bibwe and Nyange in Masisi territory . . . . . . . 167
46. Letter from Colonel Sadam requesting tax exemption for his timber trucks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 168
47. List of FARDC officers exporting timber or recognized as particularly active in the timber
trade according to a mixed committee of MONUSCO and the Government of the Democratic
Republic of the Congo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 169
48. Example of a Fuso truck carrying between 150 and 170 sacks (35 kg) of charcoal from
Rutshuru territory . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 170
49. Charcoal kilns in the southern sector of Virunga National Park . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 171
50. Estimated 1,000 square kilometres controlled by former CNDP elements of FARDC within
the western sector of Virunga National Park; aerial and ground photos attest to claims of the
arrival of cattle to graze in the park . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 172
51. An example of “informant” cards distributed by FARDC officers for charcoal traders and
producers wishing to enter the park . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 174
52. Examples of identification cards on Rwandan nationals arrested by ICCN for participation in
the illegal charcoal trade within Virunga National Park . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 175
53. Examples of weekly registry of taxes paid to FARDC by a fisherman near Vitshumbi . . . . . . . 176
54. Soldiers of the 131st brigade controlling access of fishermen to Lake Edward and
participating in illegal fishing themselves . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 177
55. Examples of FARDC involvement in poaching within Virunga National Park . . . . . . . . . . . . . 178
56. Dry acid poisons planted by elephant poachers, often with the protection of criminal
networks within FARDC . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 180
57. Statistics on minerals exported from the Democratic Republic of the Congo to Rwanda . . . . . 181
58. Due diligence documentation required by Congolese law . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 183
59. Documentation provided by cassiterite mineral traders to comptoirs in Bukavu, which refers
only vaguely to the general territory where the minerals were first registered by Congolese
mining authorities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 185
60. Official exports during the first three months of 2010 by Établissement Namukaya. . . . . . . . . 187
61. Certificate of origin for export from Établissement Namukaya to Pinacle EPZ Traders in
Nairobi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 188
62. Flight routes available through New Congocom Air, run by Établissement Namukaya . . . . . . 189
63. Official exports by Berkenrode, run by Mutoka Ruganyira, over the course of 2009 . . . . . . . . 190
64. Official exports by Berkenrode, run by Mutoka Ruganyira, over the first seven months of
2010 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 191

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I. Scope and methodology

1. The Group of Experts submitted its interim report on 29 April 2010
(S/2010/252). Since then, the Group has continued to investigate possible violations
of the arms embargo in the eastern part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo,
pursuant to Security Council resolution 1896 (2009).
2. Building on the work of previous Groups of Experts, the Group focused its
research on the activities, leadership and support networks of the Forces
démocratiques de libération du Rwanda (FDLR) and its splinter group, Ralliement
pour l’unité et la démocratie (RUD-Urunana). The Group also researched the
support networks of two Ugandan-led armed groups that were targeted by joint
Congolese-Ugandan military operations: the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) and the
Allied Democratic Forces (ADF), and the activities of the Burundian Forces
nationales de libération (FNL) in South Kivu.
3. The Group also researched a number of case studies of Congolese armed
groups that either continued to refuse to be integrated within the Forces armées de la
République démocratique du Congo (FARDC) or have abandoned the process, some
entering into operational coalitions with one another or with FDLR to inflict attacks
on civilian or military targets. These include the Forces républicaines fédéralistes
(FRF), Mai Mai Sheka, the Alliance des patriotes pour un Congo libre et souverain
(APCLS) and the Forces patriotiques pour la libération du Congo (FPLC), the latter
representing an attempt to build a new coalition including former Congrès national
pour la défense du peuple (CNDP) deserters of FARDC, FDLR and Mai Mai groups.
4. As signalled in its interim report, the Group has continued to monitor the
incomplete implementation of the political and military agreements of 23 March
2009 signed by the Government, CNDP and other Congolese armed groups, with a
view to assessing consequences relevant to its mandate.
5. Pursuant to paragraph 13 of resolution 1807 (2008), the Group has also
investigated individuals who have committed serious violations of international
humanitarian and human rights law by recruiting and using child soldiers or
targeting women and children in armed conflict situations, who have obstructed
humanitarian assistance and who have impeded the disarmament process. The Group
has worked with the United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the
Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUSCO), relevant United Nations agencies
and local organizations in those investigations, also conducting interviews with
eyewitnesses, including current and former members of armed groups. A qualified
child protection worker was present for interviews with witnesses who were under
18 years old. In the light of past experience and guidance from the Committee, the
Group has presented a limited number of cases establishing direct and command
responsibility for serious violations of international law. In its identification of cases
and sources, the Group took steps not to duplicate the ongoing work of competent
United Nations teams, notably the MONUSCO-Office of the United Nations High
Commissioner for Human Rights Joint Human Rights Office and the MONUSCO
Child Protection Section.
6. By paragraph 7 of resolution 1896 (2009), the Security Council extended the
mandate of the Group of Experts to include recommendations to the Sanctions
Committee established pursuant to resolution 1533 (2004) for guidelines for the
exercise of due diligence by importers, processing industries and consumers of

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mineral products from the Democratic Republic of the Congo. To this end, the
Group consulted concerned Member States, regional and international forums,
commercial entities and civil society organizations, also drawing on its own
investigations into the linkage between the exploitation of natural resources and the
financing of armed groups. A further description of the methodology used to arrive
at these recommendations is contained in paragraphs 320 to 326.
7. In its interim report, the Group referred to the problem of the militarization of
mines in the eastern part of the country. In the course of its investigations into
networks potentially providing support to armed groups, as well as fieldwork to
develop and contextualize guidelines for the exercise of due diligence by purchasers
of minerals, the Group encountered and documented numerous cases of illegal
involvement in the exploitation of natural resources by criminal networks within
FARDC. The Group has documented a number of ways in which this conflict of
interest undermines the constitutional mission of FARDC to protect civilians and
their property. To support ongoing efforts by the Government to tackle criminal
networks, the Group has shared relevant information about these cases with the
Congolese authorities.
8. The Group also gathered and analysed available information on flows of arms
and related material, on networks operating in violation of the arms embargo and on
the implementation by Member States of the measures of the arms embargo,
including the travel ban and assets freeze on designated individuals and entities.
9. The Group used evidentiary standards recommended by the Informal Working
Group of the Security Council on General Issues of Sanctions in its 2006 report
(S/2006/997), relying on authentic documents and, wherever possible, first-hand,
on-site observations by the experts themselves. When this was not possible, the
Group corroborated information using at least three independent sources assessed by
the Group to be credible and reliable. The Group has attached to the present report
all annexes it deems important to further substantiate its findings. In cases where
identifying sources would expose them to an unacceptable risk of reprisals, the
Group has placed the relevant evidence in United Nations archives, along with other
relevant documents.
10. Pursuant to paragraph 18 of resolution 1807 (2008), the Group analysed and
exchanged relevant information with the United Nations Organization Mission in
the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUC)/MONUSCO and is grateful for
the cooperation it received, notably from the Joint Mission Analysis Cell,
disarmament, demobilization, repatriation, reintegration and resettlement
programme, the Joint Human Rights Office, the Child Protection Section, the Civil
Affairs Section, the Political Affairs Division and the office of the Deputy Special
Representative of the Secretary-General (Rule of Law). The Group would like to
express its appreciation for the decision of the Special Representative of the
Secretary-General, Roger Meece, to agree to procedures for more systematic
information-sharing between the Mission and the Group. The Group is also grateful
for the administrative and logistical support it received from the Mission.
11. The Group met with a broad range of interlocutors during its fieldwork,
including the civilian and military authorities of the Democratic Republic of the
Congo, Rwanda, Uganda, Burundi, regional organizations, Interpol, non-governmental
organizations, businesspeople, researchers and former and current leaders and
members of armed groups. More details are provided in annex 1.

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12. By his letter dated 25 June 2010 (S/2010/337), the Secretary-General informed
the Security Council that he had appointed Steven Hege (United States of America,
armed groups) and named Mouctar Kokouma Diallo (Guinea, customs and finance)
as Coordinator of the Group of Experts, following the resignation of Philip
Lancaster (Canada, armed groups) for personal reasons. Other members of the
Group were Raymond Debelle (Belgium, arms), appointed on 25 February 2010
(S/2010/99), Fred Robarts (United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland,
regional issues) and Pawel Tarnawski (Poland, logistics), appointed on 22 April
2010 (S/2010/207). The Group was assisted by a consultant, Gregory Mthembu-
Salter (United Kingdom), to undertake the tasks described in paragraph 7 of
resolution 1896 (2009), including the drafting of due diligence guidelines. Claudio
Gramizzi (Italy) also served as a consultant during the initial part of the mandate.
For four months, the Group was assisted in its information management tasks by
Elsa Papageorgiou (France). The Group was further assisted in its mandate by
Francesca Jannotti Pecci and subsequently by Stéphane Auvray, both Political
Affairs Officers in the Department of Political Affairs of the United Nations
Secretariat.

II. Context
A. Regional developments

13. Regional cooperation on security issues continues to benefit from improved

diplomatic relations between the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Rwanda,
Uganda and Burundi and a renewed commitment to enhancing the effectiveness of
the Economic Community of the Great Lakes Countries. This renewed regional
cooperation remains the cornerstone of stability in the region and in the Democratic
Republic of the Congo. In the absence of foreign State support, armed groups in the
country, while still formidable, are collectively weakened.
14. Presidents and defence ministers from the four countries meet fairly regularly.
Unlike in 2008 when suspicion and mutual animosity characterized their
relationships, the Presidents of Burundi and Rwanda both visited Kinshasa this year,
and on 9 September President Kabila attended the inauguration of Paul Kagame in
Kigali following his re-election.
15. Regional cooperation provided the context for the signing of tripartite
agreements between the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for
Refugees (UNHCR) and the Governments of the Democratic Republic of the Congo
and Burundi in December 2009 and with the Government of Rwanda in February
2010, establishing the framework for the organized returns of refugees to their
country of origin. 1 The first convoy of 240 Burundian refugees crossed the border
from South Kivu on 5 October 2010. Although the return of refugees is a positive
development, tensions created by the arrival of spontaneous returnees and economic
migrants from Rwanda to North Kivu this year showed the risk of destabilization if
returns are not carefully and transparently managed, taking into account the
sensitivity of unresolved land issues.
__________________
1 According to UNHCR figures, there were, as at 30 September 2010, 73,254 Rwandan refugees
(Government estimates) and 16,542 Burundian refugees in the Democratic Republic of the
Congo; and 54,486 and 27,429 Congolese refugees in Rwanda and Burundi respectively.

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16. The United Nations “mapping report”, 2 published in August 2010 with a
recommendation to establish a judicial commission of inquiry, was rejected by the
Governments of Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi, but was welcomed by the Permanent
Representative of the Democratic Republic of the Congo to the United Nations as
“detailed and credible”.
17. Despite the regional collaboration in military operations against the foreign
armed groups such as FDLR and LRA, the inability of the operations to neutralize
those groups continually tests the level of trust between the regional Governments.

Rwanda
18. The run-up to the Rwandan presidential elections on 9 August 2010 and the
events that surrounded it were closely followed in the Kivus. Former general
Kayumbe Nyamwasa, who fled to South Africa in February 2010, was the victim of
an assassination attempt in Johannesburg in June 2010. On 14 October 2010, the
Rwandan authorities re-arrested opposition leader Victoire Ingabire on charges of
organizing a terrorist group.

Uganda
19. In a joint statement released following a two-day bilateral meeting held in
Kampala in September 2010, Ugandan Defence Minister Crispus Kiyonga and his
Congolese counterpart, Charles Mwando Nsimba, agreed to do everything possible
to neutralize LRA and ADF. Uganda has also offered to train FARDC troops at its
military academies. In a further sign of rapprochement between the two
Governments, the Ugandan authorities arrested FPLC commander “General” Ngabo
Gadi in Kampala on 29 June and Front populaire pour la justice au Congo (FPJC)
leader Sharif Manda on 1 September. Gadi has remained in Uganda, while Manda
has been transferred to the Congolese authorities.

Burundi
20. Opposition parties boycotted presidential elections in June 2010, leaving
President Nkurunziza as the only candidate. FNL leader Agathon Rwasa fled to South
Kivu, where he is suspected to be preparing to renew his movement’s armed struggle.

Southern Sudan
21. Preparations are under way for a referendum on independence for Southern
Sudan, scheduled for January 2011, the result of which will have profound political
and security implications. The recent move of LRA to Southern Darfur creates
suspicion and is a destabilizing factor.

B. National context

22. On 30 June 2010, the Democratic Republic of the Congo celebrated the fiftieth
anniversary of its independence. Political and technical preparations are under way
for the first round of presidential and legislative elections in November 2011.
__________________
2 OHCHR, “Report of the Mapping Exercise documenting the most serious violations of human
rights and international humanitarian law committed within the territory of the Democratic
Republic of the Congo between March 1993 and June 2003”.

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23. On 11 September, President Kabila imposed an indefinite suspension of all

mining activity in North Kivu, South Kivu and Maniema in an attempt to address
the problem of the militarization of the mineral trade, dominated by what the
President has been reported as having referred to as “a kind of mafia” and what his
Minister of Mines referred to, on 12 September 2010, as “mafia-like groups that
reinforce chronic insecurity, counter to efforts at stabilization”.

C. Overall security context

24. Managing simultaneous military operations, as FARDC has done in North and
South Kivu, Équateur, Maniema and Orientale Provinces in 2010, would constitute a
major challenge for any national army, if only due to the size and difficulty of the
terrain and the absence of infrastructure.
25. FARDC has successfully disrupted the activities of the armed groups it targeted,
but has not conclusively defeated any of the major armed groups. The structural
constraints of FARDC are well documented: limited logistical and communication
capacities, late payment of salaries; discipline and command-and-control problems,
including parallel chains of command; and an incomplete, increasingly fragile
integration process that results in frequent desertions (see sect. VI).
26. Frustrated by conditions imposed by MONUSCO regarding support for joint
operations, FARDC has relied increasingly on unilateral action during the Amani Leo
operation, further limiting the influence of MONUSCO over its conduct. The conduct
of FARDC continues to be problematic. Out of the 3,723 incidents reported in the
first half of 2010 by UNHCR in North Kivu, 1,302 (35 per cent) were caused by
FARDC, compared with 698 (19 per cent) by FDLR. FARDC units have been accused
by local populations of looting and burning entire villages and torturing and raping
civilians in the course of their operations. The total number of internally displaced
persons in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, 1,709,591 as at 30 September (of
whom 1,542,509 are in North and South Kivu), while slightly below 2009 levels, is
indicative of the humanitarian impact of this generalized insecurity.

Operation Amani Leo

27. Operation Amani Leo was launched in January 2010 against FDLR and residual
Congolese armed groups in the Kivus following the end of operation Kimia II in
December 2009. While FDLR reprisals against civilians have continued, the
momentum of operations has progressively slowed as FDLR adapts to the new
context, making alliances with other armed groups and moving to increasingly
remote areas. Meanwhile, elements within FARDC have been distracted with diverse
economic activities, internal divisions and frustrations related to the incomplete
implementation of the 23 March 2009 peace agreements.
28. While the strength of FDLR has declined from an estimated 5,800 combatants
before the Nairobi communiqué in 2007 to no more than 3,500 combatants in 2010,
the FDLR command and control structure remains largely intact with only a handful
of mid- to senior-level officers from FDLR and RUD being neutralized during
Amani Leo.

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Operation Ruwenzori
29. On 25 June 2010, FARDC unilaterally launched Operation Ruwenzori against
ADF without MONUSCO support. According to the Office for the Coordination of
Humanitarian Affairs, this action led to the displacement of up to 100,000 civilians
in Beni territory. Some returns were observed in August 2010, as the intensity of
combat decreased. While the success of the initial phase of the operation was
limited, with FARDC suffering relatively high casualties, the second phase,
launched on 3 September, appears to have resulted in FARDC securing control over
the main ADF bases, scattering its combatants. Despite the increased military
pressure, ADF surrenders have not increased, indicating that it remains a cohesive
force which, given space, will reestablish itself.

Rudia II and Iron Stone

30. In Orientale Province, Operation Rudia II against LRA continues alongside the
Uganda People’s Defence Forces (UPDF), Forces armées centrafricaines (FACA)
and the Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA) military operations in the Central
African Republic, Southern Sudan and the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
Although decreasing, LRA attacks against civilians have nonetheless continued,
with peaks noted in February (18 attacks, 79 persons killed) and July (27 attacks, 13
persons killed) as well as attacks in the eastern part of the Central African Republic,
Southern Sudan and Southern Darfur.
31. There were significant steps towards increasing international cooperation to
confront LRA. On 27 July, the chiefs of defence staff of the Democratic Republic of
the Congo, Uganda and the Central African Republic agreed to set up a joint
intelligence and operations centre in Dungu in order to address the cross-border
security challenge of LRA. On 13 and 14 October, the African Union convened a
meeting on LRA in Bangui, where a number of recommendations, including the
formation of a joint African Union brigade to combat LRA, were proposed. This
increased regional cooperation has been reinforced by international support,
including from the Lord’s Resistance Army Disarmament and Northern Uganda
Recovery Act (“LRA Act”) signed by the United States President, Barack Obama, in
May, which should result in increased support to the allied regional forces. Also, the
five United Nations peace operations in the four countries affected by LRA
convened meetings to increase regional cooperation, and the new mandate of
MONUSCO, in Security Council resolution 1925 (2010), allows the Mission to
support regional forces, such as UPDF, if the Government requests such assistance.
32. Despite those efforts, however, progress in defeating LRA has slowed. This
loss of effectiveness is due primarily to the movement of LRA into Southern Darfur,
where allied forces and international organizations are not authorized to enter. In
addition, resources on the ground remain inadequate to the extent that MONUSCO,
despite expanding its presence to six bases, is not able to deploy to the district of
Bas-Uele, where LRA has also committed attacks. Despite logistical support from
MONUSCO, FARDC lacks transport, supplies and communications. Also, most
troops have not rotated for over a year and allegations of human rights abuses
continue to be reported.
33. In Ituri’s Irumu territory, the FARDC Iron Stone operation has dislodged the
Forces de résistance patriotique en Ituri (FRPI)/FPJC militia from Apa, Kule and
Oku, although small groups remain in the Semiliki valley and the regions of Tchey,

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Tchekele and Mokato Ngazi. The leader of FPJC, Sharif Manda, was arrested by
Ugandan authorities on 1 September. However, the FRPI leader, Cobra Matata, who
had integrated into FARDC, deserted in early June and started recruiting and
reorganizing a militia group in southern Ituri. Despite the continued militia
presence, attacks in Ituri remain relatively limited.

III. Congolese armed groups

A. Mai Mai Sheka/Nduma Defence for Congo

34. Mai Mai Sheka (also known as Nduma Defence for Congo) is an armed group
active in northern Walikale territory. In order to understand Mai Mai Sheka, the
Group conducted many interviews with diggers, government officials, mineral
traders, FARDC officers and civil society members with expertise and first-hand
experience of the networks that compete for control over the mineral trade in
Walikale, competition that has had a devastating impact on security in the territory.
From these extensive consultations, the Group has concluded that Mai Mai Sheka is
a creation of a criminal network within FARDC.
35. In the control of the mineral trade in Walikale, this network was marginalized
after military control was awarded to former CNDP networks to encourage their
integration into FARDC in early 2009. Prior to the arrival of the former CNDP
212th brigade in Walikale, the Bisie cassiterite mine was controlled by the
85th brigade of Colonel Sammy Matumo on behalf of the network. The replacement
of the 85th brigade with the 212th brigade represented a clear threat to the interests
of this network, which saw in the creation of an armed group an opportunity to
undermine the control of former CNDP networks in Walikale by fostering insecurity.
36. According to mineral traders in Walikale, before the inception of Mai Mai
Sheka, Sheka Ntabo Ntaberi, its leader, had worked first with the Bisie-based
diggers’ cooperative, COMIMPA (Coopérative minière de Mpama Bisie), and then
with the mining company Mineral Processing Congo, which holds the exploration
rights to the Bisie mine. Despite having no prior military experience, in June 2009,
Sheka mobilized deserters of both the 85th FARDC brigade and the FARDC military
base at Biruwe to form his group, which has never exceeded 70 combatants. The
first three attacks and lootings that Mai Mai Sheka conducted between June and
August 2009 were aimed at the principal mines of the territory, Obaye, Omate and
Bisie. Meanwhile, according to high-ranking military officials in Goma, Matumo
has repeatedly lobbied for his own redeployment to Walikale.
37. Numerous credible sources have reported to the Group that Colonel Etienne
Bindu, the FARDC Deputy Commander of the 8th military region, who is from
Walikale and is reported to be Sheka’s uncle, has supported Sheka since the
movement’s initial stages. Bindu has a long history of investment and participation
in the mineral trade in Walikale, through which he has built an extensive real estate
portfolio, which the Group has documented. Sources within FARDC have informed
the Group that Bindu is in regular telephone communication with Sheka and has on
several occasions transported money, weapons and uniforms to Sheka through his
role in controlling logistics for the 8th military region. Prior to Sheka’s hostage-
taking attack on Kilambo airstrip in September 2010, an associate of Bindu was
apprehended on suspicion of informing Sheka of the imminent arrival of the plane in

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Kilambo. According to airport officials, Bindu immediately arrived to free him from
the custody of Congolese military intelligence in Goma. The Group also obtained
satellite telephone call logs for a number verified to be in use by Sheka, showing a
pattern of communications with Bindu’s younger brother, Major Morgan, a battalion
commander within the FARDC 212th brigade, based near Bisie.
38. Sheka originally claimed to resist the return of Congolese refugees currently in
Rwanda to the territory of Walikale. However, in interviews with the group, Sheka
pointed to the militarization of mining by FARDC in Walikale as the principal
motive behind his rebellion. In phone interviews with the Group, Sheka claimed to
have fought to “liberate” many mines from the hands of FARDC, including
Mundjuli, Iramesu, Nkingwe and Ango. According to mineral traders interviewed by
the Group in Walikale and Masisi, most of the gold from those mines is then either
sold through traders in the trading centre of Mubi or in the Mutongo market between
Pinga and Nyabiondo. The price of gold at Mutongo is $25 per gram, nearly $15
less than in any other mineral markets researched by the Group.
39. Though limited in numbers, Mai Mai Sheka has conducted 11 separate
operations against mining sites and trading centres. Importantly, Sheka has benefited
from an operational coalition between former CNDP and FDLR combatants who are
deployed near his headquarters. Indeed, most of Sheka’s military capacity during the
attacks has been made up of FDLR combatants under the leadership of Captain
Seraphin Lionso. FDLR ex-combatants have informed the Group that Lieutenant
Colonel Evariste “Sadiki” Kanzeguhera had deployed Captain Seraphin and his unit
specifically to assist Sheka in conducting looting and pillaging operations.
40. In addition, Sheka has benefited from the support of former CNDP commander
Emmanuel Nsengiyumva, who deserted his FARDC post as the commander of the
2,111th battalion in December 2009. According to MONUSCO, Nsengiyumva had
been in contact with Sadiki since September 2009. According to ex-combatants
interviewed by the Group, Nsengiyumva’s and Seraphin’s headquarters remain
separate from those of Sheka’s. The three units jointly plan and carry out operations,
however.
41. One of the main joint operations of the armed groups was carried out between
30 July and 2 August, when they looted villages stretching between Kibua and
Luvungi. Over the course of those four days, according to the MONUSCO Joint
Human Rights Office, more than 300 individuals became victims of sexual violence.
According to a perpetrator handed over to FARDC and interviewed by the Group,
the orders to conduct the rapes were given directly by Sheka himself, who had been
advised that the widespread use of rape would garner much greater attention for his
armed group. Sheka’s Chief of Staff Sadoke Kikunda Mayele, was arrested on
5 October (see also paras. 145 and 146).
42. Moreover, despite the apparent contradiction with Sheka’s stance against the
presence of FARDC units led by former CNDP members, numerous credible sources
have stressed the indirect cooperation that exists between Sheka and the FARDC
212th brigade commander, Colonel Yusuf Mboneza. According to multiple sources
within FARDC in Walikale, Mboneza remains in regular communication with
Nsengiyumva, his cousin, since the latter’s arrival in Walikale. On multiple
occasions prior to attacks on Mubi or the Kilambo airstrip, 212th brigade troops
vacated their positions shortly before the arrival of Mai Mai combatants. The Group

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was informed by a reliable source close to Mboneza that the Colonel stated “let
them have their piece” when informed of another attack by Sheka.
43. On 12 August, Mboneza, an officer loyal to Colonel Makenga, was arrested for
insubordination related to his failure to combat Mai Mai Sheka. According to
FARDC sources, ex-CNDP officers from both factions immediately united to
demand his immediate release. According to eyewitnesses interviewed by the
Group, Ntaganda sent more than 100 soldiers to kidnap his rival commanding
officer, Colonel Chuma, and then overran the Military Prosecutor’s Office and
forced the release of Mboneza.

B. Alliance des patriotes pour un Congo libre et souverain

44. Alliance des patriotes pour un Congo libre et souverain (APCLS) is an ethnic
Hunde armed group which is led by “General” Janvier Buingo Karairi. Numbering
between 400 and 600 combatants, APCLS is one of the strongest Mai Mai groups in
North Kivu, mobilizing its forces on the basis of popular resistance to refugee
returns and land conflicts with ethnic Hutu and Tutsi communities. According to
MONUSCO, the President of the political wing of APCLS is Hangi Augustin, and
its financial backers include politicians in Goma and Kinshasa.
45. Janvier was a member of the Coalition des patriotes résistants congolais
(PARECO) during its conflict with CNDP in 2007 and 2008. Along with other
factions of PARECO, APCLS was due to be integrated into FARDC in early 2009.
Janvier refused integration, however, alleging that the Congolese authorities could
not guarantee security of land tenure for Hunde. APCLS is currently located in and
around Lukweti, controlling the localities between Kilambo, Mutongo and Misao to
the west and Buboa, Butsindo and Buhato to the east. Janvier’s headquarters have
been located in Lukweti since mid-2009, when FARDC operations against them led
to the killing of civilians (see S/2009/603, para. 367).
46. During its visit to Lukweti, the Group observed very positive relations
between the APCLS rebels and the local Hunde population. In an interview with the
Group, Janvier stated that APCLS defends this population against invasions and
land grabs of the former CNDP. He also informed the Group that he felt betrayed by
his loyalty to the Government, which gave the army over to CNDP.
47. According to several active FDLR combatants interviewed by the Group west
of Lukweti, the commander of the FDLR North Kivu Sector, Colonel Ntawugunka
“Omega” Pacifique Israel, has deployed a company-sized unit to reinforce the outer
perimeter of the APCLS stronghold. These combatants claimed to the Group that
they had been instructed to follow Janvier’s orders.
48. In the Group’s view, the close ties between APCLS and FDLR in the area
imply, at a minimum, indirect connections between APCLS and Sheka, although
Janvier denied this in an interview with the Group.
49. While APCLS does not control any mineral-producing areas, it does control
Mutongo, the principal gold market in the area. According to several local
businessmen interviewed by the Group, gold from throughout Walikale is sold in
Mutongo, from which FDLR collects tax revenue. Pillaged items from Walikale,
such as telephones, luggage and clothing, are sold at half-price in the Mutongo
market and are locally referred to as “merci Sheka”. Mutongo was also the location

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of meetings between North Kivu armed groups in September 2010. According to

MONUSCO sources, APCLS has also recruited a significant number of children
among its ranks. The Group observed some of those children during a visit to meet
APCLS leaders in Lukweti.

C. Forces patriotiques pour la libération du Congo

50. According to a former FPLC source, this armed group was first established in
November 2008 in response to CNDP attacks at Kiwanja. In March 2009, the Group
of Experts interviewed four (former Mai Mai) FARDC officers who had met the
FPLC commander, Ngabo Gadi, in Kampala (profile in annex 2). Later in 2009,
according to MONUSCO, Gadi was linked to reports concerning Bosco Ntaganda’s
recruitment activities in Kampala. On 1 January 2010, Gadi announced the existence
of FPLC to Radio Okapi journalists; thereafter the movement’s political programme,
which is based on opposition to the current peace strategy in the Kivus, was
circulated on the Internet (annex 3).
51. During its current mandate, the Group monitored the FPLC multi-ethnic
coalition-building project. On the basis of interviews with members and
representatives of FPLC, as well as other members of armed groups, the Group
estimates that FPLC has no more than 300 combatants and that it has been trying to
form alliances with other armed groups active in the eastern part of the Democratic
Republic of the Congo. In the meantime, according to e-mail correspondence
obtained and verified by the Group, the FPLC political leadership has also contacted
members of the Congolese diaspora and embassies in the Great Lakes region.
52. In mid-June 2010, the Group presented some of its early findings about FPLC
to the Ugandan authorities, noting evidence from the testimony of numerous sources
that Gadi was travelling frequently between the eastern part of the Democratic
Republic of the Congo and Kampala, where he was holding political meetings. On
29 June, the Ugandan military intelligence service arrested Gadi in Kampala. Since
then, according to local, official and diplomatic sources, Gadi has been kept under
surveillance but has not been formally charged, and the Congolese authorities have
not requested his extradition.
53. The Group has met with other representatives of FPLC, including Lieutenant
Colonel Célestin Bisungu Kaluka, Chief of Staff of the Forces nationales
congolaises (FPLC military wing) from the headquarters of the FARDC 8th military
region, Colonel Freddy Gasava, an intelligence officer and former CNDP officer,
and Aimé Munyakazi, FPLC spokesperson and a candidate in the 2006 national
elections. Those interlocutors informed the Group that they no longer considered
Gadi as leader of FPLC. The Group has yet to identify Gadi’s replacement.
54. During its visit in July 2010, the Group observed FPLC members from different
ethnic communities of North Kivu, predominantly Hutu, Tutsi, Nande and Hunde.
Some were FARDC deserters formerly with CNDP or PARECO. In September 2010,
according to MONUSCO and FPLC sources, another former CNDP officer loyal to
Laurent Nkunda, Major Charles Rusigiza, deserted FARDC to join FPLC.
55. According to MONUSCO reports, FARDC sources and a PARECO cadre
interviewed by the Group, FPLC has attempted to use its inside knowledge to raid
CNDP arms caches, notably by attacking Burungu on 2 June, capturing a 12.7-mm

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machine gun, a 107-mm rocket launcher (bi-tube), a 75-mm recoilless gun and a
large amount of ammunition. According to a former CNDP source, the attack
targeted the house of Colonel Innocent Kabundi (FARDC Zone 3 operations
commander since April 2009 (see S/2009/603, annex 124), located at Kabaragasha
(1 km from Burungu, Kichanga area; see annex 4). The house was used by Colonel
Innocent Zimurinda, FARDC 22nd Sector commander since April 2010, as a depot
of weapons and ammunition (see S/2009/603, annex 124, and paras. 135, 136, 154,
161, 166, 239, 250 and 257, and box 4 below).
56. The Group examined claims by the FPLC leadership in 2010 that it had
obtained agreements of support with several armed groups, including diverse Mai
Mai groups, FDLR and RUD-Urunana. One FPLC representative interviewed by the
Group claimed to have contacts with seven different Mai Mai groups in North and
South Kivu, FRF and certain elements of the former Forces armées zaïroises (FAZ).
While the strength of these relationships seems likely to have been exaggerated,
numerous members of armed groups, including two PARECO factions, an APCLS
officer and some FARDC officers, gave first-hand testimony corroborating reports
of Gadi’s recruitment activities prior to his arrest at the end of June 2010.
57. Members of FPLC also informed the Group that their movement has been in
dialogue with former CNDP officers loyal to General Nkunda, of whom two,
Lieutenant Colonel Emmanuel Sengyumva and Major Charles Ruzigiza, deserted
FARDC and joined FPLC during the Group’s mandate.
58. Congolese police and military intelligence officers informed the Group that
FPLC was affiliated with Mai Mai Complet in Rutshuru. However, Lieutenant
Colonel Bisungu (see para. 53 above) declared that FPLC had broken off relations
with Complet after the latter’s responsibility for the massacre of 27 civilians in
Nyamilima in June 2010. Three former officers of Forces combattantes abacunguzi
(FOCA) and an eyewitness cited meetings between representatives of FOCA and
FPLC held in Nyamilima and Mutongo in early 2010. According to those sources,
Gadi was present at one of the meetings with Lieutenant Colonel Védaste “Esdras”
Hatangumuremyi, commander of the FOCA 2nd Montana battalion in North Kivu.
59. The Group has been informed by a number of sources, including the leader of
another armed group and an FARDC intelligence officer, of links between FPLC and
RUD-Urunana. According to United Nations sources, Gadi met with “General”
Musare, the RUD military commander, on 12 March in Bunyatenge, North Kivu. A
former RUD combatant informed the Group that Gadi had held meetings with a
representative of RUD in Kampala shortly before Gadi’s arrest. According to an
intelligence officer of FARDC and other sources, FPLC has been using the name of
RUD-Urunana to recruit new members from the Nakivale refugee camp in Gisoro,
Uganda. Recruitment in this camp for RUD was confirmed by multiple sources.
60. FPLC is much more important symbolically than it is operationally. The
coalition-building rebel movement represents a current running counter to regional
trends, tapping into disillusionment with the direction and consequences of the
peace arrangement with CNDP.

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D. Forces républicaines fédéralistes

61. The Group investigated the extent of the presence of foreign nationals,
particularly Burundians, within FRF, their seizure in raids of important quantities of
weapons and equipment and reports of contacts with individual FARDC officers.
Findings related to the ongoing recruitment and use of child soldiers by FRF are
presented in paragraphs 131 and 132.
62. FRF is an ethnic Banyamulenge armed group that was created in 1998 to
oppose the Rassemblement congolais pour la démocratie (RCD) and has since
resisted FARDC deployment in the high plateaux of South Kivu. FRF has at the
same time sought Banyamulenge representation by recognizing Minembwe as a
territory. The president of FRF is “Colonel” Venant Bisogo, 3 and its chief of staff is
“Colonel” Michel Makanika Rukunda. 4 In its final report for 2009 (S/2009/603,
paras. 374-376), the Group corroborated reports of at least nine summary executions
in 2009 and 14 in 2007 overseen by Major Mitabo (who is now in FARDC) under
orders of Colonel Makanika and Colonel Bisogo, respectively.
63. Following an ultimatum issued by FARDC in November 2009, FRF was
targeted by FARDC Amani Leo operations in early 2010. In the ensuing clashes,
FARDC took control of Kamombo and Mibunda, dislodging FRF to camps in the
dense highland forests of Bijabo and Ndobo in the Bijombo groupement.

Presence of foreign combatants

64. Multiple well-informed sources, including escapees, agreed that there were
about 30 Burundians in FRF in mid-2010. One source reported the presence of
Burundian and Rwandan children among those undergoing military training at
Lubinganyoni. Many were said to have originally been recruited as cattle herders; the
highest-ranking officer among them is a major, according to one ex-combatant. One
FARDC officer confirmed official announcements that a Burundian combatant had
been captured during operations in Kamombo in February 2010. The Group also
received a credible report of the arrival in August 2010 of eight former members of
the Burundian armed forces who may be affiliated with the Mouvement social
démocrate (MSD), a Burundian opposition party. Further corroborating allegations
from sources in Burundi of links between MSD and FRF, on 10 September
MONUSCO helped to repatriate seven MSD members who had been captured by
Congolese authorities on the Ruzizi plain on their way to join FRF.

Sources of arms and equipment

65. According to reports from Congolese intelligence officials and FARDC
officers, FRF is equipped with mortars, rocket launchers, Belgian light automatic
rifles, satellite telephones and VHF radios, mainly seized during raids or purchased
through private contacts with sympathetic FARDC officers.

__________________
3 A former FAZ FARDC colonel, once deputy to Jules Mutebutsi and leader of the “Group of 47”
who had been involved in attacks on Bukavu in 2004, he fled to Rwanda and escaped arrest after
infiltrating the Democratic Republic of the Congo from Burundi in 2005.
4 Once loyal to General Patrick Masunzu during his resistance to RCD, he led the “Momravia
Group” which deserted the predominantly Banyamulenge 112th brigade of FARDC rather than
attack the “Group of 47”.

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66. The Group interviewed eyewitnesses to and participants in two incidents in

which FRF seized significant quantities of arms and equipment in raids on
Minembwe centre in December 2009 and two sites operated by TransAfrika mining
company in May 2010. These cases are illustrative of the continued capacity of
smaller armed groups to expose the limitations of security guarantees offered to the
population and economic actors by FARDC and MONUSCO in zones they claim to
control.

Attack on FARDC special brigade headquarters at Minembwe centre

67. On 9 December 2009, FRF attacked the FARDC 422nd brigade headquarters in
Minembwe, which was situated 50 metres from a MONUC military base. According
to ex-combatants involved in the attack, the objectives were to kill the commander in
revenge for recent operations against FRF and to seize arms and ammunition. At
least 10 FARDC soldiers were killed, 2 were taken prisoner and the commander,
Colonel Santos, was seriously wounded. Eyewitnesses described a line of 30 people
removing ammunition boxes and weapons from the seized FARDC depot in the early
morning. FARDC officers informed MONUSCO staff that FRF had seized three
heavy weapons, two AK-47s and 2,250 rounds of ammunition. One participant in the
raid told the Group that it had gotten 50 boxes of ammunition, 3 rocket-propelled
grenades, a machine gun and about 120 AK-47s. Another claimed that it had taken
about 80 boxes of ammunition, 15 assault rifles, 3 machine guns and 2 rocket-
propelled grenades.

Equipment looted from TransAfrika Resources

68. On 5 May 2010, around 60 FRF combatants looted TransAfrika’s gold
exploration field camps at Rugezi and Bigaragara, south of Minembwe centre.
According to reports seen by the Group and verified through interviews, including
with TransAfrika representatives, FRF took over $8,000 and 5,000 South African
rand in cash, a broadband global area network satellite data device, 2 satellite
telephones, 3 Global Positioning System (GPS) units, 6 VHF handsets, 10 mobile
phones, several passports, 3 laptops, 4 cameras, geology equipment and possibly
2 generators. The Group’s further findings on this incident are presented in the
natural resources section of the present report.

Transfers of weapons and uniforms from FARDC officers

69. The final report of the Group of Experts for 2009 (S/2009/603, para. 233)
presented findings of contacts between FRF and former CNDP officers loyal to
Laurent Nkunda. The Group has obtained reports from five credible independent
sources of a clandestine meeting near Lulambo in late June between FRF
commander Colonel Makanika and the deputy commander of FARDC Amani Leo
operations in South Kivu, Colonel Sultani Makenga (see S/2009/603, paras. 184,
190 and 366 and annex 124, S/2008/773, paras. 21, 36, 168 and 176, S/2008/772,
paras. 25 and 29, and S/2008/43, paras. 54 and 63).
70. According to several eyewitness accounts reported by a credible local source
(who was not himself present) and confirmed by a senior military intelligence
official, Colonel Makenga concluded the meeting by giving Colonel Makanika
12 AK-47s, at least 1 machine gun, a rocket-propelled grenade launcher and several
boxes of ammunition. Two sources with good access to FRF confirmed the handover

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of weapons, one alleging that Colonel Makenga had also given FRF an unknown
quantity of new VHF radios in April.
71. The Group received reports from several independent sources that FRF
continues to purchase weapons and ammunition from sympathetic contacts within
FARDC battalions in the high plateaux area. The Congolese authorities have
implicated several FARDC officers in similar weapons and ammunition transfers,
but the Group has not been able independently to verify those allegations. The
Group received credible reports from Congolese officials that on 25 May, an
FARDC captain (ex-FRF) was arrested for selling army uniforms to FRF. On 24 July
another FARDC captain (ex-CNDP) was arrested by members of the 10th military
region for having provided weapons and military uniforms to FRF.

Links to other armed groups

72. The final 2009 report of the Group of Experts (S/2009/603, paras. 47-51)
presented findings regarding past links between FRF and FDLR, which are based on
long cohabitation and a mutual interest in cattle markets and which may have
strengthened in response to pressure from FARDC. Senior Congolese security
officials, FARDC officers, community leaders, MONUSCO and United Nations
agency staff members and former FDLR combatants informed the Group that FRF
remained in contact with FDLR. MONUSCO has reported assertions by FARDC and
the local community that a small number of FDLR elements had participated in the
attack on Minembwe on 9 December 2009. Various FARDC sources informed
MONUSCO that weapons looted by FDLR from an FARDC training centre at
Luberizi in November 2009 had subsequently been shared or sold to FRF. Former
combatants and sources close to FRF insisted that there was no formal alliance
between the two groups, but agreed that they remained in contact and avoided
confrontations.
73. Several independent sources, including one in Kampala and one within FPLC,
informed the Group that FRF had agreed to join the FPLC coalition, all alleging,
without providing further details, that those contacts may have been facilitated by
Kayumba Nyamwasa, the dissident former Rwandan general (see para. 164).

Sources of financing
74. FRF continues to finance itself through illegal taxation at roadblocks and
voluntary contributions from the community in the high plateaux and in the diaspora.
During its visit to Minembwe, the Group was informed of four roadblocks — one of
which is within a few hundred metres of the 1,122 FARDC battalion position at
Irango — where FRF demands 1,500 to 3,000 Congolese francs per person to pass on
market days. The Banyamulenge community and traditional chiefs donate food and
cows to FRF, according to local and United Nations sources.

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IV. Foreign armed groups

A. Forces démocratiques de libération du Rwanda

Forces combattantes abacunguzi

75. On 17 November 2009, German authorities arrested Ignace Murwanashyaka
and Straton Musoni, respectively president and first vice-president of FDLR. The
Group’s final report for 2009 (S/2009/603, para. 91) presented findings that
Murwanashyaka was also supreme commander of the armed wing of FDLR, FOCA,
while Musoni was also the president of the FOCA high command, with de facto
responsibility for abuses committed by FDLR against Congolese civilians.
According to numerous former combatants interviewed by the Group, while those
arrests disrupted the political structure of FDLR, their impact on the morale of
combatants has not been as significant as expected. Since the launch of military
operations against them, former combatants have informed the Group that the rank
and file was becoming estranged from the FDLR diaspora leadership, whom they
see as living in relative comfort. Meanwhile, field commanders are operating with
greater autonomy.
76. Murwanashyaka and Musoni were automatically replaced by their deputies, as
foreseen in the FDLR statutes. Second vice-president General Gaston “Rumuli”
Iyamuremye became president, leading FDLR from within the eastern part of the
Democratic Republic of the Congo. According to a high-ranking former FDLR
officer interviewed by the Group in France, FDLR executive secretary Calixte
Mbarushimana, who is responsible for external communications, took on the
additional role of first vice-president. FDLR officers and a source close to the
organization have confirmed that Mbarushimana remained in contact with the FDLR
political and military leadership, receiving regular situation reports from the field
and reassuring commanders that Murwanashyaka and Musoni would soon be
released by the German authorities. Instead, on 11 October, Mbarushimana was
himself arrested by French authorities acting on a sealed International Criminal
Court warrant dated 28 September 2010.
77. The Group has received from FDLR sources detailed information on the role
and composition of regional support networks (see annex 5). The Group is ready to
pass on to the host Governments the names of individuals believed to play
prominent roles.

Impact of military operations on force strength

78. Following the close of operation Kimia II in December 2009, FARDC
announced the launch in January 2010 of operation Amani Leo, with conditional
MONUSCO support. While these successive operations have not succeeded in
defeating FDLR, they have destabilized the group, notably through prompting
continued defections and disrupting access to principal revenue sources.
79. MONUSCO statistics show that military operations, combined with ongoing
sensitization campaigns to persuade combatants to surrender, continue to reduce the
strength of FOCA. During the first nine months of 2010, the Disarmament,
Demobilization, Repatriation, Resettlement and Reintegration Section demobilized
1,206 FDLR combatants, including 744 Rwandans and 462 Congolese, compared to
1,997 in 2009. However, while the monthly average number of demobilized FDLR

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combatants dropped from 166 a month in 2009 to 134 in 2010, the average is still
more than twice as high as the pre-2009 figure of 50. It should be noted that the rate
of demobilization of Congolese combatants from FDLR increased in 2010 from 433
in 2009 to 462 in the first nine months of 2010. This likely reflects more desperate
recruiting methods by FDLR (see also paras. 137 and 138). These statistics do not
take into account the unknown number of combatants deserting without joining the
formal demobilization process.
80. The departures of FOCA combatants were facilitated by the leadership’s
decision to respond to pressure by dispersing into small units better suited to
guerrilla warfare. This tactical choice weakened command and control, presenting
opportunities for many to escape.
81. Officers and combatants interviewed by the Group underlined that prior to
military operations, many of those repatriated from North Kivu had been involved in
economic activities far from their bases. Disoriented by military operations, many
opted to repatriate, often leaving their families behind. Equally, many families fled
the dangers of operations, prompting associated combatants to join them. However,
according to Disarmament, Demobilization, Repatriation, Resettlement and
Reintegration Section data, the majority of combatants repatriated were from junior
ranks.
82. The Group was informed by former combatants that numerous FDLR
deserters, including some senior political cadres and military commanders, sought
refuge in neighbouring countries in 2010, including the Congo, Zambia and Uganda
(where several have been arrested). Other defectors remained in the territory of the
Democratic Republic of the Congo.

Obstacles to disarmament, demobilization, repatriation, reintegration and resettlement

83. It remains difficult and dangerous for FDLR combatants to desert. According
to a former FDLR senior officer interviewed by the Group, FDLR commander
General Mudacumura (designated by the Committee for targeted sanctions in
November 2005) issued a warning in 2009 that those considering leaving the
organization could be executed. Military and civilian intelligence units are keeping
watch on combatants, their dependants and the Rwandan refugee population.
Combatants repatriated to Rwanda have described a situation of mistrust in which
“anybody can betray anyone”.
84. FARDC operations against FDLR and other armed groups are supposed to
make provision for disarmament, demobilization, repatriation, reintegration and
resettlement activities, offering a safe channel for surrender and repatriation.
However, the Group has received reports of cases in which FDLR combatants were
killed in the process of surrendering to FARDC. In one incident, Lieutenant Colonel
Jean Marie Vianney Ntahombukiye, alias Milano Igiraneza, the Chief of Planning of
the FDLR South Kivu operational sector, was executed on 10 April near Kashele,
Mwenga, by FARDC soldiers believed to belong to the 323rd battalion under the
command of Colonel Chiviri. According to accounts by credible FARDC and United
Nations sources, the FDLR officer, accompanied by his escort, had surrendered to
FARDC prior to being killed. Lieutenant Colonel Milano was reportedly carrying a
significant quantity of gold, which was presumably taken by his captors. FARDC
has promised to investigate this incident.

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Box 1
Relocations of Paix et réconciliation to Katanga
The Group verified detailed documents from the Rwandan
Demobilization and Reinsertion Commission (RDRC) attesting to the
presence of 26 Congolese nationals with no military background among a
group of 58 alleged to be FDLR ex-combatants (44) and dependants (14)
who were brought to Rwanda at the initiative of Paix et réconciliation
(PAREC), a non-governmental organization. In interviews with the
media, the president of PAREC, Daniel Ngoy Mulonda, denied that any
mistakes had been made regarding the nationality or backgrounds of
those “repatriated”.
The following summary is based on the Group’s interviews with
ex-combatant and civilian Rwandan and Congolese nationals who were
among those who had been sent to Rwanda by PAREC. Details were cross-
checked against PAREC and RDRC documents, records of interviews by
MONUSCO staff and other sources to confirm their reliability.
The programme’s objective was to extract active FDLR combatants
for a relocation programme. PAREC sensitizers enticed many of those
repatriated to Rwanda from the Kibumba camp for internally displaced
persons, where they presented themselves as envoys of President Kabila,
promising a variety of incentives to join the programme, including generous
cash stipends, fields in Katanga and even fully equipped houses in
Kinshasa. Others were former Congolese combatants who wanted to turn
their weapons in for cash and were instead taken by PAREC to Katanga.
Those who told PAREC that they were Congolese were allowed to
stay in the programme as long as they could speak Kinyarwanda and
pretended to be FDLR. Others did not recall being asked to identify their
nationality.
Some 300 people were relocated to Kisenge, Katanga, by PAREC
between May and July 2010. On arrival in Katanga, their Congolese
identity cards were taken from them. There they were installed in a
former UNHCR Angolan refugee camp, managed for PAREC by a former
FDLR military police officer. Those interviewed complained that the
food was inadequate, there was no medicine and no work. United
Nations, including UNHCR, and Red Cross visitors were repeatedly
refused access.
The group of 58 sent to Rwanda had fled the Katangan camp and
been detained by Congolese police at Kasaji after walking 60 kilometres.
The 26 Congolese among them agreed to be sent to Rwanda in the hope
of getting home to North Kivu. Although those relocated included a
mixture of Congolese and Rwandan civilians and former FDLR, CNDP,
FARDC and PARECO combatants, on PAREC documents given to the
Rwandan authorities, all 58 were described as “FDLR elements”,
whether combatants (43) or dependants (15). Bona fide former FDLR
combatants were systematically given higher ranks, and even a 3-year-
old child was described as a “soldier” (see annex 6). After the Congolese
authorities refused to accept them back officially, all of them made their
own way across the border to North Kivu.

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There is a significant risk that poorly managed relocation initiatives

could undermine the confidence of both FDLR and the Government of
Rwanda in future relocation (and resettlement) proposals, as agreed upon
in the 2007 Nairobi communiqué. The Group conveyed its concerns
about the management of PAREC operations at a meeting with
presidential security advisers on 13 September. According to a
MONUSCO report, in mid-October, another group of 30 men, 12 women
and 28 children recently made their way from the camp to Kasaji,
complaining of malnutrition and sickness.
The Group of Experts previously described the seizure by MONUC
of a cache of weapons in Uvira from a house owned by a senior FARDC
officer (S/2009/603, para. 30). PAREC claimed responsibility for the
weapons, but the Group found indicators that the weapons were linked to
stockpiles still under the control of armed groups. PAREC cash-for-
weapons collection programmes continue in North and South Kivu,
secured by elements of the Republican Guard. In North Kivu, PAREC
claims to have recovered 5,764 light weapons, 31 heavy weapons and
3,584 explosives to date, but this has not been independently verified.
PAREC representatives informed the Group that all weapons recovered
are handed over to FARDC.

Recruitment
85. According to several FOCA officers interviewed by the Group, the leadership
of FOCA has issued orders to make up for the loss of its combatants with new
recruitment. MONUSCO statistics indicate a significant number of Congolese
combatants within FOCA: of 1,206 combatants joining the disarmament,
demobilization, repatriation, reintegration and resettlement programme from
January to the end of September 2010, 462 (38 per cent) were Congolese nationals.
A particularly high proportion of Congolese combatants in this caseload were
under 18, as mentioned in paragraph 137 below.
86. The strategy of FDLR is to resist pressure for as long as it takes to arrive at
negotiations. For this, the armed group maintains control of the Rwandan refugee
populations in the forests, partly to justify its struggle and partly to maintain
cohesion, since combatants would be likely to follow their families if the families
returned to Rwanda. This population also serves as an important reservoir for
recruitment. A former member of an FDLR commissariat located in the Masisi
explained to the Group that General Gaston Iyamuremeye had introduced harsh
measures to discourage repatriation in response to operation Umoja Wetu. Yet
according to several FDLR officers interviewed by the Group, the number of new
recruits is insufficient to fill the gaps left from losses. Furthermore, new recruits
lack training and experience, reducing the organization’s operational capacity. The
Group is wary of calculations of FDLR strength today, but according to a former
high-ranking FDLR officer, the total is no more than 3,500.

Contacts with other armed groups

87. According to an FDLR officer interviewed by MONUSCO, the decision to
operate jointly with Mai Mai groups and other armed groups hostile to the

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Government, including CNDP, was taken in March 2009 by the FDLR Executive
Committee. Each battalion was given the liberty to develop cooperation with other
armed groups in their zones. Cooperation could extend to conducting joint
operations and providing the groups with weapons. This decision was made as a
force multiplier for FDLR and an attempt to increase pressure on the Government to
abandon military operations against them. Congolese armed groups with which
FDLR has collaborated include APCLS, FPLC, FRF, FNL, RUD, Mai Mai
Yakutumba, Sheka and PARECO. The provision of FDLR support may contribute to
the proliferation and heightened confidence of armed groups in the Kivus.
88. According to credible sources in Masisi, Goma and Kigali, FDLR may be
considering joining a new Rwandan opposition political formation. According to a
document obtained by the Group, a meeting was held on 12 October 2010 in Kibua
to decide who would represent FDLR during a forthcoming meeting in Southern
Africa. The document, which is held in the Group’s archives, shows a proposal to
create an opposition government of 30 seats, of which FDLR would have 15.

Impact of military operations on finances

89. Military operations against FDLR have disrupted its control over a number of
economic activities. The access of FDLR to mines has been blocked or at least
complicated by the presence of FARDC and in many cases by the flight of civilian
labourers. The armed group’s trade in timber and charcoal requires the use of roads
controlled by FARDC, so that even if intermediaries are involved, goods can be
confiscated and profit margins are minimal. Furthermore, the remaining income
from economic activities has fewer chances of reaching higher echelons than before;
FDLR units are increasingly forced to survive independently rather than working
together. However, the Group does not doubt the organization’s ability to recover
and re-establish its territorial control and revenue base if military pressure by
FARDC subsides.
90. The Group understands that FDLR liaison units formerly located in Kasuo
(North Kivu) and Sange, Kisanya and Kingizi (South Kivu) have been pushed out of
their respective areas by the pressure of military operations. These “antennae”,
located close to the Ugandan, Burundian and Tanzanian borders, had played a major
role in the provision of logistical support to FDLR. However, there is evidence that
those units have moved westward to the neighbouring provinces of Katanga and
Maniema. According to MONUSCO reports and a former FDLR officer interviewed
by the Group, a group of 30 formerly deployed at Kingizi and led by Captain
Franklin Habimana have moved to the Mitumba mountains, 80 kilometres south-east
of Bendera, northern Katanga, where they have established contacts with local Mai
Mai groups and carried out attacks against FARDC and the local population.
Another, larger group has reportedly moved from the Kisanya to eastern Maniema
Province.

Abductions
91. FDLR appears to have increased abductions and hostage-taking in 2010. This
is in part a continuation of the strategy of reprisals, but it is also economically
motivated: the majority of abductions take place in the context of looting incidents,
and ransom demands are becoming more frequent.

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Summary executions
92. A senior officer provided the Group with descriptions of the summary
execution of 10 FOCA cadres and combatants between 2001 and the end of 2009, all
on the orders of the FOCA high command. Most of the executions have been
corroborated by multiple sources. In the most recent case, General Mudacumura
reportedly ordered the execution of Major Jean de Dieu Habimana, alias Aborogaste
Carlos, 5 in late 2009. Officially, Habimana was accused of wanting to join his wife
in Zambia, but in reality he had refused orders to commit reprisal attacks in
Lubanga, near Lemera. 6 Former FDLR officers explained that Ignace
Murwanashyaka and Mudacumura were systematically informed of decisions to
execute officers or more junior soldiers, respectively.

Arms
93. Information received by the Group suggests that many of the weapons used by
FDLR are in poor condition. Their origins are reported to be as follows:
(a) Stockpiles from the former Rwandan armed forces;
(b) Deliveries by the Mobutu Government and allies (1996);
(c) Deliveries by Laurent-Désiré Kabila’s Government and allies (1998-2002);
(d) Purchased or exchanged with the Congolese armed forces (from 2002);
(e) Taken in combat during the war with the Armée patriotique rwandaise/
Rwandan Defence Forces (RDF) and CNDP;
(f) Taken in combat during the war with FARDC (after the start of the 2009
Umoja Wetu operation);
(g) External sources (marginal).
Former combatants informed the Group that, owing to a lack of calibre
standardization, some weapons had been abandoned.
94. Three former senior FDLR officers informed the Group of the existence of a
SAM-7 Strela surface-to-air missile system, with three missiles at FDLR
headquarters in Ntoto. The Armée pour la liberation du Rwanda, the predecessor of
FDLR, seized the missile system during a battle in 1998 against RCD on Mount
Ngoma. The Group considers it unlikely that the system has remained functional.
95. The Group of Experts has also learned that FDLR possesses Zimbabwean
Z1 anti-personnel mines, pressure mines of indeterminate origin and thermobaric
ammunition of the RPO-A “Shmell” type.
96. In September 2010, at the invitation of the Rwandan authorities, the Group
interviewed two former FOCA battalion commanders who were in detention in
Kigali central prison. Both alleged that they had been in contact with Rwandan
opposition politicians. The Group intends to follow up on the matter.

__________________
5 Assistant to the operations officer of the South Kivu operational sector.
6 In 2008, Mudacumura ordered the execution of Major Emmabuel Munyandarutya, alias Mitsi,
who was suspected of wanting to return to Rwanda. The other cases are in the United Nations
archives.

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Ralliement pour l’unité et la démocratie-Urunana

97. RUD-Urunana is a small group of between 200 and 250 elements, founded by
its current president, Jean Marie Vianney Higiro, and executive secretary, Félicien
Kanyamibwa, who moved to the United States following a split in the FDLR
leadership in 2004. According to several former cadres and combatants interviewed
by the Group, Kanyamibwa is in charge of the coordination of international and
field operations. The armed wing of RUD-Urunana has been led since 2006 by
“Brigadier General” Damascène “Musare” Ndibabaje, a former FDLR brigade
commander. The RUD headquarters is in Mashuta, with units deployed in Ruhanga,
Binza and Kanyatsi (see annex 7).

Summary executions
98. The Group has received reports of five cases of summary executions of RUD
combatants since January 2009. In the most recent case, on 12 February 2010,
Captain “Sepela” was executed at RUD headquarters after having been condemned
to death by a tribunal led by Musare.

Box 2
Obstruction of disarmament, demobilization, repatriation,
reintegration and resettlement
The Group investigated an incident that occurred on 7 February
2009 involving 158 RUD combatants and family members who
disappeared overnight, having gathered at a camp near Kasiki for several
months while deciding whether to enter a relocation programme within
the Democratic Republic of the Congo or be repatriated to Rwanda. In a
public statement, Félicien Kanyamibwa accused RDF and FARDC troops
of attacking the camp with the intention of massacring the occupants (see
annex 8). According to MONUSCO documents and former RUD officers
who were in Kasiki, the majority of those gathered had expressed a wish
to return to Rwanda (see annex 9), but Kanyamibwa had ordered RUD
Brigadier General Musare to evacuate the camp.

99. Former RUD combatants have informed the Group that morale is low at all
levels of RUD. Debriefings by the Group suggest that RUD is unable to recruit
enough personnel to keep pace with desertions.
100. The Group received information from several former combatants indicating
close links between RUD and PARECO Lafontaine, including joint training and
operations. A former combatant confirmed to the Group information received by
MONUSCO that several Mai Mai leaders had met a RUD commander and FPLC
combatants in Bunyatenge, west of Alimbongo, between 10 and 14 September 2010.

Contacts between the Ralliement pour l’unité et la démocratie and the Forces
combattantes Abacunguzi
101. Several RUD officers told the Group of a tacit agreement between General
Musare and Colonel Védaste Hatungumeremyi, alias Esdras or Kaleb, commander

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of the 3rd battalion of FOCA, Sabena, for mutual support between RUD and FOCA
since the launch of operation Umoja Wetu.
102. The Group has received numerous credible reports of contacts aiming to
reunite FDLR-FOCA and RUD-Urunana initiated by Kanyamibwa, who is based in
New Jersey. His brother, Emmanuel Munyaruguru, who is the RUD representative in
Norway, was chosen to mediate between the parties. A former FOCA combatant
close to “Colonel” “Kalume” Nzabamwita, commander of the reserve brigade,
confirmed that FOCA-RUD reconciliation was the main topic of a week-long
meeting of commanding officers held in April 2010.

B. Lord’s Resistance Army

103. After the launch of Operation Lightning Thunder by UPDF on 14 December

2008, Joseph Kony and much of the LRA leadership moved away from Garamba
National Park and sought refuge in the eastern part of the Central African Republic.
According to regional analysts, UPDF sources and the Group’s debriefings of
ex-combatants, in July 2009, in response to pressure from UPDF, Kony issued
orders to all LRA remnants to join him in the eastern area of the Central African
Republic with the intention of proceeding to Darfur, in the Sudan. While several
groups of LRA remain in the north-eastern area of the Democratic Republic of the
Congo (north of the line from Niangara to Dungu) and parts of the eastern region of
the Central African Republic, most appear to have moved to or near Southern
Darfur, where several clashes with local self-defence forces and Darfurian armed
groups, including the Liberation and Justice Movement, have been reported by
media and confirmed by Ugandan and United States military sources.
104. LRA continues to use atrocities, including mutilation, to discourage informers
and continues to abduct children as combatants and sex slaves. 7 According to the
Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, LRA killed 233 persons and
abducted 279 in the Democratic Republic of the Congo between January and
September 2010. This represents a significant reduction from 2009 figures (1,098
civilians killed and 1,624 abducted). The reduction is likely due, however, to the
movement of many of their cadres to the eastern part of the Central African
Republic and Southern Sudan. In total, LRA rebels are reported to have killed at
least 2,000 people and forced 400,000 to flee in three countries since December
2008. An estimated 268,000 people remain displaced in Orientale Province in the
north-eastern area of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, over 120,000 in
Western Equatoria in Southern Sudan and 30,000 in the south-eastern area of the
Central African Republic.

Presence in Southern Darfur

105. The Group notes the risks presented by the LRA movement into Southern
Darfur, an area that is currently inaccessible not only to the joint military operations
of forces from the region but also to international organizations.
106. The Group sought to verify reports from MONUSCO and the Ugandan
authorities of contacts between an LRA delegation and Sudanese armed forces
__________________
7 The MONUSCO Child Protection Section documented 184 cases of children abducted by LRA
in Orientale Province from January to September 2010, including 93 girls.

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officers on the Central African Republic/Sudan border in October 2010. According

to two eyewitnesses interviewed by the Group, the purpose of the LRA mission was
to re-establish relations with the Sudanese authorities and to request assistance,
including safe passage and political asylum for Joseph Kony. This mission, led by
Kony’s chief bodyguard, Otto Agweny, reached the Sudanese military base at Am
Dafok (near the Central African Republic/Sudan border) on 4 October, staying in the
area until 9 October. In Am Dafok the group met with Sudanese armed forces
commanders, including a Lieutenant Colonel who presented himself as an
intelligence officer from Khartoum and an officer who presented himself as the
Sudanese armed forces commander of the western region.
107. The Group understands that this meeting was the result of an initiative of LRA
and not the Sudanese authorities. According to the eyewitnesses, no decision was
reached, but the Sudanese armed forces reportedly provided the LRA delegation
with their mobile and satellite phone numbers to facilitate future contacts with
Kony. The Group requested information from the Sudanese authorities on the
content of this meeting, but has not received a reply to its letter of 23 July. The
Group will continue to seek the assistance of Member States to investigate
individuals who may be supporting LRA from other countries.

C. Allied Democratic Forces

108. On 26 June 2010, FARDC launched “Operation Ruwenzori” against ADF, an

Islamist Ugandan-led armed group that has been operating in the border areas of the
northern part of North Kivu and southern Ituri since the late 1990s. The stated
political agenda of ADF is to install an Islamic government in Uganda. ADF
received military support from the Sudan in 1999 and 2000. Since the last military
operations conducted against it by FARDC and MONUC in December 2005, ADF
appears to have regrouped. Prior to 2005, most ADF combatants appear to have
been Congolese; since then the organization began to favour the recruitment of
Ugandan combatants.
109. The military structure of ADF is presented in annex 10. The head of the
organization continues to be Jamil Mukulu, a Muslim cleric who is based in
London. The Group interviewed two senior ADF commanders who had recently
defected who stated that only a small number of Ugandan combatants are privy to
the strategy of ADF and all major decisions require the authorization of Mukulu,
who also receives regular situation reports from the field. After FARDC operations
began, Mukulu visited the eastern part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo to
boost morale and take charge of ADF defences.
110. In 2010, there were unconfirmed reports of sightings of helicopters in ADF-
controlled territory (see para. 288).

Foreign trainers
111. A former ADF commander, two ex-combatants and United Nations sources
informed the Group that ADF had established training bases on the perimeter of its
main headquarters in Nadui, east of Eringeti, Beni territory, where foreign trainers
had conducted sessions on urban warfare and terrorist tactics since 2006. The ADF
commander described two training sessions given at Mwalika camp by Pakistani
trainers in 2009 and two Moroccan trainers in 2010. The Group corroborated with

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the Agence nationale de renseignements (ANR) in Butalingwa the names of the two
Moroccan trainers.

Financing
112. During the Group’s 2009 mandate, the Ugandan authorities provided credible
information on financial support sent to ADF from Ugandans based in the United
Kingdom and Kenya. In 2010, two senior ADF former combatants informed the
Group that ADF received money from Mukulu in London by means of Western
Union transfers to Beni and Butembo. Congolese military intelligence officers later
informed the Group that they had arrested a number of people who they said were
receiving the money transfers on behalf of ADF. Unfortunately, the Group was not
given access to interview the principal suspect. FARDC provided copies of
documents recording more than 100 Western Union money transfers allegedly
destined for ADF or its intermediaries (see annex 11), but the Group has not
received responses to its subsequent enquiries to the Kinshasa-based Banque
internationale pour l’Afrique au Congo, which oversees Western Union offices in
the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

D. Forces nationales de libération

113. During its mandate, the Group has followed closely the remobilization of the
Burundian rebel group, FNL. Led by Agathon Rwasa, FNL combatants were either
integrated into the Burundian security services or were demobilized in mid-2009.
Rwasa was to have been one of the main candidates in the 2010 presidential
elections in Burundi, but withdrew from the contest citing concerns over fraud, after
FNL and other opposition parties were heavily defeated by the ruling Conseil
national pour la défense de la démocratie-Forces pour la défense de la démocratie
party of Pierre Nkurunziza, in local elections held on 24 May. In early July, Rwasa
disappeared from Bujumbura.
114. According to multiple credible sources in Uvira, Rwasa crossed into the
Democratic Republic of the Congo north of Kavimvira with the support of Colonel
Baudoin Nakabaka (deputy commander of the 10th military region of FARDC) (see
S/2009/603, paras. 25-27, 29-31, 33, 39, 70, 73, 80, 150, 159 and annexes 14, 50
and 51). According to Congolese intelligence and several local sources, Rwasa was
subsequently transported to Bukavu by Nakabaka and stayed with the commander of
the 10th military region of FARDC, General Patrick Masunzu (see S/2009/603,
paras. 25, 29, 48, 53, 158 and 159). The Group met eyewitnesses who confirmed
Rwasa’s subsequent presence in Mwenga, where, according to Congolese
intelligence services, he met FDLR representatives to form an alliance. According to
diplomatic sources in the region, FDLR and Nakabaka have promised to provide
financial backing for FNL.
115. Since Rwasa’s departure from Burundi, FNL has reportedly mobilized an
estimated 700 of its most experienced combatants within the Democratic Republic
of the Congo alone. According to diplomatic sources and former members of FNL,
as at September 2010 there were more than 400 combatants based in the high
plateaux of Minembwe, more than 200 in Kiliba, north of the Burundi border,
another 100 north of Sange in the Ruzizi plain and an unknown number in Fizi
territory. According to the same sources, those forces are led by Antoine “Shuti”

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Baranyanka, the former chief military commander of FNL. Instead of being

integrated into the Burundian army with the rank of lieutenant general, Baranyanka
opted to be demobilized in what analysts considered a “reserve option” for Rwasa in
case of an adverse result in the Burundian elections (see annex 12).
116. In addition to its alliance with FDLR, FNL has also reportedly joined forces
with the Mai Mai Yakutumba of the Bembe community in Fizi territory. According
to MONUSCO and diplomatic sources, FNL has benefited from FDLR and Mai Mai
Yakutumba’s strategic access to ports commonly used for smuggling across Lake
Tanganyika. The Group has learned that, as a result, Rwasa himself has been able to
make frequent trips between the eastern part of the Democratic Republic of the
Congo and Kigoma and Dar es Salaam in the United Republic of Tanzania. The
Group also obtained documents of ongoing investigations concerning the
disappearance of weapons within the FARDC Zone 4 headquarters, commanded by
Colonel Bernard Byamungu (see S/2009/603, annex 124). According to FARDC
sources, those weapons could have been supplied to FNL.
117. Eyewitnesses to FNL recruitment activities along the Burundi/Democratic
Republic of the Congo border informed the Group that FNL was offering 80,000
Burundian francs to new recruits but selecting only those with previous combat
experience. This is likely to include sympathizers who have deserted the ranks of
the Burundian security services; the Group has confirmed 20 such cases through
interviews with FNL defectors. Burundian authorities have attempted to arrest
potential candidates crossing into the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The
highest-ranking officer from the Burundian army to join FNL in the eastern part of
the Democratic Republic of the Congo was Major Nzabampema who, according to
Burundian intelligence services, survived an ambush en route to joining “Shuti” at
Kiliba.
118. In addition, according to sources in the Burundian police and intelligence
services, FNL has benefited from the support of Burundian businessmen. Former
members of FNL informed the Group that some of the businessmen had provided
“Shuti” with over $30,000 in order to begin his recruitment. According to those
same sources, when the FNL leadership was negotiating with representatives of the
Burundian Government in the United Republic of Tanzania in 2008, one of those
businessmen proposed to Rwasa that FNL attack Bujumbura, during which
operation he promised to deliver support from soldiers in the Burundian army.
119. In his public statements, Rwasa has explicitly denied that he was involved in a
new armed rebellion. However, numerous credible sources informed the Group that
Rwasa had made statements to his supporters that this new war would be a “holy war”
and would transcend ethnicity. Meanwhile, members of other opposition political
parties have also joined the ranks of FNL, including some members of MSD, which
commands a strong following among the country’s urban Tutsi youth. While not
significant in numbers, FNL does receive some support from its fellow opposition
party, the Union for Peace and Development (UPD), led by Hussein Rajabu, who is
imprisoned. According to Burundian authorities, a UPD leader by the name of Jean-
Petit has joined Rwasa’s new rebellion. According to former FNL sources, Rwasa is
exploring ways to finance his movement through involvement in the gold trade.

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V. Information relevant to the Sanctions Committee’s

designation of individuals referred to in subparagraphs (d),
(e) and (f) of paragraph 4 of resolution 1857 (2008)
120. In resolution 1896 (2009), the Security Council expressed its great concern at
the persistence of human rights and humanitarian law violations against civilians in
the eastern part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, including the killing and
displacement of a significant number of civilians, the recruitment and use of child
soldiers and widespread sexual violence. Stressing that the perpetrators of violations
of international human rights and humanitarian law must be brought to justice, the
Council emphasized the primary responsibility of the Government of the
Democratic Republic of the Congo and the need to fight impunity. The Council has
also reiterated its readiness to consider the case for targeted sanctions against
perpetrators.

A. Political and military leaders operating in the Democratic

Republic of the Congo and recruiting or using children in armed
conflict in violation of international law

121. Nearly every foreign-led and Congolese armed group in the eastern part of the
Democratic Republic of the Congo, from the largest (FOCA) to the smallest ethnic
and territorial Mai Mai, or “self-defence” groups, continues to rely on the
recruitment of children to bolster their ranks. LRA has long been reliant on the
abduction and indoctrination of children. Between January and September 2010, the
MONUSCO Child Protection Section documented the release of 1,264 children
from armed groups in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. In the same period,
the MONUSCO Disarmament, Demobilization, Repatriation, Reintegration and
Resettlement Section repatriated 60 children formerly associated with armed groups,
including FDLR (32), CNDP (13), LRA (7), Mai Mai PARECO (6) and FARDC (2).
All but seven of those children were Rwandan. In the same period, the Section
received and transferred to the Congolese authorities 664 Congolese children
formerly associated with FDLR (335), Mai Mai PARECO (237), CNDP (50),
APCLS (39) and ADF (3). A further 57 were from FARDC.
122. The final report of the Group of Experts for 2009 (S/2009/603) noted that a
significant number of children who had previously been recruited into armed groups
were brought into the new FARDC structures during the integration process that
preceded the joint Congolese-Rwandan Umoja Wetu operation against FDLR. Since
then, separation efforts have had mixed success; while some FARDC commanders
have cooperated, others have hidden children or even continued to recruit children,
including some of those who had previously been separated. 8 The MONUSCO
Child Protection Section documented the release of 353 children from FARDC from
January to September 2010; 103 of them had been recruited in 2010, and only 5
were formally released during screening. The Group remains concerned that child
protection officers have not been given access to physically screen nearly two thirds

__________________
8 For 2009, the MONUSCO Child Protection Section documented 686 cases of children recruited
by FARDC versus 631 released.

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of the FARDC combatants involved in joint military operations supported by the

United Nations to ensure that no children take part. 9
123. Owing to past advocacy, training and widespread coverage of the International
Criminal Court’s prosecution of former Union des patriotes congolais militia leader
Thomas Lubanga, commanders are generally aware that recruiting and using
children is against national and international law, but many appear to remain
confident that they are beyond the reach of those laws. Very few are aware that such
crimes are also criteria for targeted sanctions imposed by the Committee. A
frequently cited example of the gap between policy and practice is Lieutenant
Colonel Jean-Pierre Biyoyo, who holds the position of commander of Amani Leo’s
31st Sector (in Walungu, South Kivu), having escaped prison after his landmark
conviction in 2006 for recruiting child soldiers.
124. While child protection organizations are engaged in efforts to separate children
from FARDC, recent efforts to sensitize armed groups and communities on the issue
have been modest (relative, for example, to equivalent efforts to reduce sexual
violence), and children leaving armed groups remain highly vulnerable to
re-recruitment. The Group identified numerous children in urban centres of North
Kivu who had fled a cross-section of armed groups but had chosen to avoid child
protection and “reinsertion’’ programmes. The Group identified 74 such cases in two
outlying districts of Goma alone. Many of those interviewed by the Group said they
considered that such programmes were inefficient and not well suited to their needs,
notably for anonymity and self-reliance.
125. The Group researched a small number of case studies involving direct and
command responsibility for the recruitment and use of children in violation of
applicable international law, which are summarized below.

Colonel Gwigwi Busogi (Forces armées de la République démocratique du Congo)

126. Colonel Gwigwi Busogi, a former commander of one of the two PARECO
battalions in South Kivu, commanded the 24th Sector of FARDC in Kalehe, South
Kivu, for most of the reporting period. He was recently redeployed, however, as
deputy commander of the 4th operational zone in Uvira. Colonel Gwigwi was one of
several operational FARDC officers cited in the 2009 report of the Group of Experts
(S/2009/603, annex 124) as having an established record of human rights abuses
including, in his case, direct and command responsibility for child recruitment and
for maintaining children within troops under his command. The 24th Sector is
dominated by recently integrated former PARECO elements and is known within
FARDC as an “independent sector”, officially because it reports to Amani Leo
coordination in South Kivu and not to FARDC Zone 2. Colonel Gwigwi appears to
enjoy immunity according to local Congolese intelligence officials and United
Nations sources, citing as an example his release after troops under his command
allegedly killed a primary school teacher in May 2009.
127. The Group cross-checked reports received from multiple credible United
Nations, non-governmental organization (NGO), FARDC and eyewitness sources
concerning Gwigwi’s continued use of children and obstruction of separation
efforts. Between May and August, the MONUSCO Child Protection Section
__________________
9 Since the outset of Amani Leo operations, only one FARDC battalion has been fully screened by
the MONUSCO Child Protection Section.

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documented a further 15 cases of children who had been used as soldiers by senior
officers under Gwigwi’s command.
128. The Group interviewed two eyewitnesses who gave details of four children
among Gwigwi’s personal guard and described systematic efforts by Gwigwi and his
commanders to hide child soldiers and otherwise obstruct verification and separation
efforts. One eyewitness mentioned a specific incident in Nyabibwe in May 2010,
details of which the Group was able to verify with the child protection worker who
had visited and seen three children in uniform being ordered to run away.
129. On 25 August, however, a 16-year-old boy was separated from the FARDC
24th Sector headquarters in Minova. A witness directly verified for the Group the
presence of three escorts of Colonel Gwigwi, aged 15 and 16 years. An
ex-combatant previously under Colonel Gwigwi’s command informed the Group
that Gwigwi was aware of the presence of at least 20 children working for different
24th Sector brigade and battalion commanders.
130. Those children who manage to escape risk punishment for desertion and
re-recruitment. MONUSCO recently alerted Colonel Delphin Kahimbi, FARDC
commander of Amani Leo in South Kivu, about two documented cases of boys who
had been recruited and re-recruited by a captain in battalion 2,411, the sector
commanded at that time by Gwigwi.

Colonel Venant Bisogo and Colonel Michel Makanika Rukunda, Forces

republicaines federalistes
131. The Group investigated the reported presence of numerous child soldiers
within FRF, including from within the ranks of the personal escorts of its leaders,
Colonel Venant Bisogo and Colonel Michel Makanika Rukunda (see paras. 61-74).
In interviews with community leaders, Government officials, FARDC officers and
MONUSCO staff conducted during visits to Minembwe, Uvira and Bukavu, the
Group received consistent reports of the presence of large numbers of children
within FRF. As elsewhere, Mai Mai groups in the high plateaux, notably Mai Mai
Aochi and Mai Mai Kapopo, also continue to recruit a large number of children
from their respective communities.
132. A credible local organization provided the Group with the names of 40
children reportedly recruited by FRF since 2005. Twelve of the names on the list
were recognized when shown by the Group to recent deserters. The Group sought to
verify reports that the recruitment of children and military training continued in
2010. Escapees interviewed by the Group and by MONUSCO staff claimed that as
many as 80 children were undergoing training in June and July. Consistent with this,
a credible eyewitness from FRF-controlled areas reported to the Group that there
were 75 children among a group of 127 people who had been recruited since May
2010 for training beginning in June in Ndobo forest. The same source reported that
45 children were present at Rubinganyoni hill and Ndobo forest in August 2010.
Several sources, including a recent deserter and United Nations sources, informed
the Group that Bisogo, Makanika and other FRF commanders use children as
personal escorts and among their domestic workers. The MONUSCO Child
Protection Section has documented evidence that Bisogo himself was directly
responsible for child recruitment in late 2009.

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Kirikicho Mirimba Mwanamayi (Mai Mai Kirikicho)

133. Mai Mai Kirikicho is a predominantly ethnic Tembo militia based in the
forests of Ziralo groupement (Kalehe territory, South Kivu), but is also active in
Walowa-Luanda groupement (Walikale territory, North Kivu). The militia’s leader,
once a member of “General” Bulenda Padiri’s anti-RCD Mai Mai coalition, has
refused several opportunities to join FARDC. 10 According to local sources,
Kirikicho controls or taxes gold, cassiterite and coltan mining sites, including
Tushunguti, Myanda, Bukiri, Charamba and Fangere, as well as taxing local markets
and the road from Nyabibwe to Ziralo and collecting food from local chiefs.
134. Corroborating reports from non-governmental organizations, the Group has
obtained detailed, first-hand testimony from former combatants describing
Kirikicho’s personal involvement in the recruitment of children in 2009 and 2010.
According to the same sources, Kirikicho and the commanders reporting to him
habitually include children in their personal guards, including up to 10 children in
Kirikicho’s guard as recently as June 2010. The Group estimates that at least half of
Kirikicho’s group, and well over half of new recruits, are under 18 years of age,
although estimates of the total vary since many of his elements have joined Mai Mai
Kifuafua (which Kirikicho helped to found). The MONUSCO Child Protection
Section has documented five cases of children formerly associated with Mai Mai
Kirikicho, including two who were recruited in 2009.

Colonel Innocent Zimurinda (Forces armées de la République démocratique

du Congo)
135. Over the course of the Group’s mandate, Colonel Innocent Zimurinda has been
the commander of the 23rd Sector, based in Ngungu, and since April 2010 the
commander of the 22nd Sector, based in Kitchanga. A previous Group of Experts
witnessed Colonel Zimurinda’s refusal to allow three verified children to be released
from under his command in Kalehe territory (as well as identifying his command
responsibility for the mass killing of civilians at Shalio in April 2009) (see
S/2009/603, paras. 322 and 364).
136. The Group sought to verify reports of a wave of recruitment in the Kitchanga
area from mid-2010. The MONUSCO Child Protection Section documented two
cases of child recruitment by officers reporting to Colonel Zimurinda in August and
September. The Group interviewed a credible local source who described seeing two
groups of children carrying weapons and wearing FARDC uniforms in Kitchanga in
early October. He talked to one of the groups, discovering that five members spoke
only Kinyarwanda, not Swahili, indicating that they had not grown up in the
Democratic Republic of the Congo; a sixth said that he was 15 years old and had
been recruited in June 2010 by troops commanded by Colonel Zimurinda.

__________________
10 According to MONUSCO records, Kirikicho refused an opportunity to join FARDC as a major
in 2003. Another integration offer fell through when Kirikicho decided to remobilize to join the
coalition against CNDP in 2007. Kirikicho was a signatory to the Goma Agreement in January
2008, but continued to refuse to join FARDC.

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Recruitment of children by the Forces démocratiques de libération du Rwanda

137. MONUSCO statistics indicate a striking increase in FDLR recruitment of
Congolese combatants, a majority of whom are children. Of 462 Congolese
combatants participating in the disarmament, demobilization, repatriation,
reintegration and resettlement programme in 2010, 335, or 72.5 per cent, were
children, compared to only 32 children among 743 Rwandan combatants, or 4.3 per
cent. Although orders were given by the FDLR leadership in 2005 forbidding the
recruitment of children, a former FDLR battalion commander informed the Group
that FOCA units were now authorized to recruit in their operational zones, often
targeting children aged 16 to 18. According to other former FDLR combatants, some
commanders try to protect their own children from recruitment by sending them
elsewhere to study.
138. From interviews with children in Goma and Rwanda who were formerly
associated with FDLR, the Group confirmed the continued presence of boys and
girls in many FDLR units, notably the 4th Bahamas battalion in North Kivu and the
South Kivu headquarters of FDLR. Some receive military training before joining
combat units; others work as domestic helpers or porters. A cadre from FDLR
headquarters informed the Group that 580 new recruits, including children, had
received two months’ training in Mukoberwa and Maniema, North Kivu, in
September and October 2009. According to another ex-combatant, 120 new recruits,
including children, joined the 3rd Sabena battalion in January 2010.

B. Individuals operating in the Democratic Republic of the Congo

and committing serious violations of international law involving
the targeting of children or women in situations of armed conflict,
including killing and maiming, sexual violence, abduction and
forced displacement

Serious violations of international humanitarian law by FDLR and LRA

139. Women and children are among the victims of armed attacks on civilian
populations, which usually involve a combination of serious violations of
international humanitarian law. Among the most commonly reported types of
incidents are attacks on villages in which houses are burned and the population,
including women and children, is forced to help assailants carry away looted goods.
Burning houses inflicts collective suffering on the civilian population and usually
leads to displacement. Forced labour in such circumstances usually involves
abduction and often leads to the recruitment of children and sexual violence.
140. According to United Nations reports in the Group’s archives, FDLR was
responsible for five such incidents in just one four-day period from 8 to 11 February
2010:
(a) On 8 February, 27 civilians were abducted during the looting of Lulingu,
Shabunda territory, South Kivu;
(b) Also on 8 February, 50 civilians, including 10 women, were abducted
and more than 100 houses were burned during an attack on a mine at Nkumwa,

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north-east of Kindu in Maniema Province, in which FDLR reportedly used forced

labour to remove about 1 ton of cassiterite; 11
(c) On 9 February, more than 100 houses were burned in an attack on
Rubuga, near Lemera in South Kivu;
(d) On 11 February, 5 women were killed from a group of 15 women who
were robbed and abducted on their way to Mulombozi market in Mwenga, South
Kivu.
141. For some armed groups, notably LRA and FDLR, attacks on civilians may also
serve the strategic purpose of discouraging international as well as local support for
operations against them. The Group’s final report for 2009 (S/2009/603, paras. 345-
356) found that FDLR had adopted such a policy. In this respect, a wave of attacks on
civilian targets in November and December 2009 was interpreted by some observers
as a signal of FDLR resistance in the context of the evaluation of Kimia II operations.
On 6 December 2009, in one of the worst attacks of that period, 9 civilians were
executed, several villages were looted and a clinic and a primary school were razed in
the area of Kalole, Shabunda. According to the Office for the Coordination of
Humanitarian Affairs, another wave of attacks on villages in Shabunda displaced
about 11,000 civilians in August 2010.
142. In South Kivu, protection monitors have observed a marked upward trend in
hostage-taking for cash ransom and ambushes of civilian vehicles, which, on the
basis of ex-combatant debriefings, interviews with Congolese intelligence officers,
protection reports and United Nations reports, the Group attributes to FDLR units
seeking alternative sources of income and exacting reprisals on former commercial
partners.
143. In Orientale Province, LRA continued to abduct and kill civilians in frequent
small incidents and committed a number of mass atrocities, the most extreme
example of which involved 25 to 30 LRA elements led by “Lieutenant Colonel”
Binansio Okumu and “Obol”, who attacked seven villages in the Makombo area of
Niangara, Haut Uele, from 14 to 17 December 2009, killing at least 300 civilians
and abducting 150 to 250, including 30 to 80 children, according to subsequent
investigations by non-governmental organizations and the United Nations. “Obol”
reports to Dominic Ongwen, for whom the International Criminal Court issued an
arrest warrant in 2005.

Indications of command responsibility for the mass rape in the Ihana groupement,
Walikale, 30 July to 2 August 2010
144. The Group of Experts is aware of various ongoing national and international
investigations into the rape of at least 303 civilians during the looting of 13 villages
between Mpofi and Kibua in Walikale during that period. Owing to its much broader
mandate and limited resources, the Group chose not to duplicate the work of the
dedicated investigation teams, but rather to continue to research the links between
armed groups and the illegal exploitation of natural resources in Walikale territory.

__________________
11 On 7 September 2010, in another attack attributed to FDLR in Maniema, a civilian was killed
and 153 were abducted and forced to carry goods from a mining village 40 kilometres south-east
of Kasese to Kumoi forest.

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145. It has already been established that the above-mentioned attacks were
perpetrated by a coalition of Mai Mai Sheka and FDLR elements from the Montana
battalion. 12 Mai Mai Sheka is also supported by Emmanuel Nsengiyumva, a deserter
from FARDC who leads his own smaller group and is linked to FPLC (see
paras. 50-60). Without prejudice to the conclusions of ongoing investigations, the
Group considers the following elements to be relevant to the identification of those
who share command responsibility for those violations.
146. From debriefings of FDLR and Mai Mai Sheka ex-combatants and from
reports of other attacks perpetrated by the same coalition, there are signs of a pattern
to their joint operations:
(a) Decisions about the targeting and planning of looting operations have
been taken jointly by all three commanders, who then give orders to their own
combatants. Operational command is rotated among officers from each of the three
groups;
(b) While they agree on the tactical objectives of the operation (e.g.,
looting), each group retains its own strategic agenda (e.g., to target commercial
competitors, to influence or disrupt FARDC deployments, to create insecurity to
block refugee returns or to garner international attention for political ends); these
different agendas influence the behaviour of each group’s combatants during the
operation;
(c) Loot is divided equally among the three groups, which report back with a
share for their respective commanders;
(d) Sheka is reported to have had no military experience prior to June 2009.
Although there are a number of former Mai Mai and FARDC deserters in his group,
Mai Mai Sheka would have little military capacity without the support of
combatants from the FDLR Montana battalion and former CNDP elements loyal to
Emmanuel. However, as an ethnic Nyanga with extensive local contacts (including
among serving FARDC soldiers and deserters) and experience in the mining
business, Sheka appears to play a prominent role in the identification of targets for
looting through a network of local informers;
(e) Smaller-scale attacks attributed to the same coalition in 2010 have also
involved rape (probably significantly underreported), abductions, forced labour and
looting; for example:
(i) On 26 May 2010, at least 3 women were raped during an attack on
Rwenga;
(ii) On 27 May, at least 2 women were raped during an attack on Birua;
(iii) On 13 June, at least 12 people were raped, including two minors, during
an attack on Osokari in which 8 people were abducted;
(iv) On 16 and 24 August, Mubi was looted and 50 to 100 civilians were
abducted to carry the loot;
(f) Officers confirmed as being present during the looting and mass rape
from 30 July to 2 August were Sadoke Kidunda Mayele, Sheka’s Chief of Staff, who

__________________
12 See http://monusco.unmissions.org/Default.aspx?tabid=4135.

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was arrested on 6 September 2010, and “Captain” Seraphin Lionso 13 from the
FDLR Montana battalion:
(i) Sheka has claimed to the Group that Mayele had deserted before the
attacks. However, in an interview by the Group after his arrest on 5 October,
Mayele described planning meetings at which Sheka was present, saying that
he had returned to Sheka’s headquarters after the operation along with other
combatants;
(ii) Mai Mai commanders and ex-combatants have informed the Group that
Lionso’s commando unit had been deployed by “Lieutenant Colonel” Evariste
“Sadiki” Kwanzeguhera, commander of the FDLR Montana battalion, to assist
Sheka in conducting looting operations. According to former FDLR
combatants, Seraphin continues to report directly to Sadiki, who claims to
exercise control over the coalition;
(iii) Combatants belonging to Emmanuel Nsengiyumva’s group are likely to
take orders only from him, given the novelty of this collaboration between
former CNDP elements and their former enemies;
(g) The Group notes Sheka’s past links to contacts in the minerals business,
as well as FARDC officers (see paras. 36-42), who may have exerted influence over
operational decisions during the time of the mass rape.

C. Individuals obstructing access to or distribution of humanitarian

assistance in the eastern part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo

147. According to the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs,

humanitarian workers in the eastern part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo
continue to be victims of armed robbery, looting and other violent security
incidents, including occasional abductions: since January 2010, a total of 98 such
incidents have been reported in North Kivu, compared to 144 in 2009, and 46 in
South Kivu, compared to 32 in 2009.
148. In addition to the inevitable insecurity linked to ongoing military operations
and the presence of tens of thousands of armed elements in the eastern part of the
Democratic Republic of the Congo, the poor state of the roads is a major factor
limiting access to those assessed to be in need of humanitarian assistance.
149. The Group’s conclusion from available evidence is that the majority of
security incidents affecting humanitarian operations are opportunistic acts of
banditry by armed actors who usually remain unidentified. The Group has not found
evidence of intent on the part of individual commanders systematically to prevent
the distribution of humanitarian assistance. In these circumstances, the Group
considers that citing specific incidents would not serve a dissuasive purpose, but
might conflict with the need for the humanitarian organizations concerned to
maintain their neutrality, independence and impartiality.

__________________
13 Lionso has been misdescribed as a “Colonel” in other briefings to the Council.

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VI. Challenges for the integration of armed groups

150. In February 2009, CNDP underwent accelerated integration into FARDC and
the Congolese national police (PNC). Over the course of its mandate, the Group
monitored the significant challenges that continue to impede the full achievement of
this process.
151. Integration suffered from a significant absence of transparency from its initial
stages. The Group obtained internal administrative CNDP documents from
December 2008 showing a troop total of 5,276 (see annex 13). According to further
documents provided to the Group, in preparation for the accelerated integration
process, CNDP, by 12 January 2009, claimed to command over 11,080 soldiers,
more than double the original figure (see annex 14).
152. Former CNDP officers within FARDC have deployed their mixed units
throughout most territories of North and South Kivu. According to FARDC sources,
former CNDP officers have convened meetings in order to bypass approved
channels in making decisions on troop deployments. The Group received testimony
from a number of FARDC officers that former CNDP officers, even when posted as
deputy commanders in FARDC units, are the real decision makers within most
FARDC brigades.
153. After rumours of his imminent suspension from FARDC circulated in
September, General Bosco Ntaganda remained deputy commander of Amani Leo
operations. Although his role has never been officially acknowledged by FARDC,
Ntaganda publicly confirmed it in a Reuters interview published on 6 October.

Non-integrated units and arms

154. The Group has monitored a number of non-integrated battalions that remained
under the exclusive command of former CNDP FARDC officers, such as Colonel
Zimurinda and General Ntaganda. Most of those units were absent from official
FARDC organizational structures. The Group was nonetheless able to identify three
of these “hidden” battalions and received reports that there were several more.
According to former CNDP officers, one non-integrated battalion was deployed at
Kitchanga under the command of Lieutenant Colonel Steve Rukara. A second
battalion remained in the Ngungu area, led by Lieutenant Colonel Eric Badege. A
third battalion was led by Major Eustache at Nyange and Bibwe in northern Masisi
territory. As the majority of those units were ethnic Tutsis who were well armed and
well equipped, local people have often confused them for Rwandan army units.
While regular FARDC battalions are often composed of about 400 to 600 soldiers,
according to former CNDP sources, these non-integrated units are estimated to have
as many as 800 soldiers.
155. The Group has also received credible testimony from multiple FARDC
officers, local authorities and eyewitnesses that former CNDP elements continue to
use armed cattle herders as auxiliary militias. The herders often protect cattle for
high-ranking CNDP officers and have been seen wearing military uniforms at night,
according to eyewitnesses interviewed by the Group. MONUSCO military
contingents informed the Group that they had stopped and inspected the weapons of
armed herders around Osso farm, Masisi territory. On one occasion, in March 2010,
according to Government officials, armed herders killed two military police along
the main road to Masisi centre. When asked why they were carrying grenades, one

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of the herders threw one at the military police, which exploded, prompting
numerous other herders to descend to the road and beat the two officers to death.
Former CNDP elements later prevented ANR agents from investigating.
156. Moreover, the Group has received numerous accounts of arms caches that
continue to be under the protection of former CNDP officers within FARDC.
Deserters, such as Lieutenant Colonel Emmanuel Nsengiyumva, have attacked some
of these caches, such as in June 2010 at Busurungu (see para. 55). According to
FARDC officers previously holding high ranks within CNDP, General Ntaganda
retains a number of arms caches in Ngungu, Kabati, Kasake and Bunyole. The
Group obtained photos and precise GPS coordinates of one arms cache on a hill near
Ngungu, which reportedly held significant quantities of machine guns (12.7-mm),
rocket launchers (107-mm) and ammunition (see annex 15).

Enduring territorial dominance

157. During the first half of its mandate, the Group documented the existence of a
parallel administration based at Mushake, where a CNDP flag was flown for many
months. According to interviews by the Group, the system included hundreds of
different taxes, the revenue of which was directed to Philippe Gafishi, President of
CNDP, and General Bosco Ntaganda. The Group obtained official monthly records of
taxation by this administration for the unrecognized territory of “Masisi/Mushake”
(see annex 16).
158. Following lengthy negotiations, CNDP reportedly agreed to appoint a political
officer to the post of deputy territorial administrator for Masisi in exchange for
dismantling the parallel administration in July. A former CNDP administrator
explained to the Group that the precondition for ending the Mushake-based
administration was that a percentage of the overall Masisi administration revenue be
directed to CNDP. During its visits to Masisi, the Group learned that the new
Government appointee had assumed many of the most important services and
domains of public administration in Masisi. In locations previously occupied by the
CNDP parallel administration, local merchants interviewed by the Group noted a
sharp reduction in local taxes, although they said some CNDP officials continued to
impose illegal taxes for their own private benefit.
159. Despite the formal end of the parallel administration, in Kitchanga, authorities
explained to the Group that former CNDP soldiers enforce salongo, whereby
civilians are required to build houses, clean camps and transport merchandise for the
military. West of Kitchanga, the CNDP administration controls the entire western
portion of Virunga National Park, which park rangers are prohibited from entering
(see box below). The Group also noted the illegal arrest and torture of the Masisi
civil society leader, Sylvestre Bwira Kyah, on 24 August following public
denunciations he made regarding abuses committed by Ntaganda’s troops.

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Box 3
Illegal settlements in Virunga National Park
There has been significant encroachment of the entire western
sector of Virunga National Park by populations under the direct control
of former CNDP officers. According to residents of the locality of Bwiza,
inside the park, land is consistently being cleared for farming and cattle.
Former CNDP officers are profiting from the sale of plots of land parcels
in addition to charcoal (see annex 17).

160. The Group also received credible testimony from multiple sources about the
continued existence of a “parallel” police structure for Masisi territory composed of
former CNDP officers and former PARECO allies unsatisfied with their posting in
the Congolese national police. According to PNC officers, this police structure is led
by former CNDP Colonel Esaie Munyakazi alongside his deputy, Colonel
Munyentwali Zabuloni (former PARECO officer). This structure comprises a North
Sector commander, Colonel Mafieur, based at Kitchanga, and a South Sector
commander, Colonel Hiver, based at Karuba. According to PNC officers in Masisi
centre, these units constitute over half of all police forces in Masisi territory. While
they continue to receive salaries out of the official PNC budget, they refuse to obey
orders from the PNC territorial command. The Group interviewed Colonel Zabuloni,
who confirmed the existence of parallel police structures in Masisi and presented a
letter complaining of discrimination within PNC.

Internal tensions
161. The detention of former CNDP leader General Laurent Nkunda continues to
divide CNDP. One faction is led by General Ntaganda, who replaced Nkunda before
his arrest by Rwandan authorities in January 2009. High-ranking officers reportedly
loyal to Ntaganda include the 22nd Sector commander, Colonel Innocent Zimurinda,
the 21st Sector commander, Colonel Innocent “India Queen” Kaina, and the Zone 2
commander, Baudoin Ngaruye. On the other side, Colonel Sultani Makenga, the
deputy Amani Leo commander for South Kivu, retains the support of a significant
portion of former CNDP FARDC officers loyal to Nkunda. Those elements include
the former 212th brigade commander, Colonel Yusuf Mboneza, the deputy Zone 4
commander, Colonel Ndekezi Salongo, and the 51st Sector commander, Colonel
Claude Mucho.
162. During the Group’s mandate, there have been a series of assassinations against
officers and political leaders who remained close to Nkunda. On 20 June, the most
respected elder leader of the Congolese Tutsi community, Denis Ntare Semadwinga,
was murdered at his home in Gisenyi. According to human rights investigators, a
group of men, including a bodyguard of Ntaganda, entered Ntare’s home and stabbed
him to death. This assassination provoked grief and outrage throughout the Makenga
faction of CNDP, according to interviews conducted by the Group. On 14 September,
Lieutenant Colonel Antoine Balibuno was assassinated in Goma by former CNDP
officers close to Ntaganda on his way to the latter’s home. Lieutenant Colonel
Balibuno was a close member of Nkunda’s inner circle during the CDNP rebellion.
At the time of his death, he was in charge of civil-military affairs for the Amani Leo

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command. In addition, the Group has noted reports of the disappearance, harassment
or arbitrary detention of a number of other Nkunda supporters. Nevertheless, these
two factions have cooperated on a number of occasions when they perceive prejudice
against their movement within FARDC.

Links to armed groups

163. Another challenge to the CNDP integration process has been the collaboration
of certain former CNDP officers with armed groups. MONUSCO debriefings with
former combatants repatriated to Rwanda indicate communication and collaboration
between certain elements within CNDP and FDLR in 2010 (see paras. 87 and 88).
164. In addition, according to credible testimony from various sources, former
CNDP officers have been in contact with Rwandan political dissidents in South
Africa, including Patrick Karegeye, the former head of Rwandan intelligence, and
Lieutenant General Faustin Kayumba Nyamwasa, who survived an assassination
attempt in June 2010 in Johannesburg. The Group directly witnessed a conversation
between Karegeye and former CNDP FARDC officers in the eastern part of the
Democratic Republic of the Congo in September. According to United Nations
sources and combatants interviewed by the Group, Kayumba may have sent an
emissary to meet with FDLR, FPLC and Mai Mai leaders in the Democratic
Republic of the Congo in February.

Resistance to redeployment
165. In early September, when General Didier Etumba, the army Chief of Staff,
communicated the Government’s resolve to redeploy members of former armed
groups outside the Kivus, CNDP factions reconciled in order to form a common
front. According to FARDC sources, on 17 September Ntaganda organized a
meeting of former CNDP officers in Rubaya to prepare their resistance to any
attempts for redeployment. Former CNDP officers signed a letter explaining their
strong opposition to redeployment until all aspects of the agreement of 23 March
2009 had been implemented, including the return of Congolese refugees and
confirmation of ranks (see annex 18). According to multiple FARDC officers, joint
operations with the Rwandan Defence Forces were envisaged in case it proved
necessary to enforce redeployment.
166. The Group has received numerous credible reports from FARDC officers and
MONUSCO that during the months of September and October, former CNDP
officers have been recruiting to build up the numbers in their units. The locality of
Bwiza in Virunga National Park has been used as a training centre for many new
recruits, according to local and international sources. MONUSCO staff informed the
Group that tensions had arisen between former PARECO and former CNDP officers
within the 241st brigade in Kalehe, eventually forcing the brigade commander,
Colonel Shiku, to flee to Bukavu under threat of assassination. According to
MONUSCO and a FARDC officer with good knowledge of Kitchanga, on 4 October,
under the orders of Colonel Zimurinda, former PARECO elements within FARDC
were arrested, disarmed and forced to flee towards Mweso and Goma. According to
many sources, most of the new recruits are ethnic Tutsis.
167. Moreover, during the presidential ban on mining activities, the former CNDP
has significantly strengthened its control over the FARDC units deployed in
Walikale. The Group interviewed Colonel Kaina, who stated that he had moved his

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sector headquarters from Katale in Masisi territory to Walikale centre in August

2010. Moreover, with the suspension of Colonel Balumisa Chuma, the command for
Zone 2 was assumed by Colonel Baudoin Ngaruye. In the course of the Group’s
visits to Walikale, multiple military and civilian sources stated that officers loyal to
Ntaganda had taken over three quarters of the command posts in Walikale. In
addition, according to United Nations reports, a non-integrated reserve battalion was
deployed south of Walikale centre in October. Former CNDP officers revealed to the
Group that this unit remained under the strict control of Ntaganda.
168. This high concentration of CNDP units in early October led most former
Government forces of the 212th brigade, under the command of Colonel
Mudahunga, to desert and flee towards Kisangani or the military base at Biruwe.
Government officials informed the Group in October that soldiers had complained
that all orders were being given in Kinyarwanda and they feared a return to war.
Former CNDP officers informed the Group that those soldiers had quickly been
replaced by non-integrated CNDP elements.

Integration of other Congolese armed groups

169. The reality of CNDP domination of the command structure of FARDC in the
Kivus has also complicated negotiations with other armed groups, who resent what
they perceive as unequal treatment. The leader of APLCS, “General” Janvier,
explained to the Group that he was keen to negotiate with the Government but could
never consider joining FARDC in its current state.
170. Officially, the window for the integration of Congolese armed groups closed
on 31 July 2009, after the “rapid integration process”. From that date, the
Government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo stated that all outstanding
armed groups would be considered “enemies of the State”. While the majority of
armed groups had already entered FARDC, however, a substantial number of
Congolese combatants remained outside of the process.
171. The Congolese authorities initially insisted on respect for the deadline, arguing
that reopening the window for integration/demobilization would only encourage the
expansion of armed groups. In order to manage the security situation in the east,
however, in early 2010, MONUSCO created a plan to process 19 of the remaining
armed groups. The first attempt to implement this plan was with the Mai Mai
Kifuafua, who gathered in Walikale and Hombo to be processed and given the
choice to demobilize or integrate in March. However, without full government
support, the process stalled. After being left in Walikale without support, salaries or
deployment orders, more than 500 ex-combatants returned to their original territory
in southern Walikale on 2 June. The failure to complete the process resulted in the
fragmentation of Kifuafua forces, with some beginning to collaborate with FDLR
while others began taxing cassiterite on the road between Itebero and Hombo, on the
way to Bukavu. On 21 June, the Minister of Defence revisited the Government’s
policy and authorized MONUSCO and its partners to proceed, on the condition that
“residual Congolese combatants” would be retrained prior to deployment within
FARDC. The use of the official term “residual” is significant in that it allows for
Congolese combatants within foreign armed groups, including FDLR and ADF, to
participate in the process for the first time.
172. The Group also documented attempts made by civilian government authorities
to integrate Hutu militia commanded by Erasto Ntibaturama, an ethnic Hutu

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landlord who styles himself as a traditional chief in the area north of Kitchanga.
Government officials informed the Group that they had negotiated an agreement and
prepared a ceremony with Governor Julien Paluku in early September to integrate
Erasto’s units into the civilian administration. Upon receiving authorization and
formal travel documents from CNDP permitting non-CNDP government authorities
to travel to Kitchanga, the ceremony and integration process was abruptly cancelled.
Former CNDP sources explained to the Group that General Ntaganda had given a
verbal order to Erasto not to participate in the integration process, as his militia was
still needed.

VII. Illegal exploitation of natural resources

173. Pursuant to paragraph 10 of resolution 1896 (2009), the Group of Experts has
investigated the illegal exploitation and trafficking of natural resources in the
eastern part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo and strategic mines known to
be controlled or used by armed groups. The Group conducted numerous interviews
with former combatants and visited several mining areas in North and South Kivu
Provinces. A key finding of the Group from this research is that while FARDC
military operations have driven many Congolese and foreign armed groups out of
the principal mining areas, these groups nonetheless continue to control hundreds of
more remote mining deposits. In addition, the Group has established that armed
groups have increased their use of intermediaries to invest and purchase minerals in
mines that they can no longer access. The Group has further noted an increase in
pillaging and looting attacks by armed groups on mineral traders or transporters.
The Group estimates that most minerals find their way onto legal markets through
countries in the region. Finally, the Group has documented the financial benefits
that armed groups continue to receive from natural resources other than minerals,
such as land, timber, fishing, poaching and charcoal.
174. In early September, President Kabila publicly denounced the “kind of mafia”
he said had become involved in mining, and called upon them to set aside either
their mining interests or their uniforms. In a subsequent public statement, the
Minister of Mines referred to “the manifest involvement of certain local, provincial,
and national authorities, both civilian and military, in the illegal exploitation and
illicit trade of mineral substances” (see annex 19). The need to rid the mineral trade
of such criminal networks is the official justification for the Government’s
temporary freeze on mining activities in the three eastern provinces of South Kivu,
North Kivu and Maniema as from 11 September 2010. 14
175. The Group’s research strongly supports the analysis of the President and the
Minister of Mines, and some aspects of the complex, illegal involvement of these
networks in the exploitation of natural resources are documented in this section. The
Group considers that the cases, locations and individuals included illustrate the
militarization of natural resources and its negative impact on security, human rights
and the stabilization of the eastern part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
176. The involvement of FARDC in mining and the mineral trade is illegal for
several reasons. Article 27 of the Mining Code prohibits public servants, including
members of the armed forces, from involvement in mining (see annex 20). In
__________________
14 www.itri.co.uk/SITE/UPLOAD/Document/ITRI_statement_on_Kabila_suspension.pdf.

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addition, President Kabila, who is the FARDC supreme commander, and several
senior FARDC officers have ordered the military to keep out of mining (see
S/2010/252, annex II), and articles 63 to 65 and 113 of the military penal code of the
Democratic Republic of the Congo prohibit looting and the violation of orders in the
presence of the enemy or during wartime or under exceptional circumstances (see
annex 21). Yet while some military prosecutors have sought to apply this law, in
practice they face serious obstacles, including limited logistical resources and
obstruction by superior officers.
177. The conflict between the economic interests of criminal networks within
FARDC and the security mandate of the army has led to three critical negative
consequences:
(a) Failure on the part of FARDC to prioritize the protection of civilians;
(b) Competing chains of command and insubordination within FARDC;
(c) Distraction from the pursuit of military operations against armed groups,
leading to cohabitation and in some cases active collusion with those same groups.
The Group concludes that these developments have directly contributed to the
persistent threat posed by armed groups and represent a critical challenge to
addressing insecurity in the eastern part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
178. Throughout its mandate, the Group has observed that the involvement of
armed actors in the mineral trade takes many forms, ranging from indirect avenues
to the most directly coercive, and offers the following typologies of military and
armed group involvement in the mineral trade:
(a) Taxation. FARDC and armed group taxation can consist of taking a
percentage of sales or total production from pit managers, imposing entrance and
exit fees at mining sites, demanding monthly flat fees per pit or per crushing and
washing station, or establishing roadblocks for vehicles or transporters on foot.
FARDC and armed groups also post themselves outside of pits and siphon off a
portion every time a digger exits with minerals. FARDC and armed groups also at
times impose “war effort” taxes on all buying houses, boutiques (shops) and homes,
and sometimes on goods, including beer and cattle, in mineral-rich areas;
(b) Protection. In the mining areas visited by the Group where there is a
threat of insecurity from armed groups, pit managers will typically approach the
acting FARDC commander and work out a deal before the pit is either looted or
seized from them or they are arrested for higher extortion payments. Protection fees
are also sometimes paid to both FARDC and armed groups so that they will provide
security escorts, facilitate smuggling across land or water borders or intervene on
behalf of one party in conflicts over mining rights. Finally, more significant bribes
are paid to important FARDC commanders by major gold traders in such cities as
Bukavu, Butembo and Goma as insurance in case they encounter any harassment
from other authorities;
(c) Commercial control. The Group observed that armed groups and criminal
networks within FARDC often use private funds, siphoned salaries and revenue
from illegal taxes and pillage to buy and sell minerals near mining sites. FARDC
officers frequently use intermediaries such as siblings, commissionnaires (agents) or
personal escorts with special military travel papers to invest on their behalf.
Criminal FARDC networks and armed groups also at times become “supporters” of

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managers and teams of diggers by pre-financing their food, water pumps and
electric generators. In addition, commercial involvement in the mineral trade can
take place through the sale of goods and the provision of transport;
(d) Coercive control. The most coercive form of involvement of armed
groups and FARDC in the mineral trade is gained through pillage. Armed actors
may be complicit in these attacks through the provision of weapons to bandits or
armed groups and informing them of the movement of minerals or the money used
to purchase them in order to share a percentage of the looted goods. Armed actors
may also forcefully seize productive pits in order to exploit them themselves, or pits
may be sporadically looted. Arbitrary arrests for the purposes of extortion are also
frequent at mining sites. Armed actors have also been reported to impose weekly
collective workdays, known as salongo, during which all production is designated
for armed actors. Coercive control is also exercised when the armed actors demand
access to the pit during certain hours of the day so that combatants themselves can
dig. Finally, armed actors may force the sale of minerals to certain preferred traders.
Participation in the previous three categories of armed actor involvement can help
diggers and traders to avoid the consequences of coercive control.

A. Minerals

1. Walikale
179. In an economy heavily reliant on artisanal mining, official and economic
actors interviewed by the Group in Walikale were concerned about the impact the
presidential mining suspension would have on livelihoods and were uncertain that it
would improve security. They nevertheless accepted the President’s characterization
of the mafia networks that had come to dominate the sector, while wondering
whether disciplinary measures would be taken against the most powerful figures
within those networks.

Armed group involvement in the mineral trade

180. During its visit to Lukweti, the Group confirmed previous reports that gold
exploited or pillaged by Mai Mai Sheka, FDLR and FPLC/Emmanuel was all sold in
the market at Mutongo. According to women who frequent the market on a weekly
basis, other pillaged items, such as clothes, suitcases and mobile phones, were also
sold at Mutongo and were referred to as “merci Sheka” for their below-market
prices.
181. According to staff of the MONUSCO Disarmament, Demobilization,
Repatriation, Resettlement and Reintegration Section, the FDLR Montana battalion,
based in Walikale territory, has become one of the richest units in the movement
because of pillaging alongside Mai Mai Sheka and FPLC/Emmanuel. FDLR
commanders allow their soldiers to keep 50 per cent of all looted goods, including
personal items and minerals. As a result, the same sources indicate that members of
other FDLR units have deserted their own commanders to join the Montana
battalion. An FDLR civilian collaborator also informed the Group that he would
often travel to Walikale through the airport at Kasese (Maniema territory) in order to
recover gold to be sold on behalf of high-level commanders. The same source
claimed to have middlemen supporting these gold deals in Bujumbura and Kigali.

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Attempted sales of “uranium” by FDLR and Établissement Namukaya

182. During the course of its mandate, the Group learned that FDLR had been
attempting to sell six canisters of what it believes to be uranium discovered in
Walikale territory. According to informed sources, in 2008, customary chiefs in
Walikale asked FDLR to use explosives to uncover an underground vault hidden at
the time of Belgian colonization. Once unearthed, FDLR found many precious
minerals, as well as 70-kilogram canisters of uranium. Sylvestre Mudacumura, the
FDLR High Commander General was informed immediately. According to
Congolese intelligence services and FDLR intermediaries, General Mudacumura
contacted his long-time business associate, Evariste Shamamba, of Établissement
Namukaya, to arrange for the transport of one canister by plane from Kasese to
Bukavu. Établissement Namukaya subsequently held the canister for over a year
without finding a buyer, and it was eventually returned to a Rwandan pastor living
in Kalehe.
183. The Group has photographic evidence of this canister (see annex 22). The
markings on the casing read “URANIUM FABRIQUE CHIKOLOBWE DAN LA
PROVINCE DU KATANGA 18960, Nr. 238 RX9006-6 CHAMBRES 25” (see
annex 23). The Group has informed Interpol of this information, as well as the
International Atomic Energy Agency, which has been monitoring illicit traffic from
Katanga Province, where there is a well-known uranium deposit at Shinkolobwe.
The Group understands that, even if it proved to be authentic, hundreds of such
canisters would be required for the production of a single gram of fissile material.
The Group also notes that uranium has never been enriched in the Democratic
Republic of the Congo.
184. Établissement Namukaya was also linked to another case of uranium from
Walikale, when two agents of Shamamba offered to sell “uranium” knowingly to a
member of the Group in Bukavu (see annex 24). Those agents provided the Group
with photographic evidence and documentation of this material, which they claimed
was discovered in Walikale territory (see annex 25). The documents provided to the
Group state that the material consisted of two bottles of uranium powder, four
bottles of black liquid mercury, two bottles of red mercury, and two bottles of
radium (see annex 26).

Itebero
185. During the course of its mandate, the Group visited Itebero, one of the pilot
locations for a mineral trading centre. Along with the International Organization for
Migration, MONUSCO is supporting the establishment of such centres in North and
South Kivu with the aim of centralizing taxation and documentation, as well as
providing security for the mineral trade. Itebero is already a well-known trading
centre for numerous artisanal cassiterite and gold mining sites 15 south of the town
of Walikale, on the road to Hombo and Bukavu. Itebero also has access by road to
Kasese, approximately 130 kilometres to the west in Maniema, from which
significant quantities of minerals are flown to Bukavu. Cassiterite from the area is
of high quality and fetches double the price per kilo of cassiterite from Bisie. While
sites are nominally controlled by traditional authorities, most artisanal diggers and
__________________
15 Sites include Bukama, Kamabanga, Ibondo, Kibindobindo, Nguba (in the Kahuzi Biega park),
Kibindo, Mibio, Kamabanga, Idambo, Kandimu, Kabalo, Isuku, Tusengusengu, Bukumu River,
Luka River, Kasindi, Mika and Busisi, plus Ibanga and other sites along the road to Kasese.

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traders come from South Kivu. Moreover, traders informed the Group that many of
their cassiterite purchases in Itebero were pre-financed by comptoirs (buying
houses) in Bukavu.
186. The road from Walikale to Hombo Sud is not presently passable by trucks,
forcing traders of cassiterite and other products to transport them by bicycle through
a forested zone partially controlled by Mai Mai Kifuafua. Cassiterite buyers and
mining authorities interviewed by the Group reported a barrier at Karete where Mai
Mai Kifuafua levies a fixed illegal tax of $4 per 50-kilo sack of cassiterite.
187. According to cassiterite buyers and local authorities interviewed by the Group,
FDLR retains sporadic access to sites along the northern fringes of Kahuzi-Biega
Park, including Ibondo-Busasa, Kumua, Kaminjenje and Ititi. Sites reportedly looted
in 2010 include Nguba (within the park), Zoba, Ititi and “225”, on the road to
Kasese. At other sites, local sources involved in mining told the Group that FDLR
trades cassiterite for meat. Whether obtained through looting, illegal taxation or
barter, multiple sources, including government officials and operators of mine
shafts, informed the Group that FDLR cassiterite is sold through local
intermediaries to comptoirs, local traders or diggers or intermediaries at other
mining sites, sometimes in exchange for basic goods. According to local sources
interviewed by the Group, one such intermediary is Colonel Kingombe, a deserter
from FARDC who is accused in multiple reports of banditry and association with
FDLR in the Bunyakiri area.

Forces armées de la République démocratique du Congo involvement in the

mineral trade
Bisie
188. The mineral deposit at Bisie, located 80 kilometres north-west of Walikale
centre, has been the epicentre of cassiterite production in North Kivu since 2003.
During the first six months of 2010, according to government statistics, Bisie
produced two thirds of the total production of recorded cassiterite exported from
North Kivu. The comptoirs exporting the greatest quantity of the mineral during the
period were Huaying, TTT Mining, GMC, Clepad, Sodexmines and AMUR (see
annex 27).
189. According to mineral traders, prior to the suspension, the quality of cassiterite
exported from Bisie was decreasing because of haphazard mining techniques that
led to large amounts of water invading mine shafts. Mining cooperatives informed
the Group that an estimated 2,000 diggers were working in more than 250 active
mining pits.
190. In February 2009, the 85th brigade of Colonel Samy Matumo was replaced in
Walikale by the recently integrated former CNDP 212th brigade, commanded by
Lieutenant Colonel Yusuf Mboneza. According to mineral traders interviewed by the
Group, Mboneza’s troops subsequently occupied Bisie with a company-sized unit
led by Captain Sharushako. This intervention was denounced by the territorial
administrator in a letter obtained by the Group (see annex 28). As a result of
disputes between Mboneza and Colonel Chuma Balumisa, the Commander of Zone 3,
over control of the revenue generated from Bisie, a reserve battalion under the
leadership of Colonel Mboni Matiti arrived to replace the 212th brigade at Bisie in

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July 2010. According to FARDC officers in Walikale, even when the reserve
battalion arrived, elements of the 212th brigade refused to depart from Bisie.
191. Throughout this time, mining sites at Bisie have been characterized by a high
level of military involvement. Mining officials and mineral traders informed the
Group that Mboneza had installed a tax regime whereby all diggers were obliged to
provide a kilo of cassiterite to FARDC each time that they exited a pit. Moreover,
according to mining authorities in Ndjingala, the 212th brigade also takes $20 every
time a digger works at night and $15 every weekend, all of which goes directly to
Mboneza. According to transporters, the 212th brigade also benefits from the
revenue generated from four separate roadblocks between Bisie and the transport
centre of Ndjingala.
192. One the most notorious soldiers involved, according to mining officials,
FARDC officers and traders, is Captain Zidane, whom they accuse of
commandeering numerous pits from other operators. Local civil society members
reported to the Group that Zidane had commandeered four pits at the Temps présent
mining site, and some mineral traders complained to the Group that he had
commandeered up to four others. For the past year, according to multiple credible
sources, Zidane has directly overseen the mineral investments of Mboneza and his
deputy, Colonel Hassani. The military prosecutor of Walikale accused Zidane of
providing weapons to bandits to attack a mineral trader on his way to Bisie with
over $10,000. Nevertheless, on 7 April Mboneza destroyed the arrest warrant and
detained the officers carrying it to Zidane. The Group obtained a document from the
Military Prosecutor’s Office referring to this warrant (see annex 29).
193. According to the same sources, Hassani’s investments pass through the hands
of his younger brother, Faustin Ndahiriwe, the director of the Imara cooperative,
which provides finances to mineral traders in Mubi. In addition to having
commandeered his own pit, Ndahiriwe also has a buying house in Mubi called
“Chez Faustin et Christian”. According to government authorities in Mubi, Hassani
sells his minerals to the Clepad comptoir in Goma. Government authorities also told
the Group that Hassani invests on behalf of General Ntaganda.
194. Numerous interlocutors alleged to the Group that the biggest direct purchaser
of cassiterite at Bisie was a Rwandan citizen by the name of Jean-Claude Bazungo,
who is commonly referred to as “Lieutenant Kazungu”. Kazungu, who is not a
licensed trader, was previously the chief bodyguard for Colonel Matumo at Bisie
and was repatriated to Rwanda in early 2009, according multiple knowledgeable
sources. Subsequently, Kazungu returned to begin purchasing large amounts of
cassiterite in the name of Byamungu, former Commander of Zone 2. According to
mining authorities, because of his military protection, Kazungu bypasses all taxes
and formalities between Bisie and Mubi. The Group has received reports from
multiple other sources that other high-ranking FARDC officers invest through
Kazungu, such as Colonel Chuma and General Ntaganda, and that Kazungu sells the
cassiterite in Goma to retired general Bora.
195. The deputy commander of the 8th Military Region, Colonel Etienne Bindu, is
also an important buyer of cassiterite at Bisie. In addition to a buying house in
Mubi, he invests through the managers of his cooperative. Military officers
informed the Group that Bindu’s younger brother, Major Morgan, a battalion
commander in the 212th brigade, whom he has assured would be deployed at Bisie,
oversees his investments on the ground.

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196. In addition, according to mineral traders and mining authorities, General Amisi
Kumba, commander of FARDC land forces, is also actively involved in mineral
exploitation at Bisie, where he has deployed Adjutant Tchiza to oversee at least
three pits. The former commander of Zone 2, Colonel Chuma, also invests in Bisie
through his younger brother, commonly known as “Major B52”, based at Ndjingala.
The Group was also informed by mining authorities, businessmen and FARDC
officers that the commander of the 8th Military Region General Vainqueur Mayala,
periodically sends agents to oversee his investments at Bisie as well. Mining
authorities informed the Group that military involvement in Bisie had become so
institutionalized that a civilian by the name of “Kalala” arrived recently from
Maniema and purchased a weapon and a military uniform to facilitate his
involvement in the trade.

Box 4
FARDC deployment and mass rape in Walikale
Economic interests by the criminal networks in FARDC have led to
insubordination and competing parallel chains of command in Walikale
territory. Officers at different levels of the FARDC hierarchy jostle for
control over mineral-rich areas at the expense of civilian protection. Not
only has this lead to collusion with armed groups in order to attack rival
FARDC commanders, but it has given both national and foreign armed
groups free reign over large swaths of uncovered territory.
According to various credible sources within FARDC, in the
months leading up to the mass rapes committed in 13 villages on the
Mpofi-Kibua axis between 30 July and 2 August, internal disputes over
lucrative deployments along the Mubi-Ndjingala axis led FARDC units to
vacate those positions prior to the attack by the coalition of Mai Mai
Sheka, FPLC/Emmanuel, and FDLR, in favour of deployment at mine
sites.
Following the Umoja Wetu joint operations between RDF and
FARDC in February and March 2009, Lieutenant Colonel Yusuf
Mboneza’s 212th brigade was deployed to the highly sought-after axis
between Mubi and Ndjingala, including posts at the mining sites of Bisie
and Omate. Military officers in Walikale informed the Group that the zone
commander, Colonel Chuma, began to compete with his subordinate,
Mboneza, over revenue from those deployments. According to FARDC
sources, the financial profits gained by Mboneza were shared principally
with his former CNDP commander, Colonel Makenga. For his part,
Mboneza’s deputy, Colonel Hassani Shimita Bin Mashabi, was principally
sharing his profits with the leader of the other faction within CNDP,
General Ntaganda.
As a result, Chuma was not receiving the percentage of the
revenues he considered his due, and in early July he gave orders to rotate
the 212th brigade out of the Mubi-Ngijngala axis towards the east along
the Mpofi-Kibua axis all the way to Kashebere. The 211th brigade, which
had been posted along the Mpofi-Kashebere axis, was given orders to
replace the 212th. Fearing the loss of his revenue stream from Bisie and
Omate, Mboneza disobeyed those orders and instead established a new
headquarters at the nearby mineral trading centre of Mubi. The sector

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commander, former CNDP Colonel Innocent Kaina, who was Mboneza’s

direct superior, did not enforce the order from the zone commander that
the 212th redeploy.
Reacting, Chuma deployed a reserve battalion from Zone 1 in
Lubero to Bisie, under Colonel Mboni Matiti. While nominally under the
211th brigade, this unit remained outside the regular command structure
and reported directly to Chuma. Chuma also redeployed another reserve
battalion to Omate under the command of Major Safari in order to
undermine the 212th brigade’s control over the gold mine there.
In early July, the Matiti reserve battalion had three companies at
Bisie and two based in Kibua. The latter two companies were redeployed
to Bisie in late July, apparently to consolidate Chuma’s control over Bisie
and push out the remaining companies of the 212th brigade. As a result,
no FARDC unit remained along the stretch of villages where the mass rape
took place, since Colonel Mboneza still refused his brigade’s rotation to
this axis. According to its commander, the 211th brigade was not able to
replace Matiti’s battalion, as it was short of manpower, with only two
battalions at its disposal. This shortage was because another former CNDP
commander, Innocent Zimurinda, had previously transformed one of the
battalions of the 211th brigade into a reserve unit reporting directly to him.
As a result, before the mass rape took place, neither the 212th brigade,
the 211th brigade, nor Matiti’s reserve battalion were present.

Omate
197. During the Group’s mandate, the gold mine at Omate (also known as Umate)
has been the subject of considerable attention throughout Walikale. According to
multiple credible sources and extensive documentation, General Amisi has inserted
himself into an ongoing conflict over the rights to Omate in exchange for a
percentage of the production. According to mining authorities and mineral traders,
the rights to Omate have historically been held by the local mining company,
Sozagremines, later to become Socagrimines, owned by Dimanche Katengura.
Socagrimines failed to renew its rights to Omate in 2005, following which other
members of Katengura’s family solicited the rights in the name of a new company,
Geminaco. Under an exploration licence, Geminaco began preparing to exploit gold
at Omate.
198. When Katengura returned to Walikale in 2009 intending to reassert
Socagrimines’ control over Omate, Rene Mwinyi, the director of Geminaco,
solicited support from General Amisi, who was a close friend of his, according to
other Geminaco representatives interviewed by the Group. The Group obtained
documents showing that Amisi subsequently ordered General Mayala to instruct a
platoon of the 212th brigade to vacate the Omate mine and for Geminaco to be
installed there (see annex 30). The Group obtained further documentation indicators
that General Mayala in turn passed the order to the 212th brigade commander,
Colonel Mboneza (see annex 31). Representatives of Geminaco in Goma admitted to
the Group that Mwinyi had indeed asked Amisi for support in this conflict over the
rights to Omate. They claimed that Amisi had simply studied both sides of the case
and, realizing that Geminaco was suffering an injustice, decided to assist it without
any payment, even though such arbitration falls far outside his competence.

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199. According to mining officials and civil society activists in Walikale, in

mid-February Mwinyi arrived from Goma accompanied by nine soldiers sent from
Kisangani, including Captain Djuma, Amisi’s brother-in-law, Captain Sadok from
the 8th Military Region and Major Katembo from Amisi’s office. When the local
population demonstrated against Geminaco at Mubi on 2 March, members of the
212th brigade attempted to remove them and 15 people were injured. The Group
received photographic evidence of their injuries (see annex 32). During the night of
3 March, more than 60 soldiers under the command of Colonel “Pili Pili” Kantitima
of the 212th brigade travelled to Omate and began pillaging gold ore collected over
two months and held in the Socagrimines depot. According to witnesses at Omate at
the time, Djuma was also present for the looting. Mineral traders further informed
the Group that the platoon of the 212th brigade soldiers present at the mine decided
not to leave, despite the arrival of more soldiers at Omate.
200. Socagrimines provided the Group with a letter addressed to the Minister of
National Defence, Charles Mwando Nsimba, stating that when Socagrimines
operated the Omate mine, there were only 15 military personnel present, whereas
following the installation of Geminaco, there were more than 100 soldiers. In the
same letter, Socagrimines stated that the presence of that number of soldiers was
“scandalous at a time when there are not enough in other places in Walikale that
need them” (see annex 33).
201. According to local mineral traders, since the installation of Geminaco at
Omate, their manager, Shabani Taibu, began paying each soldier 1 gram of gold per
month along with 10 to 15 grams to the entire unit for “rations”. Amisi has
reportedly been allotted his own mining pit, and Mboneza has instructed that his
soldiers be given access to productive pits for a certain number of hours each week.
For his part, Colonel Bindu, who had allegedly paid off the customary chiefs
originally opposed to the departure of Socagrimines, sent Captain Sadok to
represent his interests at Omate. The Group also obtained photographs of soldiers
surveying diggers at Omate after Geminaco had taken control (see annex 34). The
Group received documentation of the Military Prosecutor’s Office in Kinshasa
ordering the demilitarization of the Omate mine on 23 April (see annex 35).
202. Representatives of Socagrimines informed the Group that they believed that
Geminaco was not fulfilling its original agreement with the military commanders,
which requires that the company allocate 25 per cent of production for General
Amisi and 10 per cent each for General Mayala and Colonel Bindu. According to
FARDC sources, Major Katembo and Major Aloma (see para. 219) went to Omate
from 7 to 25 August in order to collect General Amisi’s percentage, but left
disillusioned. Katengura informed the Group that he planned to propose the same
percentages to Amisi, Mayala and Bindu as well as adding something for the zone
commander, Colonel Chuma.
203. On 15 July Nsimba, the Minister of National Defence, wrote a letter to the
Military Prosecutor’s Office and general army headquarters asking both to
investigate the conflict at Omate (see annex 36). In late July, soldiers from the
212th brigade at Omate were replaced by a reserve battalion commanded by Major
Safari. This new deployment arrived following a deadly Mai Mai Sheka attack on a
delegation led by Chuma, who had been heading to Omate for commercial reasons.
According to FARDC sources, dozens of soldiers were killed in the ambush,
including Captain Djuma, the brother-in-law of Amisi. In phone interviews with the

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Group, Sheka claimed that Geminaco had offered him 100 grams of gold per month
in exchange for not attacking Omate.
204. Mining officials in Mubi told the Group that FARDC did not allow them
access to Omate, but that they were making attempts to improve the regulation of
gold traders. The Group obtained a copy of a document showing an updated list of
gold traders in Mubi who had purchased from Omate. Only 6 of the 16 total had
official licences to buy gold (see annex 37). According to members of civil society
in Walikale, most gold traders there sell to Établissement Namukaya in Bukavu.
205. Despite the presidential suspension in September of mining in the eastern part
of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, mining authorities informed the Group
that activities had not stopped at Omate. According to mining officials, officers
present claimed that that they had not received any direct order from their superiors.
When a delegation of the Military Prosecutor’s Office and mining authorities
attempted to halt activities at Omate on 6 October, an officer of FARDC was shot
dead by another officer who refused to obey his order. According to official sources,
on 14 October Shabani Manala, a Geminaco manager, was arrested by the Military
Prosecutor’s Office in Walikale for illegally mining gold at Omate. According to a
taped interview obtained by the Group, Shabani claimed that Amisi had requested
his arrest, but denied that it had anything to do with the failure to provide the
General with a percentage of the production. Through the website of South Africa-
based Dimension Resources, the Group learned that it had acquired an 18 per cent
stake in Geminaco, according to its press statement dated 9 May 2009 (see annex 38).

Box 5
Inclusive consultations in Walikale
On 27 August the Group organized an inclusive public consultation
with a cross-section of representatives from civil society, mining
cooperatives, mineral traders, buying houses and security services, as well
as government officials. Despite the limited participation of the military
and attempts by the territorial administrator to block the discussion, the
Group gained a greater appreciation for the frustrations of those involved
in the mineral trade. A previous five-day round-table discussion with all
segments of society, including armed groups, made the recommendation
that FARDC intensify military operations against FDLR instead of
launching themselves into economic activities (see annex 39).

Itebero
206. The final report for 2008 of the Group of Experts (S/2008/773, para. 94)
presented findings that FDLR-taxed cassiterite leaving Kahuzi-Biega Park near
Itebero was sold at Musenge through private depots supervised by FDLR. Part of the
legitimate mission of FARDC in Itebero is to secure mining and trading sites
previously controlled by FDLR. The commander of the local FARDC 2,122nd
battalion informed a MONUSCO staff member in March 2010 that he had deployed
20 soldiers per mine to this end in Itebero, which has reduced FDLR access to mines
and markets. As elsewhere, however, multiple local sources agree that this led to a
situation in which individual officers became involved in settling disputes, levying

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illegal taxes on production and finally commandeering individual pits. According to

a Congolese intelligence official and a civil society member, battalion commander
Lieutenant Colonel Mahindure and brigade commander Lieutenant Colonel Yusuf
Mboneza (both former CNDP) took shares of the revenue. The mining police are
present in Itebero but without appropriate backing from the highest authorities, and
they are not in a position to challenge criminal networks within FARDC involved in
the illegal exploitation of minerals.

2. Mwenga
Armed group involvement in the mineral trade
207. In Mwenga territory, staff of the Disarmament, Demobilization, Repatriation,
Reintegration and Resettlement Section of MONUSCO informed the Group that
FDLR controlled the majority of gold production in the locality of Lubamba. This
production is sold either in the Lemera gold market to be exported to Bujumbura or
is used to purchase weapons and ammunition in deals through traffic routes across
Lake Tanganyika. Around the prominent mining towns of Kamituga and Lugushwa,
however, the Group’s research indicated that FDLR directly controlled very few
gold mines. Instead, and similar to its behaviour in Shabunda and Walikale, FDLR
has relied on ambush attacks against mineral traders. In this way, the mineral trade
remains an important source of income for FDLR, even though its combatants have
been removed from the principal mining sites.
208. An FDLR leader by the name of “Kazungu” is reported by MONUSCO and
humanitarian sources to have conducted numerous attacks around Lugushwa in 2010.
According to those sources, the FDLR looted 30 houses near Lugushwa on 21 June
and took 15 civilians hostage on 15 July. FDLR appears to take particular advantage
where FARDC units have vacated population centres and villages, apparently in
order to protect their or their commanders’ mining interests. On 11 September,
according to local civil society sources, FARDC abandoned its position at
Kabikokole in order to proceed instead to mine sites, following which FDLR
attacked the local population and kidnapped two individuals.
209. The Group has received credible testimony from numerous sources that FDLR
also controlled numerous remote cassiterite sites within the Itombwe forest, which
has increasingly become its bastion in South Kivu. Throughout the forest, local
leaders estimate that FDLR has a network of 750 collaborators who come to buy
minerals from them. According to a MONUSCO protection specialist, FDLR is also
only 1 kilometre from the Zombe mine, where it purchases and sells minerals
through Congolese commissioners. As a result, FDLR never attacks Zombe. Near
Kamituga, several mineral traders informed the Group that there was also an official
FDLR cassiterite tax at Kakanga. Moreover, FDLR levies a tax of $20 per sack of
cassiterite at Mulambozi, one of its longstanding strongholds in Mwenga territory.
The same sources reported that most cassiterite taxed or sold by FDLR was
eventually sold to comptoirs in Bukavu for international export. Other cassiterite
reportedly makes its way over the high plateaux to Uvira and is sold in Bujumbura.

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Forces armées de la République démocratique du Congo involvement in the

mineral trade
Kamituga
210. During its mandate, the Group visited the mining town of Kamituga in South
Kivu and found evidence of extensive involvement of the 321st brigade of FARDC
in the mineral trade. According to several mineral traders’ testimonies, brigade
commander Colonel Rugo Heshima has used the pretext of operations against FDLR
in order to take control over mineral-rich areas. Heshima has deployed a battalion
under Major Yesu Ni Bwama at the Itabi gold mine, 8 kilometres from Kamituga,
where his soldiers supervise all activities. According to the same sources, Colonel
Heshima has also installed a system in which he receives roughly 40 per cent of the
production. At Mulingote and Mobalo mines, Heshima’s intelligence officers impose
a tax of $5 for every digger who enters the mines. The Group confirmed with
mineral traders that thousands of diggers work in the mines every day. Colonel
Heshima also uses his intelligence officers to monitor the movements of mineral
traders who may be evacuating large amounts of gold or gold ore. On 7 September,
Heshima reportedly ordered Lieutenant Colonel Wilondja, who himself controls two
pits near Kamituga, to arrest 17 people at the Pwembwe mine. According to the
local population, the victims were brought directly before Heshima before having
their minerals confiscated and eventually released.

Box 6
Colonel Heshima and the removal of the contingent base in
Kamituga
In June 2010 Colonel Heshima, under instructions from Colonel
Delphin Kahimbi, the Amani Leo operations commander, ordered the
removal of the MONUSCO Pakistani contingent base in Kamituga at
short notice despite the continued threat posed to security there by
FDLR. Heshima’s reported justification for this was that the house in
which the MONUSCO contingent was based should belong to his brigade
because it was the most strategic military position in the town. According
to the testimony of several MONUSCO and FARDC officers, however,
the decision was made to force MONUSCO out of the house because
Heshima had been informed of rumours that gold might be hidden
underneath the floors.

211. Colonel Heshima also exercises a considerable amount of influence over the
322nd FARDC brigade, where his adjunct commander, Colonel Bulimaso, was
recently named brigade commander. All three battalions of this brigade are
commanded by former CNDP officers, one of whom is deployed at Zombe, the main
cassiterite deposit in Mwenga territory. The Group received credible information
from multiple sources that Major Tembo forces diggers at Zombe to pay $30 per
month and $10 per sale. They also employ the practice of salongo, in which FARDC
soldiers force the diggers to work for them one day a week. According to MONUSCO
staff, the soldiers at Zombe have explained to the population that they have been
ordered to enforce these practices by their superior officers. The deputy commander

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of Sector 32, Lieutenant Colonel Jean-Pierre Biyoyo (see S/2009/253, para. 85), is
reported by the same sources often to send his younger brother with a military escort
to purchase cassiterite at Zombe, forcing all diggers to sell to him alone on that day.
In August, soldiers from the 322nd brigade attacked 23 mineral transporters and
looted hundreds of kilos of cassiterite, according to MONUSCO sources. FARDC
officials in the zone headquarters, in Mwenga centre, blamed this attack on FDLR.
All the cassiterite exiting Zombe is transported by foot to Mwenga centre and
subsequently loaded onto trucks to be sold to mineral trading houses in Bukavu.
212. The former brigade commander in Kamituga, Colonel Chiviri, was redeployed
in late 2009 to a less lucrative post near Kasika. Nevertheless, according to
MONUSCO sources, Chiviri retains a number of teams of diggers who remain loyal to
him. In August, according to humanitarian sources, Chiviri’s brigade was responsible
for pillaging a truck full of cassiterite on its way to Bukavu. Chiviri continues to send
cows and beer to Kamituga, where he reportedly uses his bar, named “Princesse de
Zamunda”, to stock gold ore (see annex 40). When the Group asked Heshima about
the business ventures of other military officers, such as Chiviri, he responded that he
could not comment, “because we all have our own private affairs”.

Lugushwa
213. The Group also visited the mining town of Lugushwa south of Kamituga,
where members of the 321st brigade and the 10th Military Region headquarters
were very involved in the mineral trade. One company from the 3,211th battalion
based at Kitutu was deployed to Lugushwa, which is home to a transient population
of an estimated 28,000 inhabitants, over 70 per cent of whom are said to be involved
in the mining sector. Canada’s Banro holds the rights to all 30 mining sites within
the perimeter of Lugushwa but has yet to commence industrial production there.
Nevertheless, the prospect of artisanal diggers being removed to make way for
industrial mining has accelerated the pace of artisanal mining, with pit operators
apparently seeking to maximize their profits before they are obliged to leave.
214. According to the testimony of numerous government officials and mineral
traders, since his deployment in Lugushwa in late 2009, company commander
Captain Thomas Twagirayesu was responsible for collecting taxes on mineral
production in Lugushwa and relaying them to the commander of the 321st brigade,
Colonel Heshima. According to government officials, Lieutenant Faustin was
responsible for collecting a monthly tax of $20 per pit, drain and crushing station,
over 100 of which exist at the “D18” mine alone. These monthly taxes were referred
to as “contributions to the war effort”. In addition, every Saturday all households
and shops in Lugushwa were expected to provide $1 to the “military supply office”.
In addition, according to mineral traders, Twagirayesu was known also to arrive at
productive pits at any time and simply seize any minerals not protected by higher-
ranking officers.
215. Working in competition with Twagirayesu is a T2 (intelligence) antenna of the
10th Military Region, which was under the direct orders of General Patrick
Masunzu in Bukavu. Major Mweso was the conduit through which Masunzu
supervised, protected and expanded his mining portfolio, according to government
authorities. Masunzu routinely sent money to the T2 office to purchase minerals on
his behalf, according to local government officials, including a recent delivery of
$20,000. As Mweso outranked him, Twagirayesu appeared unable to control the

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T2 antenna’s activities. This resulted in tension and at times conflict between these
two parallel command structures within FARDC in Lugushwa.
216. The Group received credible testimony from multiple sources indicating that
Mweso’s T2 team of Lieutenants Dorice, Alain, Musa and Pichen were authorized
by him to survey mines that had begun producing and either seize them or collect a
portion of their production for the T2 office. Those officers were frequently
deployed throughout the mining sites, but could also arrive unannounced at any
time. According to local diggers and pit managers, instead of the “intelligence unit”,
Mweso’s team was commonly referred to as the “harassment unit”. Diggers could be
spared from constant intimidation in exchange for a portion of their production.
217. Mweso had his own team of civilian supervisors for his business interests.
Outside a pit Mweso had commandeered at mine “A”, near Simali village, he had
three administrators and a team of 60 diggers working for the T2 office. Mining
officials informed the Group that they were not allowed to inspect those mining
activities or request the payment of taxes. Moreover, according to government
officials, all disputes over the mining rights had to be addressed to the T2 antenna,
which typically requisitioned the mineral assets of the concerned parties, returning
them in exchange for bribes, or simply stole the minerals.
218. According to credible testimony from numerous sources, officers from the
10th Military Region T2 office in Bukavu were often given travel permits to
conduct intelligence operations in Lugushwa. On 11 September, according to local
government officials, Major Muhammed from the T2 headquarters office stopped
24 people transporting minerals and requisitioned seven sacks of gold ore. In
addition, Major Moise “Musa” Kananume was widely alleged by local government
officials to mount “fake” operations against FDLR as a pretext to visit mining sites
and survey which pits were producing or not, apparently for purposes of extortion.
The T2 antenna was also responsible for protecting the supervisors of the mining
investments of other high-ranking FARDC officers, including pits commandeered by
Colonel Nakabaka at “G7” and “D18”, where he sent motor pumps and fuel for his
teams of diggers, according to other pit managers.
219. According to numerous accounts, the most prominent pit manager in
Lugushwa was Munganga Jérome Catche, whom the Group interviewed. Catche
informed the Group that he had more than 200 diggers working for him at the “D18”
mine. He further admitted to the Group that he voluntarily offers visiting FARDC
officers around 50 grams of gold, with a value in Bukavu of approximately $2,300.
Catche confirmed to the Group that he had received $9,000 from his “supporters” in
2010 to pay all of his workers. According to local government officials, Catche was
escorted by elements of the T2 office, two of whom lived in his home, and did not
pay taxes. To substantiate what was seemingly common knowledge for all those
consulted in Lugushwa, one source asked the Group to listen to a phone
conversation in which Catche openly declared that he worked for General Amisi
Kumba (see paras. 196-205) and for one of Amisi’s chief advisers, Major Aloma.
Catche informed the Group that he sold all of his gold to Établissement Namukaya.
All other mineral traders consulted by the Group stated that most of the gold from
Kamituga and Lugushwa was purchased by agents of Établissment Namukaya.

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Collaboration of the Forces armées de la République démocratique du Congo with

the Forces démocratiques de libération du Rwanda
220. Numerous sources within FARDC, mineral traders, and local civil society
informed the Group that the 321st brigade was at a minimum complacent or at a
maximum complicit in the persistent security threat to FDLR. FARDC sources
informed the Group that FDLR “captain” Bethos has agreed on a “security
arrangement” with Major Tembo regarding the Zombe mine, which appears to be
another reason it has not been attacked. Sources within the Congolese intelligence
services also maintained the view that Heshima’s previous second-in-command,
Colonel Burimaso, is a former PARECO combatant who reportedly has a long
history of collaborating with FDLR.
221. Colonel Heshima, by contrast, insisted to the Group that his main objective
was to combat FDLR. However, a number of mineral traders shared with the Group
that FDLR maintains a “tax barrier” on the main transit road from a gold mine at
Nyanjagarangara, some 15 kilometres from Kamituga. When informed of this by the
Group, Heshima stated that he had never heard of this location. The Group obtained
a text message sent by an FDLR commander in the area, asking Heshima to be calm
“with his brothers”, or else his family in North Kivu would be targeted (see annex 41).

Box 7
Patron-client relationships in mineral-rich areas
The position of brigade commander in Kamituga seems to be a
sought-after deployment within FARDC. According to several FARDC
sources and mineral traders, to secure this posting army officers often
make arrangements with higher-ranking commanders, promising to return
to them a significant percentage of their local earnings. Consequently,
upon their arrival in mineral-rich areas, commanders are already indebted
to their patrons higher up. Under constant threat of redeployment to a
less economically attractive area, officers are pressured to gather as much
money as possible for their superiors as quickly as possible. Asked why
Colonel Heshima was able to maintain his lucrative post in Kamituga,
FARDC officers referred instead to Heshima’s long-standing ties with
General Amisi, dating back to RCD years.

222. The Group received testimony from interlocutors among the local population
of Lugushwa indicating that FDLR leader Kazungu was in contact with Captain
Thomas Twagirayesu and had communicated with him prior to FDLR attacks. In
early August, the same sources reported that FDLR set up a barricade between
6 and 10 a.m. at Miasa, on the path between Kitutu and Lugushwa, and looted from
250 people. Twagirayesu’s troops reportedly intervened only in the afternoon.
223. Humanitarian workers informed the Group that in early August Kazungu
demanded $5,000 from the local population in exchange for leaving them alone.
When the local chief contacted Twagirayesu at Lugushwa, he received another note
from Kazungu stating that it was of no use to seek out the military, because “we’re
all together”. The Group also received testimony that telephones pillaged by FDLR
had been recovered later in the hands of prostitutes known to liaise with FARDC.

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3. Shabunda
Armed group involvement in the mineral trade
224. The 51st Sector of FARDC has expanded its control and influence over
mineral-rich areas throughout Shabunda territory, thereby relegating FDLR to
remote sites within the Kahuzi-Biega National Park. In early March 2010,
MONUSCO reported to the Group that FDLR was present in the mines of
Lugulumine, Lwigimine, Luyumine, Kamintoko and Manzakala. Meanwhile, the
Group has observed an alarming pattern of pillaging and abducting civilian traders
from principal mining sites and trade routes by FDLR.
225. According to MONUSCO sources, FDLR attacked the Nyambembe mine on
5 March, killing over a dozen 51st Sector soldiers, attacked the village of Mianzi on
5 June, abducting 40 individuals, and kidnapped 25 diggers at Nduma on 13 July.
On 16 June, FDLR attacked the Baela mining site near Panekusu, looting all
minerals, killing 3 civilians and kidnapping 40 diggers. After FARDC refused to
pursue the assailants, according to humanitarian sources, Mai Mai Raia Mutomboki
agreed to mount operations against FDLR in collaboration with the local population.
Hostages taken by FDLR were kidnapped for exorbitant ransoms as well as to
transport looted minerals and goods. Minerals looted or mined within the Kahuzi-
Biega National Park were often transited by road to markets closer to the provincial
capital and eventually purchased by mineral trading houses in Bukavu.

Forces armées de la République démocratique du Congo involvement in the

mineral trade
226. In South Kivu, the Group obtained credible information from FARDC and
government sources that the independent 51st Sector of the Amani Leo operation
structure was created for the explicit purpose of benefiting from the mineral trade.
Its deployment follows the outlines of one of the Province’s main cassiterite and
gold zones, which includes all of Shabunda territory along with the western portions
of Walungu and Kabare territories. With no zone 5 to report to, the 51st Sector
instead reported directly to the Amani Leo operations command. According to
FARDC officers, the sector commander, Colonel Claude Mucho, obeyed only
Colonel Sultani Makenga. In interviews with the Group, FARDC officers suspected
that Makenga was given direct control over this mineral-rich area in an attempt to
ensure his cooperation with the CNDP integration process, despite Nkunda’s arrest
in January 2009.
227. FARDC officers interviewed by the Group maintained that Mucho had explicit
control and direct financial interests in the gold mine at Matili and the cassiterite
mines at Nkunwa, Nyambembe, Nduma, Luntukulu and Lukoma (near Nzibira).
Mucho financially supported several teams of diggers, who in turn sold their
production to him, according to these same sources. The Group received documents
stating that 150 soldiers under Mucho’s command were also involved in controlling
the gold mine at Kadumwa. According to South Kivu civil society sources, battalion
commanders within the 51st Sector controlled the profitable cassiterite mines of
Nyambembe and Nzovu, commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Ngongo Sadam.
FARDC officers reported to the Group that a “Colonel Patrick” was supervising the
business investments of Mucho in Luntunkulu.

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228. In certain mining areas, FARDC disputed control over strategic positions with
FDLR, while in others, the economic interests of the 51st Sector led to cohabitation.
According to United Nations sources, FDLR in Shabunda territory was based very
close to FARDC positions around mines, and the two groups allegedly even taxed
mineral traders on different days in the mines of Kamulila, Kalekwa and Kagolomba.
According to local civil society members, FARDC appeared uninterested in
attacking FDLR. FARDC officers informed the Group that when a Mai Mai group
repeatedly attacked Shabunda centre in June, the 51st Sector units did not return
from their deployments in mining areas to defend the territorial capital.

4. Walungu
229. According to FARDC officers, Colonel Jean-Pierre Biyoyo, commander of the
31st Sector, was involved in a large portion of the gold production in Walungu
territory, taxing all diggers and pit managers $20 per week at Mukungwe, Namurali
and Kanyola. Biyoyo had also commandeered a number of pits. According to
Congolese military intelligence officers, after repeated insistent complaints and
numerous accusations of abuses by the populations of Walungu, Biyoyo was ordered
to be redeployed from Walungu territory in early 2010. However, FARDC officers
informed the Group that Biyoyo had paid his superiors to cancel those orders so as
to remain in control of his mining activities.
230. According to Congolese intelligence services and mineral traders, Colonel
Biyoyo sold all of his gold to a Congolese gold dealer, Mange Namuhanda. On
multiple occasions, Biyoyo has intervened with Congolese authorities when
Namuhanda’s agents have been arrested for smuggling gold. Multiple mineral
traders informed the Group that Namuhanda also worked with the deputy
commander of the 10th Military Region, Colonel Baudouin Nakabaka. According to
diplomatic sources, Nakabaka spent very little time in the 10th Military Region
headquarters and is not familiar with its functioning. FARDC officers insisted to the
Group that Nakabaka was “a businessman first”. Since his time as a Mai Mai
commander in the Ruzizi plain, Nakabaka has held ties with FDLR (see S/2009/603,
paras. 33 and 159).

5. Uvira/Fizi
Armed group involvement in the mineral trade
Looting of TransAfrika facilities by the Forces républicaines fédéralistes
231. According to reports seen by the Group and verified in interviews, on 5 May
50 to 60 FRF troops under the command of Colonel Jacques Shaka looted
TransAfrika gold exploration field camps at Rugezi and Bigaragara, south of
Minembwe centre. The company suspended operations in response to the attack,
pending the return of its stolen equipment and security guarantees.
232. The Group interviewed former FRF participants in the raids and an eyewitness
who confirmed TransAfrika’s account that FRF had been well informed about
TransAfrika’s assets but had expected to find gold, even taking away five boxes of
soil samples. The company had started drilling for core samples in late January
2010, leading to rumours that industrial exploitation had started (and hence
expectations that the community should receive promised benefits). According to a

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TransAfrika representative and a former employee at one of the looted sites, those
rumours were unfounded.
233. Five sources interviewed by the Group in 2010, including a senior Congolese
intelligence officer and a source with good access to FRF, all suggested that the raid
could have been a consequence of TransAfrika’s refusal to make payments to FRF,
while FRF believed that TransAfrika was paying local Mai Mai and FARDC
commanders. The Group was unable to substantiate those allegations, which have
been denied by a TransAfrika manager in Bukavu and by Nziratimana. In an
interview with the Group on 5 August, the same representative denied having
communicated with FRF or any other armed group. However, the Group
subsequently obtained evidence that on 21 August, a nine-and-a-half-minute call
was made from his number to a satellite telephone number verified by the Group as
belonging to Colonel Venant Bisogo. In response to an enquiry from the Group on
12 October, the TransAfrika manager confirmed that the call had been made, during
which, he said, an unidentified FRF major had explicitly threatened the company
not to restart operations without “coming to see” FRF first to pay it off. The Group
has discussed this with Thomas Nziratimana, TransAfrika’s general manager
(government and community relations), 16 who restated TransAfrika’s policy of
refusing contacts with armed groups. In its final report for 2009 (S/2009/603,
para. 238), the Group found that Nziratimana had been in contact with FRF senior
commanders in mid-2008. 17

Forces armées de la République démocratique du Congo involvement in the

mineral trade
234. The Group received testimony from Congolese authorities indicating the
involvement of the FARDC zone commander, Colonel Bernard Byamungu (see
para. 116), in numerous economic activities. Byamungu has strategically deployed
soldiers within his zone to mineral-rich areas, particularly in Fizi territory.
According to MONUSCO sources, troops under the control of Colonel Gifaru
Niragiye of the 43rd Sector have taken over much of the gold trade surrounding
Kilembwe, which had previously been controlled by FDLR. FARDC officers shared
with the Group that, in addition to the gold trade, Byamungu was trafficking marble
from South Kivu to Bujumbura for construction purposes. The Group received
testimony that Byamungu also controlled the copper trade from the port city of
Yungu to Bujumbura and Kigoma. According to ex-combatants, Mai Mai
Yakutumba previously controlled this traffic but were displaced by FARDC. The
Group received samples of the copper ore being held in Uvira, where military
sources claimed that Colonel Byamungu had stocked approximately 35 tons while
waiting for a buyer from Bujumbura (see annex 42).

6. Kalehe
235. The Group received consistent information from more than three independent
sources that the commander of the FARDC/Amani Leo 24th Sector, Colonel Gwigwi
Busogi, was also involved in the illegal exploitation of cassiterite, coltan, gold and

__________________
16 www.transafrikaresources.com/a/board.asp.
17 Nziratimana subsequently wrote to the Group of Experts, confirming that he had been in contact
with Venant Bisogo but denying any financial relationship with FRF.

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tourmaline mines in areas under his control, including Nyabibwe, Numbi, Change,
Bilembo, Lumbisha and Nyabarongo, and the smuggling of those minerals.
236. The Group interviewed a mineral trader who confirmed having purchased
cassiterite and coltan from Gwigwi. The trader informed the Group that Gwigwi
received one fifth of the production of mines in areas under his control, which, when
the trader visited, were supervised by armed men. The same source made specific
allegations about Gwigwi’s involvement in smuggling minerals across Lake Kivu
through the isle of Idjwi in July for sale to a buyer in Kibuye. The Group was able
to verify the existence of this smuggling route independently through a Congolese
military intelligence officer in Bukavu and two sources working with Gwigwi.
According to the latter, since the introduction of the mining ban, supervised digging
continued at night, for export through Idjwi.

7. Masisi
Armed group involvement in the mineral trade
237. During its mandate, the Group made a number of field visits to Masisi
territory. Minerals from southern Masisi are often sold at the mining town of
Rubaya, where MONUSCO, the International Organization for Migration and the
Government’s stabilization programme (STAREC) have begun construction of a
trading centre, which will centralize all government services, documentation and
taxes required for trade in minerals before transport and sale to comptoirs in Goma.
Senator Eduard Mwangachuchu, cited in previous reports (S/2008/773, para. 58, and
S/2009/603, para. 230) for his collaboration with former CNDP officers within
FARDC, operates out of the mining site at Bibatama, “D2”, near Rubaya, through
his mining company and comptoir Mwangachuchu Hizi International. According to
mining authorities in Rubaya, Mwangachuchu’s mining operations are protected by
a group of men led by an ex-combatant named Joffrey Muhizi. These elements often
wear civilian clothes during the day while frequently being seen armed and in
military uniforms at night, according to a number of mineral traders and mining
authorities. Mwangachuchu told the Group that previous attacks on his business led
him to organize this security group.

Forces armées de la République démocratique du Congo involvement in the

mineral trade
238. According to numerous interviews with FARDC officers, mineral traders and
government authorities, the zone of southern Masisi is under the absolute control of
former CNDP members of FARDC, loyal to General Ntaganda. The Group received
credible testimony from numerous sources indicating that Ntaganda has been
directly involved in the mineral trade throughout this zone. According to
MONUSCO, former CNDP elements are present in the mines in Kingi, Koy,
Gakombe, Bisunzu, Bishasha, Ruziranta, Kawisi, Luoo and Mataba. Ntaganda
works directly through senior commanders based in Ngungu.
239. These same sources informed the Group that officers loyal to Ntaganda,
Colonel Baudoin Ngaruye and the 23rd sector commander, Colonel Innocent
Zimurinda (both cited in S/2009/603, annex 124), have disputed the benefits of the
mineral trade in southern Masisi. At the mining site of Kasangura, near Ngungu,
production has been reserved for Zimurinda’s benefit, through non-integrated CNDP
battalions. When Baudouin was promoted to deputy zone commander and

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Zimurinda replaced him as 23rd Sector commander in southern Masisi, the latter
sought to supplant Baudouin’s mineral networks with his own. MONUSCO reported
to the Group that, as a result, tensions arose between the officers, leading to the
assassination of one of Baudouin’s mineral traders in Rubaya in early 2010 by
individuals suspected to be working under Zimurinda.

8. Beni/Lubero
Armed group involvement in the mineral trade
240. During its mandate, the Group visited the territory of Lubero, where FDLR has
aimed to ensure its control over the mining markets of Luofo and Miriki, where
United Nations sources informed the Group that rebels were taxing local traders. In
the first half of 2010, FDLR attacked gold mines around Luofu on seven separate
occasions. In those attacks, FDLR, inter alia, burned 28 houses on 27 March and
systematically pillaged villagers on 7 April.
241. According to mining authorities, before Operation Ruwenzori, ADF had
controlled the gold mines in Chuchuba and Makembe for over a decade. Although
they were not reported to collect taxes at those mines, the rebels forced the diggers
to work for them periodically.

Forces armées de la République démocratique du Congo involvement in the

mineral trade
242. Mining authorities in Lubero informed the Group that members of the
11th Sector, commanded by Colonel Bruno Mandevu and former CNDP Colonel
Bisamaza, were deeply involved in the mineral trade. Former CNDP sources shared
with the Group the information that numerous FARDC officers coveted the position
of Colonel Bisamaza and had also requested to be deployed to Lubero for the
financial benefits.
243. Government officials particularly denounced Major Dudu’s 1,112th battalion,
which on 17 March was deployed to the mineral-rich area of Manguredjipa.
According to the same sources, Dudu’s soldiers have consolidated a monopoly on
gold purchases through a barter system at Mbunia and Kisenge mines. The soldiers
organize all transport of beer, food and supplies to the mines, in exchange for gold
at favourable rates. When production is limited, according to mining officials, the
soldiers have allegedly beaten numerous diggers whom they believe to be lying to or
cheating them. In February, mining authorities wrote a formal letter to military
commanders denouncing those abuses. When the Group visited in July, they had not
yet received a response.
244. The Group also received documents reporting on a meeting that mining
authorities organized with diggers, traders, government officials and representatives
of Dudu’s battalion at Manguredjipa (see annex 43). In the meeting notes,
participants accused the military of imposing “security” taxes on diggers and
forcing them to carry merchandise to be sold in the mine. In addition, soldiers were
accused of collaborating with groups of deserters who harass and loot mineral
traders. Participants also denounced the unequal market competition between
civilian and military mineral traders. They ended the meeting by asking Major
Dudu’s battalion to recognize its original mission and duty.

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9. Ituri
Armed group involvement in the mineral trade
245. During a visit by the Group to the Ituri district of Orientale Province, the
Group learned that some remnants of armed groups continued to persist in mineral-
rich areas. Increasingly marginalized, FPJC and FPRI are active near remote gold
mines, which they use as a source of financing.

Forces armées de la République démocratique du Congo involvement in the

mineral trade
246. According to Congolese authorities, though, FARDC has increasingly become
involved in the mineral trade. They reported to the Group that at gold mines near
Geti, for example, all pits were taxed $20 or a half gram of gold every Tuesday by a
“Major Abamungu”. Those who were not able to pay the weekly tax were accused of
supporting armed groups and arrested, according to the same sources.
247. Moreover, local officials informed the Group that General Amisi (see
paras. 196-205) used several subordinate officers to oversee his mineral investments.
Government officials cited five separate officers who were working for Amisi while
deployed at the mining sites of Irumu, Aru, Mambasa and Mongbwalu. The recently
appointed 11th Military Region commander, Colonel Fall, has attempted to suspend or
rotate many of those officers in order to limit their involvement in the mineral trade.
According to FARDC sources, however, Amisi intervened to ensure that the
13th brigade commander, Masudi Esperant, was not moved from the mines around
Mongbwalu. Major Willy Nyangezi is alleged by the Congolese authorities to smuggle
Amisi’s minerals across the border to Uganda. According to mining officials, at least
80 per cent of mineral traders in Bunia sell their gold to Kampala.

B. Natural resources other than minerals

1. Timber trade
Armed group involvement in the timber trade
248. The Group has received testimony from multiple sources regarding the
participation of FDLR in the timber trade, particularly in the forest surrounding
Pinga in North Kivu. The planks are reportedly often transported and taxed by
FARDC troops on their way to Goma. In South Kivu, FDLR is active in timber
production throughout the Itombwe forest. According to multiple local sources, the
Itombwe forest produces tens of thousands of wood planks per month, which are
sold locally at $4 each. In collaboration with various Mai Mai groups, FDLR
collaborates with a network of civilians living in Mwenga centre, sparking conflict
with FARDC, which also seeks to control this commercial activity.
249. On 1 August, a coalition of FDLR and Mai Mai Nyakiliba decapitated two
FARDC officers and killed a civilian guide and left a note placing the responsibility
for the attack in the name of FPLC. The Group learned from multiple FARDC
sources that those officers were in fact preparing to exploit timber in the region.
While official sources claim the officers were sent alone on operations against
FDLR, the killings appear to have been aimed at sending a warning to FARDC
officers intent on encroaching on the business interests of FDLR.

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Forces armées de la République démocratique du Congo involvement in the

timber trade
250. Criminal networks within FARDC are increasingly involved in the timber
trade throughout North and South Kivu. According to the Institut congolais pour la
conservation du nature (ICCN), roughly 60,000 trees a year are needed to supply the
wooden planks and rafters for the construction market in Goma alone. While he was
commander of the 22nd Sector, Colonel Innocent Kaina controlled much of this
traffic through his headquarters in Kitchanga. According to local sources, in the
Bishusha groupement east of Kitchanga (in Rutshuru territory), soldiers of the
22nd Sector have cut down nearly all the trees outside the national park for local
construction. The Group received multiple credible reports from local leaders that
upon replacing Kaina, Colonel Zimurinda has organized efforts to cut down the
Nganjo forest, south of Burungu. Following the death of the previous owner,
Madame Merlo, in early 2010, FARDC troops invaded her properties along the road
from Sake to Kitchanga, forcing the manager to authorize all timber exploitation on
the land. During a visit the Group made to this area, FARDC soldiers claimed that
the destruction of the forest was “due to the rain” (see annex 44).
251. According to FARDC sources, officers involved in this traffic often own trucks
to ensure the transport of their timber. The Group directly observed trucks owned by
Major Eustache based in Nyange transporting timber to Goma (see annex 45). The
shipments are usually escorted by the soldiers so as to avoid payment of taxes. The
Group obtained a letter from Colonel Sadam Edmun Ryngo, the commander of the
322nd brigade, requesting tax exemptions from customary chiefs (see annex 46). In
South Kivu, former CNDP Colonel Eric Bizimana, the second-in-command of the
32nd Sector of FARDC based in Mwenga centre, is highly involved in the timber
trade. According to United Nations sources, Bizimana, as well as other FARDC
officers, purchased multiple chainsaws to equip two teams felling trees in the
Kitamba and Kalundu areas 15 kilometres from Mwenga centre. Those efforts
produce one truckload per week of up to 600 wooden planks.
252. In addition to being used in construction in major cities, timber is also
exported from the Democratic Republic of the Congo. According to the Congolese
national police, the commander of the 2,212th battalion based at Mpeti, Lieutenant
Colonel Djolo Buhunda, and his second-in-command, Lieutenant Colonel Douglas,
have exported thousands of planks over the past year. According to the same
sources, Major Kitenge, whose participation in this trade was documented
previously (see S/2009/603, para. 186), exported 1,700 planks of wood between
December 2009 and April 2010 through his loyal associate, Lieutenant Adana (see
annex 47). The Group also received information from multiple credible sources that
General Bosco Ntaganda remains active in the timber trade, as cited previously
(ibid., para. 185). On one occasion, according to evidence viewed by the Group and
held by the Congolese national police, Ntaganda used his own truck to transport
over 500 wooden planks to Rwanda.

2. Illegal charcoal trade from the Virunga National Park

253. Owing to anti-charcoal operations conducted in 2010 along the eastern half of
the southern and central sectors of the Virunga National Park by ICCN park rangers,
illegal charcoal production is reported to have been halved in 2010 compared to the
previous year. The Group has found that various armed groups, as well as criminal

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networks within FARDC, continue to profit from the illegal charcoal trade from
within the park. Upon visiting Rutshuru, Kiwandja, Rwindi, Kitchanga and Kiroliwe
on both sides of the park, the Group observed numerous trucks carrying between
150 and 170 sacks (35 kg) of charcoal each (see annex 48). According to a
Congolese environmental group, these trucks are also frequently seen within the
park, along the “escarpments” of Kabasha, between Mebenga and Katanda, the
barrier outside of Vitshumbi, and at Kahumiro. The Group received photographic
evidence of some of the hundreds of charcoal kilns within the southern sector of the
park alone, each with a production capacity of 2,100 sacks per day (see annex 49).
254. The charcoal trade is driven by demand in towns such as Goma, Beni,
Rutshuru, Butembo, Kiwanja, Kitchanga and Sake. According to a comprehensive
study conducted by an international NGO and a local university, nearly 50,000 tons
of charcoal is sold each year in Goma alone, where over 97 per cent of the
population of half a million rely on it as their only energy source. Local
environmental NGOs informed the Group that charcoal from the park constituted at
least 80 per cent of the Goma market, representing a total value of around
$28 million annually. As charcoal made from the hardwood found in the park has a
longer burn capacity, its value is much higher than that of charcoal made from
eucalyptus trees. ICCN estimates that over 3 million cubic metres, or several
hundreds of thousands of felled trees, are needed to produce this amount of
charcoal, which is not only destroying the park, but also threatening numerous
species of small animals.

Armed group involvement in the charcoal trade

255. The charcoal trade represents a significant source of financing and supplies for
FDLR and the numerous Mai Mai groups within the Virunga National Park. While
these groups previously taxed only the charcoal trade, the Group has received
testimony from multiple sources indicating that FDLR and Mai Mai have taken the
majority of the production themselves. According to ICCN, there is a significant
concentration of FDLR, led by Major Fidel, with company-sized elements near
Kahumiro and Kinyamohya. The FDLR splinter group, Soki, is also located in the
park between the Rutshuru River and Masango. For their part, Mai Mai groups
“La Fontaine”, “Complet” and “Kasidien” all collaborate with FDLR in the illegal
exploitation of charcoal.
256. The armed groups often receive military goods and weapons from the civilian
population in exchange for sacks of charcoal. The populations surrounding the park
in places such as Kibumba and Rugari transport clothes, food and even ammunition
to FDLR-Mai Mai in exchange for sacks of charcoal. FARDC officers provide
military uniforms and weapons to these middlemen to be traded. At both Sake and
Kingi markets, FARDC are known to collaborate with FDLR. During a visit to
Kingi, local FARDC soldiers informed the Group that Colonel Kaina had recently
departed following a negotiation with FDLR regarding charcoal prices. According to
local environmentalists, at Kahumiro, FARDC Lieutenant Colonel Claude Mosala
collaborates closely with FDLR in the production of charcoal.

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Forces armées de la République démocratique du Congo involvement in the

charcoal trade
257. The Group has received testimony from numerous sources confirming the
illegal trade of charcoal by Colonel Innocent Zimurinda of the 22nd Sector, whose
former CNDP troops occupy the entire western side of the Virunga National Park.
According to ICCN, Zimurinda’s troops deny park rangers access to an area
covering over 1,000 square kilometres, which is being progressively cut down in
favour of pasture land within the park (see annex 50). During a visit to the
settlement of Bwiza within the park in September, east of Kitchanga, local
authorities informed the Group that they estimated that about 80 tons of charcoal
from the park were sold each week at their market alone. Local residents in
Kitchanga stated that nearly all the charcoal from the park was sold to the wives of
high-ranking FARDC officers within the 22nd Sector. At times, those officers
simply ordered the local population to produce directly for them without payment,
according to the same sources. As with the timber trade, trucks owned by FARDC
are exempt from all taxes on their way to Goma. While each sack is sold at
$3 locally and resold in Goma for $25, the Group estimates that the Bwiza market
alone produces over $700,000 in annual profit for the commanders of the
22nd Sector of FARDC. In addition, former CNDP officers control the charcoal
markets of Burungu, Kiroliwe, Kitchanga and Sake.
258. In order to counter the crackdown by ICCN on the eastern side of the central
and southern sectors of the park, Colonel Nyamushebwa of the 502nd brigade and
Colonel Nkundawera of the 131st brigade demand money for providing protection
to illegal charcoal workers. The Group received “informant” cards indicating that
Lieutenant Colonel Fiston of the 502nd brigade sells to hundreds of individuals each
day who want access to the park (see annex 51). Each card costs $30 and is valid for
one entry into the park. At the end of their work, they must provide FARDC with
two sacks of charcoal before exiting the park. The Group obtained the Rwandan
identity cards of individuals apprehended by ICCN during the first months of 2010
who participate in this illegal trade (see annex 52). When large amounts of charcoal
are to be transported out of the park, soldiers of the 132nd brigade often block ICCN
patrols by claiming that there are ongoing operations against FDLR.

3. Illegal fishing on Lake Edward

259. The Group has obtained testimony and reports from numerous sources
attesting to the involvement of armed groups and criminal networks within FARDC
in illegal fishing in Lake Edward within the Virunga National Park. In order to
ensure sustainability, Congolese law regulates the size of fishnets and limits the
number of dugout boats on the lake to 700, spread over three recognized fisheries:
Vitshumbi, Kyavinyonge and Nyakakoma. Nevertheless, after years of war,
numerous illegal settlements and fisheries have sprung up along the western coast of
the lake. As a result, according to conservationists and ICCN, overfishing has
seriously damaged the reproductive capacity of the lake, directly affecting food
prices in the area.

Armed group involvement in illegal fishing

260. According to ICCN and researchers contacted by the Group, several Mai Mai
groups control nearly a dozen fishing villages along the western coast of Lake

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Edward. In July, one rebel killed a park ranger at a position close to Vitchumbi.
FDLR has also been present in this area and is reported to have established
collaborative relationships with the 131st brigade. Joint operations between ICCN
and FARDC during the months of June and July led to an initial improvement in the
situation regarding illegal fishing on Lake Edward, as well as the destruction of Mai
Mai Muramba’s base.

Forces armées de la République démocratique du Congo involvement in

illegal fishing
261. As of July, the 131st brigade of Lieutenant Colonel Nkundawere controlled the
entire southern and western shores of Lake Edward within the Virunga National
Park. According to conservationists, in the Bays of Kibahari, Chondo and Kabale,
many of the fishermen pay the 131st brigade $70 per week in exchange for armed
escorts who protect them from ICCN park rangers. Regular fishermen pay $4 and
five fish every time they return from the lake. Local NGOs have reported to the
Group that they have observed how soldiers within the 131st brigade have provided
weapons to children to conduct their illegal fishing.
262. On a number of occasions, ICCN was able to dislodge clandestine fisherman
only to have the 131st brigade authorize their fishing once again. According to local
conservationists and ICCN, on 11 May at Kachanga, park rangers arrested several
illegal fishermen. Thirty minutes later, FARDC soldiers arrived shooting at the
rangers’ boat to free the fishermen. On 15 May, a FARDC soldier of the
131st brigade was arrested by ICCN for illegal fishing at Mwiga Bay only to be
freed en route to the Military Prosecutor’s Office in Goma.

Box 8
ICCN confrontation with former CNDP soldiers
In early July 2010, ICCN and FARDC Zone 1 agreed upon
modalities for the demilitarization of the southern shores of Lake
Edward. On 13 July, trucks were sent to Vitshumbi and Nyakakoma to
facilitate the redeployment of members of the 131st and 133rd brigades.
Nevertheless, both brigades refused to obey the orders and an armed
standoff ensued between former CNDP elements within the brigades and
a platoon of 30 park rangers. While some former Government soldiers
agreed to depart, 250 former CNDP soldiers resisted, threatening to burn
down the trucks. On 15 July, those same elements violently attacked and
pillaged all goods at the ICCN camp at Vitshumbi, forcing the park
rangers to flee. When reinforcements from former CNDP units around
Kiwandja began moving towards Vitshumbi, the provincial director of
ICCN offered to resign. According to ICCN park rangers, only after
lengthy negotiations did the members of the two FARDC brigades
eventually agree to be redeployed towards Kahumiro and Kibirizi.

263. The commander of the 2nd battalion of the 131st brigade is Lieutenant Colonel
Charles Sematama. According to the park rangers, the 1,312th battalion taxes $100
for illegal reduced-sized nets and $10 per additional dugout boat. Other fishermen

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pay $25 for a weekly pass (see annex 53). For sophisticated prohibited fishing
techniques, fisherman must pay up to $70 per day. ICCN estimates that there are
about 5,000 illegal fisherman and 1,500 illegal dugout boats on the lake protected
by elements within FARDC. In addition, soldiers of the 131st brigade have their
own boats and conduct their own fishing activities in military uniforms (see annex 54).
264. Since February 2010, park rangers have sought to retake control over the
southern shores of Lake Edward. However, FARDC has reacted violently to their
arrival, which led to armed confrontations in April after ICCN arrested a large
number of illegal fishermen, including some soldiers. In May, following an ambush
by FARDC against the park rangers near Rwindi, ICCN responded by killing three
FARDC officers. In April, ICCN wrote a letter to the Commander of the 8th Military
Region asking formally for the removal of FARDC from the park.

4. Poaching in Virunga National Park

265. The Group has received credible information that criminal networks within
FARDC are involved in poaching within Virunga National Park. During the three
months of March, April and May, local conservationists and environmental activists
documented the killing of 144 wild animals by FARDC soldiers, including
26 elephants, 28 hippopotamuses and two lions in the central sector of the park
alone. The Group has obtained photographic evidence of the carcasses of these
animals and of the soldiers involved in the acts (see annex 55). During a visit to
Rwindi, local sources and park rangers informed the Group that Lieutenant Colonel
Sematama, commander of the 3,132nd battalion based at Vitchumbi, was
responsible for killing dozens of hippopotamuses in the first five months of 2010.
266. According to local conservationists and environmental NGOs consulted by the
Group, many soldiers within the 131st, 502nd and 132nd FARDC brigades provide
weapons to civilians, sometimes even children, to hunt these animals. The hunters
are provided compensation, often comprising two feet and the head from the
carcass. The rest of the meat is given to the military to sell. The main traffic route is
between Vitshumbi and Chondo, where FARDC controls the trade in bush meat for
all the villages along the western coast of the lake. Other important bush meat
markets include Kanyabayonga and Kibirizi. Each hippopotamus can be valued at
upwards of $400 locally.
267. The Group learned from local environmentalists that the illegal traffic in ivory
has increased in 2010, with middlemen residing in Butembo and Goma who buy
from soldiers within FARDC. Park rangers have often found dry acid traps for
elephant poaching planted throughout the park by individuals they say are under the
protection of soldiers (see annex 56). Illegal traffickers of ivory and animal hides
arriving from outside the park must pay the officers $20 per visit to the local
clandestine bush meat market, which is also controlled by FARDC.

5. Violent land expropriations

268. During its mandate, the Group has observed a rise in the involvement of
military units in land disputes and land grabs, which have frequently escalated into
violence. The Group’s research indicates that confusion over land titles procured
during periods of war as well as tensions between customary practice and civil land
laws continue to create a context in which military involvement in land conflicts is
prevalent.

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Armed group involvement in land expropriations

269. One of the more concerning cases is that of the village of Lukopfu, where local
authorities outlined the conflict during a visit by the Group. The land in question
lies on the hill of Bitongo, where the previous owner, Kalinda Albert, agreed to
allow the local population to grow crops for many decades. Nevertheless, according
to inhabitants of Lukopfu, his widow, Catherine Serenge, decided to sell the 400
hectares on Bitongo hill in 2008 to “Aloys Tegera”. When the residents resisted this
sale, the same sources informed the Group that cows were brought onto the land,
destroying crops that they had been growing. Subsequently, according to United
Nations sources, former CNDP soldiers under the command of Colonel Baudouin
Ngaruye arrived to intimidate and harass the population.
270. Local leaders informed the Group that eventually a militia of around 25
FARDC deserters was formed under the command of Lieutenant Colonel Binebine.
Over the course of 2010 according to MONUSCO records, this militia has been
responsible for nine murders, six rapes and numerous cases of extortion and
harassment of the local population of Lukopfu. On 23 August, this militia was
officially installed at Bitongo hill in Lukopfu. The property manager, Jean
Ruzindana, has been allegedly a close collaborator of Binebine. According to
MONUSCO sources, Ruzindana was seen in September in Lukopfu with 20 new
recruits from Kiroliwe.
271. The Group also documented a series of land grabs carried out by Hutu militias
in Masisi territory. North of Masisi centre, an armed group called “the Mongols” has
increasingly been involved in forcefully displacing local ethnic Hunde in order to
commandeer their land. Linked to a former PARECO leader, Nyunga Munyamariba,
who has since become a civilian administrator, the Mongols collaborate with both
FDLR and the former CNDP within FARDC. According to government officials,
owing to his entrenched economic and land interests in Masisi, Munyamariba has
refused orders from Kinshasa to assume a higher administrative post outside of
North Kivu.
272. For his part, Erasto Ntibaturama, a senior Hutu supporter of the CNDP
rebellion, has also been cited for using his own private militia to resolve land
disputes which he claims to have the right to distribute. Supported by former
governor of North Kivu, Eugene Serufuli, Erasto has seized large concessions of
land which he rents out to local farmers for a significant profit.

Forces armées de la République démocratique du Congo involvement in

land expropriation
273. The Group also visited the village of Karuba and interviewed several victims
of forced expulsion at the hands of soldiers under the command of the Zone 2
commander, Colonel Baudouin. More than 180 families were forced from their land
at Tchaninga, in the Matanda groupement, by those forces at the request of Marie
Karuretwa. According to local leaders, the groupement chief of Karuba was
threatened by the same soldiers for sheltering those families and was forced to flee
prior to the Group’s visit.
274. Near Kitchanga, Senator Mwangachuchu has also been involved in a land
dispute arising from the forceful annexation of 160 hectares surrounding his farm.
According to development workers in the area, Mwangachuchu came personally to

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negotiate with the local population accompanied by four high-ranking former CNDP
officers, including General Ntaganda. The residents quickly accepted the Senator’s
offer to return 80 hectares.
275. The groupement of Tongo has also been the site of a land conflict in which the
military has become involved. According to development agencies, the forest
reserve of Rushugunda, extending 500 hectares, is currently disputed between two
different cooperatives, Copraaka and Acopa. Major Kazarama Vianney, who is
currently the spokesperson for the Amani Leo operations, is leading the attempts by
Acopa to take ownership of the forest reserve. Land specialists informed the Group
that on 23 January 2010, Major Kazarama used subordinate soldiers to drive out and
arrest certain members of Copraaka. Subsequently, on 23 March, Kazarama
employed the same force once again to arrest Copraaka members, along with
destroying and looting their homes. Development agencies informed the Group that
the top four leaders of Copraaka were eventually detained in Goma on 2 April.
276. The Group also documented a case in the vicinity of Minova in South Kivu,
where soldiers intervened on behalf of a landowner. According to local government
authorities, Victor Ngezayo 18 purchased land at Bulenga from Mwami Bernard
Sangara, although the land was also claimed by another individual. MONUSCO
informed the Group that Colonel Makenga, the South Kivu Amani Leo deputy
commander, arrived with soldiers to secure the property against the other claimants
of the land. According to the same sources, on 25 June Makenga’s soldiers fired on
the evicted owners when they attempted to return in the company of local
authorities. One young man was killed and three others were injured. Ngezayo told
the Group that he recognized the unfortunate necessity of calling upon Makenga’s
troops to intervene when local government authorities were not responsive to their
concerns.
277. During its mandate, the Group conducted a mission to the area of Lukweti
controlled by APCLS (see para. 44). While there, the Group interviewed local
residents in surrounding villages to document attacks that they suffered at the hands
of former CNDP soldiers during the first three months of 2010. The Group estimates
that between the villages of Buboa, Mashango, Butsindo, Buendero, Kihara and
Karoli alone, more than 30 people were killed, 150 houses were burned and 40
women were raped. Those displaced from the now abandoned town of Ndurumo
explained to the Group that on 28 February more than 150 houses were burned and
six individuals were killed. The unequivocal explanation that the villagers gave the
Group was that all the attacks were meant to drive the local Bahunde population out
so that former CNDP officers could take over the lush pasturage of the Lukweti
zone. The Group has confirmed a movement of cows towards locations west of
Lukweti, such as Bibwe and Nyange, where they are protected by former CNDP
forces.

C. Conclusion

278. Following the examination of these case studies, the Group has learned that,
that in certain areas of the Kivus, the exploitation of natural resources merely
__________________
18 Ngezayo was cited in S/2008/773, para. 124. He has since responded formally, and the Group
has met him to discuss his concerns about the previous citation.

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enables armed movements to sustain their efforts towards political objectives.

However, the Group has noted that economic motivations are increasingly driving a
significant portion of armed actors, including criminal networks of FARDC.
Nevertheless, the pursuit of personal enrichment takes place in a socio-political
context characterized by numerous injustices, some of which are only aggravated by
the consequences of the militarization of the exploitation of natural resources. While
certain armed groups may be motivated by the self-interest of their leaders, they
nonetheless capitalize on some of these genuine socio-political concerns. If not
credibly addressed, these issues will continue to present serious risks to stability.

Box 9
Economic interests drive deployments
The deployment of these criminal networks is increasingly driven
by the desire to control natural resources. During its field investigations
throughout the Kivus, the Group learned that newly deployed FARDC
units have not been interested in pursuing armed groups or civilian
protection. According to local leaders in one remote area, the first thing
newly arrived officers often ask them is “Where are the mines?”

279. The Group also believes that the systematic involvement in natural resource
exploitation by criminal networks within FARDC has created a conflict of interest
with direct negative consequences for the security situation in the eastern part of the
Democratic Republic of the Congo. Prioritization of personal economic interests by
certain FARDC officers has undermined the capacity of the armed forces to execute
its mandate of providing protection to the Congolese population. Local leaders
consulted by the Group throughout the Kivus have complained on numerous
occasions that FARDC is more focused on profiting from natural resources than on
dealing with armed groups. National and international efforts aimed at strengthening
the security sector will, the Group considers, continue to be undermined by the
powerful interests of criminal networks in FARDC who benefit from a status quo
characterized by insecurity and a proliferation of armed groups in the Kivus. The
effects of the militarization of natural resources are seen are in several ways:
(a) Operational priorities. Commanding officers make decisions regarding
deployments and operations against armed groups on the basis of the economic
attractiveness of the particular zone. Areas rich in natural resources tend to be
prioritized relative to zones where towns or villages are particularly vulnerable to
security threats;
(b) Diversion of resources. Criminal, mafia-type networks within FARDC
divert its already limited resources towards private economic tasks. Officers often
send individual staff officers on missions to transport investment funds and buy, sell
and oversee mining activities in pits. This includes deploying military intelligence
officers and establishing branch offices with the explicit purpose of monitoring
mineral-rich areas at the expense of gathering improved information on armed
groups. Moreover, FARDC logistical capacities, including official vehicles and
trucks, are frequently used for private business affairs, such as the transport of
natural resources;

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(c) Internal competition. The geographic location of areas rich in natural

resources, rather than an analysis of the threat of armed groups, has become a
critical factor in determining the assignment of command posts and the designation
of military deployments from the zone, sector, brigade, battalion and company
levels. Officers and whole units compete openly in order to obtain these
deployments. Moreover, there is tension between Amani Leo units and the 8th and
10th Military Region commanders, with the latter marginalized and stripped of
much of their operational capacity. The 8th and 10th Military Region commanders
seek to carve out areas where they too can benefit economically, often bringing
them into conflict with the Amani Leo commanders;
(d) Insubordination and parallel chains of command. Natural resource
exploitation, in addition to fostering enduring loyalty to previous armed group
affiliations, leads to parallel chains of command. For officers of FARDC, the
standard command structure presents difficulties for their business investments. As
such, they often bypass certain levels to protect brigade, battalion or company
commanders and ensure they are deployed appropriately. Once posted, the officers
are indebted to the superiors who were instrumental in their deployment. As a result,
participants in these criminal networks are obligated to send money to their patrons,
sometimes leading to Kinshasa. This phenomenon leaves younger officers
unaccountable to their immediate superiors. If other high-ranking officers wish to
redeploy them to other sectors, subordinate officers can even threaten to desert and
join armed groups. In order to avoid some of these dilemmas, high-ranking officers
have created special reserve battalions or sectors directly attached to their
headquarters that are outside of the formal command structures. These units
function as operational islands, often with explicit tasks related to natural resources;
(e) Collusion with armed groups. Criminal networks within FARDC at times
collude with armed groups, thereby worsening security and enabling those networks
indirectly to pillage mineral traders;
(f) Undermining disarmament, demobilization, repatriation, resettlement or
reintegration. Former combatants from armed groups have repeatedly complained to
MONUSCO of the abuses they suffer at the hands of FARDC officers. FARDC
officers reportedly believe that armed group combatants seeking demobilization and
repatriation may be carrying minerals, and as a result attack and sometimes kill
them to simply steal all their belongings. These actions discourage combatants
wishing to return home;
(g) Lack of transparency. Secrecy permeates the relationships among
officers and between subordinates and their superior officers, as all fear having their
private rackets taken from them. Also, officers understand that if they dare to
denounce their superiors for abusive behaviour, they themselves may be redeployed
to less economically beneficial zones. Finally, the lack of transparency in military
revenues makes civilian oversight more difficult, particularly by democratic
institutions such as national or provincial assemblies.

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VIII. Transparency and traceability challenges for mineral supply

chains from the eastern part of the Democratic Republic of
the Congo
Customs, border control and transparency
280. The Government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo is continuing its
efforts to modernize the customs and border police services, particularly in the east.
Since March, with technical support from the Government of South Africa, the main
border post at Goma in North Kivu has been equipped with a scanner with
substantial capacity, which facilitates and accelerates the monitoring process, and
has strengthened efforts to combat fraud and undervaluation.
281. New border police units have been trained in North Kivu and have been
deployed mainly in Goma, Rutshuru district (Bunagana, Ishasa and Munyaga) and
Beni district (Kasindi, Kamango and Butembo). This has improved the State’s
capacity to identify fraud in the trade in minerals heading east across the borders
(see box below). According to the Coordination de la police des frontières du Nord
Kivu, more than 240 border police officers were trained in the Jules Moke Centre in
Bukavu with the financial support of the Japan International Cooperation Agency.
Those officers began work in November 2009. Fifty additional police officers were
trained in Bunia with the financial assistance of the United States. They joined their
detachments in March.
282. The Group has noted a new campaign by the Congolese customs authorities to
combat corruption within its ranks. On 8 October, the director-general of the Office
des douanes et accises, Déo Rugwiza, directed all customs officers to sign a
statement certifying their non-involvement in corruption. It remains to be seen what
follow-up measures will be taken by the authorities to verify those statements.
283. The Group established during the course of its investigations that while the
Direction générale des migrations has circulated to its agents lists of internationally
designated terrorists and terrorist organizations, it has not circulated a list of
individuals and entities designated for targeted sanctions by the Security Council’s
sanctions committee concerning the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
284. Those whom the Group denounced for fraud in previous reports have in the
main begun trading legally, apparently at the instigation and with the financing of
Rwanda-based Minerals Supply Africa (MSA), which is one of the main buyers of
minerals from the eastern area of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. MSA is the
only buyer from nine comptoirs in North Kivu and the Bakulikira comptoir in South
Kivu, spending on the order of $5 million per month. MSA imported 1,945 tons of
cassiterite from the Democratic Republic of the Congo between 1 January and
31 July, according to Rwandan statistics (see annex 57). Encouragingly, these
figures are nearly identical to the statistics given to the Group by the Congolese
mine services concerning MSA.

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Box 10
The challenge posed to traceability by smuggling
The Group was informed by the mining police of North Kivu that in
a joint operation with border police in September they had apprehended a
vehicle attempting to transport cassiterite undeclared across the border
from Goma to Gisenyi, Rwanda. The investigations of the police led to a
house in Goma that also contained cassiterite, but the police informed the
Group that they had been blocked by judicial authorities. By the time the
police gained access to the house, the minerals were no longer there.
Three policemen were subsequently arrested and detained, but were soon
released without charge.

Aviation
285. One of the main factors enabling the uncontrolled traffic of goods, including
those related to the embargo, is the weak organization of air transport, inadequate
airspace control and limited control and security in airports and on airstrips.
Security services at airports are poorly paid and vulnerable to corruption.
286. Typically in the eastern area of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the
Group has observed planes unloaded by people without identity badges who leave
the airport unchecked. The Group has observed passengers, who were often soldiers
or their families, then travel with the transported goods. Airport staff interviewed by
the Group said that they considered some cargoes “untouchable” because of the
political or military status of their consignees. Lack of control over airspace is
aggravated by the fact that the territory is not covered by radar, which means that it
is possible that illegal flights are occurring without the knowledge of the authorities.
287. In Ituri, private flights arriving in Bunia from the gold mines of Doko and
Watsa are not subject to checks. Onward exports to Uganda are declared to
authorities who do not have the right to inspect such goods. The Group was
informed of the transport of ammunition and military equipment to the FPJC militia
by helicopter during the night of 22 May around Reti, Binjo and Bule in Nzungu
territory (east of Bunia), but has not been able to verify this information. According
to one person interviewed by the Group who claimed to be a witness, the serial
numbers of the helicopter, which departed in the direction of Lake Albert, were
hidden.
288. Congolese officials interviewed by the Group and by United Nations sources
reported sightings of unidentified helicopters landing in the ADF-controlled
Mwalika region, near Ruwenzori, on 25 May and 11 July. In the absence of proper
airspace control, the identity and cargo of such flights cannot be verified. 19

Mineral supply chain transparency and traceability

289. The Congolese authorities have introduced a range of measures designed to
ensure traceability and transparency in mineral supply chains in the eastern part of
__________________
19 Comptoirs are contracting flights from privately owned air cargo companies; few of these
companies accept the need for more effective regulation.

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the country (see annex 58). Detailed certificates of origin are supposed to be issued
to diggers by the authorities, indicating which mines their minerals come from. Yet
provincial mining authorities do not yet compile disaggregated data on mineral
output indicating the mines of origin.
290. Furthermore, traders who buy the material from diggers do not appear to
receive copies of the certificates of origin of the minerals, and the authorization to
transport minerals issued to traders by the Division of Mines indicates only the
general origin of the minerals. Some comptoirs in Bukavu, in addition, informed the
Group that for minerals flown into the city, mineral traders present them only with
receipts from the air travel company, which provide even less information on the
origin of minerals (see annex 59).
291. For this reason, comptoirs can determine the general origin of the minerals
they buy only from the documentation provided to them by mineral traders. Since in
many areas, including Itebero (see para. 187), minerals profiting FDLR and other
armed groups are mixed with other material, this is a significant problem.
292. Prior to the ban on mineral production and trade introduced by the
Government in September, the Group was informed by multiple credible sources,
including Government officials, that smuggling levels for minerals from the eastern
area of the Democratic Republic of the Congo overall were in decline. As in
previous years, however, the Group has also received credible testimony regarding
the activities of smuggling networks. For example, FARDC officers informed the
Group that prior to the suspension of mining activities, Major Kayumba of the
5th Naval Force facilitated the smuggling of minerals across Lake Kivu between
both Kalehe territory and Bukavu to Rwanda.

Box 11
ITRI Tin Supply Chain Initiative
An important mineral traceability initiative in the Great Lakes
region being undertaken by the business community is the ITRI Tin
Supply Chain Initiative.
The initiative aims to track minerals and provide verifiable
provenance information for individual mine sites in the eastern area of
the Democratic Republic of the Congo. It began in July 2009 with the
launch of the first phase, involving the collection of all relevant
documentation for the tin and tantalum supply chains in the area. A pilot
project for the second phase of the initiative, which involves tagging
minerals on site and along the supply chain, began in March at
Nyabibwe, South Kivu, but suspended its activities after the ban on
mining activities was imposed in September.
One of the challenges of providing for the traceability and
transparency of minerals, and thus in ensuring due diligence, is that
minerals whose extraction or trade has generated material benefits for
parties to the conflict may be mixed in with minerals whose extraction
has not generated such benefits. It is therefore vital for the credibility of
the tagging process that this risk be eliminated.

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Tagging is done twice in the pilot project, once at the mine and
again at the point of trade. For other material to be introduced, it needs to
be brought to the mine-tagging point, in contrast to the prevailing
situation without tagging, when material can be introduced more easily.
Some people have, however, been caught attempting to introduce
non-tagged material into tagged bags. According to the project
implementation team, the material came from the same mine, but had
previously been covertly removed from the site to avoid taxation.
An additional check on the introduction of other material at the
mine site is the project’s monitoring of mine production, which should
enable the detection of upward or downward movements not readily
explainable by conditions on site.
Mineral traders consolidate the minerals they buy and are one of
the main points of entry into the supply chain in the eastern part of the
Democratic Republic of the Congo for minerals that have benefited
parties to the conflict. In order to mitigate the risk of untagged material
being introduced by mineral traders, the project requires that the weight
of their tagged material not exceed the weight of the tagged material they
purchased from the mine site. Mineral traders can, however, remove soil
and rock from bags tagged at the mine site and replace it with other
material, but this can be monitored by comparing the average mineral
content in the ore from the mine site with the ore content in the mineral
traders’ tagged bags.
A further risk is tag theft and diversion. The risk has been mitigated
by the project’s recording which tags are allocated to which sites, making
it possible to identify when tagged material comes from unexpected
areas. In addition, each tag issued to miners and mineral traders records
their name and other details, including those of the Government agent
involved, making it possible to trace the circumstances of suspicious
consignments. Some mineral traders have tried to reuse tags, but this has
reportedly been easy to detect and prevent. At the same time, a unique
numbering system for tags is designed to prevent the risk of fraudulent
tag manufacture and use. Systems are also in place to prevent
government agents stealing, selling or losing tags. Attempts by
government agents to sell tags have been reported to the project by the
local implementation committee.
In sum, the project has thus far given reasonable care and attention
to mitigating the risk of material being fraudulently tagged. At the same
time, the project appears practical to administer and can play an
important role in providing traceability to tin and tantalum mineral
supply chains.
The Group considers that the extension of the tagging project to
Rwandan mines, announced in September 2010, could also make an
important contribution to the regional traceability of minerals. The target
is to achieve tagging of 75 per cent of the country’s output by the end of
2010 and 100 per cent in 2011. If achieved, this would assist in
determining what amount of the country’s mineral exports comes from
the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

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Tagging contributes to traceability but does not address the

conditions at the site where tagged material comes from and along the
transport routes it passes from the site down the supply chain. It gives no
indication, in itself, about which armed groups and/or FARDC may or
may not be illegally benefiting. For this reason, while the tagging process
can contribute to due diligence, it will need to be supplemented by on-
the-ground assessments.

Gold supply chain traceability and transparency

293. The supply chain of gold from the eastern area of the Democratic Republic of
the Congo is characterized by pervasive secrecy, with conditions and particularly
security concerns inhibiting traders from declaring the amounts they really handle.
The Group estimates, based on information received from gold traders, that North
and South Kivu produce over 300 kilos of gold per month, representing annual net
revenues for gold exporters of around $160 million.
294. The only functional gold-buying house in the two Kivu Provinces is
Établissement Namukaya (also known as Congocom), which is run by Evariste
Shamamba. According to records he provided during a meeting with the Group,
Shamamba officially exported only 11.5 kilos of gold during the first three months
of 2010 (see annex 60). One of the exports took place in February, and the gold was
shipped through Rwanda to Pinacle EPZ Traders in Nairobi (see annex 61).
According to Congolese intelligence services, General Patrick Masunzu,
commander of the 10th Military Region (see paras. 114 and 215), and his deputy,
Colonel Nakabaka (see paras. 114, 218 and 230), are business partners of
Shamamba. All of the mineral traders consulted by the group in Mwenga territory
informed the Group that they sell to agents of Shamamba. Établissement Namukaya
also operates New Congocom Air, one of two air transport services in South Kivu
that gathers gold and other minerals for Shamamba’s wide network of field-based
agents throughout the Kivus (see annex 62). Based on the reported production levels
of mineral traders in Mwenga alone, the Group estimates that Shamamba purchases
over 60 kilos of gold per month. Credible testimony which indicates that gold
trafficking, including that which is orchestrated by Shamamba, has increased along
the routes from Bujumbura and Bukavu to Kampala through Kigali in order to take
advantage of tax incentives for exports from Uganda.
295. Another important purchaser of gold from the Kivus is the Bujumbura-based
Mutoka Ruganyira (see S/2008/773, para. 93 and S/2009/603, paras. 140-159),
based in Bujumbura. According to official Burundian export records provided to the
Group, Mutoka’s company, Berkenrode, exported gold from Burundi on 22 separate
occasions in 2009, totalling 970 kilos (see annex 63). The next-largest exporter was
Les Trésors de Tanganyika, which exported just under 9 kilos. According to the
same records, in the first seven months of 2010, Mutoka exported only 110.4 kilos
from Bujumbura in five separate exports, signalling a decrease in recorded export
levels of 80 per cent from the previous year (see annex 64). Mutoka told the Group
that he had decreased his business significantly in 2010. Nevertheless, according to
several mineral traders in South Kivu, Mutoka’s multiple buyers working
throughout South Kivu continued to provide the same amount as in previous years.
These same sources suggested to the Group that Mutoka may also be exporting

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through Kampala. One gold trader alone from Bukavu sold over 15 kilos of gold to
Mutoka in the months of September and October, according to Congolese
intelligence services. The Group has identified the names and locations of at least
five other Congolese suppliers of Mutoka who purchase throughout South Kivu,
including from areas known to be controlled by armed groups and/or criminal
networks within FARDC. During meetings with the Group, Mutoka expressed an
interest in conducting due diligence on the origins of the gold he purchases in
Bujumbura. However, he has yet to provide the Group with any concrete strategy or
policy in this regard, continuing to claim that he purchases gold only from Burundi.
296. The Group has investigated networks that transport gold from the eastern part
of the Democratic Republic of the Congo through regional capitals such as Kampala
to refineries in the United Arab Emirates and Hong Kong, and considers it likely
that other networks may be transporting it elsewhere too. The Group is also aware
that many refineries worldwide have policies in place to refuse to buy gold from the
Democratic Republic of the Congo, or indeed from anywhere in the Great Lakes and
East African regions where they do not know its precise origin. Yet traceability once
gold leaves a refinery is, in the opinion of gold experts, impossible, unless the
refinery is treating gold from a single source. Even then, it seems, there is a strong
likelihood that refined gold from a single source will at a later date be blended with
gold from other sources.
297. The Group’s understanding is that gold enters the United Arab Emirates with
the knowledge of the authorities, but notes that the minimal documentation required
to accompany gold shipments into the Emirates requires no information on the
source or sources of the gold or who the final buyer is.
298. Within the United Arab Emirates, the Dubai Multi-Commodities Centre is
formulating guidelines on the due diligence it requests of its members with respect
to knowing their clients and mitigating the risk of being a party to money-
laundering. The guidelines should contribute to improving members’ due diligence
with regard to the risk of direct and indirect support for illegal armed groups in the
eastern part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo and sanctioned individuals
and entities. Other regulatory authorities in the United Arab Emirates, however,
require no such due diligence. The Group considers that all regulatory authorities in
the Emirates should adopt the same standard with regard to the due diligence
required of gold importers and refineries and that those standards should be
mandatory.
299. In addition, the Group considers that more should be done by the authorities of
the United Arab Emirates, and those of other countries importing gold for refining to
tighten regulatory controls with regard to gold imports. Specifically, any gold sent
to refineries or traders should be accompanied by:
(a) An original invoice from the exporter stating the consignee, and not just
the refinery, with the full address;
(b) A certificate of origin;
(c) Proof that export taxes have been paid to the authorities of the country
where the gold is said to originate.
300. The effectiveness of these requirements would be enhanced by a system for
checking the authenticity of certificates of origin, preferably one that allows the

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posting of certificates on secure Internet sites at the time of issuance, that could be
cross-checked with the documents presented to the customs authorities of gold-
importing countries. The consignee, receiver or importer of the gold should require
full “know your client” (KYC) details from their suppliers or clients.
301. Were these reforms to be implemented, it would be possible, though still
challenging, to trace artisanally mined gold from the Democratic Republic of the
Congo, which would create the possibility, which does not exist at present, for
individuals and entities importing, refining or consuming this gold to conduct the
due diligence outlined in the present report.
302. Several projects are under way to commence industrial gold mining in the
eastern area of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, most notably by the
Canadian company Banro. Banro has told the Group that once production starts, the
company is committed to ensuring that there is full traceability in the supply chain
from its mine site to the refinery and that gold not mined by the company will not be
able to enter this supply chain.

IX. Due diligence

A. Introduction

303. In paragraph 7 of resolution 1896 (2009), the Council calls for

recommendations to the Committee for guidelines for the exercise of due diligence
for importers, processing industries and consumers of mineral products regarding
their purchase and sourcing (including steps to be taken to ascertain the origin of
mineral products) from the Democratic Republic of the Congo, with particular
reference to paragraph 4 (g) of resolution 1857 (2008).
304. The Group has worked closely with the Government of the Democratic
Republic of the Congo on the issue of due diligence, and in particular with the
Ministry of Mines. In addition, as requested by the Council in resolution 1896
(2009), the Group has taken advantage of and participated in the work done in other
forums on this issue, including in particular the working group hosted by the
Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) on due diligence
guidelines for responsible supply chains of minerals from conflict-affected and
high-risk areas, the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region, the
International Task Force on the Illegal Exploitation of Natural Resources in the
Democratic Republic of the Congo, the comptoir associations of North and South
Kivu, MSA and its suppliers, the Comimpa and Comider creuseurs associations,
ITRI, the Electronics Industry Citizenship Coalition and the Global e-Sustainability
Initiative.
305. Due diligence is a dynamic process whereby individuals and entities discharge
their responsibilities with reference to a given standard. One such standard is that of
respecting human rights, entailing that the due diligence of individuals and entities
is to mitigate the risk of their infringing on the human rights of others. Yet the
standard the Group understands the Council to have intended for importers,
processing industries and consumers of mineral products through its reference to
resolution 1857 (2008), paragraph 4 (g), is a narrower one, focused on mitigating
the risks of the following adverse impacts:

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(a) Support for armed groups in the eastern part of the Democratic Republic
of the Congo;
(b) Violation of the asset freeze and travel ban on sanctioned individuals and
entities.
306. The Group recommends a risk-based due diligence approach for importers,
processing industries and consumers of mineral products, meaning that these
individuals and entities need to assess and mitigate the risks of adverse impacts
associated with their operations. “Mitigate” here means “to moderate in force or
intensity”.
307. This standard requires individuals and entities to mitigate their risk of
supporting the following armed groups in the eastern part of the Democratic
Republic of the Congo: FDLR, ADF, LRA and numerous Mai Mai militia.
Significantly, excluded from the definition is FARDC, the armed force of the
constitutional State, not an armed group. Similarly, other armed State services,
including PNC, the mining police and ANR, are also not illegal armed groups and
are therefore excluded.
308. The Group has outlined a due diligence process developed through an
inclusive multi-stakeholder process hosted by OECD that informs importers,
processing industries and consumers of mineral products from “red flag” locations 20
how to mitigate the risk of providing direct or indirect support for illegal armed
groups in the eastern part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo and violating the
assets freeze and travel ban on sanctioned individuals.
309. The Group’s research in this matter during the course of its mandate has shown
that there are other important participants in the supply chain of minerals from red
flag locations. The Group recommends that in the interest of fairness and to enhance
the effectiveness of the proposed measures, due diligence should be asked not just
of importers, processors and consumers of mineral products, but also of the other
main participants in the supply chain of minerals from red flag locations. The other
main participants include the individuals and entities that transport the minerals and
the institutions that provide the relevant financial services and insurance. The Group
further considers that due diligence should apply to individuals and entities
prospecting, exploring for and extracting minerals in the eastern area of the
Democratic Republic of the Congo. The inclusion of other supply chain participants
in the due diligence guidelines will require amendments to the guidelines, and the
Group recommends that further study be given to this matter.
310. The issue of due diligence relates directly to the Council’s earlier designation
of sanctions criteria in resolution 1857 (2008), which included direct or indirect
support for illegal armed groups in the eastern part of the Democratic Republic of
the Congo through the illicit trade in natural resources. The due diligence
recommendations presented in the present report offer individuals and entities
guidance in this regard, identifying what they need to do to avoid being considered
for sanctions, and goes further, advising them on what they can do to actively
identify and mitigate their risk of providing such support. The Group therefore
recommends that where there is manifest failure of individuals and entities to
__________________
20 “Red flag” locations here means the eastern part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo and
other countries in the region through which minerals from that area are known to transit,
including Rwanda, Burundi, Uganda, Kenya, the United Republic of Tanzania and the Sudan.

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perform due diligence, as outlined in these guidelines, and where there is evidence
that this has directly or indirectly benefited an armed group, this should be a
criterion for the examination by the Council of the case for the imposition of
targeted sanctions. Conversely, the Group recommends that evidence that an
individual or entity has carried out due diligence should be considered a mitigating
circumstance in such cases.
311. Resolution 1896 (2009) explicitly recognized the linkage between the illegal
exploitation of natural resources, the illicit trade in such resources and the
proliferation and trafficking of arms, calling it one of the major factors fuelling and
exacerbating conflicts in the Great Lakes region of Africa.
312. The present report details many of the links between the illegal exploitation of
and trade in natural resources and conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
As the report shows, the Group has established this link not just with armed groups
and individuals and entities subject to targeted sanctions, but also with criminal
networks and perpetrators of serious human rights abuses within FARDC. As with
the involvement of armed groups and individuals and entities subject to targeted
sanctions, the role of criminal networks within FARDC in the illegal exploitation of
natural resources is also a factor contributing to existing conflicts and the generation
of new ones in the eastern part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
313. Importers, processing industries and consumers of mineral products from “red
flag” locations require additional due diligence guidance in order to mitigate the
broader risks of directly or indirectly supporting criminal networks and perpetrators
of serious human rights abuses, particularly within the armed forces of the
Democratic Republic of the Congo, and of directly or indirectly worsening the
conflict in the east.
314. Mitigation of the risk of worsening the conflict is also the intent of the due
diligence guidelines of the OECD-hosted working group, which have gained
backing from the 11 States members of the International Conference on the Great
Lakes Region (Angola, Burundi, the Central African Republic, Congo, the
Democratic Republic of the Congo, Kenya, Rwanda, Uganda, the Sudan, the United
Republic of Tanzania and Zambia). There has been full participation in the
production of the OECD-hosted working group’s due diligence guidelines from
NGOs and relevant business associations, including ITRI, the World Gold Council,
the Tantalum Niobium International Study Centre and the Electronic Industry
Citizenship Coalition. In addition, the broad consensus across those groups has been
that due diligence guidance concerning the trade in minerals from conflict and high-
risk areas such as the Democratic Republic of the Congo should be harmonized with
other global common standards.
315. Because of the Group’s finding of multiple links between conflict in the
eastern part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the involvement of
criminal networks within FARDC in mineral exploitation and trade, and to promote
consistency between global efforts to define the due diligence required to mitigate
the risk of trade in “conflict” minerals, including those of OECD, the Group
recommends additional due diligence guidance. The additional guidance concerns
how to mitigate the risks of direct or indirect support for criminal networks and/or
perpetrators of serious human rights abuses within the armed forces and the broader
impact of direct or indirect support for conflict in the eastern part of the Democratic
Republic of the Congo.

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316. The Group is aware that due diligence on its own is unlikely to stop conflict in
the area. Nonetheless, it considers that both sets of due diligence guidelines outlined
herein will, if implemented, have a positive impact, particularly if complemented by
security sector reform and implementation of the other recommendations set out in
the present report.
317. The Group recommends the adoption of the second, expanded due diligence
option because it addresses more comprehensively than the first the factors
generating insecurity in the eastern part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
The second option is also more consistent with other due diligence guidance relating
to commercial activity in conflict-affected and high-risk areas. If, however, the first,
narrower due diligence guidance is endorsed by the Committee, the Group’s
mandate should include the evaluation of its impact and effect, and whether or not
broader due diligence, as proposed in the second option, is required.
318. Relevant individuals and entities in this guidance are individuals and entities
that import and/or process and/or consume minerals from red flag locations and to
whom this due diligence guidance therefore applies. The Group recommends that,
whether relevant individuals and entities conduct risk-based due diligence with
regard to the narrow or the broad standard, they adopt the same five steps. The five
steps were developed by the Group and other stakeholders through the OECD-
hosted working group and are fully elaborated in the OECD due diligence guidance
for responsible supply chains of minerals from conflict-affected and high-risk areas.
The steps are:
(a) Strengthening company management systems;
(b) Identifying and assessing risk in the supply chain;
(c) Designing and implementing a strategy to respond to identified risks;
(d) Ensuring independent third-party audits;
(e) Publicly disclosing supply chain due diligence and findings.
319. The Group recommends that relevant individuals and entities refer to the
OECD guidance for further details on due diligence requirements.

B. Methodology

320. Within the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the Group has worked closely
on due diligence with the Ministry of Mines and other Government agencies,
including the Office des douanes et accises, the Office congolais de contrôle, PNC,
the mining police, the Small-Scale Mining Technical Assistance and Training
Service (Service d’assistance et d’encadrement du Small Scale Mining,
SAESSCAM), members of the national and provincial assemblies, the Governor of
North Kivu and FARDC (including its auditorat militaire). The Group has further
consulted extensively on due diligence with MONUSCO, the Fédération des
entreprises congolaises (at the national, regional and urban levels), the North and
South Kivu associations of comptoirs and MSA and the comptoirs that supply it.
The Group has also worked on due diligence with the Association des négociants de
minerais du Nord Kivu, the Coopérative minière de Mpama, Walikale, the
Association des creuseurs, Walikale, and mineral traders in Itebero. Among the
Congolese NGOs the Group consulted on due diligence are the Pole Institute, Table

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ronde, Comité de suivi of Walikale and civil society associations in Walikale,

Itebero, Kamituga and Lugushwa.
321. Within the region, the Group has consulted on due diligence with
representatives of the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region
secretariat and the mining ministries of Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi.
322. Internationally, the Group has discussed due diligence with Germany’s
Bundesanstalt für Geowissenschaften und Rohstoffe and has studied its mineral
certification schemes for the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Rwanda. The
Group has held discussions and consultations on due diligence with Government
representatives from Belgium, Brazil, Canada, China, France, Lebanon, Malaysia,
Nigeria, the United States and the United Kingdom. The Group has also held
discussions with the World Bank, the United Kingdom authorities and the Ministry
of Mines about their joint Promines initiative to develop the mining sector of the
Democratic Republic of the Congo.
323. As indicated, the Group has participated in the work of the OECD-hosted
working group on supply chain due diligence and in the work of the International
Task Force on the Illegal Exploitation of Natural Resources in the Democratic
Republic of the Congo (see para. 304).
324. The Group has taken extensive note of the traceability scheme being piloted in
the eastern part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo by a United Kingdom-
based tin industry association, ITRI. The Group has also studied the proposed
smelter auditing scheme being developed by the Electronics Industry Citizenship
Coalition and supported by the Global e-Sustainability Initiative.
325. The Group has, in addition, discussed due diligence and related issues with
and received important contributions from, inter alia, the World Gold Council, the
Responsible Jewellery Council, the London Bullion Market Association, the Dubai
Multi-Commodities Centre, the Fair Labor Association, Amalgamated Metal
Corporation (London), Emirates Gold and Kaloti Jewellery Group (Dubai), Yunnan
Tin Group (China), Victoria Gold Star refinery (Uganda), Malaysia Smelting
Corporation (Malaysia), Banro (Canada), and, from the Democratic Republic of the
Congo, Ernest Blattner Afromet, Tengen and Lynceus Group.
326. The Group has held discussions and consultations on due diligence with
international NGOs, including Global Witness (United Kingdom), Enough and
PACT (United States), the International Peace Information Service (Belgium) and
Partnership Africa Canada.

C. Options

1. Due diligence guidelines for importers, processors and consumers of minerals

from red flag locations to mitigate the risk of providing direct or indirect
support for armed groups in the eastern part of the Democratic Republic of
the Congo and violations of the asset freeze and travel ban on sanctioned
individuals and entities
Step 1: strengthening company management systems
327. There are four main elements to this part of the process. First, relevant
individuals and entities should adopt, publicly disseminate and clearly communicate

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to suppliers a supply chain policy for minerals originating from red flag locations,
and incorporate it into contracts with suppliers. The supply chain policy should
include the following elements:
Recognizing the risk of support for illegal armed groups in the eastern part of
the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the violation of the asset freeze and
travel ban on sanctioned individuals and entities, 21 associated with extracting,
trading, processing and consuming minerals from red flag locations, we
commit to respect, publicly and widely disseminate and clearly communicate
the following policy:
(a) We will not tolerate any direct or indirect support to armed groups
from the eastern part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo and/or
sanctioned individuals or entities through the extraction, trade, processing and
consumption of minerals. “Direct or indirect support to armed groups and/or
sanctioned individuals and entities” means making payments to, or otherwise
providing logistical assistance to, or extracting, trading, processing and
consuming minerals where illegal armed groups in the eastern part of the
Democratic Republic of the Congo and/or sanctioned individuals or entities or
their affiliates (including négociants, consolidators, intermediaries and any
others in the supply chain who work directly with armed groups to facilitate
the extraction, trade or handling of minerals) are:
(i) In physical control of the mines of origin or transportation routes
from the mines;
(ii) Demanding forced or compulsory labour from any person, under
the threat of violence or other penalty, who has not voluntarily offered to
mine, transport, trade or sell minerals;
(iii) Illegally taxing or extorting money or minerals at points of access
to mine sites, along transportation routes or at points where minerals are
traded;
(iv) Illegally taxing, extorting or controlling intermediaries, export
companies or international traders;
(v) Illegally financing mining activities;
(b) We will mitigate the risk of support for armed groups in the eastern
part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo and/or sanctioned individuals
and entities by immediately suspending or discontinuing engagement with
upstream suppliers where we identify a reasonable risk that they are sourcing
from, or are linked to, any party providing direct or indirect support to illegal
armed groups and/or sanctioned individuals or entities through the extraction,
transport, trade, processing, handling or consumption of minerals.
328. Second, relevant individuals and entities should structure their internal
management systems to support due diligence, including:
(a) The assignation of sufficient authority and responsibility in this regard to
staff;

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21 www.un.org/sc/committees/1533/pdf/1533_list.pdf.

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(b) The provision of sufficient resources, ensuring that relevant information

concerning due diligence, including company policy, reaches relevant employees
and suppliers;
(c) Ensuring internal accountability with respect to the implementation of
due diligence.
329. Third, relevant individuals and entities should establish effective systems of
control and transparency over the mineral supply chain. The nature of these systems
will vary according to the mineral being traded, with the gold supply chain
exhibiting characteristics different to those for tin, tantalum and tungsten, and
according to the position of the individual or entity in the supply chain.
330. For those in the “upstream” of the mineral supply chains, that is to say from
mine sites in the eastern part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo to smelters
or refineries, the objective of these systems of control and transparency should be to
establish, document and verify:
(a) The nature and exact origin of the minerals to the level of the quarry or
pit shaft (carrière) and the date, method and quantity of their extraction. The
documentation collected should include all the documents required by the
Congolese authorities in this regard (see annex 58);
(b) The value and beneficiaries of all taxes, fees, royalties and other
payments made, including to armed groups and/or sanctioned individuals and
entities, at or near the mine site and at any other point on the supply chain;
(c) The exact locations where minerals are consolidated, traded, processed or
upgraded;
(d) All upstream intermediaries involved in the supply chain.
331. The information should be relayed down the supply chain from the mine site to
the smelter or refinery. Over time, the quality of this information should improve as
a result of due diligence implementation by relevant individuals and entities, which
should in turn yield improved risk assessments.
332. Individuals and entities receiving the information specified above from those
further upstream in the supply chain should not simply assume it to be accurate, but
should instead take appropriate and effective measures to verify its accuracy.
Individuals and entities that do not receive any or all of this information from those
upstream of them should take effective extra measures to obtain the information.
333. The data should be held for at least five years, preferably in computerized
form, and should be made available to downstream purchasers and auditors.
334. Cash purchases should be avoided where possible. Where cash purchases are
used, they should be supported by verifiable documentation and preferably routed
though official banking channels.
335. Relevant individuals and entities should support the implementation of the
principles and criteria set out under the Extractive Industries Transparency
Initiative. 22

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22 See http://eiti.org.

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336. For those in the “downstream” of the mineral supply chains, that is to say from
smelter or refinery to consumer or end-user, the objective of these systems of
control and transparency should be:
(a) To identify the smelters or refineries in their supply chains;
(b) To establish, document and verify whether the smelters or refineries they
source from are themselves sourcing minerals from red flag locations;
(c) To require smelters and refineries processing material from red flag
locations to provide them with evidence of their supply chain due diligence, as
detailed above;
(d) To assess the accuracy of the evidence provided by these refineries or
smelters regarding their supply chain due diligence;
(e) To take effective extra measures to obtain relevant information on due
diligence not provided by upstream suppliers.
337. All relevant individuals and entities should strengthen their engagement with
their suppliers to ensure that they commit to the supply chain policy, standards and
processes contained in this guidance. To that end, relevant individuals and entities
should seek:
(a) To establish long-term relationships with suppliers;
(b) To communicate this due diligence guidance to them;
(c) To build it into contracts and other written agreements that can be
applied and monitored, including the right to unannounced spot checks and access to
relevant documentation;
(d) To design measurable improvement plans with suppliers.
338. All individuals and entities should develop mechanisms allowing any
interested parties to voice and record concerns regarding the circumstances of
mineral extraction, trade, handling and export in red flag locations, particularly in
relation to the involvement of armed groups in the eastern part of the Democratic
Republic of the Congo and/or sanctioned individuals and entities.

Step 2: identifying and assessing risks in the supply chain

339. Relevant individuals and entities need to identify and assess the risks of
providing direct or indirect support to armed groups and to sanctioned individuals
and entities through the import, processing or consumption of minerals from red
flag locations.
340. Individuals and entities in the “upstream” of mineral supply chains in the
eastern part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo should use the information
collected via step one and gather additional relevant information through their own
or jointly conducted on-the-ground assessments in order to map the supply chains
and assess risk effectively. Mapping supply chains includes determining their factual
circumstances, assessing the security context, clarifying the chain of custody,
activities and relationships of all upstream suppliers and identifying the locations
and qualitative conditions of the extraction, trade, handling and (where relevant)
export of the mineral. While on-the-ground assessments may be performed by or on
behalf of multiple relevant individuals and entities, each remains individually

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responsible for identifying their own risk of providing direct or indirect support to
armed groups and to sanctioned individuals and entities through the import,
processing or consumption of minerals from red flag locations.
341. Individuals and entities in the “downstream” of supply chains of minerals from
red flag locations need to assess the due diligence practices of their smelters and
refineries, which will include the assessment of the due diligence practices of their
upstream supplies. Assessments may include conducting spot checks on the facilities
of smelters and refineries.
342. To assess their risk of providing direct or indirect support to armed groups in
the eastern part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo and/or individuals and
entities subject to sanctions, all relevant individuals and entities both the upstream
and downstream of mineral supply chains should assess the factual circumstances of
their supply chains against the supply chain policy outlined above. Inconsistencies
between factual circumstances and the supply chain policy should be considered as
indicative of the risks of providing direct or indirect support to armed groups and/or
to sanctioned individuals and entities.

Step 3: designing and implementing a strategy to respond to identified risks

343. The Group recommends that where risks of providing direct or indirect support
to armed groups in the eastern part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo or to
sanctioned individuals or entities are identified, the response should be
disengagement from the relevant upstream suppliers until the risk has been
removed. Disengagement may be accompanied by mutual agreement of the
performance objectives and quantitative indicators with regard to the risks that need
to be met before a trading partnership may resume.
344. Relevant individuals and entities should regularly review their risk mitigation
strategies to ensure that they remain informed of the relevant factual circumstances
of their supply chains and continue to evaluate them against their supply chain
policy. Strategies to prevent such risks should be amended in the light of changes to
relevant factual circumstances.

Step 4: ensuring independent third-party audits

345. There needs to be some independent checks to ensure the credibility of the due
diligence process, to acknowledge individuals and entities that are carrying out due
diligence and to identify individuals and entities that are not carrying out due
diligence and that are providing direct or indirect support to armed groups and/or
sanctioned individuals and entities, with a view to possible sanctions.
346. The Group recommends that, at a minimum, refineries and smelters be
independently audited to examine their due diligence process so as to mitigate the
risk of providing direct or indirect support to armed groups from the eastern part of
the Democratic Republic of the Congo and/or to sanctioned individuals and entities.
The audits should specifically determine the conformity of the refinery’s or
smelter’s due diligence to the standards and processes contained in this guidance.
347. Smelter/refinery auditing should be evaluated to assess whether it captures
sufficient information to enable a reasonable inference of relevant individuals’ and
entities’ compliance or non-compliance with due diligence at the smelter/refinery
level and upstream from the mine site. If, upon review, it is established that

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smelter/refinery auditing captures insufficient information to justify imposing

sanctions on individuals and entities that have not complied with due diligence, it
may also be desirable for individuals and entities trading minerals from red flag
locations from the level of comptoir to the smelter or refinery to be independently
audited in this regard.
348. In accordance with international auditing standards (and individuals and
entities should consult ISO 19011:2002 for detailed audit requirements), audit
organizations and team members must be independent of auditees and must not have
conflicts of interest with them. The auditors must be competent to assess the due
diligence practices of the relevant individual or entity and would also benefit from
knowledge of the evolving economic and political context in the eastern part of the
Democratic Republic of the Congo. Performance indicators may be used to monitor
the ability of the auditors to conduct the audit.
349. Auditors should examine samples of all documentation and other evidence
produced by the smelter’s or refinery’s supply chain due diligence for minerals from
red flag locations in order to determine whether the due diligence is sufficient to
identify and prevent the risk of providing direct or indirect support to armed groups
based in the eastern part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo and/or to
sanctioned individuals and entities. Documentation may include but should not
necessarily be limited to documentation on supply chain internal controls, relevant
communications and contractual provisions with suppliers, documentation generated
by company fact and risk assessments, documents on risk mitigation strategies and
their implementation and relevant documents supplied by third parties.
350. Auditors should then gather further evidence and verify the information
presented to them by conducting relevant interviews, making observations and
reviewing documents. Auditors should conduct on-site investigations, including of
the smelter or refinery and a sample of its suppliers, visiting the whole supply chain
down to the mine site if necessary. Auditors should meet with and seek relevant
information from a wide variety of sources, including joint assessment teams, local
and central government authorities, the FARDC auditorat militaire, diggers’
associations, the Group of Experts, MONUSCO and civil society organizations.
351. Auditors should report, based on the evidence they have gathered, on the
conformity of the smelter’s or refinery’s due diligence with this guidance. Auditors
should make recommendations for the smelter or refinery to improve its due
diligence.
352. The establishment of an institutionalized mineral supply mechanism would, in
the Group’s view, enable more consistency in the findings of auditors regarding due
diligence implementation and strengthen the credibility of these findings. The Group
recommends, therefore, that the Council give consideration to endorsing or
recommending the establishment of an institutionalized mineral supply mechanism
that would oversee and support the audits of smelter/refinery due diligence with
regard to direct and indirect support for illegal armed groups based in the eastern
part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo and sanctioned individuals and
entities. The mechanism would accredit auditors, oversee the execution of audits,
share audit reports, receive and follow up on grievances of interested parties with
the relevant individual or entity and share experiences on mitigation strategies.

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353. However, even in the absence of such a body, due diligence implementation by
relevant individuals and entities should still be subject to independent audits.

Step 5: publicly disclosing supply chain due diligence and findings

354. Relevant individuals and entities should publicly and voluntarily report on the
due diligence they have undertaken to mitigate the risks of the provision of direct or
indirect support to armed groups and/or to sanctioned individuals and entities. This
information should form part of annual sustainability or corporate responsibility
reports and should include:
(a) The individual or entity’s supply chain policy;
(b) Information on how the individual or entity’s system of control and
transparency over the mineral supply chain is implemented and who is responsible
for it;
(c) Relevant quantitative and qualitative information that the individual or
entity’s system of control and transparency over the mineral supply chain has
generated, particularly relating to the risk of the provision of direct or indirect
support to armed groups and/or to sanctioned individuals and entities, including the
value and beneficiaries of all taxes, fees, royalties and other payments made or
suspected to have been made, including to armed groups in the eastern part of the
Democratic Republic of the Congo and/or sanctioned individuals and entities, at or
near the mine site and at any other point in the supply chain;
(d) The individual or entity’s assessment of the risk of providing direct or
indirect support to armed groups in the eastern part of the Democratic Republic of
the Congo and/or to sanctioned individuals and entities, and including the value and
beneficiaries of all taxes, fees, royalties and other payments made or suspected to
have been made, including to armed groups in the eastern part of the Democratic
Republic of the Congo and/or sanctioned individuals and entities, at or near the
mine site and at any other point in the supply chain;
(e) The individual or entity’s risk mitigation strategy and information about
its implementation to date.
355. Smelters and refineries that have had their due diligence audited should, in
addition, publish the audit reports, with due regard for business confidentiality and
competitive concerns, which means, without prejudice to subsequent interpretations,
price and supplier relationships. In the event of the establishment of an
institutionalized audit mechanism, relevant individuals and entities should disclose
all due diligence information to this mechanism.

2. Due diligence guidelines for the responsible supply chain of minerals from red
flag locations to mitigate the risk of providing direct or indirect support for
conflict in the eastern part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo; criminal
networks and/or perpetrators of serious human rights abuses, particularly within
the State’s armed forces; armed groups in the eastern part of the Democratic
Republic of the Congo; and violations of the asset freeze and travel ban on
sanctioned individuals and entities
356. The due diligence process under option 2 uses the same five steps as in
option 1, but the relevant standard has been expanded to include mitigation of the

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risks of providing direct or indirect support for conflict in the eastern part of the
Democratic Republic of the Congo and direct or indirect support for criminal
networks and/or perpetrators of serious human rights abuses, particularly within the
armed forces.
357. Step 1 is the same as in option 1, with the following changes: the supply chain
policy should recognize the risk of direct or indirect support for conflict, criminal
networks and/or perpetrators of serious human rights abuses in the eastern part of
the Democratic Republic of the Congo, particularly within the State’s armed forces,
in addition to the previously stated risks of support for illegal armed groups and/or
violations of the asset freeze and travel ban on sanctioned individuals and entities,
and should state that the relevant individual or entity will not tolerate such support.
358. The supply chain policy should therefore additionally state that:
We will not tolerate any direct or indirect support for criminal networks and
perpetrators of serious human rights within the armed forces of the Democratic
Republic of the Congo through the extraction, trade, processing and
consumption of minerals. “Direct or indirect support for criminal networks and
perpetrators of serious human rights within the armed forces of the Democratic
Republic of the Congo” means making payments to or otherwise providing
logistical assistance to, or extracting, trading, processing and consuming
minerals where criminal networks and perpetrators of serious human rights
within the armed forces or their affiliates (including négociants, consolidators,
intermediaries and any others in the supply chain that work directly with
armed groups to facilitate the extraction, trade or handling of minerals) are:
(a) In physical control of the mines of origin, or transportation routes
from the mines;
(b) Demanding forced or compulsory labour exacted from any person,
under the threat of violence or other penalty, who has not voluntarily offered to
mine, transport, trade or sell minerals;
(c) Illegally taxing or extorting money or minerals at points of access
to mine sites, along transportation routes or at points where minerals are
traded;
(d) Illegally taxing, extorting or controlling intermediaries, export
companies or international traders;
(e) Illegally financing mining activities.
We will mitigate the risk of providing direct or indirect support to criminal
networks and/or perpetrators of serious human rights abuses within the State’s
armed forces by:
(a) Refusing to enter into business relationships with serving military
personnel or their representatives;
(b) Eliminating direct or indirect support to public security forces that
illegally control mines of origin, transportation routes and upstream actors in
the supply chain; illegally tax or extort money or minerals at points of access
to mine sites, along mineral transportation routes or at points where minerals
are traded; or illegally tax or extort upstream intermediaries, export companies
or international traders;

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and will suspend or discontinue engagement with upstream suppliers after

failed attempts at mitigation and without measurable and substantial
improvements within six months. In the case of suspension, we shall re-engage
with upstream suppliers after a minimum period of three months, by mutual
agreement of an improvement plan, stating the performance objectives and
quantitative indicators with regard to mitigating those risks that need to be met
before a trading partnership may resume.
359. For those in the “upstream” of the mineral supply chains, that is to say from
mine sites in the eastern part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo to smelters
or refineries, the objective of their systems of control and transparency should, in
addition to those outlined under option 1, be to establish, document and verify the
value and beneficiaries of all taxes, fees, royalties and other payments made to the
State’s armed forces at or near the mine site and at any other point on the supply
chain.
360. Relevant individuals and entities in both the upstream and downstream of
mineral supply chains should adapt the mechanisms recommended under option 1,
allowing any interested parties to voice concerns regarding the circumstances of
mineral extraction, trade, handling and export in the eastern part of the Democratic
Republic of the Congo by extending their scope to the involvement of the State’s
armed forces.
361. Step 2 is the same as in option 1, except that relevant individuals and entities
need also to identify and assess the risks of providing direct or indirect support to
criminal networks and perpetrators of human rights abuses, particularly within the
State’s armed forces, through the import, processing or consumption of minerals
from red flag locations. As under option 1, while on-the-ground assessments can be
performed collectively, relevant individuals and entities remain individually
responsible for identifying their own risks.
362. The method of risk assessment is the same as under option 1, but this time
with inconsistencies between factual circumstances and the supply chain policy to
be additionally considered as risks of providing direct or indirect support to criminal
networks and perpetrators of human rights abuses, particularly within the State’s
armed forces, as well as to armed groups, and/or sanctioned individuals and entities.
363. For step 3, the Group considers it appropriate for relevant individuals and
entities to design and implement strategies to mitigate the risks of providing direct
or indirect support to criminal networks and perpetrators of human rights abuses,
particularly within the State’s armed forces that are different to the strategies they
design and implement to mitigate the risks of providing direct or indirect support for
armed groups and/or sanctioned individuals and entities.
364. Strategies to mitigate the risks of providing direct or indirect support to
criminal networks and perpetrators of serious human rights abuses, particularly
within the State’s armed forces, should ensure that where the State’s armed forces
and other security services are present at mine sites and/or surrounding areas and/or
along trade routes, they progressively cease any illegal involvement in mining and
trade in minerals, including through illegal taxation and extortion of money or
mineral shares, and that they are present solely to maintain security and the rule of
law.

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365. Relevant individuals and entities should be aware that it is illegal under
Congolese law for any members of FARDC to be involved in any aspect of the
extraction, handling, trade or processing of minerals (see annexes 20 and 21) and
should respect and obey the laws even where they are not enforced.
366. Any payments to the armed forces at or around mine sites or at any other stage
in the supply chain should be solely for the provision of security and the rule of law
and should be done transparently and via appropriate civilian structures, such as the
provincial or national administration.
367. Strategies to mitigate the risk of directly or indirectly supporting criminal
networks and perpetrators of serious human rights abuses, particularly within the
State’s armed forces, do not readily yield quantitative indicators, but must
nonetheless be regularly, thoroughly and systematically evaluated by those
implementing them to assess their impact. The evaluations should be considered by
auditors examining smelter/refinery due diligence. The Group recommends that
individuals and entities conducting these evaluations refer to the Group’s
description of the different types of military involvement in mining in paragraph
178 to assist in this process. If the evaluation finds that within six months of the
strategy’s initiation there is no substantial progress towards its ends, the strategy
should shift to suspension or discontinued engagement with the supplier for a
minimum of three months. Suspension may be accompanied by mutual agreement
on an improvement plan stating the performance objectives and quantitative
indicators with regard to mitigating the risks that need to be met before a trading
partnership may resume.
368. As under option 1, relevant individuals and entities should regularly review
their risk mitigation strategies to ensure that they remain informed of the relevant
factual circumstances of their supply chains, and continue to evaluate them against
their supply chain policy. Strategies to mitigate the risks should be amended in the
light of changes to relevant factual circumstances.
369. Steps 4 and 5 are the same as under option 1, although under option 2 relevant
individuals and entities should, in addition, publicly and voluntarily report on the
due diligence measures they have undertaken to prevent any direct or indirect
support for criminal networks and perpetrators of serious human rights abuses,
particularly within the State’s armed forces. Accordingly, they should provide
additional relevant quantitative and qualitative information that the individual or
entity’s system of control and transparency over the mineral supply chain has
generated relating to the risk of the provision of direct or indirect support to
criminal networks and perpetrators of serious human rights abuses, particularly
within the State’s armed forces. This should include the value and beneficiaries of
all taxes, fees, royalties and other payments made to the State’s armed forces at or
near the mine site and at any other point on the supply chain.

X. Recommendations
370. The Group of Experts recommends that the Security Council:
(a) Endorse the Group’s recommendations on guidelines for due diligence
called for in paragraph 7 of resolution 1896 (2009) to mitigate the risk of further

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exacerbating the conflict in the eastern part of the Democratic Republic of the
Congo by providing direct or indirect support:
(i) Illegal armed groups in the area;
(ii) Violations of the asset freeze and travel ban on sanctioned individuals
and entities;
(iii) Criminal networks and perpetrators of serious human rights abuses,
particularly within the national armed forces;
(b) Call upon Member States, in particular the Democratic Republic of the
Congo, neighbouring countries and countries whose companies are active in the
mining sector in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, to take appropriate legal
measures to incorporate the due diligence guidelines into national legislation;
(c) Call upon MONUSCO, as it continues to provide conditional support to
FARDC in compliance with the provisions of resolution 1925 (2010), to pay due
attention to the risks of working with commanders known to be involved in the
illegal exploitation of natural resources and to strengthen the Mission’s gathering of
information around mining sites and important minerals trading centres, including
trading centres;
(d) Mandate MONUSCO to further strengthen its support to the justice
system in the Democratic Republic of the Congo by including specific training of
prosecutors in the investigations of economic crimes, and provide MONUSCO with
the capacity to support investigations by the Military Prosecutor’s Office of
economic crimes committed by FARDC personnel;
(e) Call upon donors:
(i) To continue to support the reinforcement of the justice institutions in the
Democratic Republic of the Congo, with a focus on economic crimes,
including by providing MONUSCO with technical expertise to implement
military justice capacity-building;
(ii) To provide resources for the training of mining and border police
investigating economic crimes;
(iii) Support regional systems of certification to distinguish between national
production and export and the re-export of minerals from the Democratic
Republic of the Congo;
(iv) In the context of protecting civilians, to provide financial support for
projects to improve the reach of telecommunications to isolated areas of the
eastern part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo so as to enhance the
ongoing development by MONUSCO of community early warning alert
networks;
(v) To provide funding for demobilization and reintegration components of
the STAREC programme;
(f) Encourage the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region and
regional States to establish a forum of prosecutors to enhance information-sharing
and joint action to investigate and combat regional criminal networks and armed
groups involved in the illegal exploitation of natural resources;

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(g) Call upon development partners to provide technical support for a land
title review in the Kivus.
371. The Group of Experts also recommends that the Security Council specifically
encourage the Government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo:
(a) To establish and give full political support to a mobile, investigative
economic crimes unit within the Military Prosecutor’s Office;
(b) To review and reinforce national legislation addressing the involvement
of the military in economic activities such as mining;
(c) To ensure that the FARDC Staff Headquarters imposes specific
disciplinary sanctions on those implicated in land conflicts and the illegal
exploitation of natural resources;
(d) To identify, suspend and prosecute FARDC commanders using children
as escorts or obstructing efforts to separate children from their ranks;
(e) To develop, publish and commit to a plan of action in compliance with
resolutions 1612 (2005) and 1539 (2004);
(f) To conduct an independent evaluation and audit of the PAREC
programme, including records of the weapons collected and their identifying
markings;
(g) In the context of disarmament, demobilization, repatriation and
reintegration of foreign combatants, to give renewed consideration to the
resettlement of foreign combatants to third countries and to provide additional
support and incentives for demobilization programmes of Congolese armed groups
as an alternative to continued integration into the national army, including tailored
programmes for the youth;
(h) To cooperate with the United Nations and donors in the harmonization
and coherence of security sector reform efforts.

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Annex 1
List of meetings and consultations a
Belgium
Government
Ministère des affaires étrangères

Organizations
Channel Research
European Commission
European Union Special Representative for the Great Lakes Region
International Task Force on the Illegal Exploitation of Natural Resources in the
Democratic Republic of the Congo
International Peace Information Service
European Network for Central Africa

Burundi
Government
Ministère de l’energie et des mines
Service national de renseignement
Police nationale du Burundi

Organizations
International Conference on the Great Lakes Region
International Crisis Group

Private sector
Berkenrode

Canada
Government
Ministry of Foreign Affairs

Other political parties

Paul Dewar, member of Parliament

Organizations
Peacebuild

Private sector
Yunnan Tin Group
__________________
Note: The annexes are being circulated in the language of submission only.
a Some names of local organizations have been withheld from this list.

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Democratic Republic of the Congo b

Government
Administration Provinciale du Nord Kivu
Administration Provinciale du Sud Kivu
Administration provinciale de la Province Orientale
Agence nationale de renseignement
Auditorat militaire
Banque centrale du Congo
Bureau du Conseiller spécial pour la sécurité auprès du Président de la République
Centre d’évaluation, d’expertise et de certification
Direction générale des migrations
Office des douanes et accises
Forces armées de la République démocratique du Congo
Ministère des mines
Institut Congolais pour la conservation de la nature
Police nationale congolaise
Police des mines
Régie des voies aériennes
Service d’appui et d’assistance au small-scale mining

Organizations
Arche d’alliance
Benenfance
Bundesanstalt für Geowissenschaften und Rohstoffe
Bureau pour volontariat
Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers
Comider
Comité de suivi, table ronde, Walikale
Concert d’action pour jeunes et enfants défavorisés
Coopérative minière Mpama Bisiye
Enough
Human Rights Watch
International Alert
International Rescue Committee
Norwegian Refugee Council
Oxfam
Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs
Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees
Pact
Pain pour les déshérités
Pole Institute
Save the Children
Search for Common Ground
Union des creuseurs artisanaux de Lugushwa
Union pour le développement et la protection de l’environnement
United Nations Children’s Fund
__________________
b The Group met twice with Victor Ngezayo in Goma and noted his concerns about the references
to him in the Group’s final report for 2008 (S/2008/773).

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United Nations Development Programme

United Nations Human Settlements Programme
United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of
the Congo

Diplomatic representations
British Embassy
Embassy of Belgium
Embassy of the United States of America

Private sector
Afromet
ANEMNKI
Aurex Gold
Blattner Group
Établissement Namukaya
Donson International
Fédération des entreprises
Geminaco
Lynceus Group
Metchem
Minerals Processing Congo
Panju
Tengen
TransAfrika Resources
Socagremine
WMC

France
Government
Ministère des affaires étrangères

Organizations
Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development
PAC

Private sector
Intel
Motorola

Kenya
Organizations
FAFO
Fair Labour Association
Revenue Watch
World Gold Council

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Private sector
Anglogold
Cronimet
Ford Motor Company
Malaysia Smelting Corporation
Rand Refinery
Resource Consulting Services
Tantalum Niobium International Study Centre

Rwanda
Government
Ministry of Forestry and Mines
Ministry of Foreign Affairs
Ministry of Defence
Ministry of Justice
National Revenue Authority
National Prosecutor’s Office
Commission nationale de démobilisation et de réinsertion

Diplomatic representations
British Embassy
Embassy of Belgium
Embassy of France

Uganda
Government
Ministry of Mines and Energy
Ministry of Foreign Affairs
Ministry of Defence
Military Intelligence
External Security Organization

Organizations
Enough
International Organization for Migration

Diplomatic representations
British Embassy
Embassy of Belgium
Embassy of France
Representation of South Sudan

Private sector
Victoria Star Gold Refinery
Rhino Exploration

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United Arab Emirates

Organizations
Dubai Multi-Commodities Centre

Private sector
Emirates Gold
Kaloti Jewellery

United Kingdom
Government
Foreign and Commonwealth Office
Department for International Development
All Party Parliamentary Group on the Great Lakes

Organizations
Global Witness

Private sector
Amalgamated Metals Corporation
ITRI
London Bullion Market Association
Mineral Supply Africa

United States of America c

Government
State Department
Treasury

Diplomatic representations to the United Nations

Permanent Mission of the Democratic Republic of the Congo
Permanent Mission of Belgium
Permanent Mission of Brazil
Permanent Mission of Burundi
Permanent Mission of China
Permanent Mission of France
Permanent Mission of Germany
Permanent Mission of Lebanon
Permanent Mission of Nigeria
Permanent Mission of Rwanda
Permanent Mission of Uganda
Permanent Mission of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland
__________________
c The Group acknowledges receipt of a 150-page document submitted by the United States-based
legal representatives of Tribert Rujugiro requesting a withdrawal of the references to
Mr. Rujugiro in the Group’s final report for 2008 (S/2008/773), and intends to assess the
document in due course.

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Annex 2
Photograph and short biography of Ngabo Gadi

• Ethnic Tutsi (Gogwe clan) from Ngungu in Masisi territory.

• According to most sources he is a relative of General Bosco Ntaganda and
Wilson Nsengiyumva.
• A soldier of the Rwandan Patriotic Army as of 1993.
• AFDL intelligence officer during the 1996-1997 “Liberation War”.
• July 1997: reported to be part of the Zulu Battalion of Major John Butera,
tasked with clearing the axis Kisangani-Bukavu of all “forces génocidaires”.
• Late 1998: While an RCD soldier, he went into hiding after stealing a World
Food Programme vehicle in Uvira and trying to sell it in Goma.
• 1999: In Kampala, with Bosco Ntaganda and others, Gadi joined the RCD-
Kisangani of Prof. Wamba dia Wamba.
• Moved to Ituri at unknown date. Some link Gadi with the UPC, others with
Chief Kawa’s PUSIC.
• Left the Democratic Republic of the Congo again to settle in Kampala and run
several businesses.
• Mid-2009: Linked with recruitment activities allegedly organized by Bosco
Ntaganda in Kampala.
• January 2010: Declared FPLC’s agenda on Radio Okapi.
• 29 June 2010: Arrested by Ugandan military intelligence; released without
charge but kept under surveillance.

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Annex 3
Political programme of FPLC distributed in early 2009
F.P.L.C.
FRONT PATRIOTIQUE POUR LA LIBERATION DU CONGO
MANIFESTE

1. DEFENSE ET SECURITE
Le fplc protégera et défendra jalousement, les personnes et leurs biens contre toutes
menaces internes comme externes.
Il y aura zéro tolérance aux violations des droits humains.
Le fplc s’emploiera à restaurer la souveraineté et l’intégrité du pays, a fin que les
congolais se lèvent haut pour faire parti du concert des nations.
Il est regrettable que l’appareil entier de l’Etat en l’occurrence l’armée et le service
sécuritaire soit á la base de toute forme de services qui accablent la population,
laquelle ils prétendent protéger et cela en toute impunité.

2. ENRACINEMENT DE LA CORRUPTION
Le fplc ne tolérera pas la corruption sous toute ses formes.
A ce jour, elle a filtré tous les secteurs de la vie congolaise, de la plus haute autorité
de l’Etat jusqu’à la base. Dont le président de la république, les ministres les
membres du parlement, du sénat, l’appareil judiciaire, tous constituent un système
pourri et corrompu.
Les agents locaux téléguidés par les sociétés multinationales et certaines puissances
étrangères, pillent à dessin les richesses de notre peuple au grand jour. Ceci devra
s’arrêter tant que leurs jours sont comptés. Le fplc élaborera une stratégie efficace
pour déraciner ce vice. Le gouvernement actuel de Kinshasa ne mérite pas du tout
d’être à la commande des affaires de l’Etat congolais.

3. BONNE GOUVERNANCE ET TRANSPARENCE

Le fplc rendra compte au peuple Congolais de la gestion des affaires de l’Etat à tous
les niveaux.
Le peuple à travers ses représentants, aura le droit d’être tenu au courant des
décisions prises sur les questions économiques; sociales; politiques et sécuritaires.
Le fplc encouragera des débats sur les questions d’actualités qui affectent le
congolais à tous les niveaux de représentations.

4. EMANCIPATION ECONOMIQUE
Le fplc s’engage à la tache inévitable de la transformation économique du Congo et
de sa modernisation. Les ressources du Congo sont légendaires et ils ont attiré la
convoitise et l’admiration de tous.

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Malheureusement ces richesses n’ont pas profité ou citoyen Congolais à cause de

l’inconscience, égoïsme et absence du patriotisme des gouvernants. Le fplc est
convaincu que cette abandonte richesse naturelle et humaine doit être sagement
évaluée, exploitée, sauvegardée au profit du peuple.
Promouvoir l’industrie sera le gage du fplc en passant par la construction des
infrastructures nécessaires.
L’apport des partenaires étrangers sera hautement apprécié dans differents
domaines.
Notre rêve de transformer notre société encore sédentaire en une nation moderne et
technologiquement avancée nous sera désormais permis.

5. PROTECTION DE L’ENVIRONNEMENT
Le Congo est abondamment doté d’une riche faune et flore, des minéraux et un
climat enviable. Le fplc sauvegardera ces ressources et adoptera une politique
délibérée qui prendra en compte la santé, la sécurité et un écosystème
écologiquement amical alors qu’elle poursuivra son but de développement.

6. CONSTRUCTION DES INFRASTRUCTURES ECONOMIQUES

ET SOCIALES
Il n’y a plus aucune infrastructure en RDC. Tous les fonds destinés à la construction
d’infrastructures, sont détournées et volées par les agents de l’Etat, laissant les
Congolais ordinaire sans hopitaux, routes, écoles etc. Le fplc investira suffisamment
dans ce domaine vital afin que le Congolais à la base puissent accéder à ces services
vitaux et essentiels.
La construction des routes, aérodromes/ aéroports et chemins de fer seront réalisés
pour relier tous les coins du pays a fin d’assurer des interactions sociales, le
commerce domestique, le marché régionale et sortir vers les pays voisins. Les
Congolais souffrent encore de la malnutrition et des maladies qui ont été éradiquées
partout ailleurs, ceci à cause de la mauvaise gouvernance. Le fplc investira
lourdement dans le domaine de la santé, agriculture et éducation. Les enfants
devront bénéficier d’une éducation gratuite à partir du niveau inférieur jusqu’aux
plus hautes institutions d’enseignement. Nous feront appel à nos frères et sœurs de
la diaspora qualifiée pour nous aider à développer ce secteur.

7. LES INSTITUTIONS POLITIQUES FORTES COMME PRELUDE

DE LA DEMOCRATIE
La liberté d’expressions, associations et mouvements des Congolais, leurs propriétés
seront assurées et défendues à tout prix dans le temps et l’espace.
Nous mobiliserons notre population pour renforcer ses droits civiques, sa liberté de
base comme antidote à la dictature, à la corruption et à la mauvaise gouvernance.
Nous travaillerons avec les organisations de la société civile et autres organes
démocratiquement disposés à mobiliser la population à cet égard.
Nous devrons créer des conditions et des structures démocratiques fortes qui
soutiendront les organes politiques responsables à l’égard de tous les congolais. La
volonté et le vouloir de la population sera suprême.

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8. L’ERADICATION DE LA PAUVRETE, IGNORANCE, MALADIE

EVITABLE ET CURABLE
Le fplc utilisera les ressources nécessaires pour construire des écoles, universités,
collèges et instituts spécialisés; centre d’apprentisage des metiers pour instruire
notre population.
Il y aura une éducation libre et gratuite à l’école primaire jusqu’à l’ecole secondaire
et professionnelle. L’accent sera mis sur la science et la technologie.
Une Politique délibérée sera formulée pour extirper la pauvreté de la population
congolaise.
Le fplc construira et soutiendra des centres de santé au niveau de chaque quartier.
Les hôpitaux de référence seront réhabilités et des nouveaux seront construits et
soutenus.

9. LA REINTEGRATION DE LA POPULATION CONGOLAISE ET

ZERO TOLERANCE A L’INTERVENTION ETRANGERE
Depuis le mi — 19e siècle à ce jour, le Congo à été témoin de la profanation de ses
précieuses terres par des empires et gouvernements étrangers. Nos ressources ont été
pillées et saccagées. Les hommes ont été tués, nos femmes, nos mamans, nos sœurs
et enfants violées. Quelques uns de nos illustres chefs tel que patrice Lumumba,
Joseph Kasavubu, Kisasu Ngandu, les généraux Ilunga et Masasi Nindaga et bien
d’autres personnalités progressistes ont été assassines.
Il existe encore des armées étrangères sur notre sol,pendant que,les Congolais
doivent déterminer eux même leur sort et destin.
Le fplc lance un appel pressant a toutes les armées étrangères aussi bien qu’aux
groupes armées négatives d’abandonner leurs aventures et de quitter notre sol.
Nous sommes prêts à mobiliser nos forces vives pour les bouter dehors.
Le fplc encouragera tous les étrangers Congolais de rentrer au pays pour participer à
sa reconstruction. Ceux qui ont été déplacés par les décennies des guerres et ceux
qui ont fuit les services de la dictature seront installer ou ils voudront dans leur
vaste pays bien aime.

10. LA COOPERATION REGIONALE ET OBSERVATION DES LOIS

INTERNATIONALES
Le fplc s’engage au respect mutuel des valeurs et de l’intégrité du territoire des pays
voisins.
Nous sommes convaincu que c’est à travers des grands blocs économiques que nous
pourrons harmonieusement nous développer avec les autres Africains
historiquement fragmente`s.
Le fplc adhère à la reconnaissance et au respect des corps et des lois internationales.

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Annex 4
Home of Colonel Innocent Kabundi (FARDC Zone 3
Operations Commander, South Kivu) located at
Kabaragasha, near Burungu, which was attacked on 2 June
2010 by FPLC commander Emmanuel Sengyumva

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Annex 5
FDLR regional resistance committees
The Group has received information from FDLR sources about eight FDLR
regional resistance committees, covering Central Africa, West Africa, Southern
Africa, Australia, Western Europe, Eastern Europe, Scandinavia and North America.
Each is led by a president and vice-president and includes advisers charged
with “political mobilization and propaganda”, “security and documentation”,
“information”, “finance”, “social affairs and reconciliation”, “reconstruction” and
“youth”. Regional resistance committees are responsible for recruiting new
members, fund-raising, implementing decisions of the FDLR Executive Committee
and establishing local resistance committees at the country level.
The Group has information indicating the existence of local committees in the
following countries (some of which cover neighbouring countries as well):
• Southern Africa: South Africa, Zimbabwe, Kenya, Malawi, Zambia, Australia
• West Africa: Côte d’Ivoire, Togo, Senegal
• Central Africa: Congo, Chad, Central African Republic

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Annex 6
Paix et réconciliation manifest of “FDLR elements” with
comments after screening by the Rwandan Demobilization
and Reintegration Commissiona

a
Identities concealed by the Group.

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Annex 7
Structure of RUD-Urunana

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Annex 8
Communiqués from Felicien Kanyamibwa and
RUD-Urunana on events at Kasiki
1. URL: http://umoya.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=4795

Date published: 18 December 2009

Text: Le 27 Janvier 2009, un accord entre le CND et le gouvernement de la RDC a été signé à Rome. L’accord
prévoyait la création d’une zone de paix dans et autour de Kasiki, où les gens qui ne veulent pas se battre ou
fuyant les combats devraient être regroupés en vue de recevoir une protection et assistance humanitaire.

Par conséquent, il est clair que, en attaquant le camp la coalition RDF / FARDC voulait massacrer tous les
occupants et, par là même, torpiller une fois pour toutes le processus de paix que le CND et le gouvernement de
la RDC avaient entrepris à Kinshasa en Janvier 2008, puis continué à Pise et Rome en Mai 2008,avec la
facilitation de la Communauté de Sant’Egidio et solidifié à Rome en Janvier 2009 avec le ferme soutien de la
Communauté Sant’Egidio, l’Eglise du Christ au Congo (ECC) et SIT-Norvège. À ce jour, nous ne savons pas où
se trouvent la plupart des survivants du pogrom de Kasiki, ainsi que les combattants RUD-Urunana/RPR et leurs
personnes à charge.
Signed by:
Felicien Kanyamibwa, PhD
Président
National Democratic Congress (NDC) - Congrès National pour la Démocratie (CND)
New Jersey, USA.
[Comment: Felicien Kanyamibwa is also the RUD-Urunana secretary-general]

2. RUD-Urunana press release published 1 March 2009:

RUD-URUNANA
Urunana rw’Abaharanira Ubumwe na Demokarasi
Ralliement pour l’Unité et la Démocratie
Rally for Unity and Democracy

Tel: 001-201-794-6542 /
001-506-461-3919
Email: urunana@optonline.net
url: www.rud-urunana.org
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------

COMMUNIQUE DE PRESSE PP/NO. 01/MAR/09

REGROUPEMENT DE KASIKI: VIVES INQUIETUDES SUR LE SORT DES REFUGIES RWANDAIS

Les informations provenant du Nord Kivu font état d’une détérioration croissante des
conditions sécuritaires à l’est de la RDC en général et dans le territoire de Lubero (Nord Kivu) en particullier. En
effet, cet état vient d’être confirmé par les déclarations récentes de la Monuc, des organismes spécialisés des
Nations Unies ainsi que des organisations locales de la société civile.

Notre organisation condamne avec fermeté les massacres qui auraient été commis
contre les populations congolaises ainsi que la chasse aux réfugiés rwandais à la quelle
se livreraient les forces de la coalition FARDC et l’armée rwandaise (RDF). Comme

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nous l’avions indiqué précédemment, plusieurs observateurs indépendants concurrent à

faire remarquer que l’opération conjointe baptisée « Umoja Wetu » regroupant les forces
armées de la RDC et du Rwanda a été un échec. Malheureusement, au lieu de
contribuer à l’avènement de la paix dans la région, elle n’a fait qu’aggraver la souffrance
des populations locales tout en faisant porter la responsabilité à l’ensemble des réfugiés
rwandais établis dans la dite-région qui eux-mêmes sont pourchassés comme du gibier
qu’on veut amener à l’abattoir. Plus particulièrement, notre organisation s’inquiète du
sort des réfugiés rwandais qui étaient initialement regroupés sur le site de Kasiki,
territoire du Lubero (Nord Kivu). En effet, il convient de rappeler que ces hommes,
femmes et enfants ont dû quitter le centre de Kasiki début Février lorsque ils eurent vent
de leur rapatriement forcé vers le Rwanda, et ce contrairement à toutes les conventions
internationales en la matière. Cette opération devait être menée par les forces armées
coalisées FARDC/RDF.

Il est extrêmement regrettable qu’au moment où une délégation des réfugiés venait
d’effectuer une visite exploratoire au Rwanda en vue d’envisager un rapatriement sur
base individuelle et volontaire, les gouvernements congolais et rwandais ont privilégié le
recourt à la force pour contraindre les refugiés rwandais à rentrer au Rwanda. Nous
tenons à rappeler au gouvernement congolais et à la Communauté Internationale que
sur base du Processus de Kisangani, il était prévu que les réfugiés rwandais qui
n’opteraient pas pour le retour seraient relocaliser à des endroits à convenir de commun
accord.

N’ayant pas pu être à même de déterminer le sort des hommes, femmes et enfants, le
Congrès National pour la Démocratie (CND), coalition RUD /RPR, demande au
gouvernement congolais et à la Monuc de faire le compte à la Communauté
Internationale où sont passées ces personnes qui étaient pourtant supposées être sous
leur protection. Suite à une telle enquête qui devrait être indépendante, notre
organisation demande avec insistance que les auteurs de ces actes criminels soient
traduits devant une juridiction impartiale et indépendante.

Comme nous n’avons cessé de le dénoncer, les récents événements témoignent

clairement que toute tentative de rapatriement forcé ne fait que se traduire en une
massive perte en vies humaines innocentes tant du côté des réfugiés que des
populations locales. Nous ne pouvons pas non plus passer sous silence la chasse à
l’homme qui s’était abattue sur la région en 1996-1997 dans laquelle plusieurs centaines
de milliers de réfugiés rwandais ont été froidement et impunément massacrés par
l’Armée Patriotique Rwandaise (APR) et ses alliés sans oublier les multiples victimes au
sein de la population congolaise. Les auteurs de ces massacres qui ont été qualifiés
d’actes de génocide par les Nations Unies sont bel et bien connus et occupent des
postes de haute responsabilité dans les sphères politiques et militaires du régime de
Kigali.

Notre organisation reste convaincue que la solution définitive au problème des réfugiés
rwandais passe par le Dialogue. C’est pour cette raison que le CND s’était investi de
bonne foi dans le Processus de Kisangani. Bien que cette dernière opération militaire
va se traduire par quelques gains politiques immédiats pour certains, il va, cependant,
rendre difficile toute solution pacifique et définitive au problème des réfugiés dans la
région.

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Ainsi, comme il a été fait mention lors des travaux d’évaluation tenus dernièrement à
Rome sous les auspices de la Communauté Sant’Egidio et d’autres observateurs
internationaux, notre organisation réitère la demande faite auprès du Secrétaire Général
des Nations Unies de nommer dans les meilleurs délais un Envoyé Spécial chargé
spécifiquement de trouver une solution durable au problème des refugiés rwandais
établis en RDC et dans la région.

Notre organisation reste cependant disposée à poursuivre toute avenue qui respecte les
droits des réfugiés rwandais où qu’ils soient. Elle lance un appel solennel au régime de
Kigali d’entamer un Dialogue avec son opposition afin de trouver de manière durable
une solution définitive au problème politique rwandais qui est la source principale
d’instabilité récurrente dans toute la région.

23 Mars 2009
DR. AUGUSTIN DUKUZE
PORTE-PAROLE

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Annex 9
United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the
Democratic Republic of the Congo Disarmament,
Demobilization Repatriation, Reintegration and
Resettlement Section data on intentions of RUD combatants
at Kasikia
RUD Mapping at Kasiki Regrouping Site

ID Date Address in
Number NAME Sex Status of Age Date of Address/AOR Rwanda Preference
Birth Registration in DRC Prefecture (Relocation
/Repatriation)
BW500100 M Combatant 1961 47 6/9/08 MASHUTA Repatriation
BW500200 M Combatant 1946 62 6/9/08 MASHUTA GISENYI Repatriation
BW500300 M Combatant 1990 18 6/9/08 MASHUTA Repatriation
BW500400 M Combatant 1969 39 6/9/08 MASHUTA CYANGUGU Repatriation
BW500500 M Combatant 1966 42 6/9/08 MASHUTA KIBUNGO Repatriation
BW500600 M Combatant 1974 34 6/9/08 MASHUTA RUHENGERI Repatriation
BW500700 M Combatant 1963 45 6/9/08 MASHUTA GISENYI Repatriation
BW500701 F Dependent 1905 31 6/9/08 KASIKI RUHENGERI Repatriation
BW500800 M Combatant 1978 30 6/9/08 MBWAVINYWA GISENYI Repatriation
BW500801 F Dependent 1986 22 6/9/08 KASIKI KIGALI Repatriation
BW500802 F Dependent 2005 3 6/9/08 KASIKI GISENYI Repatriation
BW500803 F Dependent 2007 1 6/9/08 KASIKI GISENYI Repatriation
BW500900 M Combatant 1966 41 6/9/08 MASHUTA RUHENGERI Repatriation
BW500901 F Dependent 1970 37 6/9/08 KASIKI GISENYI Repatriation
BW500902 F Dependent 2007 1 6/9/08 KASIKI RUHENGERI Repatriation
BW501000 M Combatant 1968 40 6/9/08 MASHUTA RUHENGERI Repatriation
BW501001 F Dependent 1980 27 6/9/08 KASIKI RUHENGERI Repatriation
BW501002 F Dependent 2006 2 6/9/08 KASIKI RUHENGERI Repatriation
BW501003 M Dependent 2007 1 6/9/08 KASIKI RUHENGERI Repatriation
BW501100 M Combatant 1978 30 6/9/08 MASHUTA GISENYI Repatriation
BW501101 F Dependent 1989 19 6/9/08 KASIKI GISENYI Repatriation
BW501102 M Dependent 2001 7 6/9/08 KASIKI GISENYI Repatriation
BW501103 M Dependent 2007 1 6/9/08 KASIKI GISENYI Repatriation
BW501200 M Combatant 1988 20 7/9/08 MASHUTA RUHENGERI Repatriation
BW501201 F Dependent 1990 18 7/9/08 KASIKI RUHENGERI Repatriation
BW501202 F Dependent 2007 1 7/9/08 KASIKI RUHENGERI Repatriation
BW501300 M Combatant 1978 30 7/9/08 MASHUTA KIGALI Repatriation
BW501301 F Dependent 1985 23 7/9/08 KASIKI KIGALI Repatriation
BW501302 F Dependent 2005 3 7/9/08 KASIKI KIGALI Repatriation
KIGALI
BW501400 M Combatant 1973 35 7/9/08 MASHUTA RURAL Repatriation

a
Names removed.

116 10-61506
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KIGALI
BW501401 F Dependent 1976 32 7/9/08 KASIKI RURAL Repatriation
KIGALI
BW501402 F Dependent 1995 13 7/9/08 KASIKI RURAL Repatriation
KIGALI
BW501403 M Dependent 2007 1 7/9/08 KASIKI RURAL Repatriation
BW501500 M Combatant 1966 42 7/9/08 MASHUTA GITARAMA Repatriation
BW501501 F Dependent 1969 39 7/9/08 KASIKI GITARAMA Repatriation
BW501502 F Dependent 1999 9 7/9/08 KASIKI GITARAMA Repatriation
BW501503 F Dependent 2003 5 7/9/08 KASIKI GITARAMA Repatriation
BW501504 M Dependent 1905 3 7/9/08 KASIKI GITARAMA Repatriation
BW501505 F Dependent 2007 1 7/9/08 KASIKI GITARAMA Repatriation
BW501600 M Combatant 1971 37 7/9/08 MASHUTA RUHENGERI Repatriation
KIGALI
BW501601 F Dependent 1975 33 7/9/08 KASIKI TOWN Repatriation
KIGALI
BW501602 M Dependent 2002 6 7/9/08 TOWN Repatriation
KIGALI
BW501603 F Dependent 1905 3 7/9/08 TOWN Repatriation
KIGALI
BW501604 F Dependent 2008 7/9/08 KASIKI TOWN Repatriation
BW501700 M Combatant 1973 35 7/9/08 MBWAVINYWA GISENYI Repatriation
BW501900 M Combatant 1988 20 6/9/08 MASHUTA Repatriation
BW501901 F Dependent 1988 20 6/9/08 MASHUTA NORTH-KIVU Repatriation
BW501902 F Dependent 2007 1 6/9/08 MASHUTA Repatriation
BW502000 M Combatant 1970 38 6/9/08 MASHUTA KIGALI Repatriation
BW502001 F Dependent 1973 35 6/9/08 MASHUTA NORTH-KIVU Repatriation
BW502002 F Dependent 1995 13 6/9/08 MASHUTA Repatriation
BW502003 F Dependent 1996 12 6/9/08 MASHUTA Repatriation
BW502004 F Dependent 1998 10 6/9/08 MASHUTA Repatriation
BW502005 M Dependent 2001 7 6/9/08 MASHUTA Repatriation
BW502006 M Dependent 1905 3 6/9/08 MASHUTA Repatriation
BW502100 M Combatant 1953 65 6/9/08 MASHUTA Repatriation
BW502200 M Combatant 1979 29 6/9/08 MASHUTA KIGALI Repatriation
BW502300 M Combatant 1978 30 6/9/08 MASHUTA Repatriation
BW502301 F Dependent 1988 20 6/9/08 MASHUTA NORTH-KIVU Repatriation
BW502302 M Dependent 2004 4 6/9/08 MASHUTA Repatriation
BW502303 F Dependent 2007 1 6/9/08 MASHUTA Repatriation
BW502400 M Combatant 1971 37 6/9/08 MASHUTA GISENYI Repatriation
BW502401 F Dependent 1975 33 6/9/08 MASHUTA GISENYI Repatriation
BW502402 F Dependent 1996 12 6/9/08 MASHUTA GISENYI Repatriation
BW502403 F Dependent 2004 4 6/9/08 MASHUTA GISENYI Repatriation
BW502500 M Combatant 1977 31 6/9/08 MASHUTA RUHENGERI Repatriation
BW502501 F Dependent 1988 20 6/9/08 MASHUTA GISENYI Repatriation
BW502502 F Dependent 1998 10 6/9/08 MASHUTA GISENYI Repatriation
BW502503 F Dependent 2007 1 6/9/08 MASHUTA RUHENGERI Repatriation
BW502600 M Combatant 1972 36 7/9/08 MASHUTA RUHENGERI Repatriation
BW502601 F Dependent 1973 35 7/9/08 MASHUTA NORTH-KIVU Repatriation
BW502700 M Combatant 1974 34 7/9/08 MASHUTA BYUMBA Repatriation

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BW502701 F Dependent 1986 22 7/9/08 MASHUTA RUHENGERI Repatriation

BW502702 M Dependent 2007 1 7/9/08 MASHUTA Repatriation
BW502800 M Combatant 1972 36 7/9/08 MASHUTA GISENYI Repatriation
BW502801 F Dependent 1985 23 7/9/08 MASHUTA NORTH-KIVU Repatriation
BW502802 M Dependent 1906 2 7/9/08 MASHUTA GISENYI Repatriation
BW502900 M Combatant 1970 38 7/9/08 MASHUTA BYUMBA Repatriation
BW502901 F Dependent 1991 17 7/9/08 MASHUTA NORTH-KIVU Repatriation
BW503000 M Combatant 1971 37 7/9/08 MASHUTA RUHENGERI Repatriation
BW503001 F Dependent 1980 28 7/9/08 MASHUTA GISENYI Repatriation
BW503002 M Dependent 2002 6 7/9/08 MASHUTA GISENYI Repatriation
BW503003 F Dependent 1905 3 7/9/08 MASHUTA GISENYI Repatriation
BW503100 M Combatant 1975 32 7/9/08 MASHUTA RUHENGERI Repatriation
BW503101 F Dependent 1986 22 7/9/08 MASHUTA GISENYI Repatriation
BW503102 M Dependent 1994 14 7/9/08 MASHUTA GISENYI Repatriation
BW503200 M Combatant 1970 38 7/9/08 MASHUTA KIBUNGO Repatriation
BW503201 F Dependent 1988 20 7/9/08 MASHUTA KIBUNGO Repatriation
BW503202 M Dependent 2007 1 7/9/08 MASHUTA KIBUNGO Repatriation
BW503700 M Combatant 1983 25 7/9/08 MASHUTA RUHENGERI Repatriation
BW503701 F Dependent 1988 20 7/9/08 KASIKI KIBUYE Repatriation
BW503702 F Dependent 2006 1 7/9/08 KASIKI MASHUTA Repatriation
BW503800 M Combatant 1975 33 7/9/08 MASHUTA RUHENGERI Repatriation
BW503801 F Dependent 1981 27 7/9/08 KASIKI RUHENGERI Repatriation
BW503802 F Dependent 2002 6 7/9/08 KASIKI RUHENGERI Repatriation
BW503803 M Dependent 2007 1 7/9/08 KASIKI RUHENGERI Repatriation
BW503900 M Combatant 1986 7/9/08 KASIKI GITARAMA Repatriation
BW504000 M Combatant 1973 35 7/9/08 KASIKI RUHENGERI Repatriation
BW504001 F Dependent 1986 22 7/9/08 MASHUTA RUHENGERI Repatriation
BW504100 M Combatant 1983 25 7/9/08 MASHUTA KINIGI Repatriation
BW504200 M Combatant 1986 22 7/9/08 MASHUTA GISENYI Repatriation
BW504201 F Dependent 1990 18 7/9/08 KASIKI GISENYI Repatriation
BW504300 M Combatant 1986 22 7/9/08 KASIKI CYANGUGU Repatriation
BW504301 F Dependent 1986 22 7/9/08 KASIKI RUTSHURU Repatriation
BW504400 M Combatant 1979 29 7/9/08 KASIKI GISENYI Repatriation
BW504401 F Dependent 1984 24 7/9/08 KASIKI BINZA Repatriation
BW504402 F Dependent 1905 3 7/9/08 KASIKI BINZA Repatriation
BW504403 F Dependent 1905 3 7/9/08 KASIKI BINZA Repatriation
BW504500 M Combatant 1958 49 7/9/08 KASIKI GITARAMA Repatriation
BW504501 M Dependent 1979 29 7/9/08 KASIKI BWITO Repatriation
BW504502 F Dependent 1973 35 7/9/08 KASIKI BWITO Repatriation
BW504600 M Combatant 1984 24 7/9/08 KASIKI GISENYI Repatriation
BW504601 F Dependent 1974 34 7/9/08 KASIKI BWITO Repatriation
BW504700 M Combatant 1985 23 7/9/08 KASIKI RWANDA Repatriation
BW504701 F Dependent 2004 4 7/9/08 KASIKI RUTSHURU Repatriation
BW504702 F Dependent 2007 1 7/9/08 KASIKI RUTSHURU Repatriation
BW504800 M Combatant 1967 41 7/9/08 KASIKI BYUMBA Repatriation
BW504801 F Dependent 1969 39 7/9/08 KASIKI GITARAMA Repatriation
BW504802 M Dependent 1996 12 7/9/08 KASIKI GITARAMA Repatriation
BW504803 F Dependent 2000 8 7/9/08 KASIKI GITARAMA Repatriation

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BW504804 M Dependent 2008 7/9/08 KASIKI GITARAMA Repatriation

BW504900 M Combatant 1978 30 7/9/08 KASIKI RUHENGERI Repatriation
BW504901 F Dependent 1986 22 7/9/08 KASIKI RUTSHURU Repatriation
BW504902 M Dependent 2007 1 7/9/08 KASIKI RUTSHURU Repatriation
BW505000 M Combatant 1973 35 7/9/08 KASIKI BYUMBA Repatriation
BW505001 F Dependent 1986 22 7/9/08 KASIKI RWANDA Repatriation
BW505100 M Combatant 1973 35 7/9/08 KASIKI RUHENGERI Repatriation
BW505101 M Dependent 1964 44 7/9/08 KASIKI RUHENGERI Repatriation
BW505200 M Combatant 1975 33 7/9/08 KASIKI BWITO Not Decided
BW505201 M Dependent 1991 17 7/9/08 KASIKI RUHENGERI Repatriation
BW505500 M Combatant 1988 20 7/9/08 KASIKI RWANDA Repatriation
BW505600 M Combatant 1959 48 7/9/08 KASIKI RWANDA Repatriation
BW505700 M Combatant 1983 25 7/9/08 KASIKI RUHENGERI Repatriation
BW505800 M Combatant 1970 38 7/9/08 KASIKI KIGALINGALI Repatriation
BW505900 M Combatant 1985 23 7/9/08 KASIKI GISENYI Repatriation
BW506000 M Combatant 1983 25 7/9/08 KASIKI KIGALI Repatriation
BW506100 M Combatant 7/9/08 KASIKI KIGALI Repatriation
BW506200 M Combatant 1988 20 7/9/08 KASIKI GISENYI Repatriation
BW506300 M Combatant 1983 25 7/9/08 KASIKI GISENYI Repatriation
BW506400 M Combatant 1967 41 7/9/08 KASIKI KIGALI Repatriation
BW506500 M Combatant 1982 26 7/9/08 KASIKI CYANGUGU Repatriation
BW506600 M Combatant 1948 54 7/9/08 KASIKI GISENYI Repatriation
BW506601 F Dependent 1979 29 7/9/08 KASIKI RUHENGERI Repatriation
BW506602 F Dependent 1999 9 7/9/08 KASIKI RUHENGERI Repatriation
BW506603 F Dependent 2003 5 7/9/08 KASIKI RUHENGERI Repatriation
BW506604 F Dependent 1905 3 7/9/08 KASIKI RUHENGERI Repatriation
BW506700 M Combatant 1983 25 7/9/08 KASIKI BYUMBA Repatriation
BW506800 M Combatant 1952 55 7/9/08 KASIKI RUHENGERI Repatriation
BW506900 M Combatant 1988 20 7/9/08 KASIKI KIGALI Repatriation
BW507000 M Combatant 1973 35 7/9/08 KASIKI RUHENGERI Repatriation
BW507100 M Combatant 1979 29 7/9/08 KASIKI RWANDA Repatriation
BW507200 M Combatant 1986 22 7/9/08 KASIKI GISENYI Repatriation
BW700100 F Refugee 1948 60 7/9/08 MASHUTA GISENYI Repatriation
BW700101 F Refugee 1994 14 7/9/08 MASHUTA GISENYI Repatriation
BW700200 F Refugee 1990 18 7/9/08 MASHUTA GISENYI Repatriation
BW700300 F Refugee 1992 16 7/9/08 KASIKI RUHENGERI Repatriation
BW700400 M Refugee 1949 61 7/9/08 MASHUTA RUHENGERI Repatriation

Combatants 65
Dependents 87
Refugees 5

Total 157

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Annex 10
Structure of Allied Democratic Forces

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Annex 11
Examples of past Western Union transfers allegedly
destined for ADF

Source: Banque Commerciale du Congo.

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Annex 12
Photo obtained from Burundian authorities of FNL
commander Antoine “Shuti” Baranyanka

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Annex 13
Summary of CNDP personnel, 31 December 2008
Gen Col Lt Maj Comd Cpt Lt SLt AC A1 Adjt 1SM SM 1Sgt Sgt Cpl Total
Bde Col
GHQ 1 2 3 9 3 22 21 20 50 56 3 38 15 34 165 442
Bn SP II 2 3 10 6 21 35 30 2 19 8 17 28 181
Aie 2 2 4 5 8 4 1 15 41
ZOps 3 1 16 4 64 65 27 141 3 94 25 73 74 97 382 1139
KAB
ZOps 1 2 8 2 25 34 38 92 2 45 5 44 33 45 214 590
MUT
ZOps 1 4 8 29 48 64 79 106 8 52 12 16 56 84 287 855
JAM
TOTAL 7 10 46 41 171 194 260 432 13 281 47 191 186 292 1076 3248

3,248 combatants:
1 General
63 Officers (Col, Lt Col, Maj) 1,9 %
666 Subordinate officers (Comdt, Capt, Lt, Slt) 20,5 %
1442 Sub-officers 44,3 %
1076 Corporals 33,1 %

Zone Ops Lumumba

ONP Admit Admit Out Pass C/Arres Duty Abs Total

Total 1587 121 6 64 18 5 9 28 1838

Bn SP I

ONP Admit Total

Bn SP I 126 126
Q7 56 8 64
Total 182 8 190

Total CNDP combatants in December 2008:

3,248 (GQG + Bn SP II + Aie + ZOps KAB / MUT / JAM) + 1,838 (ZOps LUM) + 190 (Bn SP I) = 5,276

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Annex 14
CNDP combatants declared 12 January 2009
11,080 combatants, divided as follows:
1 General
278 Officers (Col, LtCol, Maj) 2,5 %
2447 Subordinate officers (Comdt, Capt, Lt, Slt) 22 %

5108 Sub-officers 46.1 %

3246 Corporals 29,2 %

Gen Col Lt Maj Comdt Cpt Lt SLt AC A1 Adjt 1SM SM 1 Sgt Cpl TOTAL
Bde Col Sgt
Pre- 1 5276
integration
Proposed by 1 22 61 195 — 707 743 997 1256 171 910 ‘478 410 732 1151 3246 11080
CNDP
Difference 5804

Accepted 1 13 32 72 +/-
CEAG 11000

31/12/08 31/12/08 12/01/09 Estimated increase 31/12/08

Of 3248 combatants Of 5276 combatants to 12/01/09
Général 1 1 1 0
Offr 63 1.90 % 100 1.90 % 278 2.50 % 178
supérieurs +
Officier 666 20.50 % 1081 20.50 % 2447 22,00% 1366
subatrenes +
Sous-officiers 1442 44.30 % 2337 44.30 % 5108 46.10 % 2771
+
Caporaux 1076 33.10 % 1746 33.10 % 3246 29.20 % 1500
-
Total 3248 5276 = effectifs réels 11080 = effectifs 5804
(HQG+SPII+Aie+3xZOps) présentés GoRDC

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Annex 15
House containing an arms cache held by former CNDP
elements on a hill outside of Ngungu, Masisi territorya

a
GPS coordinates: 35N0706988 UTM9817206.

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Annex 16
Official records of tax revenue received by the CNDP
parallel administration of “Masisi/Mushake” for the month
of December 2009

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Annex 17
Photos of the Bwiza settlement controlled by CNDP within
the Virunga National Park

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Annex 18
Letter addressed to President Kabila by ex-CNDP
commanders protesting plans for redeployment outside of
the Kivus

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Annex 19
Decree from the Ministry of Mines suspending mining
activities in the provinces of South Kivu, North Kivu and
Maniema as of 11 September 2010

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Annex 20
Article 21 of the Democratic Republic of the Congo Mining
Code, law 007/2002, which prohibits the involvement of the
security forces in mining activities

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Annex 21
Articles of military penal code 023/2002 concerning
punishment for looting and violation of direct orders

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Annex 22
Canister allegedly containing uranium trafficked by FDLR
and Établissement Namukaya

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Annex 23
Engraving on canister allegedly containing uranium
trafficked by FDLR and Établissement Namukayaa

a
It reads: “URANIUM FABRIQUE CHIKOLOBWE DAN LA PROVINCE DU KATANGA 18960,
Nr. 238 RX9006-6 CHAMBRES 25”.

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Annex 24
Text message from Établissement Namukaya agent wishing
to sell alleged uranium

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Annex 25
Photograph of alleged uranium in the possession of
Établissement Namukaya agents

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Annex 26
Description of minerals in the possession of Établissement
Namukaya agentsa

a
The Group has reservations about the credibility of this document.

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Annex 27
Document obtained from the provincial mining division
demonstrating total exports of cassiterite from North Kivu
Province during the first half of 2010a

a
According to mining statistics in Walikale, Bisie produced approximately 3,000 tonnes of
cassiterite over this period.

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Annex 28
Letter from Walikale Territorial Administrator to
Lieutenant Colonel Yusuf Mboneza, commander of the
212th brigade, denouncing the involvement of his soldiers in
mining activities at Bisie

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Annex 29
Letter from the Military Prosecutor’s Office denouncing
Captain Zidane and overall insecurity at Bisie by soldiers of
the 212th brigade

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Annex 30
Letter from General Amisi ordering the removal of soldiers
from the 212th brigade and the installation of the mining
company Geminaco on 9 February 2010

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Annex 31
Letter from 8th Military Region Commander, General
Vainqueur Mayala, relaying an order of General Amisi

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Annex 32
Photos of those injured in violent confrontations with the
212th brigade during protests against the arrival of
Geminaco with military escorts at Mubi in early
March 2010

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Annex 33
Letter from Socagrimines addressed to the Minister of
National Defence, Charles Mwando Nsimba, denouncing the
militarization of Omate by Geminaco

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Annex 34
Soldiers of the reserve battalion under the command of
Major Safari overseeing mining activities in Omate in
July 2010

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Annex 35
Letter from the Military Prosecutor’s Office in Kinshasa
ordering the demilitarization of the Omate mine until
the conflict over mining rights is resolved through the
judicial system

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Annex 36
Letter from Minister of National Defence, Charles Mwando
Nsimba, to the Military Prosecutor’s Office and the General
Army Headquarters asking both to investigate the conflict
at Omate

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Annex 37
Ministry of Mines list of gold traders in Mubia

a
Geminaco has been selling gold from Omate to these individuals.

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Annex 38
Press statement of South African-based Dimension
Resources upon acquiring an 18 per cent stake in Geminaco
in May 2009a

Share Purchase and Option Agreement

05 May 2009
Dimension Resources, the natural resources company, announces that it has agreed to expand its
portfolio of interests in African mining companies by the acquisition of an 18 per cent. stake in
Societe Congo Mining Company Sprl (‘Geminaco’), a company which owns exploration rights in
the Democratic Republic of Congo, from its controlling shareholder, African Mining Investments
Ltd. This is in line with Dimension Resources’ existing strategy for expansion.

African Mining Investments Ltd is a newly formed company intended to facilitate this deal, and its
share capital will actually be issued between now and completion. There are a number of
shareholders, none of whom controls it individually, but as a group it is controlled by the founder
directors of Geminaco, Paul Lemmon, J. François Lalonde and Bernard J. Tourillon, who will hold
about 75% between them. Their CVs are below.

Dimension Resources will issue 124,339,876 new ordinary shares (‘Consideration Shares’) as
consideration for the stake in Geminaco. The contract is conditional on a fund raising by the
Company of £200,000 by 30 May 2009. The Consideration Shares will rank pari passu with the
Company’s existing ordinary shares and their admission to trading on AIM is expected to take
place following completion. The percentage of the Company’s total issued share capital
represented by the Consideration Shares will be announced on completion.

In addition, Dimension Resources has been granted an option, which is valid for two years from
the date of the agreement, over the balance of the issued share capital in Geminaco. The Company
will issue a further 342,062,667 new ordinary shares at 0.5p per share on exercise of the option.
Should the Company choose to exercise this option, it is likely that this would constitute a reverse
transaction under Rule 14 of the AIM Rules for Companies and shareholder approval would be
sought.

Geminaco is a gold exploration company, which owns the rights to 6 Exploration permits (Permis
des recherces) PR in the Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo. The permits total approximately
235 sq km, ranging in size from 12sq.km.to 108 sq, km. in area and the permits are numbered as
follows west to east; PR 8500,PR 7971, PR 7811, R 7587, PR 8501 & PR 7972. The PRs are
situated in the territory of Walikale, District of North Kivu, Territory of Punia, District of
Maniema, Territory of Banalia, District of Tshopo, Territory of Masisi, District of North Kivu and
Territory of Rutshuru, District of North Kivu.

Brian Moritz, Non-executive Chairman of Dimension Resources, said,

‘We are delighted to announce this stake in Geminaco, which represents an exciting development
in our strategy to invest in complementary mining businesses. We look forward to supporting the
Geminaco’s further development.’

a
Accessed by the Group on 28 July 2010 at http://www.dimensionresources.biz/publish/display-
item.php?newsid=38.

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Annex 39
Extracts from the conclusions of a five-day inclusive
seminar held in Walikale territory in June 2010 between
civil society members, administrative officials and
representatives of armed groups

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Annex 40
Colonel Chiviri’s “Prince de Zamunda” bar, in Kamituga,
where he is alleged to purchase gold and ore (the chairs are
labelled in his name)

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Annex 41
Text message from FDLR commander to Colonel Heshima
threatening to kill his family if he goes too quickly in
operations against them

Translation: “Ask Heshima to calm down and not pursue his brothers, notably the refugees. If not, we will exterminate
his family in Masisi. All who behave in the same way will run the same risk. Do not say that I did not warn you. Tell
him to calm down and to behave himself.”

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Annex 42
Samples of copper stockpiled by the 4th Division Commander,
Colonel Bernard Byamungu

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Annex 43
Official notes from a meeting between civil society, mining
authorities and FARDC officers in Manguredjipa, Lubero
territory, on 17 March 2010

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Annex 44
Timber production by the 22nd Sector at the “Madame
Merlo” farm between Kiroliwe and Kitchanga

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Annex 45
Trucks belonging to Major Eustache between Bibwe and
Nyange in Masisi territory

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Annex 46
Letter from Colonel Sadam requesting tax exemption for his
timber trucks
REPUBLIQUE DEMOCRATIQUE DU CONGO
PROVINCE DU NORD KIVU
TERRITOIRE DE MASISI
CHEFFERIE DE BASHALI

Objet : Demande de laissez-passer pour mon véhicule

Au Chef Coutumier de la Chefferie de BASHALI

Ce que je te demande, c’est de laisser d’abord libre ce véhicule

entre les mains du Chauffeur ASSUMA, de marque FUSO, numéro de plaque 6162
AAB par rapport aux taxes, impôts et autres frais de transport et de pillage route y
afférents, parce que ce véhicule m’appartient.

Fait à Goma, le 30 juillet 2010

Col. SADAM EDMOND RYNGO

Commandant 322 LAE INF

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Annex 47
List of FARDC officers exporting timber or recognized as
particularly active in the timber trade according to a mixed
committee of MONUSCO and the Government of the
Democratic Republic of the Congo

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Annex 48
Example of a Fuso truck carrying between 150 and
170 sacks (35 kg) of charcoal from Rutshuru territory

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Annex 49
Charcoal kilns in the southern sector of Virunga National Park

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Annex 50
Estimated 1,000 square kilometres controlled by former
CNDP elements of FARDC within the western sector of
Virunga National Park; aerial and ground photos attest to
claims of the arrival of cattle to graze in the park

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Annex 51
An example of “informant” cards distributed by FARDC
officers for charcoal traders and producers wishing to enter
the park

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Annex 52
Examples of identification cards of Rwandan nationals
arrested by ICCN for participation in the illegal charcoal
trade within Virunga National Park

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Annex 53
Examples of weekly registry of taxes paid to FARDC by a
fisherman near Vitshumbi

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Annex 54
Soldiers of the 131st brigade controlling access of
fishermen to Lake Edward and participating in illegal
fishing themselves

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Annex 55
Examples of FARDC involvement in poaching within
Virunga National Park

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Annex 56
Dry acid poisons planted by elephant poachers, often with
the protection of criminal networks within FARDC

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Annex 57
Statistics on minerals exported from the Democratic
Republic of the Congo to Rwanda
1. Minerals Supply Africa report of monthly imports to Rwanda from comptoirs
in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, January to July 2010

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2. Rwandan customs statistics for mineral exports, January to July 2010

3. Rwandan customs statistics for minerals imported from the Democratic

Republic of the Congo and re-exported, January to July 2010

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Annex 58
Due diligence documentation required by Congolese law
The Mining Code (2002) allows only registered buying houses (Fr: comptoirs) to
export minerals. Registered comptoirs must pay annual fees to the Division des
Mines, file a monthly report with the Division des Mines, allow its activities and
exports to be monitored by the Division des Mines, and have bank accounts into
which the proceeds from the sale of minerals are paid.
Each comptoir is required to maintain detailed and accurate records of purchases,
including the details of the negociants who supply the comptoir with minerals, their
work permits and location, together with the comptoir’s production and the minerals
it has in stock.
When a comptoir export minerals, the drumming of the minerals is required to take
place in the presence of different government services. The export is sampled, and
taxes paid according to the results of the sample.
In order legally addition to export minerals, a comptoir must have:
• an export licence from the Banque Centrale du Congo (BCC), showing a
description of the minerals, the name of the foreign buyer and the amount of
the purchase price to be repatriated to the DRC;
• a certificate of assay, issued by the Centre d’Evaluation, Expertise et Controle
(CEEC), based on a sample taken by officials when the product is drummed;
• a Procès Verbal d’Enfûtage, issued by various government services;
• a certificate of origin and export, issued by the CEEC;
• an authorisation of mineral export, from the Division des Mines;
• a certificate of verification of export, issued by the Office Congolais de
Contrôle (OCC);
• a certificate of assay, issued by the OCC;
• a declaration of final export from the Office des Douanes et Accises (OFIDA);
• a movement certificate from OFIDA, listing the name of the exporter.
All négociants (minerals buyers who supply comptoirs) require a “carte de
négociant,” which must be renewed on an annual basis. The card gives the identity
and location of each négociant.
Artisanal diggers (Fr: creuseurs) are required to be Congolese nationals, and to
possess a carte de creuseur. They are only entitled to sell their production to
négociants.
Government authorities issue a certificate called a Certificat de Déclaration
d’Origine for minerals, usually to creuseurs, as close as possible to the minerals’
sites of origin. The certificate lists the name of the owner of the product (in most
instances a “digger” or creuseur), the quality of the ore, the name of the mine, and if
possible the number of the individual’s carte de creuseur. This certificate then
accompanies the bags of minerals which are transported to the négociant.
Once the minerals are in the possession of the négociant, an Autorisation de
Transport des Minérais is issued by the Division of Mines. The certificate lists the
owner, references the taxes paid in connection with the product, and states where the
minerals are going so that ore can be traced to its point of origin. This system has

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been in place in Bisie since approximately April 2008, and was extended to Lubero
in approximately the first half of 2009.
In North Kivu, the Association of Négociants, or Association des Négociants de
Minérais du Nord Kivu (“ANEMKI”), has since mid-2009 begun implementation of
a Fiche de Tracabilité de minérais, listing taxes paid for each négociant’s minerals,
and details of where the product came from. If a négociant has sourced product from
several suppliers, the fiche will list each of the suppliers.

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Annex 59
Documentation provided by cassiterite mineral traders to
comptoirs in Bukavu, which refers only vaguely to the
general territory where the minerals were first registered by
Congolese mining authorities

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Annex 60
Official exports during the first three months of 2010 by
Établissement Namukaya

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Annex 61
Certificate of origin for export from Établissment
Namukaya to Pinacle EPZ Traders in Nairobi

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Annex 62
Flight routes available through New Congocom Air, run by
Établissement Namukaya

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Annex 63
Official exports by Berkenrode, run by Mutoka Ruganyira,
over the course of 2009

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Annex 64
Official exports by Berkenrode, run by Mutoka Ruganyira,
over the first seven months of 2010

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