Tbrsun B.

g, Historian of Mehmed the Conqueror's Time

Ti^t. BEG,1 author of Tartkh-i Abu' I-Fath,zleft us the most detailed

andimportant accountof Mehmedthe Conqueror's time. But, surpris-
ingly enough, his work was not known to the most famous historians
of the Ottoman Empire except for Kemal Pasha-zade;3 and very little
is known about his family.
In the course of my research on the cadi records of Bursa, I came
across some interesting information on Tursun's life and family.
These records occur between the dates Djumada II, 889 (begins on
June 26,1484) andDjumadal, 896 (begins on March 12, L491). They
show him as a partner in various legal transactions or as a witness at
some important cases.a
Tursun Beg's name is given in these records as, "Tursun Beg ibn
Harnza Beg,"s and also as "Mawlana Tursun Beg ibn tlamzaBeg."6
In his Tarlkh, Tursun mentionedDjiibbe "Ali Beg, governor of Bursa,
as his uncleT but never cited his father's name. However, we know that
Ftruz Beg was the father of HamzaBeg and "Ali Brg, Governor of
Iznik in 1422.8 Thus it becomes clear why Tursun, as a mernber of a
family which played a critically important role in Ottoman history
between the years 1380-1480, was entrusted, under Mehmed the
Conqueror, with the most important and delicate missions-as related
in his history.
Frruz Beg was one of the outstanding commanders under Murad I.
As the sandjak-beg of Ankara he took part in the battle of Konya
against "Ala d-Din the Karamanid in L387, and in the battle of
Kosovo-Polje in 1389.e Under Bayezid I he was moved to the gover-
norship of Antalya.lo Ankara was then given to his son Ya'k[b Beg
who distinguished himself by his defense against Timur tn I4021I and
who later played a dubious part in the struggle between Mehmed I
and his brother Siileymdn. An official record in the Ankara survey
bookl2 of 867H1(begins 26.IX. 1462) proves that he had recognized
 418 = Halil Inalctk Ttrrsun Beg, Historian of Mehmed the Conqueror's Time = 4L9

Stileymdn as Sultan in 1410. When Siileymdn had to leave for Rumeli was soon promoted to the governorshtp (beglerbegilik) of Anatolia
to go against MDsa Chelebi he enffusted Ya"kub with protecting his upon the death of Urudj (winter l4Z4 or spring 1425), and proved
Anatolian possessions.r3 Ya"kDb Beg for some time maintained an himself to be a match for Djiineyd, the most dangerous enemy of
independent position against Mehmed Chelebi (the future Mehmed Ottoman rule in Anatolia. flamzaeliminatedhim and brought Smyma
I), and did not take part in his campaign against Djtineyd Beg, of the and the old territory of Aydrn back under Ottoman sovereignty
dynasty of Aydrn-oghullan.la On his way back Mehmed took Ankara, (1425).20 He also played a crucial part in bringing to a successful end
captured Ya"ktb Beg and sent him to prison in Tokat (814 Wbegins the long siege of Salonica in 1430. Residing in Bursa and responsible
25. IV. 1411). Thus, under Mellmed I (1413-21) Firuz Beg's family, for Anatolian affairs, he was described as "le plus grand gouverneur
after a long period of control in Cenrral Anatolia from Ankara, lost du Turcq," by Bertrandon de la Broquidre in l43Z.?1flamzabeg built
some of its influence in the state. flamza, second son of Frruz B"g, in Bursa one of the most extensive complexes of charitable institu-
however, seems to have continued in governorship at Antalya as a tions in the city.22In the mosque's court there are three magnificent
loyal man of Mehmed I. mausoleums: HamzaBeg's, his wife's,23 andthatof his grandsonKara
In the struggle for the Ottoman throne against Mustafa, his uncle, Mustafl Pasha. Tursun Beg's tomb must be one of the thirteen tombs
and Dji.ineyd, Murld tr followed a lenient policy toward the important in the mausoleum of Harrrza Beg.
families and granted amnesty for those begs who had been involved Mugtafa Pasha or Kara Mustafa Pasha, third viztr at the imperial
in actions against his father.ls Hamza and "Ah, sons of Frruz Beg, Divan in 1473 (after MalrmDd and Gedik A(rmed)to enjoyed the
vigorously supported the young Sultan and played an important pafi complete confidence of Mehmed the Conqueror. He was assigned to
in consolidating his sultanate, thus becoming very influential figures make inquiries about Blyezid (later Bayezid tr) in Amasya in 1477%
during his reign. and to be his tutor (lala) in 1478. As tutor and then son-in-law of
In the summer of I422"Ah, son of FrrDz, then at Iznik (Nicaea), Bayezid, he became the closest and most ffusted man of Bayezid tr.
successfully defended the town against the attacks of the allied forces As the second vizb upon Bayezld's accession he led the stn:ggle
of Mustaf6., brother of Murad II, the Karamanids, the Germiyanids against the dictatorial power of Gedik Alrmed; but his rivals eventu-
and Isfendiyar Beg. This"Ali was apparently Djiibbe "Ah, governor of ally had him executed.26 The family continued, however, to hold
Bursa for a long time (at least during the perio dI444-56) under Murld important positions, always in Anatolia. Mustafa Pasha' s son Mehmed
II and Mehmed II. He and his son Mallmtd Beg played a central role Beg was governor of the sandjalc of KhudAvendigtu by 1503 and was
during the Varna crisis (1443-44).16 Evidently"Ali enjoyed the same married to another daughter of Bayezid II.27 Thus, along with the
confidence under Mehmed II as before, and remained governor of this Timurtash family, the Frruz Beg family held a key position in Anatolia
key city in Anatolia. As Tursun Beg tells us17 Dji.ibbe "Ali Beg was for over a century.
entrusted with the survey of Istanbul, a delicate job, in l456.It is most Hamza Beg's son Tursun was born to this illustrious family
probable that Djiibbe "Ali was appointed governor of Istanbul after he apparently sometime after 1426.28 Tursun mentions in his own work,
carried out the survey. composed after his retirement in Bursa about 1488, that he had been
The most celebrated member of the family was undoubtedly in government service for forty years. He must have had madrasa
Yamza Beg, father of our historian.l8 He was governor (subasht) of training, since he also was referred to as mawlana in the Bursa cadi
Karahisar when he heard that his father, governor of Antalya, had died records. As a son of a beglerbegi, he must automatically have been
(L421) and that Antalya was threatened by a joint attack from the begs granted atlmdr or zi'amet wlth the title of beg in accordance with the
of Teke and Karaman.le Hamza emerged as one of the ablest military Ottoman regulations. However, it seems that he did not like a sipahl's
leaders of his time when he defeated the joint attacks of the Karamanid life in the countryside and "chose (instead) to join his uncle Djiibbe
Mellmed Beg and the Hamid-oghlu "Ogman Chelebi in their siege of 'Ali Beg, governor of Bursa, to enjoy the good living in that city" (text
Antalya (September L4Z2-February 1423). Upon this success he was p. 60). In his history (p.9) he also stated that he was privileged to have
officially appointed governor of the sandj ak of Teke (1423). Hamza had the opportunity of working in and advancing through the ranks of
 42O = Halil Inalctk T[rsun Beg, Historian of Mehmed the Conqueror's Time = 42I
state servicewith "wisdom and righteousness" for forty years side by ascribing all credit for the Ottoman success in that campaign to
side with the great men of his age. Like the famous sixteenth century Mabmud Pasha (text pp. 139-a3).
historians Sellniki and "Ali, Tursun Beg too was a specialist in the Tursun Beg was lucky in writing his history in that he had the
financial branch of the secretarial profession and served as [,]-yandjt opportunity of being present in the D tv an as secretary when important
(provincial surveyor), Dlvan Kdtibi (Secretary in the Imperial Coun- historic decisions were made, and of witnessing important events first
ctI), Anadolu Defterdan (Financial Secretary in the province of hand. By virtue of his position, he was also present in the war councils
Anatolia), Anadolu Defter-Ketkhudasl (Keeper of the Timdr Regis- during Mahmud Pasha's campaigns and was able to record for us the
ters in the province of Anatolia), and finally D efterdar in the Imperial discussions and viewpoints which were debated in these councils.
Divan in Istanbul. (For example, see texr pp. 88, 118.) In all probability Tursun Beg
Tursun B"g, as a result of hts medrese education, was equipped entered Mahmud Pasha's service after having completed the survey
with all the necessary skills and knowledge to perform the duties of of houses in Istanbul with his uncle in the years L456-57 .Prior to rhat
mtins hI . Reaching the rank of muns ht was the ultimate achievement in he had been in Mehmed II's army in 7452 while ir was engaged in
the secretarial profession.2e In his history, Tursun Beg shows his building the fortifications at Rumeli-Hisar and was present at the
knowledge of Turkish, Arabic, andPersian as well as of the subtleties siege of Istanbul in 1453. He was in the company of Mehmed II during
of the literary arts, and his complete mastery of all the skills of a his first visit to the Aya-Sofya (Santa Sophia) after the capture of the
miinshl. Furthermore, his complete familiarity with the theories and city and recorded verbatim in his history the Conqueror's citation of
principles of Islamic statecraft and administration is apparent from the Khaklni's famous verse on that occasion (text p. 57). In view of the
introduction of his his tory (text pp. 1 1 -3 1 ) . After servin g on the survey detailed information which Tursun Beg provides about the Belgrade
commission for the Byzantine houses in Istanbul in 1456,30 Tursun campaign (text pp.70-75), he probably also accompanied the sultan
Beg participated in several other jobs in the provinces. Again under on this campaign. After having entered Mahm[d Pasha's service, he
Mehmed I[, Tursun Beg was involved in the survey inspection of the was always at the side of his master in all of the campaigns in which
yaya and milsellem troops in Anatolia in conjunction with Ishak he participated. we know with certainty that he was with MahmDd
Chelebi, Chalab-verdi, son of Sasa Beg, and Ilyls Beg, subasht of during his Serbian campaign of 1458 from the important details on
Kula.31 Tursun Beg was known during his time as ayandjr (secretary that campaign contained in his history. During the Kastamoni cam-
or sruveyor). Since the job of provincial surveyorwas adelicate one, paign it was he, acting as Mahmtd Pasha's DIvan Katibi, who
surveyors were appointed frorn among the most well-known and composed the letter summoning Isma'il Beg to surrender (text pp. 98-
trustworthy people.3z 99). He was with the army in the wallachian campaign of the summer
Tursun Beg's first important position in the secretarial profession of L462, and upon the capture of the island of Midilli (Lesbos) he was
was as d,lvan katibi under the Grand Vizir Mahmtd Pasha. Tursun allotted three slaves (text p. Il2) as his personal share of the booty.
states that he served under Mahmud Pasha for twelve years and that Likewise in the Bosnian campaign he was with Mahm[d Pasha in the
these years made up the happiest period of his life (text p.23). Since Sultan's anny (textpp. rt3-zz).when MahmldPashawas sentby the
Mahmud Pasha's first vizirate lasted twelve years, it can be inferred Sultan against Sokol and Kluc, Tursun Beg accompanied him (text p.
that Tursun was continuously in his service during this period. Tursun 119).
was bound to his benefactor and patron MalrmDd Pasha by ties of great Tursun participated in the Morean campaign against the Venetians,
respect. Even in his history, which was written long after Mahmtd again in the company of MahmDd Pasha, in L463. Following the
Pasha's death, Tursun always tries to vindicate his master's decisions enemy's flight, Mahmld sent Tursun as a messenger to inform the
and show their wisdom. For this reason Tursun can justly be accused Sultan of the victory. Tursun met up with the Sultan, who was at that
of partisanship in some of his historical depictions. One example is his time on his way toward the Morea with the remainder of the a-rmy, at
description of the conquest of Agriboz (or Igriboz, Euboea), in which Izdin (Zituni). He was immediately taken into the Sultan's presence
he gives no recognition to RDrn Mehmed for his accomplishments, by IsfakPasha, the secondvizir, and made his report. Everyone in the
 422 = Halil Inalctk Ttrrsun Beg, Historian of Mehmed the conqueror's Time = 423

army rejoiced at the news. The Sultan and government officials all MurD.d Pasha (text p. 53). Tursun Beg does not even so much as
gave rich presents to Tursun Beg, bearer of the good news. He mention Mahm0d Pasha's execution. Saying that sultans act with the
received so many presents in money and in valuable goods that even guidance and inspiration of God, Tursun Beg refrains from speaking
as he was writing his history he commented: critically of the Sultan. Nevertheless, he does not hesitate to voice
general cornments about the Conqueror's excessive temper (text pp.
At that time I had vowed never again to complain of 24-25) and impulsiveness (text pp.74, 153). Furthermore, Tursun
poverty, but now in my old age I am forced to break my tries in his history to demonstrate how Mahmud was always in the
vow. (text p. I25) right in his decisions, whether as military commanderor as statesman.
Tursun was active in Malrmld's service, aiding him in all his state and
In summer L464Tursun Beg was in the company of MahmDdPasha personal business in the role of a close assistant. As a poet and literary
when he went on the offensive against the Hungarians in Bosnia. After man Tursun was included in Mahmtd Pasha's private meetings in
the Hungarians had retreated, Tursun and Mihal-oghlu Iskender Beg which current politics, literature and other intellectual subjects were
were charged with the provisioning of the garrison at Izvornik discussed (text pp. 23-28). During one of these meetings Hayati, a
(Zvornik). In L466 and 1467 Tursun participated, along with the poetknown forhis wit and sense of humor, composed a taunting ve se
Sultan and Grand Vizir, in the first and second Albanian campaigns. addressed to Tursun Beg. According to the story in Sehi's Hasht
According to ourhistorian the Sultan actedparticularly mercilessly in Bihisht,33 Tursun never forgot this insult and was later held respon-
these campaigns in order to daunt the Albanians into submission (text sible for Hayati' s being put to death. After 147 Tursun Beg, as a high-
pp. 134-38). In July 1468 Tursun Beg's patron Mahmtd Pasha was ranking official in the Dlvan, accompanied the Sultan on the cam-
dismissed from office. Tursun gives information about the violent paigns which he personally led. As aresult of his being present in the
struggle for the Sultan's favor between Mal-lmfld Pasha and his rivals. Moldavian campaign (summer 1476), the campaign against the
While Mahmtd was on campaign against Serbia in 1458, the influ- Hungarians (winter L476), and in the campaign in Albania (summer
ence at court of the defterdarDitrik Sinan had grown as aresult of his 147 8), Tursun Beg was in a position to give interesting original details
being in company with the Sultan on his Morean campaign (text pp. concerning these campaigns. But it is evident that he was not present
9l-92). The rivalry between MatrmDd Pasha and Ditrik Sinan ended in the campaigns commanded by the pashas in which the Sultan did
with Sinan's dismissal and finally with his death. Later on, as not take part. As a result, his information on the events in Karaman
developments in Karaman grew inpolitical significance, a new group (7468-74), the crimean campaign (1475), rhe siege of Lepanto
with expertise and experience in Anatolian affairs gained influence as (1477), and the campaigns against Rhodes and otranto (1a80) is
the Sultan's advisors. As aresult of this change in the focus of policy, limited, and his treatment of these campaigns in the history is brief and
Ishak, Rum Mehmed, and Gedik Ahmed Pashas were now in the of a general character.
spotlight, and subsequently were promoted to the Grand Vizirate. According to what he himself says in his history, it is clear that after
Tursun Beg's treatment of these figures in his history is less than forty years of government service, Tursun Beg went into retirement
favorable. On the other hand, hepraises (aramdnTNishanditMehmed and was allotted the retirement pension set aside for members of the
Pasha, who was Gedik Ahmed Pasha's rival (text p. L72).It is likely religious institution.3a During the time in which he was occupied with
that Tursun Beg was on good terms with Mehmed Pasha since, like writing his history, Tursun Beg was living in Bursa, and his name is
himself, Mehmed Pasha was also a milnshl of Turkish origin. During mentioned many times in the Bursa Court Records for the years 889/
this period, Tursun Beg advanced rapidly through the ranks of the 7484,892/L487, and 896/L491 in connection with various undertak-
finance department, and when Mairmld Pasha was appointed Grand ings. In an entry dated 25 Djumada II 889/20 July 1484, the now
Vizir for the second time inl473 Tursun Beg was again in his service. venerable old man, author of our history, is referred to as "iftikhar al-
He still attempts to vindicate his benefactor in his treatment of the a"yan Tursun Beg bn. Hamza Beg." From another of the entries in
campaign against Uzun Hasan which resulted in the death of Khlss the Bursa court records we learn that Tursun Beg's wife was Selguk
 424 = Halil Inalctk Ttrrsun Beg, Historian of Mehmed the Conqueror's Time = 425

Khatun, the daughter of Balaban Pasha.3s That Tursun Beg had trvo There is one main theme which runs throughout Tursun's history:
daughters named Mahru and Faktr al-Nisa' is leamed from the Bursa the concept that the good order of state and society is inextricably
Court Records. From one of the entries (Sidjill A 8/8, p. 7 gb),we learn that bound to the being of the one Sultan. At the time of the history's
Tursun Beg was appointed mutawalli (administrator) to his uncle Djiibbe writing, everyone in ottoman society was under the influence of the
"Ah's walgf propefiy in Bursa. From another entry (Sidjill no. A 8/8,62b), destructive effects of the civil war which had broken out after
dated Djumada I, 896/begins 12. m. I49l,we learn that Tursun Beg sold Mehmed II's death. The fear that Sultan Djem, at that time in refuge
his house. It is most probable that Trnsun Beg started to write his history in Europe, would return to claim the throne and that civil war would
in Bursa in 1488. At this date he was in all likelihood over the age of sixty. again blaze out was universal (see especially text pp. 7 -3L, 17 5-84,
His date of death is unknown. 198). Sharing this feeling with all those who were concerned with the
well-being of the Ottoman state, Tursun desjred that BayezTd be
firmly established on the throne, and in his history he wanted to
TURSTIN BEG'S WORK
emphasize this point. The long introduction (pp. 1 1-3 1) was cerrainly
Tursun gave the title Tarlkh-i Abu' I Fath,History of the Conqueror, written for that pulpose.
to his work (p. 11). He, like many other Ottoman historians such as At the same time, Tursun did not neglect to express his awareness
Idris Bid.lisi, Djelalzade Muqlafh, Selanikr and'Ali, was an historian that it was through the conquests of Mehmed tr that the Ottoman state
belonging to the government secretarial (kuttab) class. Most of these had become the most powerful and respected state in the Islamic
historians also belonged to that category of bureaucrats known as the world. Bayezid II wanted an Ottoman history composed that would
katib-i tadbIr,36 who, as members of the highestrankin the secretarial show the superiority of the Ottoman House to other rival Islamic
profession, were in close relations with all the statesmen responsible dynasties in Iran and Egypt.37 During just the period in which Tursun
for the formulation of policy. They considered it part of their duty as was writing his history, a violent conflict broke out between the
historians to record their experiences as an aid to others in the good Ottomans and the Mamluks, who backed and supported Djem Sultan
management of government affairs. The state secretaries were di- and the Karamanid House in defiance of Bayezid II. It is likely that it
vided into two principal categories: those specializing in general was within the ambience of Ottoman-Mamlukrivalry that Tursun Beg
government colTespondence, insha' , and those specializing in the conceived the idea of writing a history of Mehmed's reign, with which
Financial Department, maliyye. Tursun B"g, like Sellnikr and 'Ah, he was so intimately familiar, and of presenting it to the new Sultan
belonged to the second category. Throughout his history, there are Blyezid. Tursun gives open expression to his anti-Mamluk feelings
indications showing his knowledge and familiarity with the profes- in his history.38
sion of a finance secretary. Especially noteworthy in this context is his Tursun also makes reference in his introduction (text pp. 9-10) to
attitude towards the material value of conquest and expansion. He the fact that he considered it a debt of gratitude to the late Sultan
looks upon conquest as a process by which state revenues could be Mehmed, for his generosity towards him, to compose a history of his
expanded (text pp. 22,25, 68,89-100, 113, lt7, lzl, 138, 166). reign. However, it is made clear that at the same time he expected
Tursun Beg intends his work, a.record of what had happened in the some reward from Bayezid II for the writing of his history. In the
past, as a guide and aid to administrators and statesmen in the proper appropriate places throughout the text he refers to his poverty and to
management of state affairs. He follows the general line of the Advice Sultan Bayezid's generosity (text pp. 8, 22, I25,I59, I79). Tursun
to Kings literary geme and subscribes to their approach to political also states that his purpose in writing the history of Mehmed's reign
theory. He puts gleat emphasis on the need for the king's justice and was to form the foundations for the history of Mehmed's young
protection of the re"ayamasses as the foundation of political stability. successor (text p. 17 9) . In fact, in the T arlkh-i Abu' I F athitself Tursun
Whenever in the course of his history a decision or course of action Beg covers the events of Bayezid's reign up to the year 1488. He also
is taken in the war councils, he indicates his opinion as to which gave expression to his intention to continue his history should his own
decisions were wise and correct and which were wrong and harmful. longevity permit (text p. 198).
 426 = Halil Inalctk Tlrsun B.g, Historian of Mehmed the Conqueror's Time : 427

As for Tursun Beg's historiographical methodology and manner of as seen by an inside observer.The central importance of artillery for
historical interpretation, he was firmly tied to the basic Islamic belief; the Conqueror in his founding of the empire is thus one issue which
that is to say, according to our author the course of history is is concretely confirmed by Tursun Beg's history. There can be no
predetermined by God's predestination. Thus, whatever project the doubt whatsoever that it is the most important Ottoman source for the
Sultan might undertake, its outcome was subject to this predestina- period of Mehmed fl's reign.
tion, and success was granted to the Sultan in all his undertakings as Like most of the milnshts, Tursun Beg was also apoet. The couplets
a result of the backing and supporr. (te'ytd) of God (text pp. 15, 160, and verses sprinkled throughouthis history give ample evidence of his
170, LgL, Lgg-90, 1gg). quite considerable skill in the poetic arts. He was given a present of
In the Ottoman state and the Islamic states which preceded it, there a sable fur, a robe of honor, and 2,000 akgain cash for the poem which
had existed an official or semi-official school of historiography which he presented to Mehmed II on his return to Edirne after the winter
was based on official government documents, especially corespon- campaign of L47 6 (text pp. 165-66). He also celebrated the occasion
dence and memos to and frorn the Sultan (talkhl;at).3e Histories of Bayezid II's first campaign and the conquest of Ak-Kerman and
written by historians of this school are detailed and all-inclusive, Kilia in 1484 by greeting the returning Sultan with a verse (text pp.
usually giving precise and accurate information about the events 189-90).
described and their dates of occurrence. Another category or school Tursun Beg's history was written in the official literary prose style
of historical writing, on the other hand, was exhibited in the personal which was in the process of development in Ottoman government
histories based on the historian's own reminiscences or experiences circles at that time,ao and can thus be regarded as one of the first and
rather than on official documentation. Tursun Beg's history belongs most important examples of the fifteenth century Ottoman historical
in this second category. He states in his introduction (text p. 11) that writing. This high-flown literary insha' language seems to have
he wrote his history using information about events which he had developed in the time of Murad II on the basis of imitation of Persian
either witnessed himself or information that was currently accepted as models,al and thus contains many anomalies which were not well
common public knowled ge ( "Beyn al-nas tevatur ile Eabit" ). For this incoqporated into the structure of the Turkish language nor firmly
reason, a great many mistakes are present both in the chronology and established in their usage. It is perhaps for this reason that the Tarth-
in the protagonists of events which he describes. There are many i Abu' I Fath was somewhat lacking in popularity among later genera-
important events which we e not personally witnessed by the author tions of Ottoman historians.
and are therefore left uncovered in his work. It is for certain that his This work was, however, one of the principal sources upon which
work is far from being a complete or comprehensive history of the Kemll Pasha-zade relied when he composed the section of his history
reign of Mehmed II. The importance of this history derives not from dealing with the reign of Mehmed II. Idris Bidlisi and Sa"d al-Din
its completeness, but rather from the fact that it is based on the apparently remained unaware of the existence of Tursun's work.
personal reminiscences of a man, Tursun B"g, who served for forty
years in the highest government circles, andwho was in close contact
with the influential men and decision makers of his time. TheTarlkh- NOTES
i Abu'l-Fath thus constitutes a first hand source for the study of the
attitudes of the Ottoman ruling class, their inner power struggles, the 1. Our historian says (M. Arif, ed.ition, p. 8, see note 2 below) his
character and contents of their war councils, aspects of Ottoman name is originally Tur-SIna, a Qur'anic name distorted into Tursun
society and culture whose private nature makes them little susceptible meaning in Turkish, "let him survive." Tursun, a popular name
to study through the official and semi-official histories. Tursun's extensively used in the period was evidently not liked by our author.
work is also one of the most reliable sources for the personalities of Besides, apoet, flayati (Sehi, Tedhkire, Istanbul L325 H. p. 70) made
Mehmed II and Mabmld Pasha, as well as for an understanding of the fun of him by referring to the original meaning of Tursun, which our
most important internal and external issues and problems of the day author resented.
 ^w
t#.

iffi T\rrsun Beg, Historian of Mehmed the Conqueror's Time = 429

428 = Halil Inalctk
2. MehmeO Arif published this work (as a supplement to Tarlkh- Flemming, Landschaftsgeschichte von Pamphylien, Pisidien und
t "O;man/ Endjtimeni Medjmu"asr, Istanbul, 1330 H.) using three l* Lykien im Spiitmittelalter, Wiesbaden, 1964, pp. 101-09, suggests
manuscripts, two at the Topkapr Palace Library, Istanbul, Revan no. that the Ottoman conquest took place between 1397 -99.It may be that
LO97 and Revan no. 1098 and one at the Aya Sofya Library (now at l" the Ottomans lost the city during the confusion after the death of
the Stileymaniye Library) no. 3032. In his edition M. Arif relegated Murad at the battle of Kosovo-Polje in 1389. Accordin gtoTakvtmler
to the footnotes the best version, the Aya Sofya MS, most probably the (O. Turan, ibid.) Bayezld I invaded "the entfe territory of Teke" in
original copy presented to Bd'yendll, bearing the seal of this Sultan. 1390. Our FrruzBeg is often confused with another Fu[z Beg who
Two more copies are known of Tarikh-i Abu'l Fath, one at the
I' was at the frontier on the Danube (B. Flemmin g,II9,l2L,I30; i. H.
Topkapr Palace Library, Hazine no. 1470 (see F. Karatay, Tilrkge Uzungargth, Osmanh Tarihi,I, third edition, Ankara, L972, p. 265).
l, In Wittek (ibid., pp. 79, 84-85, 1I9, 747, especially p. 86 note 1), our
Yazmalar Katalo!,u,vol.1, Istanbul,, L967,p.204); and the other at the
national library of Vienna (see G. Fliigel, Die Arabischen, Persischen Frruz is apparently mixed up with the Frruz of Vidin and Khodja Fruz
undTiirkischenHandschriften.. . ,II, p.207,MS no. 1984). Rhoads (Piruz), governor of Menteshe. The latter must be a eunuch, an agha,
Murphey and I made a facsimile edition of the Aya Sofya Ms with a I
perhaps akapt-aghast, when he was appointed governor of Menteshe
surnmary translation: The History of Mehmed the Conqueror, (cf. Dr,isrurname-i EnverI, ed. M. Halil, Istanbul, 1928, p. 88: Firuz
Biblioteca Islamica: Minneapolis and Chic&go, 1978. i
Agha).
3. See H. Inalcrk, "Mehmed the Conqueror and His Time," rnSpecu- 11. See Sharaf al-Din "AITYazdl, Zafarndma, ed. A. IJrunbayev,
lum, vol. )OO(V, 1960, pp. 408-27 . A passage from Tursun Beg was Tashkent, 1972, p. 408a-b.
quoted tn a Medjmu"a Q{oprtilii Library, Istanbul, no. 1596,, p. 363). 12. BaEvekdlet ArEivi, Istanbul, Mdliyeden Mildevver Defterler,
4. These records are to be found in the stdjill no. A 414: 6b,135b, no. 9, p. 1 : " Karye-i U ghur gayln khassa-i sandj ak, tlmar-i SilIeyman
I47b,3O4a; no. A 5/5:341a; no. A 8/8: 62a,79b. According to these Beg,Khudavendigar zamamnda Flruz Beg sattn almtsh, fercrAftan
records Tursun was present in Bursa at least between Diumada II 8 89/ sonra oghluYa"kub Beg 'ushrin haftzlara walgfetrntsh." In another
June 1484 andDjumddaI Sg6fl\zlarch1491. All these sidjillbooks are place (p. 229): "Ya"kub Beg Destdrlu'yu satun ahdjak Hadjdjt Sinan
at the Bursa Arkeoloji Mtizsi, Bursa; for facsimiles, see H. Inalcik, elinde duta-durdughu bir giftlik yeri walgf-i ewlad etmtsh, Emlr
"Tursun Beg, Historian of Mehmed the Conqueror's Time," Wiener Stileyman dahi mr,isellem dutup mektub vermish. . ." See also Neshrr,
Z eitschrift fitr dte Kundes des Morgenlandes,69 (1977). ibid., pp. t23-25.
5. Sidjill no. A 4/q: L47b: Iftikhar al-a"y6n Tursun Beg b. Hamza. 13. Neshri, ibid.
H. Htisameddin (AmasyaTarihi,Ist. 1923 ,p.206) speaks of a certain 14. Neshn,ibid., pp. 135-36.
"Tursun Qelebi bn. Bakhshdyish Beg" who became defterdar and 1.5. "Murad I[" (H. Inalc:ix) isldmAnsiklopedist,v. 8,pp. 598-601.

muharrir-i vildyet to prince "Ala' al-Din rn 8351I43L-32. 16. H. Inalcrk, FAfih Devri tizertnde Tetkikler ve Vestkalar, An-
6. Sidjill A 8/8: 62a. kara, 1954, pp. 37 -53.
7. ""Ammum Djiibbe"Ali Beg ki o eqnada Bursa Begi idi" (p. 60). 17. P. 60.
8. Cf. Sa"d al-Din, Tadi al-Tawd.rikh,Ist. 1279 H., p. 316. 18. This Hamza has been mixed up with other Hamzas who lived
9. See Neshri, Gthannuma,I,ed. F. Taeschner,Letpzig, 1951, pp. in the same period. Dukas (ed. V. Grecu, Bucharest, 1958, Index:
61, 67 . Chamza) was mistaken in identifying him with Hamza, brother of
10. P. Wittek, Das Filrstentum Mentesche, Amsterdam, L967 , Grand Vizir Bayezid Pasha. The same mistake appears in H.
(reprint), p. 81, put the date of the Ottoman conquest of Antalya in the Hiisameddin (vol. III, p. 203).In his work, HamzaBegTarihi, Bursa,
fall of I39l or early summer, 1392. According to a newly discovered 1949 , AliZiyaTopaE mixed our l,Iamza with Bayezid Pasha's brother

source (Tariht Tal<vimler, ed. Osman Turan, Ankara, t954, p. 18) who was active in the 1400's, andHamzaBegwho was killed by Vlad
Antalya was first conquered by Murld I in 1388. Now Barbara Dracul in 1461.
 14,

ti T[rsun Beg, Historian of Mehmed the Conqueror's Time = 431

43O = HaIiI Inalc*
1 9.
Here is a translation of the passage in the Anonymous Chronicles 28. If his motherwas the daughterof 'Oqman Chelebr, see note23.
(ed. F. Giese, p. 60): "At this time Antalya was guarded by Firuz B"g, Tursun was a junior secretary rn L444.
one of the well known servants of Mehmed I's grandfather. Mehmed 29. See my article, "Reis al-Kiittdb," Isldm Ansiklopedisi.
I had appointed him governor of this place. He died at the time when 30. H. Inalcrk, "The Policy of Mehmed tI . . . ," Dumbarton Oaks
Mehmed I died (May, L42l).HarnzaB"g, son of Firuz Beg, the subaEt Papers vol.23-24 (1969-70), pp. 231-49.
(governor) of Karahisar, left there one of his men and came down to 3I. "Tursun B eg ve Ishak Q elebt ve Sasa B eg oghlu Qalab-v erdi ve
Antalya." Kula Subasfust llyas Beg yazdtklart yayamn ve musellemin defteri"
20. See "MuradII" |nlsldmAnsiklopedisi, v. 8, pp. 60L-A2.Forthe (Bursa, Sidjill no. A 4/4, I35b, 884 H.).
dates: F. Thiriet, Registre des ddlibdrations du S€nat de Venise 32. See H. Inalcrk, Defter-i Sancak-i Arvanid, Ankara, L954,
concernont la Romanie, v. II, Paris and the Hague, 1959, nos. 1949, Introduction, pp. xiii-xiv.
1980. 33. Printed edition, Istanbul, 1325H., p. 70.
21. Voyage d' outremer, ed. Ch. Schefer, 1892, p. 127 . 34. See Arif's text (pp. 8, 10), "wa?-tfe ve idrdr."
22. The complex originally included a mosque, a madrasa, and a 35. Balaban Beg (Pasha) was appointed governor of Menteshe in
zaviye. Of the madrasa only parts of its walls are left. For the actual 829IJ./begins 13. XI. 1425 ('Ashrk Pashazdde,p. 167; Neshn, L57;
position see K6.zrm Baykal,Bursave Arutlarr, Bursa, 1950, p. 36. The Wittek, ibtd., p. 100) when Hamza Beg was governor of Anatolia.
district around the complex is called Hamza Bey Mahallesi after his Balaban Beg was at the siege of Salonica in L425 (Iorga, GOR,I, p.
name. 402), was governorof Gallipoli (his mrilkndme dated 1 Muh. 840/16.
23. HamzaBeg married the sister of "Ogman Qelebi of the Teke August 1436, Topkapr Palace Archives, Sinan Pasha documents no.
dynasty in 83O/begins 2.X.I. 1426 (Sa"d al-Drn, Tadj al-Tawarlkh,I, 156; his waffiyye dated 846/begins 12. V.7442, on the madrasa and
Istanbul, L279 H., p. 231).IIer mausoleum, adjacent to the mosque, bath he built in Gallipoli, T. Gokbilgin, p. 261), became governor of
houses two tombs besides her own.In1432 Broquidre (ibid.) found Tokat in 1439 (Neshn, p. 168; H. Hiisameddin, ibid.,216), died in
her in the pilgrimage caravan returning from Damascus. It is most Edirne 850/begins 29.IIl. 1446, and was buried in the court of the
probable that this lady was Tursun Beg's mother. mosque he built in Edirne (for his awl.caf see T. Gokbilgrn, ibid., pp.
24. Neshn, ibid., p. 208. 63,223-24).
25.H. Hiisameddin, Amasya Tarihi, Vol. III, Istanbul, 1927, p. 36. See "Reis til-KiittAb," Isldm Ansiklopedisi, vol. 9, p.677.
23I; documents at the Topkapr Palace Archives (no. 6366) confirm 37 . Historians of the Middle East, eds. B. Lewis and P. Holt,
this information. London, 1962,p. 164.
26. D. daLezze, HistoriaTurchesca,ed. I., lJrsu, Bucharest, 19 10, 38. Arif's texr, pp. 183, 192-97: "ki kulun olsa dja'iz Misra
p. 180; H. Hiisameddin, ibid., p. 235; Solakzlde, TarIkh, Istanbul, Sultan," (text p. 189). For reference to the fact that Mehmed's last
t297, p. 873; "Agt Paga-zade, ed. N. Atsrz, Istanbul, 1947,p.243. campaign was intended to crush the Mamluks see pp. I7I-72.
27 . S ee document in T. Gdkbil g rn, E dir ne v e P aS a Liv dsr,Istanbul, 39. Examples of this school of historical writing are Ibn Taghribirdi
t952,p. 47 4. Mustafa Pasha and his wife $adidje Sultan, daughter of among the Mamluks, and among the Ottomans Frndrkhh Si11hd6:r
Blyezid II, had a large estate at Kiikiirtli.i-Karamustafa thermal baths Mehmed Agha.
nerr Bursa. fladidje Sultan's mausoleum near the Kiikiirtlii, recently 40. "Htlye-i insha' ile mutezeyyinbir suret taswir ve takrlr edem"
repaired, is one of the most imposing monuments in Bursa. It houses (p. 1o).
eleven tombs. Mustafb Pasha constructed a complex here with a 41. Examples of this open imitation of Persian models can easily be
mosque, madrasa, and a bath (see A. Z.Topag, ibid.). Today only the found in Menahidj al-Insha', ed. $inasi Tekin, Cambridge, Mass.,
b ath, Karamu s tafa Kap hdj a sr, formerly Akg a Hamam, s tands . Mu g lafd: 1973.
Pasha's mausoleum is in the court of Hamza Beg mosque.
Indiana University Turkish Studies and
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