Arnold Dorothea The Royal Women of Amarn PDF

THE METROPOLITAN MUSEUM OF ART
THE
ROYAL WOMEN
OF AMARNA
THE
ROYAL WOMEN
OF AMARNA
Images ofBeauty from Ancient Egypt
DOROTHEA ARNOLD
With contributions by
James P. Allen and L. Green
THE METROPOLITAN MUSEUM OF ART

Distributed by Harry N. Abrams, Inc., New York
This publication is issued in conjunction with the exhibition "Queen Nefertiti and the Royal Women:
Images of Beauty from Ancient Egypt," held at The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York,
October 8, 1996-February 2, 1997.
The exhibition is made possible in part by Lewis B. and Dorothy Cullman.
This publication is made possible by the Doris Duke Fund for Publications.
Published by The Metropolitan Museum of Art

John P. O'Neill, Editor in Chief
Teresa Egan, Editor
Bruce Campbell, Designer
Richard Bonk, Production
Penny Jones, Bibliographer
Robert Weisberg, Computer Specialist
Photography by Bruce White, except as noted in the List of Illustrations

Color separations by Prographics, Rockford, Illinois
Printed and bound by Meridian Printing Company, East Greenwich, Rhode Island
Jacket/Cover: Head of a princess from the Thutmose workshop at Amarna. Brown quartzite.
Agyptisches Museum, Berlin
Frontispiece: Head ofNefertiti from the Thutmose workshop at Amarna. Yellow quartzite.
Copyright © 1996 by The Metropolitan Museum of Art

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any
form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording,
or any information storage and retrieval system without permission in writing
from the publisher.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Arnold, Dorothea.
The royal women of Amarna: images of beauty from ancient Egypt I
Dorothea Arnold with contributions by James P. Allen and L. Green.
p. em.
Catalogue for an exhibition, Oct. 8, 1996-Feb. 2, 1997, at The Metropolitan Museum of Art.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 0-87099-816-1 (he).- ISBN 0-87099-818-8 (pbk.)- ISBN 0-8109-6504-6 (Abrams)
I. Portrait sculpture, Egyptian-Egypt-Tell el-Amarna-
Exhibitions. 2. Portrait sculpture, Ancient-Egypt-Tell
el-Amarna-Exhibitions. 3· Amenhotep IV, King of Egypt-Family-Art-
Exhibitions. 4· Queens-Egypt-Tell el-Amarna-Portraits-Exhibitions.
5· Princesses-Egypt-Tell el-Amarna-Portraits-Exhibitions.
I. The Metropolitan Museum of Art (New York, N.Y.) II. Title.
NB1296.2.A75 1996
732' .8'o747471-dc2o
CONTENTS
Director's Foreword Vll
Acknowledgments lX
List ofIllustrations Xl
Chronology: The Amarna Period XVlll
Genealogy: The Royal Family ofAmarna XX
Map ofEgypt XXll
THE RELIGION OF AMARNA

james P. Allen 3
THE ROYAL WOMEN OF AMARNA: WHO WAS WHO

L. Green 7
AN ARTISTIC REVOLUTION: THE EARLY YEARS OF

KING AMENHOTEP IV I AKHENATEN
Dorothea Arnold 17
THE WORKSHOP OF THE SCULPTOR THUTMOSE

Dorothea Arnold 41
ASPECTS OF THE ROYAL FEMALE IMAGE DURING

THE AMARNA PERIOD
Dorothea Arnold
YOUTH AND OLD AGE: THE POST-AMARNA PERIOD

Dorothea Arnold 121
Checklist ofthe Exhibition

Notes
Glossary
Bibliography
Index
DIRECTOR'S FOREWORD
The exhibition "Queen Nefertiti and the Royal images of Queen Nefertiti (figs. 31, 65-69, 71, 72, 74)
Women: Images of Beauty from Ancient Egypt," to and her daughters (figs. 46-53). To unite-and in a
which this book serves as introduction and guide, way reunite-in an exhibition some of these remarkable
came about through a fortunate coincidence involving sculptures under the common theme of the royal
two major collections of ancient Egyptian art. In female image in Amarna art was an exciting possibility;
1995, a generous gift from Judith and Russell Carson and the thought that such an exhibition might accom-
enabled the Metropolitan Museum to undertake pany the opening of our own new Amarna display was
a much-needed gallery reconstruction and a totally irresistible. Indeed, both the new installation and the
new installation of the Museum's collection of art exhibition were initiated by Dorothea Arnold, to whom
from the Amarna and the post-Amarna Periods, we are also indebted for this catalogue. Through the gen-
that is, the reign of the pharaoh Amenhotep IV I erosity of the Director of the Agyptisches Museum und
Akhenaten (ca. 1353-1336 B.c.) and the generation Papyrussammlung, Berlin, Professor Dietrich Wildung,
after him (ca. 1336-1295 B.c.). At virtually the same the largest lender, and the cooperation of the General
time, in May 1995, the Agyptisches Museum in Berlin Director of the Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Professor
opened the first comprehensive display since 1939 Wolf-Dieter Dube, as well as the other lenders men-
of that museum's outstanding collection of Amarna art. tioned below, the idea materialized in the present
This presentation was now possible because the reuni- exhibition. We are most grateful as well to Lewis B. and
fication of Germany had brought together the two Dorothy Cullman, whose financial support allowed us
parts of the Berlin Egyptian art collection that World to proceed.
War II had divided into eastern and western sections. No major statement about ancient Egyptian art can be
For the first time since the groundbreaking exhibition made, of course, without including at least some works
arranged in 1973 by Bernard V. Bothmer at The from the rich collections of the Egyptian Museum, Cairo.
Brooklyn Museum, major works from Amarna could The Cairo museum's General Director, Dr. Mohamed
be seen together, with special emphasis on the finds Saleh, was most cooperative and generous in allowing
from the studios of the sculptor Thutmose, which had us to photograph and study the relevant works under
been excavated by German archaeologists in 1912. his care. A number of crucial sculptures, above all the
While studying our own collection, Dorothea quartzite head of Nefertiti from Memphis (figs. 31, 65),
Arnold, Lila Acheson Wallace curator in charge of the the heads of princesses (figs. 50-53), an early head of
Museum's Department of Egyptian Art, had come to Nefertiti (fig. 2), and two important sculptors' relief
realize the importance of female images among the models (figs. 62, 108) could thus be incorporated into
extant works of Amarna art. This impression was the enterprise. The Supreme Council of Antiquities of
strengthened during her visit to the new display in Egypt and its Secretary General, Professor Abdel Halim
Berlin whose centerpiece is the famous painted bust of Nur el-Din, also lent significant support, and I want to
Queen Nefertiti. But the Nefertiti icon does not by thank them most sincerely for their cooperation.
any means stand alone. The Metropolitan head of From elsewhere, other sculptures could be included,
Queen Tiye in red quartzite (here, figs. 42, 44) finds an such as the magnificent torso and the princess's bust
exquisite counterpart in Berlin's wooden head of the from the Musee du Louvre. Paris (figs. 21, 22, 117-119) and
queen from Medinet el-Ghurab (figs. 23, 26), and the works in the Petrie Museum, London; the Ashmolean
discourse on female beauty intriguingly opened by the Museum, Oxford; the Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek,
artist of the Metropolitan's yellow jasper fragment Copenhagen; The Brooklyn Museum; the Museum of
(figs. 27, 29) is carried on and expanded in the Berlin Fine Arts, Boston; the University Museum, Philadelphia;
Vll
DIRECTOR'S FOREWORD
and the Regio Museo Archeologico, Florence, thanks to paintings included naturalistic details and lively ges-
the kind collaboration of these institutions. tures that replaced the often static representations
The pharaoh who ascended the throne of Egypt in of earlier periods. Sculptures in the round rendered
about 1353 B.C. as Amenhotep IV and later changed his the physical appearance of the king and members of
name to Akhenaten was forgotten soon after his death, his family and court in a personalized manner of
his memory lost even to later historians in Egypt, unprecedented subtlety and refinement. Significantly,
Greece, and Rome. Only in the middle of the last cen- not only the king and male officials but to a large
tury was Akhenaten rediscovered by travelers and extent also the queen, queen mother, and other female
Egyptologists who visited-and later excavated-the members of the royal family and court were portrayed
ruins of his city at present-day Tell el-Amarna, between in this way. Such is the immediacy of these images that
el-Minya and Asyut in Middle Egypt. From the ruins one comes away from contemplating them with the
at Amarna, from inscriptions, reliefs, paintings, and impression of knowing intimately a group of remark-
sculptures the image of a remarkable personality has able women who lived more than three thousand years
been resurrected. Founder of the world's oldest known ago, and of discovering an approach to art of a
monotheistic religion, Akhenaten propagated the refinement, expressiveness, and originality of absolutely
belief in a single deity-the Aten, sun disk-whose the highest order.
ultimate manifestation was light itself Its emphasis on
the visible and tangible reality of all things, the here Philippe de Montebello
and now in life, had a deep and far-reaching impact on Director
the culture and art of Egypt. Narrative reliefs and The Metropolitan Museum ofArt
Vlll
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The author wishes to thank all those who contributed Hannelore Kischkewitz made the field inventory of the
to "Queen Nefertiti and the Royal Women: Images of Deutsche Orientgesellschaft's Amarna excavations
Beauty from Ancient Egypt," held at The Metropolitan available and graciously allowed us the use of her study
Museum of Art, October 8, 1996-February 2, 1997. for our work. Both she and Dr. Rolf Krauss took
This exhibition was made possible in part by part in most informative discussions, and Dr. Krauss
Lewis B. and Dorothy Cullman. The publication provided a number of rare publications. In Cairo,
was made possible by the Doris Duke Fund for we were kindly and ably assisted by the curator of the
Publications. New Kingdom section, Adel Mahmoud, and his col-
Thanks go especially to the following institutions leagues, and in Paris, Christophe Barbotin and
that made generous loans and to their directors and Genevieve Pierrat of the Musee du Louvre helped in
staff members who provided invaluable assistance and every possible way. In Oxford, Dr. Helen Whitehouse
expertise. Berlin: Professor Dietrich Wildung, Director and Mark Norman were our gracious hosts at the
of the Agyptisches Museum und Papyrussammlung; Ashmolean Museum, and in London Rosalind Janssen
Cairo: Dr. Mohamed Saleh, Director General of the at the Petrie Museum gave welcome assistance. To
Egyptian Museum; London: Dr. Barbara Adams, all these colleagues, we extend our most grateful
Curator, the Petrie Museum; Oxford: Dr. Helen appreciation.
Whitehouse, in charge of the Egyptian collection, the At the Metropolitan Museum first thanks are due to
Ashmolean Museum; Paris: Dr. Christiane Ziegler, the director, Philippe de Montebello, without whose
Conservateur General Chargee du Departement des stimulating interest and encouragement nothing could
Antiquites Egyptiennes, Musee du Louvre. have been achieved. Next, appreciation goes to John P.
Boston: Dr. Rita Freed and Dr. Peter Lacovara, the O'Neill, editor in chief, and his talented and efficient
Museum of Fine Arts; Brooklyn: Dr. Richard Fazzini staff: Teresa Egan, editor; Bruce Campbell, designer;
and Dr. James Romano, The Brooklyn Museum; Richard Bonk, production manager; Penny Jones, bib-
Copenhagen: Dr. Mogen J 0rgensen, Ny Carlsberg liographer; Peter Rooney, indexer; and Robert
Glyptotek; Florence: Soprintendente Dott. Francesco Weisberg, computer specialist.
Nicosia and Ispettore Dott. Maria Cristina Guidotti, 11 The photographs by Bruce White speak for them-
Regio Museo Archeologico di Firenze; Munich: Dr. selves. It was a pleasure to work with such an accom-
Sylvia Schoske, Staatliche Sammlung Agyptischer plished, sensitive, and gifted photographer. Discussions
Kunst; Philadelphia: Professor David Silverman and with colleagues in the Museum's Department of
Jennifer R. Houser, University Museum, the University Egyptian Art, especially James P. Allen (a contributing
of Pennsylvania. author) and Marsha Hill, but also Dieter Arnold and
Warmly appreciated also were the loans from the Catharine Roehrig, were of great importance to the for-
Thalassic Collection (courtesy Mr. and Mrs. Theodore mation of the thoughts and interpretations presented
Halkedis) and the collection of Jack Josephson, New in this publication. Barry Girsh created the computer
York, as well as from an anonymous collector. reconstructions of the Thutmose workshop (figs. 34, 35)
All these individuals and institutions were not only and produced maps and other drawings. Anne
willing to lend objects to the exhibition but also Heywood of the Department of Objects Conservation
allowed the works of art in their collections to be pho- lent her expertise to the preparation of the exhibition.
tographed and studied, and staff members were most Adela Oppenheim checked references, ably assisted by
generous with their time and expertise. In Berlin, Dr. Laurel Flentye, and posed pertinent questions.
IX
AcKNOWLEDGMENTS
Alessandra Caropresi assembled a valuable collection of Liepe restored the statuette of a female from a private
articles from periodicals, and Susan Allen was indefati- collection (fig. 124). My sister and brother-in-law,
gable in searching for literature not in the Museum's Helene and Heinz Amtmann, welcomed me to their
library. To all of them, heartfelt thanks. apartment in Berlin during the period of study and
Of the colleagues and friends from outside the photography spent there. And my children, Felix and
Museum, I thank Dr. L. Green for participating in our Anja, drove me to Paris during the railway strike of 1995.
project by providing the prosopographical essay and
Dr. David Minnenberg for taking time from his busy ANKHU DJET NEHEH
schedule to review the anatomy of the human head (May they all live forever continually!)
with me and provide relevant literature. Ute Seiler D. A.
X
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
(For an explanation ofthe dates, see Checklist ofthe Exhibition, p. I29.)
Fig. 1. Fragment from a colossal head of ca. Year 14

Amenhotep IV 2 Gold
Karnak, Years 2-5 H. 4-5 (r~ in.), Diam. 1.5 em (Ys in.)
Sandstone The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, Theodore
H. 32.2 em (n~ in.) M. Davis Collection, Bequest ofTheodore M. Davis, 1915
Staatliche Sammlung Agyptischer Kunst, Munich (30.8.372)
(AS 6290). Photo: courtesy of the museum
Fig. 7· Lid of a small box showing a child and the name of
Fig. 2. Fragment from a colossal head ofNefertiti 6 Princess Nefernefrure I2
Karnak, Years 2-5 Western Thebes, Valley of the Kings, tomb of
Sandstone Tutankhamun (KV 62), ca. Years 14-17
H. 45 em (q~ in.) Wood with glass inlays
Egyptian Museum, Cairo (CG 42 089) L. ro.3 em (+Yr6 in.), W. 7.2 em (2~ in.)
Egyptian Museum, Cairo (JE 61498).
Fig. 3· Fragment of a relief showing Queen Tiye 7 Photo: Harry Burton (TTA 214)
Eighteenth Dynasty, reign of Amenhotep III, ca. 1390-
1353 B.C. Fig. 8. Detail of a relief (fig. 88) showing Nefertiti with
Obsidian Princess Ankhesenpaaten IJ
H. 3 em (rYs in.), W. 3·3 em (rJ:; in.) Before Years 8-n
The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, Purchase Limestone
EdwardS. Harkness Gift, 1926 (26.7.1409) H. 32.5 em (n~ in.), W. 39 em (r5Ys in.)
Agyptisches Museum und Papyrussammlung,
Fig. 4· Detail of a bracelet plaque showing Princesses Staatliche Museen zu Berlin (inv. no. 14 145)
Henut-taneb and Isis before their father,
Amenhotep III 8 Fig. 9· Colossal statue of Amenhotep IV I6
Eighteenth Dynasty, reign of Amenhotep III, Karnak, Years 2-5
ca. 1390-1353 B.C. Sandstone
Carnelian H. 4 m (13 ft. rio in.)
H. 2.3 em (Ys in.), W. 4.1 em (rYs in.), D. ·3 em (Ys in.) Egyptian Museum, Cairo (JE 49 529).
The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, Photo: Artur Brack
Rogers Fund, 1944 (44.2.1)
Fig. 10. Relief showing Nefertiti offering I8
Fig. 5· Relief fragment with Nefertiti or Tiye wearing Karnak, Years 2-5
horned sun-disk crown and feathers 9 Sandstone; traces of red and blue pigment
Tell el-Amarna, probably from the Great Palace, H. 20.9 em (8J:; in.), W. 42.3 em (r6Ys in.)
Years 6-8 The Brooklyn Museum, Gift of Christos G. Bastis
Indurated limestone in honor of Bernard V. Bothmer (78.39)
H. 12.5 em (5 in.)
Petrie Museum, University College, London Fig. n. Relief showing Nefertiti offering I9
(UC 038) Karnak, Years 2-5
Sandstone; traces of red and blue pigment
Fig. 6. Small situla inscribed with the name of Princess H. 20 em (71'8 in.), W. 45 em (17~ in.)
Meketaten I I Collection of Jack Josephson, New York
Xl
Fig. 12. The site of Tell el-Amarna today: ruins of the Figs. 21, 22. Torso of a princess 28, 29
North Palace 20 Years 6-8
Photo: Dieter Arnold Red quartzite
H. 29-4 em (n;l, in.)
Fig. 13. Map ofTell el-Amarna as excavated 2I Musee du Louvre, Paris (E 25 409)
Barry Girsh, after Kemp 1986, cols. 3II-12
Fig. 23. Head of Queen Tiye 3I
Fig. 14. Detail from a relief showing Akhenaten as a Medinet el-Ghurab, Years 6-8
sphinx 23 Yew and acacia wood; sheet silver, gold, wax and glue, blue
Years 6-8 glass beads; eyes inlaid with white and black glass in ebony
Limestone; traces of red in rays, blue on the sphinx's body rims; brows inlaid with wood and painted black; red pig-
H. 58.5 em (23 in.), W. 92.5 em (36Ys in.) ment on lips, around nostrils, and possibly on neck
Thalassic Collection, courtesy of Mr. and Mrs. Theodore H. 9·5 em (3~ in.)
Halkedis, New York Agyptisches Museum und Papyrussammlung, Staatliche
Museen zu Berlin (inv. no. 21 834)
Fig. 15. Fragment from a column showing Nefertiti and
Princess Meretaten offering to the Aten 23 Fig. 24. Excavator's cast of a head of Queen Tiye 32
Tell el-Amarna, probably from the Great Palace, Years 6-8 Serabit el-Khadim, Sinai, late reign of Amenhotep III,
Limestone; traces of red and blue pigment ca. 1360 B.C.
H. 36.2 em (14Y.; in.), W. 30 em (n~ in.), D. 12.8 em (5 in.) H. 7.2 em (2~ in.)
Ashmolean Museum, Oxford (1893.1-41[71]) Petrie Museum, University College, London (steatite
original in the Egyptian Museum, Cairo [JE 38 257])
Fig. 16. Fragment from a statue of Akhenaten 24
Tell el-Amarna, dump of the Great Aten Temple, Years 6-8 Fig. 25. Computerized tomography image of the wooden
Indurated limestone head of Queen Tiye without later head cover, showing sil-
L. 8.2 em (3~ in.) ver headdress and gold ornaments 32
The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, Purchase, Three-dimensional reconstruction
EdwardS. Harkness Gift, 1926 (26.7.1395) Agyptisches Museum und Papyrussammlung, Staatliche
M useen zu Berlin
Fig. 17· Detail from a relief (fig. 15) 25
Fig. 26. Profile of head of Queen Tiye (fig. 23) 33
Fig. 18. Relief fragment showing a queen, probably
Nefertiti, wearing a tripartite wig and a sash 26 Fig. 27. Fragment of a head of a queen 34
Temple of the god Ptah, Memphis, Years 6-8 Before Years 8-12
Limestone; red pigment on face and body Yellow jasper
H. 20 em (7Ys in.), W. 18.5 em (7~ in.) L. 14 em (5X in.)
Petrie Museum, University College, London (UC 073) The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, Purchase,
EdwardS. Harkness Gift, 1926 (26.7.1396)
Fig. 19. Fragment from a relief showing Nefertiti 26
Before Years 8-12 Fig. 28. Face of a man, possibly Ay 35
Reddish quartzite Tell el-Amarna, workshop ofThutmose, ca. Years 8-12
H. 13 em (5Ys in.), W. 9 em (3X in.) Gypsum plaster; red and black pigment
The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, H. 27.5 em (10~ in.)
Rogers Fund, 1947 (47.57.1) Agyptisches Museum und Papyrussammlung, Staatliche
Fig. 20. Statuette of the Chief of the Household,
Tiya 27 Fig. 29. Fragment of a head of a queen (fig. 27) 37
Medinet el-Ghurab, late years of Amenhotep III to early
years of Amenhotep IV I Akhenaten, ca. 1360-1350 B.C. Fig. 30. Fragment from a column showing the royal
Wood; fringe of garment inlaid with Egyptian blue paste; family offering 39
remains of white pigment in inscription; necklace of gold, Tell el-Amarna, Great Palace, area of mud-brick structures,
glass, and carnelian beads ca. Years 8-12
H. 24 em (9X in.) Limestone
The Metroplitan Museum of Art, New York, H. 24 em (9X in.), W. 28 em (n in.)
Rogers Fund, 1941 (41.2.10) Ashmolean Museum, Oxford (1893.1-41[75])
Xll
Fig. 31. Head of Queen Nefertiti 40 Agyptisches Museum und Papyrussammlung, Staatliche
Area of the palace of King Merneptah at Memphis, after Museen zu Berlin (inv. no. 21 349)
Years 8-12
Brown quartzite; red pigment on lips Fig. 40. Back view of the gypsum plaster head (fig. 39) 49
H. r8 em (7X in.)
Egyptian Museum, Cairo (JE 45 547) Fig. 41. Back view of the head of Queen Nefertiti
(figs. 72, 74) 49
Fig. 32. Master sculptor luty correcting the work of an Tell el-Amarna, workshop ofThutmose, ca. Year 17
assistant 42 Granodiorite; red pigment on lips and area prepared for crown
Drawing by Norman de Garis Davies after a relief in the H. 23 em (9X6 in.)
tomb ofHuya at Amarna. From N. Davies 1903-8, vol. 3, Agyptisches Museum und Papyrussammlung, Staatliche
pl. r8. Courtesy of the Egypt Exploration Society Museen zu Berlin (inv. no. 21 358)
Fig. 33· Workshops under the supervision of Queen Tiye' s Fig. 42. Head of Queen Tiye 50
steward, Huya 42 ca. Years 8-12
Drawing by Norman de Garis Davies after a relief in the Red quartzite
tomb ofHuya at Amarna. From N. Davies 1903-8, vol. 3, H. n em (4X6 in.), W. 12.5 em (4% in.)
pl. I7. Courtesy of the Egypt Exploration Society The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York,
Rogers Fund, 19n (n.150.26)
Fig. 34· The house and workshops of Thutmose at
Amarna 44 Fig. 43· Face of Akhenaten 50
Computer reconstruction of the ground-floor level by Tell el-Amarna, workshop ofThutmose, ca. Years 8-12
Barry Girsh Gypsum plaster
H. 21 em (8,Y, in.)
Fig. 35· The compound of houses and workshops under Agyptisches Museum und Papyrussammlung, Staatliche
the supervision of the Chief of Works, the sculptor Museen zu Berlin (inv. no. 21 355)
Thutmose, Amarna 45
Computer reconstruction of the ground-floor level by Fig. 44· Detail of the head of Queen Tiye (fig. 42) 50
Barry Girsh
Fig. 45· Detail of the face of Akhenaten (fig. 43) 50
Fig. 36. Face of an old woman 46
Tell el-Amarna, workshop ofThutmose, Years 14-17 Figs. 46-48. Head of a princess 53, 54, 56
Gypsum plaster Tell el-Amarna, workshop ofThutmose, Years 6-8
H. 27 em (wYs in.) Brown quartzite; red pigment on lips, black pigment on ears
Agyptisches Museum und Papyrussammlung, Staatliche and neck
Museen zu Berlin (inv. no. 21 261) H. 21 em (8,Y, in.)
Agyptisches Museum und Papyrussammlung, Staatliche
Fig. 37· Face of a young woman 47 Museen zu Berlin (inv. no. 21 223)
Tell el-Amarna, workshop ofThutmose, Years 14-17
Gypsum plaster Fig. 49· Facsimile of a painting showing Princesses
H. 24 em (9j,_ in.) Nefernefruaten-Tasherit and Nefernefrure at the feet of
Agyptisches Museum und Papyrussammlung, Staatliche Nefertiti 57
Museen zu Berlin (inv. no. 21 239) Original: Tell el-Amarna, King's House, ca. Year 12;
Ashmolean Museum, Oxford (1983.1-41 [267])
Fig. 38. Face of a young woman 47 The facsimile (1:1): tempera on paper by Nina de Garis
Tell el-Amarna, workshop ofThutmose, Years 14-17 Davies (1928)
Gypsum plaster H. 30 em (n~ in.), W. 38 em (15 in.)
H. 21 em (8~ in.) The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York,
Agyptisches Museum und Papyrussammlung, Staatliche Rogers Fund, 1930 (30.4.135)
Fig. 50. Head of a princess 58
Fig. 39· Head ofNefertiti 48 Tell el-Amarna, workshop ofThutmose, Years 14-17
Tell el-Amarna, workshop ofThutmose, ca. Years 8-12 Red quartzite; black and red pigment
Gypsum plaster H. 21 em (8~ in.)
H. 25.6 em (roYs in.) Egyptian Museum, Cairo (JE 44 869)
Xlll
Fig. 51. Head of a princess 59 Fig. 62. Sculptor's model showing a bust ofNefertiti
Tell el-Arnarna, workshop ofThutrnose, Years 14-17 in profile 67
Yellow quartzite; red and black pigment; head was broken Tell el-Arnarna, Great Aten Temple, before Years 8-12
from neck and rejoined in ancient times Limestone
H. 19 ern (7;{ in.) H. 27 ern (wYs in.), W. 16.5 ern (6;{ in.), D. 4 ern (1Yr6 in.)
Egyptian Museum, Cairo (JE 44 870) Egyptian Museum, Cairo (JE 59 296)
Fig. 52. Head of a princess (fig. 50) 6o Fig. 63. Head and shoulders of a statue of Queen
Hatshepsut 68
Fig. 53· Head of a princess (fig. 50) 6I Western Thebes, Deir el-Bahri, Eighteenth Dynasty, reign
ofHatshepsut, ca. 1473-1458 B.c.
Fig. 54· Side view of the head of Queen Tiye Granite
(fig. 42) 62 H. (of face) 15.2 ern (6 in.)
The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York,
Fig. 55· Composite statuary 62 Rogers Fund, 1929 (29.3.3)
Demonstration drawing by Barry Girsh
Fig. 64. Upper part of a statuette of the Chief of the
Fig. 56. Part of a wig from a composite statue 63 Household, Tiya (fig. 20) 69
Tell el-Arnarna
Granodiorite; broken on the front edge behind the Fig. 65. Head of Queen Nefertiti from Memphis
uraeus, at the top of the head, and on the back edge; (fig. 31) 7I
inside hollowed and smooth
H. 25.5 ern (10 in.), W. 13.5 ern (5~ in.) Fig. 66. Head of Queen Nefertiti 73
Petrie Museum, University College, London (UC 076) T ell-el Arnarna, workshop of Thutrnose, Years 14-I7
Yellow quartzite; red pigment on lips; black pigment on
Fig. 57· Mortise and tenon joints on a statue of brows, around eyes, on forehead, ears, and neck; gypsum
Amenhotep III, with later inscription of plaster(?) repair on tenon
Merneptah 63 H. 30 ern (n~ in.)
Eighteenth Dynasty, reign of Arnenhotep III, ca. 1390-1353 B.c. .Agyptisches Museum und Papyrussarnrnlung, Staadiche
Granodiorite Museen zu Berlin (inv. no. 21 220)
H. 2.28 rn (7 ft. 5Y.; in.)
The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, Rogers Fund Fig. 67. Head of Queen Nefertiti (fig. 66) 75
and EdwardS. Harkness Gift, by exchange, 1922 (22.5.2)
Figs. 68, 69. Statuette of Queen Nefertiti 76
Fig. 58. Bust ofNefertiti 64 Tell el-Arnarna, workshop ofThutrnose, Years 14-17
Tell el-Arnarna, workshop ofThutrnose, ca. Years 8-12 Limestone; red pigment on lips; black pigment on brows,
Painted limestone with gypsum plaster layers around eyes, and as indication for the upper and lower
H. 50 ern (19Y.; in.) edges of the collar
.Agyptisches Museum und Papyrussarnrnlung, Staatliche H. 40 ern (15Y.; in.)
Museen zu Berlin (inv. no. 21 300). Photo: Dietrich .Agyptisches Museum und Papyrussarnrnlung, Staatliche
Wildung Museen zu Berlin (inv. no. 21 263)
Fig. 59· Grid using Egyptian finger-width unit of measure Fig. 70. The royal family offering: relief on the sarcopha-
(~in.) superimposed on photogrammetric image of gus of Queen Tiye 77
Nefertiti's bust, Agyptisches Museum, Berlin 65 Tell el-Arnarna, the Royal T ornb, after Years 8-12
After Krauss 1991c, p. 49, fig. 3 Reconstruction by Maarten J. Raven, from Raven 1994,
p. 12, fig. 6
Fig. 6o. Bust ofNefertiti (fig. 58) 66
Fig. 71. Head of the statuette of Queen Nefertiti
Fig. 6r. Unfinished head ofNefertiti 66 (figs. 68, 69) 78
Tell el-Arnarna, workshop ofThutrnose, before Years 8-12
Limestone; black pigment Fig. 72. Head of Queen Nefertiti (fig. 41) So
H. 29.8 ern (nY.; in.)
.Agyptisches Museum und Papyrussarnrnlung, Staatliche Fig. 73· Head of the god Arnun 8I
Museen zu Berlin (inv. no. 21 352) Late Eighteenth Dynasty, ca. 1335-1325 B.c.
XIV
Granodiorite Fig. 8r. Sculptor's model showing the heads of Akhenaten

H. 40.3 em (15Ys in.) and N efertiti 90
The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, Tell el-Amarna, Years 14-17
Rogers Fund, 1907 (07.228.34) Limestone; traces of red pigment
H. 15.7 em (6X6 in.), W. 22.1 em (81,; in.), D. 4.2 em (1!; in.)
Fig. 74· Head of Queen Nefertiti (fig. 41) 82 The Brooklyn Museum, Gift of the Estate of Charles
Edwin Wilbour (16-48). Photo: courtesy of the
Fig. 75· Fragment from a column showing Nefertiti museum
offering flowers 84
Tell el-Amarna, probably from the Great Palace, after Fig. 82. Relief with two female figures: Neferiti and
Years 8-12. Princess Meretaten(?) 92
Limestone; remains of gesso and red and blue pigment Tell el-Amarna, Years 14-17 (found at Hermopolis)
H. r8.5 em (7~ in.), W. 30.5 em (12 in.) Limestone; remains of white gesso and red and black
Ashmolean Museum, Oxford (1893.1-41[171]) pigment
H. 22 em (8Ys in.), W. 49·5 em (19X in.)
Fig. 76. Fragment from a column showing Nefertiti, Musee du Louvre, Paris (E 27 150)
behind Akhenaten, offering a bouquet of flowers to the
Aten 86 Fig. 83. The royal couple bestowing the Gold of
Tell el-Amarna, before Years 8-12 (found at Hermopolis) Honor on the Overseer of the Royal Quarters,
Limestone Meryre 92
H. 23.5 em (9~ in.), W. 37·7 em (14!; in.) Drawing by Norman de Garis Davies after a relief in the
The Brooklyn Museum, Charles Edwin Wilbour Fund tomb ofMeryre. From N. Davies 1903-8, vol. 2, pl. 38.
(7!.89) Courtesy of the Egypt Exploration Society
Fig. 77· Relief fragment with Nefertiti in Nubian wig, Fig. 84. Votive stela with two kings dedicated by the
offering 87 soldier Pasi 93
Tell el-Amarna, possibly the Great Aten Temple, after Before Years 8-12
Years 8-12 Limestone
Red quartzite H. 21 em (8~ in.), W. 16 em (6~ in.)
H. 15.2 em (6 in.), W. ro em (3Ys in.) Agyptisches Museum und Papyrussammlung, Staatliche
Petrie Museum, University College, London (UC 040) Museen zu Berlin (inv. no. 17 813)
Fig. 78. The royal family under a baldachin during the Fig. 85. Fragment with the head of Queen Nefertiti from
presentation of tribute 88 Akhenaten' s sarcophagus 94
Drawing by Norman de Garis Davies after a relief in the Tell el-Amarna, Royal Tomb, ca. Years 8-12
tomb of the Overseer of the Royal Quarters, Meryre, at Granite
Amarna. From N. Davies 1903-8, vol. 2, pl. 38. Courtesy of H. 29 em (nX in.), max. W. 14 em (5X in.)
the Egypt Exploration Society Agyptisches Museum und Papyrussammlung, Staatliche
Fig. 79· Fragment with the faces of Akhenaten and
the minor queen Kiya (as changed into Princess Fig. 86. The sarcophagus ofTutankhamun in his
Meretaten) 88 tomb 95
Tell el-Amarna, after Years 8-12 (found at Hermopolis) Western Thebes, Valley of the Kings, Tomb of
Limestone; red and blue pigment, apparently partly applied Tutankhamun (KV 62), end ofTutankhamum's reign,
in modern times ca. 1327 B.c.
H. 23 em (9 in.) Quartzite
Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek, Copenhagen (AE.I.N. 1797) H. 147 em (57% in.)
Fig. 8o. Sculptor's trial piece with head ofNefertiti in tall, Fig. 87. Female face, probably from a piece of
flat-topped crown, wearing ear ornament 89 furniture 96
Tell el-Amarna, ca. Years 8-12 After Years 8-12
Limestone; black pigment Glass inlay, originally red
H. 8.7 em (3Ys in.), W. 7·5 em (3 in.) H. 3.1 em (r~ in.), W. 2.8 em (rYs in.), D .. 6 em (X in.)
Petrie Museum, University College, London Petrie Museum, University College, London
(UC on) (UC 22078)
XV
Fig. 88. Shrine stela with relief showing Akhenaten, Fig. 96. Unfinished statuette of Akhenaten kissing a
N efertiti, and Princesses Meretaten, Meketaten, and queen or princess IOJ
Ankhesenpaaten 98 Tell el-Amarna, workshop ofThutmose, Years 14-17
Before Years 8-12 Limestone
Limestone H. 39·5 em (15>~ in.)
H. 32.5 em (12~ in.), W. 39 em (15)~ in.) Egyptian Museum, Cairo (JE 44 866)
.Agyptisches Museum und Papyrussammlung, Staadiche
Museen zu Berlin (inv. no. 14 145) Fig. 97· Detail from the shrine stela (fig. 88): Akhenaten
kisses Princess Meretaten IOJ
Fig. 89. The traditional version: the sun child on the
two horizon lions 99 Fig. 98. Fragmentary shrine stela showing Akhenaten
Papyrus ofHerweben, Twenty-first Dynasty, and Nefertiti I04
ca. 1070-945 B.C. After Years 8-12
Egyptian Museum, Cairo (P 133). From Hornung 1990b, Limestone; remains of gesso and blue, yellow, and red
ill. p. 107 pigment
H. 12 em (4~ in.)
Fig. 90. Artist's sketch: mother and child IOO .Agyptisches Museum und Papyrussammlung, Staatliche
Deir el-Medina, Nineteenth-Twentieth Dynasty, Museen zu Berlin (inv. no. 14 5n)
ca. 1295-1070 B.c.
Limestone Fig. 99· The back ofTutankhamun's throne I04
British Museum, London (EA 8506). Photo: courtesy of the Western Thebes, Valley of the Kings, Tomb of
Trustees of the British Museum Tutankhamun (KV 62), early reign ofTutankhamun,
ca. 1336-1334 B.c.
Fig. 91. Detail from the shrine stela (fig. 88): Princess Wood, gold, silver, semiprecious stones, and glass
Meketaten on her mother's knees IOI H. (of complete throne) 102 em (4oYs in.)
Egyptian Museum, Cairo (JE 62 028)
Fig. 92. The birth of a calf IOI
Meir, Twelfth Dynasty, reign of Amenemhat I, Fig. 100. Relief with the head of the minor queen Kiya,
ca. 1991-1962 B.c. later changed into Princess Meretaten I05
Drawing by Aylward M. Blackman after a relief in the Tell el-Amarna, after Years 8-12 (found at Hermopolis)
tomb chapel of Senbi. Blackman 1914, pl. 10. Courtesy of Limestone; red, yellow, and blue pigment, apparently partly
the Egypt Exploration Society applied in modern times
H. 24 em (9X in.)
Fig. 93· Fragment of a stela showing Akhenaten with Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek, Copenhagen (AE.I.N. 1776)
N efertiti and the children on his lap I02
Tell el-Amarna (from an unspecified house), Years 14-17 Fig. 101. Relief showing the purification of the minor
Limestone; remains of white pigment on garments and red queen Kiya, later changed into Princess Meretaten I06
pigment on bodies Tell el-Amarna, after Years 8-12 (found at Hermopolis)
H. 24.7 em (9~ in.), W. 34 em (131'8 in.) Limestone; traces of pigment, partly modern
Musee du Louvre, Paris (En 624) H. 22.8 em (9 in.)
The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, Gift of
Fig. 94· Detail from a stela showing Akhenaten giving Norbert Schimmel, 1985 (1985.328.8)
an earring to Princess Meretaten I02
Tell el-Amarna, before Years 8-12 Fig. 102. Bracelet plaque showing Queen Tiye as a sphinx
Limestone and pigment holding the cartouche of Amenhotep III I07
H. 44 em (q~ in.) Eighteenth Dynasty, reign of Amenhotep III, ca. 1390-1353 B.c.
Egyptian Museum, Cairo (JE 44 865) Sard
L. 6.5 em (2X in.), W. 4.2 em (1Ys in.)
Fig. 95· Relief block with Nefertiti holding a child and a The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, Purchase,
princess receiving an earring I02 Edward S. Harkness Gift, 1926 (26. 7.1342)
El-lahun, Faiyum Oasis, Years 14-17
Limestone Fig. 103. Statues flanking the boundary stela A at
H. 23 em (9 in.), W. 56 em (22 in.) Amarna I08
University Museum, University of Pennsylvania, Drawing by Robert Hay (1927). From N. Davies 1903-8,
Philadelphia (E 325). Photo: courtesy of the museum vol. 5, pl. 43· Courtesy of the Egypt Exploration Society
XVI
Figs. 104-7. Torso from the statuette of a princess I09 H. 10.8 em (4;:; in.)
Tell el-Amarna, after Years 8-12 The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York,
Reddish brown quartzite Rogers Fund, 1940 (40.2.4)
H. 15.3 em (6 in.)
Petrie Museum, University College, London (UC 002) Fig. n6. Lid of a canopic jar II7
Western Thebes, tomb 55 in the Valley of the Kings,
Fig. 108. Sculptor's model showing a princess eating a Years 14-17
roasted duck III Alabaster with stone and glass inlays
Tell el-Amarna, North Palace, after Years 8-12 H. 17.8 em (7 in.)
Limestone; black pigment The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, Theodore
H. 23.5 em (9;:; in.), W. 22.3 em (8y; in.) M. Davis Collection, Bequest ofTheodore M. Davis, 1915
Egyptian Museum, Cairo (JE 48 035) (30.8.54)
Fig. 109. Relief fragment with the head of a Fig. n7. Upper part of a statuette of a princess I20
princess II2 Reign ofTutankhamun, ca. 1336-1327 B.c.
Tell el-Amarna, Broad Hall of the Great Palace, Years 6-8 Limestone; red, blue, green, yellow, and black pigments
Limestone; red and blue pigment, the latter in the inscription H. 15.4 em (6Yr6 in.)
H. 19 em (7Y, in.) Musee du Louvre, Paris (E 14 715)
Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, Gift of Egypt Exploration
Fund (37.1) Fig. n8. Upper part of a statuette of a princess (fig. 117) I22
Fig. no. The royal family dining IIJ Fig. n9. Upper part of a statuette of a princess (fig. n7) I23
Drawing by Norman de Garis Davies after a relief in the
tomb ofHuya at Amarna. From N. Davies 1903-8, vol. 3, Fig. 120. Head of King T utankhamun from a group
pl. 4· Courtesy of the Egypt Exploration Society showing him with the god Amun I23
Reign ofTutankhamun, ca. 1336-1327 B.c.
Fig. 111. Relief with two princesses II4 Indurated limestone
Tell el-Amarna, Years 14-17 (excavated at Hermopolis) H. 15.3 em (61n.)
Limestone; traces of pigment, partly modern The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York,
H. 22 em (8/s in.) Rogers Fund, 1950 (50.6)
The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York,
Gift of Norbert Schimmel, 1985 (1985.328.6) Fig. 121. Statuette of a princess I24
ca. Year 17
Fig. 112. Three princesses and their nurses II5 Limestone; traces of black (on hair) and red pigment
Drawing by Norman de Garis Davies after a relief in the (on right arm)
tomb ofPanehsy at Amarna. From N. Davies 1903-8, H. 3I.I em (nY: in.)
vol. 2, pl. IO. Courtesy of the Egypt Exploration Society University Museum, University of Pennsylvania,
Philadelphia (E 14 349). Photo: courtesy of The Brooklyn
Fig. 113. Inlay from a piece of furniture showing two Museum
princesses II5
After Years 8-12 Fig. 122. Upper part of a seated statue of a woman I25
Red glass, molded, parts applied; traces of sculpting Late Eighteenth Dynasty, ca. 1336-1300 B.c.
H. 9 em (3X in.), W. 4-5 em ( 1y; in.), D. 0.8 em (y;'G in.) Limestone
Petrie Museum, University College, London (UC 2235) H. 50 em (19y; in.)
II Regio Museo Archeologico di Firenze (inv. no. 5626).
Fig. 114. The writing palette of Princess Meketaten u6 Photo: courtesy of the museum
ca. Year 14
Ivory; brushes and pigment Fig. 123. Detail from the shrine stela (fig. 93) I26
L. 13.5 em (5;:; in.), W. 2.3 em (1 in.)
The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, Purchase, Fig. 124. Statuette of a female I27
EdwardS. Harkness Gift, 1926 (26.7.1295) Medinet el-Ghurab, late years of Amenhotep III to early
years of Amenhotep IV I Akhenaten, ca. 1360-1350 B.c.
Fig. 115. A princess on the lotus flower II6 Wood
Years 14-17 H. 35·5 em (14 in.)
Glass inlays on an alabaster vase Private collection. Photo: Jiirgen Liepe, Berlin
XVll
CHRONOLOGY: THE AMARNA PERIOD
Years in Akhenaten's Political events and events

Absolute dates reign in the royal family's life Major art works
Before Year 1 Amenhotep becomes crown prince;

marries Nefertiti; Meretaten born
ca. 1353 Amenhotep IV ascends the throne; Temple reliefs in traditional style
early names of the Aten not in car-
touches
Early names of the Aten in cartouches Colossal statues at Karnak

(figs. I, 2, 9)
sed-festival
Sandstone reliefs (figs. IO, n)
Meketaten born
Nefertiti adopts Nefernefruaten as

second name
ca. 1349 Decision to move to Amarna; Boundary stelae X and M

Amenhotep IV changes name to
Akhenaten
ca. 1348 6 Mfirmation of decision Eight more boundary stelae with

statues (fig. IOJ)
Reliefs from walls and columns

of Great Palace and other buildings
(figs. I4, I~ I7, I09)
Ankhesenpaaten is born Great Temple sculptures (fig. I6)
Torso of princess (Louvre) (figs. 2I, 22)
Head of Queen Tiye (Berlin)

(figs. 23, 26)
N efernefruaten-T asherit is born Head of princess (Berlin) (figs. 46-48)
Stela (Cairo) (fig. 94)
Unfinished head ofNefertiti (fig. 6I)
Sculptor's model; bust ofNefertiti

(fig. 62)
Yellow jasper head fragment

(figs. 27, 29)
Shrine stela (Berlin) (figs. 8, 88, 9I, 97)
ca. 1346 8 Last dated inscription with early name Boundary stelae completed
of the Aten
Nefernefrure is born Gypsum-plaster face of a man (fig. 28)
Head of Queen Tiye (MMA)

(figs. 42, 44)
Years in Akhenaten's Political events and events
Absolute dates reign in the royal family's life Major art works
Gypsum-plaster head ofNefertiti

(figs. 39, 40)
Setepenre is born Bust ofNefertiti (Berlin) (figs. 58, 6o)
ca. 1342 12 First dated inscription with later name

of the Aten
War in Nubia after incursion of people Memphis head ofNefertiti

of the eastern desert (figs. JI, 65)
Tribute of the Nations festival

Reliefs from temples and ceremonial
halls (figs. Jf, JJ, IOO, IOI)
Torso of princess (Petrie Museum)

(figs. 104-7)
Fragmentary shrine stela (Berlin)

(fig. 98)
Sculptor's model with princess (Cairo)

(fig. 108)
Death of Meketaten
ca. 1340 14 Death of Queen Tiye Lid of canopic jar (fig. II6)
Nefertiti becomes coruler(?) Sculptor's model (Brooklyn) (fig. 81)
Statuette of Nefertiti (figs. 68, 69, JI)
Gypsum-plaster heads of women (figs.

36-38)
Fragment of stela (Louvre)

(figs. 93, 123)
Death or disappearance of the minor Yellow quartzite head of Nefertiti

queen Kiya (figs. 66, 67)
Heads of princesses (Cairo) (figs. 50-53)
ca. 1337 I7 At Thebes, worship of Amun revived Granodiorite head of N efertiti

(figs. 41, 72, 74)
ca. 1336 Death of Akhenaten Statuette of princess (Philadelphia)

I (of Smenkhkare) Smenkhkare ascends the throne (jig. 121)
1 (ofTutankhaten) T utankhaten ascends the throne
ca. 1335 2 (ofTutankhaten) The court leaves Amarna
Tutankhaten becomes Tutankhamun Statuette of princess (Louvre)

and traditional religion is reinstated (figs. IIJ-II9)
Woman (Florence) (fig. 122)

GENEALOGY: THE ROYAL FAMILY OF AMARNA
Yuya CC) Tuya
Tiy c::::c> f) Ay An en Tiye

(2nd wife)
f3 Haremhab CC) Mutnedjmet 0 Nefernefruaten-Nefertiti I CC) e Amenhotep IV I Akhenaten

.
L_ sisters __j King Nefernefruaten
0 Smenkhkare CC) Mereta ten Meketaten Ankhesenpaaten I amun
Mereta ten-Tasherit Ankhesenpaaten-Tasherit
' - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - brothers
XX
[I) ~ 0 Thutmosis IV CX) Mutemwiya
8 Ameuhotep Ill ~~r:

~ ~
Baketaten Nebet-ah Isis Henut-taneb Sitamun Thutmosis
CX) Kiya
l
one daughter
0 Tutankhaten I N efernefruaten-Tasheri t Nefernefrure Setepenre

Tutankhamun
Kings' names in boldface.

Sequence of succession indicated by numbers.
XXI
MEDITERRANEAN
SEA
SINAI
• Serabit
el-Khadim
Nile
River
• Tell cl-Amarna
(Akhetaten)
RED
SEA
NUBIA
EGYPT
THE
ROYAL WOMEN
OF AMARNA
JAMES P. ALLEN
or all its revolutionary aspects, the Amarna deity was called Hidden (Amun), because his nature
F Period of Egyptian history was traditional in

one central respect: each of its innovations was
carried out in the name of-and in service to-
was not evident in any of the world's elements or
forces. 3 The Eighteenth Dynasty (the later part of
which included the Amarna Period) witnessed a rise in
religion. the prominence of Amun in the Egyptian pantheon
The role of religion in the life of ancient Egypt can and in theological speculation about his role in the cre-
be difficult for modern minds to appreciate. In most ated universe. 4 Both movements focused on the daily
contemporary societies, religion represents only one manifestation of Amun's life-giving power through the
means by which human beings relate to the world light of the sun, in the form of the combined god
around them, along with politics, science, and social Amun-Re, "whose rays illuminate at his emergence of
mores. In addition to the values by which people gov- the daytime." 5
ern and judge their behavior, religion today generally This "new solar theology" 6 was reformulated at the
encompasses an individual's relationship to those beginning of Amenhotep IV's reign. In the king's earli-
aspects of life that cannot be explained "scientifically." est inscriptions, the place of honor formerly occupied
In ancient Egypt, as in other ancient societies, reli- by Amun-Re was now given to the god Re Horus of
gion and science were one. Where modern science the Akhet (Re- Horakhty), embodiment of the life-
explains the universe in terms of a set of physical laws, giving power of the sun (Re) as the dominant force in
ancient minds saw natural phenomena as the manifest- the universe (Horakhty). 7 Although this combined god
ed wills of sentient beings: in other words, gods. In had existed in the Egyptian pantheon since the Old
Egyptian thought, there were as many such beings as Kingdom, under Amenhotep IV he received not only
there are elements and forces in the universe: the sun central prominence but also a ubiquitous new epithet,
(Re), the earth and sky (Geb and Nut), the atmosphere which described him as "Re-Horakhty, who becomes
(Shu), the annual inundation (Hapy), life and growth active from the Akhet in his identity as the light that is
(Osiris), order (Maat), disorder (Seth), and kingship in the sun disk." 8 This didactic name serves as the credo
(Horus)-to name only a few. of the Amarna revolution. In effect, it united standard
In simplest terms, the intellectual revolution known Egyptian solar theology (Re-Horakhty) with a radical
as the Amarna Period represented an attempt to replace new concept of light as the ultimate force in the universe.
this time-honored view of reality with one based on a At first, the new god was portrayed as a falcon-headed
single governing principle of life: a "sole god, with no man, the traditional symbol. 9 In Amenhotep's third or
other except him.'~ 1 fouth year, however, the image was discarded, along
The notion of a single ultimate principle did not with many other traditional forms of Egyptian art.
originate at Amarna. Perhaps by as early as the Middle From then on, the god was depicted only through the
Kingdom (ca. 2040-1640 B.c.), 2 Egyptian theologians symbol of the sun disk with rays. 10 Although his earlier
had come to believe that everything must finally derive didactic name was retained in a set of double car-
from the creative power of a single divine force above touches flanking the new image, elsewhere the god was
and beyond the physical universe. This transcendent referred to only as the Sun Disk (Aten).n At the same
time, the king changed his given name (which
identified him as Son of Re) from Amenhotep (Amun
Opposite: Fig. 1. Fragment from a colossal head of Amenhotep IV
from Karnak. Sandstone. Staadiche Sammlung Agyptischer Is Content) to Akhenaten, which probably means
Kunst, Munich "Effective for the Aten." 12
3
THE RoYAL WoMEN oF AMARNA
Despite these visual and textual references to the sun This and other Amarna texts emphasize the daily
disk, however, Akhenaten's new religion did not involve nature of the god's activity. Although there are occa-
worship of the sun per se. As the god's didactic name sional references to his original creation of the universe, 17
emphasized, the object of Akhenaten's devotion was these are rare. Far more important is the fact that the
rather "the light that is in the disk." The rayed sun disk god continues to re-create the world every day. 18
that dominates Amarna art is not an icon of worship This focus on the present rather than the eternal is
but simply a hieroglyph for light. 13 one of the hallmarks of the Amarna Period and one of
The new religion seems initially to have tolerated the features that set it off most strongly from tradition-
the traditional Egyptian pantheon, although official al Egyptian culture. It is perhaps most recognizable in
texts avoid any mention of other gods after the royal the immediate, dynamic quality of Amarna relief and
family moved to Amarna, in the king's fifth year or painting, as compared with the more formal, static
later. Sometime between Year 8 and Year 12, however, quality that usually characterizes Egyptian art. But it
Akhenaten's deity was elevated from the foremost can be seen in other facets of Akhenaten's revolution as
among many gods to the one and only god. The older well: for example, in the adaptation of writing to reflect
religion seems to have been officially banned, and the the contemporary spoken language. It even appears in
plural word gods-as well as the names of Amun and the architectural innovation of talatat: buildings
his consort Mut-was erased from monuments constructed of these small stones, which could be han-
throughout the country. 14 dled by one worker, could be put up very quickly,
At the same time, the didactic name of Akhenaten's though they proved to be less enduring than structures
own god was altered to "The Sun, ruler of the Akhet, erected with the multiton blocks of traditional
who becomes active from the Akhet in his identity as Egyptian masonry.
the light that comes in the sun disk." This involved Together with the emphasis on the present,
three changes: substitution of "Sun, ruler of the Akhet" Akhenaten's religion also stressed visible and tangible
for "Re-Horakhty" ("Sun, Horus of the Akhet"); reality at the expense of the unseen and the mysterious.
replacement of one word for light by another; and This undoubtedly contributed to the antagonism
alteration of the phrase "that is in the sun disk'' to "that between the new theology and that of Amun, the
comes in the sun disk." These changes not only "Hidden" par excellence. The traditional Egyptian tem-
removed all reference to older gods; 15 they also made ple was a place of mystery, with the god's image hidden
clear the true object of Akhenaten's worship, which was within its innermost recess. In contrast, the Amarna
light itself rather than the sun disk through which light temple was a place of light, its courts unroofed and
comes into the world. even its doorways open to the sun.
Though it is addressed initially to "the living Despite this apparent openness, however, the new
Aten, who begins life," the great "Hymn to the Aten" religion was even more restrictive than its predecessor.
from Amarna is equally clear about both the nature of Direct access to the new god was effectively limited to
the god and the distinction between the god and his the king and his family. Images of the Aten show its
vehicle: rays presenting life to the king and queen alone. Private
When your movements disappear and you go to rest monuments of the time do not depict the beneficiary
in the Akhet, directly before the god, as they had prior to the Amarna
the land is in darkness, in the manner of death ... Period; rather, they show the royal family itself as inter-
darkness a blanket, the land in stillness, mediary between the Aten and lesser mortals. Such fea-
with the one who makes them at rest in his Akhet. tures suggest that Akhenaten and his queen alone could
worship the new god, and the texts themselves say as
The land grows bright once you have appeared in much: "There is no other who knows you except your
theAkhet, son, Nefer-kheperu-re wa-en-re [Akhenaten]." 19 The
shining in the sun disk by day. rest of humanity was apparently constrained to worship
When you dispel darkness and give your rays, Akhenaten himself, or the royal couple jointly, since
the Two Lands are in a festival of light. 16 "everyone who hurries on foot . . . you sustain them
4
for your son . . . Akhenaten . . . and the chief queen, Undoubtedly more serious in the Egyptian mind,
his beloved." 20 however, were the intellectual limitations inherent in the
This situation is reflected in depictions of the royal new theology itself. Certainly, Akhenaten's philosophy-
family on typical Amarna "house stelae" (shrine stelae, with its emphasis on the present, its rejection of mystery
see pp. 96-104), which were erected in private houses in favor of reality, and its insistence on the singleness of
at Amarna. 21 With its sole god, the religion of Amarna divinity-resonates more closely with modern thought
faced a theological problem that had also confronted than do the concepts of traditional Egyptian theology:
earlier Egyptian philosophers: in a culture that under- witness, among others, Freud's attempt to make of
stood all creation as an act of birth, how can the gener- Akhenaten "the mentor of Moses and the instigator of
ation of the universe from a single ultimate source be Jewish monotheism," 28 and Breasted's characterization of
explained? The older solar theology had posited an him as "the world's first idealist and ... the earliest mono-
answer in the concept of the Ennead-a group of nine theist ... a brave soul, undauntedly facing the momen-
deities descended from the god Atum, the original tum of immemorial tradition, and thereby stepping out
source of all matter. 22 In the Ennead, life began when from the long line of conventional and colourless
Atum evolved into the first two gods, the twins Shu Pharaohs, that he might disseminate ideas far beyond
and Tefnut: "when he was one and evolved into three." 23 and above the capacity of his age to understand." 29
At Amarna, this older group of nine gods was replaced The Egyptians themselves, lacking such romantic
by a new Ennead, consisting of light, the ultimate ori- hindsight, could only view Amarna theology in the
gin of all life; the king and queen, the royal "twins" context of their own religious traditions, and by that
through whom life passes into the world; 24 and their measure they found it wanting. In place of the tradi-
six daughters. Here again, Akhenaten's religion com- tional richness and diversity of Egyptian thought, it
muted the abstract mystery of traditional Egyptian the- imposed a single-minded view of the universe-one
ology into the concrete reality of everyday life. which, in many respects, was less a religion than a nat-
The Amarna texts leave no doubt as to the source of ural philosophy. 30 Intellectually, its identification of the
this radical new theology-Akhenaten himself: natural phenomenon of light as the ultimate principle
of all life was less satisfying, if not also less
My lord promoted me so that I might enact his sophisticated, than the belief in a divine power that
teaching ... existed above and beyond the phenomena of the cre-
How fortunate is the one who hears your teaching ated universe. And on the emotional level, this natural
of life, force was too impersonal and too far removed from the
for he will be satisfied from seeing you, and reach experience of daily life to fulfill the common human
old age. 25 need for a recognizable god who could be addressed
He is the one who taught me, and I am telling you: not only in hymns of awe but also in prayers of need.
It is good to listen to it . . . Like many movements in the history of human
He [the king] makes his force against him who is thought, the Amarna revolution began with the insight
ignorant of his teaching and his blessing to him of a single person; but like all too many such movements,
who knows it. 26 it seems also to have degenerated eventually from liber-
ating revelation to stifling fanaticism. What makes
Perhaps in part because of this dose association, the Amarna unique-and ultimately, perhaps, so continually
new religion did not long survive the death and ulti- fascinating-is its primacy: for the first time in recorded
mate condemnation of its founder as "the enemy of history, we are able to witness the profound effect that
Amarna." 27 the thought of a single individual can have on human life.
5
THE ROYAL WOMEN OF AMARNA·
WHO WAS WHO
L. GREEN
he King's Chief Wife, King's Daughters, 1 and
T
royal consort but of the God's Father and Commander
other royal women of Amarna have aroused of the Chariotry, Yuya, and the Priestess of Min, Tuya,
much interest and controversy. Paradoxically, titles that do not suggest a royal relationship. However,
the controversies concerning these royal women arise in scholars have suggested that members of Tiye's family
large part because far more information about them has were "old retainers" of the Thutmosid line, a military
survived than exists for almost all the other queens and family from Middle Egypt with close connections to
princesses of Egypt combined. The writings of scholars royalty, 2 and her father may also have had Asian ances-
attempting to re-create the history of the Amarna tors. 3 Other members of her family attained promi-
Period from this evidence make for fascinating-but nence: Anen, Second Prophet of Amun, was Tiye's
sometimes confusing-reading. It is rare for any theory brother; Ay, successor to Yuya as God's Father and a
about the royal women to appear in print without two future pharaoh, may also have been a brother.
more articles being written to corroborate or contradict Despite her lack of divine (i.e., royal) blood, Tiye
it. Thus, what follows is a mere sampling of the aca- was a powerful force in her husband's reign. Shown at
demic debate surrounding these dynamic women and the king's side on monumental statues and in numer-
their times. ous royal monuments and private tombs, she seems to
have established a role for herself at both secular and
THE WOMEN OF AMENHOTEP III's FAMILY religious ceremonies. She was even venerated as a living
goddess at the temple of Sedeinga in Nubia. Tiye's
Amenhotep III seems to have lived surrounded by
influence survived her husband's death. In letters from
powerful women. Apart from his numerous and various
foreign rulers, the new pharaoh, Amenhotep IV/
wives, he had at least four daughters whose importance
rivaled that of his wife, Tiye. In fact, they shared with
Tiye the rank of Royal Wife or King's Chief Wife and
played prominent roles in various cult ceremonies. A
princess with the title Royal Wife probably enacted the
role of goddess in some of the royal rituals and perhaps
took the place of the queen at some court functions as
well. Whether these young women were truly wives
to their father is problematical. Modern taboos may
make scholars reluctant to accept a sexual relationship
between parent and child, but there is no proof that
any of the King's Daughters who were also Royal Wives
bore offspring by their father.
The King's Chief Wife, Tiye

Tiye is generally remembered as the "commoner queen"
of ancient Egypt. She was not born of a king and a
Opposite: Fig. 2. Fragment from a colossal head ofNefertiti from Fig. 3· Fragment of a relief showing Queen Tiye. Obsidian. The
Karnak. Sandstone. Egyptian Museum, Cairo Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York
7
Fig. 4· Detail of a bracelet plaque showing Princesses Henut-taneb and Isis before their father, Amenhotep III. Carnelian.
The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York
Akhenaten, is urged to seek his mother's advice been identified as Tiye, but recent studies have cast seri-
because of her familiarity with international affairs (see ous doubt on the earlier conclusions. 7
P·3o).4
Within a few years of taking the throne, Amenhotep Sitamun
IVI Akhenaten moved his family and court to a new Sitamun (Daughter of Amun) was, apparently, the eldest
site. The tombs of officials at Amarna record the pres- daughter of Amenhotep III and Tiye, but relatively few
ence of Tiye in the new capital, Akhetaten; among of her monuments survive. However, she is attested by
other privileges, she was given a Sunshade temple of inscriptions on the monuments of her parents, by
her own, and Akhenaten is shown leading her into the objects in the tomb of her grandparents Tuya and Yuya,
new house of worship. Whether she remained at and by fragmentary inscriptions from the Royal Tomb at
Akhetaten until her death, sometime around Year 14 of Amarna. The most famous objects associated with her
her son's reign, or returned to one of the older capitals is are two wooden chairs from the tomb ofTuya and Yuya, 8
not known, but it seems likely that she was eventual- which date to her early youth. Even then, Sitamun was
ly buried in her husband's Theban tomb in the Western elevated to a special position, that of King's Chief
Valley, a branch of the Valley of the Kings, 5 although a Daughter. Other documentation attests that by the time
few items intended for her burial were found in Tomb her father celebrated his first sed-festival, or thirty-year
55 in the nearby Valley of the Kings itself These objects jubilee, Sitamun was already a queen with her own
were most probably transferred to Thebes from the household. She has sometimes been suggested as the
Royal Tomb at Amarna. And it is therefore likely that mother of Tutankhamun, 9 but her name does not
her first place of burial was at Akhetaten (see p. 26). 6 appear on any objects from his tomb, and there is no
A mummy, the so-called Elder Woman B from a cache evidence to suggest that Sitamun bore her husband/
of mummies reburied in the tomb of Amenhotep II, has father any children.
8
WHo WAs WHo
Henut-taneb were portrayed, not only in style but also in iconogra-

This second daughter of Amenhotep III and Tiye bore phy. This suggests a unique role-along with a unique
a name that was actually a title of Egyptian queens; appearance-for the women of Amarna.
Henut-taneb means "Mistress of All Lands." The name
was especially appropriate because she seems to have The King's Chief Wife, Nefertiti
been elevated to a position equivalent to that of her The woman we call Nefertiti (the Beautiful One Is
mother and older sister. Although she is not identified Here) would have been known to her contemporaries at
with the title Royal Wife, the colossal statue group of Akhetaten as Nefernefruaten-Nefertiti (Nefernefruaten
Amenhotep III and Tiye from Medinet Habu in the means "Perfect One of the Aten's Perfection."). She added
central hall of the Cairo Museum portrays her at the Nefernefruaten even before her husband changed his
side of her parents, in a smaller scale, wearing the vul- name from Amenhotep to Akhenaten in the fifth year
ture cap of a queen, and she is described as "the com- of his reign (seep. 20). 14 Her image evolved as well. In
panion of Horus, who is in his heart." This is the only the earlier years of the reign, she is shown wearing the
time a King's Daughter was given this queenly title. 10 queen's crown of feathers, cow horns, and sun disk
Since on other monuments her name is often enclosed (figs. 5, 10, n), which associated her with the goddess
within a cartouche-a prerogative of royal wives-we
may have to include her among the many wives of her
father.
Isis
Another daughter of Amenhotep III and Tiye was named
Isis, or Aset, after the goddess Isis, wife of Osiris. The
evidence suggests that this princess held an important
position: her name is frequently enclosed within a car-
touche, and on the back pillar of a statue she is given
the title hemet nesu (King's Wife). u On a bracelet
plaque in the Metropolitan Museum, she and Henut-
taneb are depicted holding out renpet signs, notched
staves which convey wishes for a long reign and a long
life to their parents, and on another plaque (fig. 4) they
rattle sistra in front of the king and queen. 12
Nebet-ah
Like her sisters, Princess Nebet-ah was given a name
that derived from a tide which means "Lady of the
Palace." Otherwise, she is an obscure figure among the
daughters of Amenhotep III. She appears on only one
monument, the colossus from Medinet Habu in the
Cairo Museum. 13 Since she does not seem to be present
in the numerous small scenes in which Sitamun, Isis,
and Henut-taneb appear, she may have been a some-
what younger sister.
THE ROYAL WOMEN OF AKHETATEN

Fig. 5· Fragment of a relief excavated at Amarna showing Nefertiti
With the move to the new capital, Akhetaten/Amarna or Tiye. Indurated limestone. Petrie Museum, University College,
(pp. 20-22), came changes in the way the royal women London
9
Hathor. By the time of the move to Amarna, however, to Ankhesenamun. Some of the King's Daughters are
Nefertiti was portrayed in an original headdress pecu- known only from a few inscriptions or representations.
liar to her. Perhaps based on the Blue Crown of the The tomb of Meryre, Overseer of the Royal Quarters,
king (figs. 30, 58, 62, 76, 88) or on the caps worn by var- is one of the few places where all six daughters can be
ious deities (see p. 107), this flat-topped blue helmet seen, since it is there that the great reception of foreign
would become her hallmark. From the earliest years of tribute held in Year 12 was recorded (fig. 78,
Akhenaten's reign, Nefertiti was distinctive because of pp. 86-87, n4). Representations of the royal daughters
her prominence in representations of cult scenes. Her have suggested to some scholars the presence of physi-
participation in the rituals of the new religion was cal abnormalities that the princesses supposedly inher-
equal to that of her husband (pp. 85-87). In some parts ited from their father. The girls' elongated craniums have
of the Karnak temples of the Aten, the figure of the especially been explained as the result of various patho-
queen actually dominates the decoration. Such promi- logical conditions, most recently Marfan's syndrome, a
nence15 for a queen, almost unprecedented, led to sug- hereditary disorder (see, however, pp. 19, 52, 55). 21 On
gestions in the 1970s that Nefertiti was the real force the other hand, art historians have argued that Amarna
behind Akhenaten's religious revolution. artists overemphasized physical traits of a perfectly nor-
"Nefertiti's parentage has been a subject of much mal character for stylistic reasons. (See more on this
speculation," wrote Cyril Aldred, 16 but Egyptologists topic, pp. 19, 52, 55.)
are mostly inclined to follow Aldred's own suggestion
that Ay, the man who became king after Tutankhamun's Baketaten
death, was her father and Ay's wife, Tiy, served as the Princess Baketaten (the Aten's Handmaiden) is known
queen's nurse. Since Ay is also thought to be Queen only from Tell el-Amarna, where her image appears in
Tiye's brother, 17 this means that Akhenaten would have the tomb of Huya, Tiye's steward. 22 She is represented
married his cousin. However, the family connections seated near Queen Tiye at scenes of banqueting (fig. no),
are still hypothetical. having her statue made in the workshop of Queen
The date of Nefertiti's death is difficult to ascertain. Tiye's sculptor, Iuty (fig. 32), following Tiye into the
The evidence of a fragmentary shawabti-figure, a stat- queen's Sunshade temple, and in a family group with
uette placed with the dead, which bore her name rs Tiye and Amenhotep III. She is represented as a child
suggests that she was buried in the Royal Tomb at in the reliefs, indicating that she must have been born
Amarna late in Akhenaten's reign or shortly after his at the end of Amenhotep III's reign. Because the names
death. 19 At one time, scholars noted her disappearance of her parents are not mentioned in the texts that refer
from monuments after Year 12 and hypothesized that to her, it has been claimed that she might have been a
she fell from power and was replaced as queen by her daughter of Akhenaten. 23 But her close association
eldest daughter, Meretaten. But the changes of names with Queen Tiye and Amenhotep III speaks strongly
on monuments have turned out to concern the minor for this royal couple being her parents.
queen Kiya, not Nefertiti (see pp. 105-6, 112). More
recent theories have suggested that rather than disgrace, Mereta ten
a change in status to full coregent is behind her absence Meretaten (the Aten's Beloved), the eldest daughter of
from the records dating to the late years of Akhenaten. 20 Nefertiti and Akhenaten, was probably born before her
father ascended the throne. She is depicted following
"The King's Daughters ofHis Flesh" her mother in reliefs from the Aten temples at Karnak,
Nine "Beloved King's Daughters of His Flesh" are doc- Thebes, that can be dated to the earliest years of
umented at Amarna, and six of them are specified as Akhenaten's reign, a small figure in a long adult gown
"born of the King's Chief Wife Nefernefruaten- holding a sistrum. 24 At Amarna, she continued to be
Nefertiti." Two of them also appear in the Egyptian represented in a similar way in offering scenes (figs. 15,
records as queens: Meretaten, the eldest child 30); she is also seen with her sisters, joining their par-
of Akhenaten and Nefertiti, and their third-born ents during state ceremonies (figs. 78, 1n), and her statue
daughter, Ankhesenpaaten, who later changed her name stands beside those of the king and queen (fig. 103). In
10
WHo WAs WHo
name of Nefertiti when she became coruler with

Akhenaten during his late years (see pp. 88-93).
Coupled with her, the King's Chief Wife's role of
Meretaten can only have been of a ritual character
(see, however, fig. 82, p. 93). Smenkhkare, 30 on the other
hand, was a male successor of Akhenaten who ruled at
Amarna for a brief period after the latter's death. He is
thought to have been Tutankhamun's elder brother. His
mummy appears to be the one found in a coffin that
was reattributed from minor queen Kiya and eventually
buried in Tomb 55 in the Theban Valley of the Kings
(see pp. 38, II5-I6). Nothing is known about
Mereta ten's end and burial place. 31
Fig. 6. Small gold situla
inscribed with the name of
Princess Meketaten. The Meketaten
Metropolitan Museum of Meketaten, whose name means "She Whom the Aten
Art, New York Protects," must have been born in the early years of her
many representations Meretaten is singled out from her father's kingship, since her figure is incorporated in
sisters by being nearest to her father. On a domestic some of the blocks from the temples at Karnak. 32 Apart
stela (fig. 88), she appears-somewhat anachronistical- from her many portrayals in tomb and palace reliefs
ly, because this stela must date to just before Years 8-12 (figs. III, II2) and stelae (fig. 88), Meketaten is known
of the king's reign (pp. 39, 97)-as a baby in the king's from the Royal Tomb at Amarna, where she was
arms as he lifts her up and kisses her. On another stela buried. A representation on the walls of this tomb, of a
(fig. 94) and a wall relief (fig. 95) she receives an earring child being carried from the room in which a royal
from his hands, and in an unfinished group sculpture woman lies on her deathbed, has led some scholars to
she is most probably the young woman whom suppose that Meketaten died in childbirth (see,
Akhenaten kisses (fig. 96). however, p. II5). 33
It has been suggested-because of a single inscrip-
tion, which could be erroneous 25 -that Meretaten was Ankhesenpaaten
given the title King's Chief Wife while the temples at A third daughter was born to Nefertiti in about the
Karnak were still under construction, that is, in the sixth year of Akhenaten's reign, perhaps as late as Year 7
early years of her father's rule. Her status certainly rose or 8, 34 and was given the name Ankhesenpaaten, which
during the later years of the reign, when she took over means "May She Live for the Aten." Little more is
monuments originally decorated with images of the known about the early life of this princess than is
minor queen Kiya (see pp. 105-6) by having her name known of her sisters. She is depicted on tomb reliefs
superimposed over Kiya's, and Kiya's wig changed to with her sisters (figs. 78, 99, III, II2) and on stelae on
the hairstyle of a princess (figs. 79, IOO, IOI). Eventually her mother's arm (fig. 88). She is also the only Amarna
Meretaten was definitely designated King's Chief Wife 26 princess whose nurse (menat) is known by name. On a
and her name written in the cartouche as appropriate block in the Metropolitan Museum a woman called
for a queen at this period of Egyptian history (fig. 83). "the nurse of the king's daughter Ankhesenpaaten, Tia''
Her elevated status became known even in foreign is depicted bringing offerings. 35
countries: cuneiform letters addressed to Akhenaten by Ankhesenpaaten (later called Ankhesenamun), the
the king of Babylonia mention gifts sent to Meretaten consort of a successor to Akhenaten, is still a figure
after the Babylonian king's "having heard about her." 27 of mystery in many ways. Her relationship to
Two Egyptian rulers appear, tantalizingly, linked to Tutankhamun, her tentative identification as the author
Meretaten as if they were her husbands: Nefernefruaten 28 of two letters to the Hittite king Shuppiluliumash, and
and Smenkhkare. 29 N efernefruaten may have been the her possible marriage to her father have all contributed
II
only attempt to identify the author of the letters. 37

Nefertiti, Kiya, and Meretaten have all been suggested as
"Dahamunzu," but recent thought suggests that
Ankhesenamun is still the most likely candidate. In the
letters, the queen protests against marrying her "servant";
this possibly refers to the God's Father Ay, who became
pharaoh after Tutankhamun. A ring bearing the conjoined
names of Ankhesenamun and Ay has been proposed
as evidence that after the failure of her plot, a mar-
riage did take place between Tutankhamun's widow
and his chief minister, 38 but there is no record of
Ankhesenamun during Ay's reign, and she disappeared
from history. 39
Nefernefruaten- Tasherit
The fourth daughter of Nefertiti was named
Nefernefruaten the Younger after her mother and first
appears in the tomb of Panehsy, First Servant of the
Aten, in a scene that contains the earlier version of the
Aten name (see p. 4) that was abandoned in Years 8-12
of Akhenaten's reign. 40 In the tomb of Meryre, the
high priest of the Aten, there is a short inscription that
Fig. 7· Lid of a small box from the tomb ofTutankhamun
showing a child and the name of Princess N efernefrure. seems to refer to her as King's Wife and Daughter, but
Wood with glass inlays. Egyptian Museum, Cairo this unique occurrence could easily be an error on the
part of the artists who decorated the tomb. 41 She is rep-
resented with her sisters at the festival of Year 12 of her
to the controversy surrounding her. As the third daugh- father's reign (fig. 78), and she sits at her mother's feet in
ter of Akhenaten, her chances of becoming queen were the painting from the King's House at Amarna (fig. 49).
originally slim, but with the death or disappearance of
her mother (Nefertiti), stepmother (Kiya), and elder Nefernefrure
sisters, Ankhesenpaaten was the logical choice to marry Little is known about Princess Nefernefrure (the
Tutankhaten, a young prince who was probably the Perfect One of the Sun's Perfection) except for her
only male of the royal line still alive. With the return to order (fifth) in the procession of royal daughters and
orthodoxy Ankhesenpaaten became Ankhesenamun, as her approximate birth date, sometime in about her
the young king became Tutankhamun, and they moved father's ninth regnal year. She seems to have had a
to Memphis or Thebes to live. She is represented on tomb in the Royal Wadi at Tell el-Amarna, but a box
many of her husband's public monuments as well as on lid with her name on it was found in the tomb of her
numerous smaller objects from his tomb, and we might brother-in-law Tutankhamun (fig. 7). 42 In a painting
assume from this that she was influential in the govern- (fig. 49) she sits with her elder sister at Queen
ment. However, it was only after Tutankhamun's death Nefertiti's feet, and Nefernefruaten-Tasherit chucks her
that she became a truly controversial figure-because under the chin. Both princesses wear only jewelry. At
of the letters to the Hittite king that were attributed to the Year I2 festival (fig. 78) Nefernefrure holds a young
her. In these letters (see p. 124), 36 an Egyptian queen gazelle on her arm.
writes to a foreign ruler asking that he send his son to
be her consort-an unprecedented and scandalous
Opposite: Fig. 8. Detail of a relief (fig. 88) showing Nefertiti
move. Since the queen is referred to as Dahamunzu, a with Princess Ankhesenpaaten. Limestone. Agyptisches Museum,
phonetic rendering of the title ta hemet nesu, one can Berlin
12
Setepenre commemorative scarabs. 4 s Mterward, she seems to have

Setepenre (She Whom the Sun Has Chosen) is the least disappeared from view and is not mentioned again until
known of all Nefertiti's children. She appears only on a the negotiations for the marriage of her niece,
few monuments, primarily tombs of nobles. 43 Like Tadukhipa, took place. 49
several of her older sisters, she is believed to have died
before her father, perhaps, as has been suggested, as a Tadukhipa
result of an epidemic in the Mediterranean basin. 44 In the closing years of the reign of Amenhotep III, yet
another Mitannian princess was sent to Egypt. The
Meretaten- Tasherit daughter of King Tushratta, Tadukhipa is referred to in
From the end of the Amarna Period there are a number letters from Mitanni as the Mistress of Egypt, that is,
of mysterious princesses whose names are attested in the queen. She is mentioned in the cuneiform Amarna
texts on blocks from dismantled temples and palaces. correspondence until the fourth year of Akhenaten's
One such is Meretaten the Younger, whose mother has reign, 50 and some scholars identify her as Kiya,
been identified as the eldest daughter of Nefertiti, 45 Akhenaten's secondary consort.
although some scholars suggest that the mysterious
Kiya was her mother. THE WIFE AND GREAT BELOVED OF THE
KING, KIYA
Ankhesenpaaten- Tasherit This mysterious figure has fired the imagination of
Damaged and altered texts that have been reconstructed many scholars and friends of ancient Egypt since her
refer to a King's Daughter called Ankhesenpaaten the existence was rediscovered in the 1960s and 1970s. The
Younger. This problematic princess is mentioned only queen was virtually unknown even among Egyptologists
in a few incomplete inscriptions on blocks found at until Herbert W Fairman published two cosmetic ves-
Hermopolis and Karnak. 46 The possibility of her exis- sels from the British Museum and the Metropolitan
tence has led to the suggestion that Akhenaten married Museum that were inscribed with her name. 51 In recent
his third daughter and had a child by her, or that both decades she has become the focus of many reassess-
Ankhesenpaaten the Younger and Meretaten the ments of Amarna chronology, society, and art. One of the
Younger were Kiya's children. 47 most difficult tasks has been the identification of Kiya's
origins. A popular theory holds that she is Tadukhipa
THE FOREIGN QUEENS with an adopted Egyptian name. 52 Certainly there is
Amenhotep III and Akhenaten contracted diplomatic some evidence to suggest that Kiya might have been a
marriages with Babylonian and Mitannian princesses, foreigner and thus ineligible for the position of King's
as did their predecessors. These princesses would prob- Chief Wife. Her titles were unique, similar to but not
ably have been honored with their own estates, and identical with those of a queen; she is described as the
perhaps temples to the Aten, but their place within the "wife and great beloved of the king of Upper and
royal hierarchy was circumscribed because of their for- Lower Egypt, who lives on Maar, Neferkheprure-
eign origin. As members of foreign royalty, they were Waenre [Akhenaten], the beautiful child of the living
not elevated to the position of King's Chief Wife, but Aten, who shall live forever continually: Kiya," and
behind the scenes they would have exercised whatever perhaps she is the "Noble Lady" (ta shepeset) men-
influence they had. tioned in small inscriptions at Amarna. 53 Although
scarcely as prominent as Nefertiti, Tiye, or the royal
Gilukhipa daughters, Kiya was honored at Amarna with Sunshade
Mitanni, or Naharin, in western Mesopotamia, was sanctuaries for the sun cult and chapels of her own
among the most important allies of the Egyptians (see pp. 27, 105). Such institutions of worship in the
during the reign of Amenhotep III. Gilukhipa, the name of a female member of the court were always
daughter of Shuttarna II of Mitanni, was sent to accompanied in ancient Egypt by an institutional frame-
Akhenaten's father as a bride in the tenth year of his work, ownership of land, and income from other insti-
reign. Her impressive entourage is mentioned in his tutions securing the livelihood of the queen. 54 Kiya
14
WHo WAs WHo
seems to have borne at least one child to Akhenaten, a Valley of the Kings and on numerous public monu-
daughter whose name is not known. It has, moreover, ments. 60 At Amarna her elegant figure and impressive
been suggested that Kiya was also the mother of face were carved in relief in the tomb of her and
Tutankhamun, but there is no evidence to corroborate her husband. 61
this. 55
In reliefs, Kiya is seen accompanying the king at Mutnedjmet, Last Queen ofthe Eighteenth Dynasty
offerings and official ceremonies, just as Queen With the death of Ay and the succession of Commander
Nefertiti does (fig. 79), but the two queens never in Chief Haremhab, a new queen appears: Mutnedjmet
appear together. Several reliefs show Kiya officiating (Sweet Mother). Although she is relatively unknown,
alone at priestly functions (fig. roo). 56 she has been the subject of both a scholarly dissertation 62
The year of Kiya's death and her final resting place and a German novel. Like Nefertiti, Tiye, and Tiy,
are not known, although there is evidence from a wine Mutnedjmet was not a King's Daughter. On the rare
docket that she was still alive as late as the sixteenth occasions when she appears in the record at Amarna
year of Akhenaten's reign 57 and that various items from she is described as Sister of the King's Chief Wife
her burial-including a magnificent coffin covered Nefertiti. The fact that she is seen in the tomb of Ay at
with gold and colorful inlays-were reused in Tomb 55 Amarna might be understood as a confirmation that she
of the Valley of the Kings (see pp. 38, n5-16). 58 was related to him as well as to Nefertiti, but she appears
not only in his tomb following the daughters of Akhenaten
and Nefertiti but also in two other tombs of Amarna
QUEENS OF THE POST-AMARNA PERIOD
officials. 63 In Ay's tomb and in the one of the Fanbearer
Tiy, the Great Royal Nurse Who Became Queen Mau, Mutnedjmet is accompanied by two court dwarfs,
Another "commoner queen" (after Queen Tiye and which suggests that she held a high position as lady-in-
Queen Nefertiti; see pp. 7, 10) succeeded Ankhesenamun waiting. Although almost certainly younger than
as Lady of the Two Lands. Tiy (her name is written Nefertiti, she seems to be a young adult rather than a
thus by Egyptologists to distinguish her from the child in these reliefs, certainly young enough to have
queen of Amenhotep III) was the wife of Ay. Among survived the reigns following that of Akhenaten.
her titles were: khekeret nesu, or Royal Ornament, There is no record of Mutnedjmet from
Nurse of the King's Chief Wife, Governess of the Tutankhamun's reign, but after his death she again
Goddess, One Who Praises the King's ChiefWife, and becomes prominent as the queen of Haremhab. 64
Chief Singer of Waenre [Akhenaten]. Because she is Human remains found in the tomb that Haremhab
not specifically said to be Nefertiti's mother-although had prepared for himself in the Memphite necropolis
Ay is believed to be her father (see pp. ro, 51) 59 - Tiy is of Saqqara before he became king were identified as
often identified as Nefertiti's stepmother. There is a hers, indicating that she died about Year 13 of King
considerable gap between her first appearance in Haremhab, aged thirty-five to forty. That a queen was
Amarna reliefs and her appearance as queen. However, buried in an unused tomb of a king is not unprece-
since her husband remained at the center of the dented and does not imply that she had fallen into dis-
government throughout the reigns of Akhenaten's suc- grace. Along with the bones, fragments of an infant's
cessors, we may assume that Tiy too remained promi- skeleton were found, leading to the suggestion that she
nent until her death. She appears in Ay's tomb in the died trying to give Haremhab an heir. 65
15
AN ARTISTIC REVOLUTION:
THE EARLY YEARS OF KING
AMENHOTEP IV/AKHENATEN
DOROTHEA ARNOLD
E
arly in the reign of King Amenhotep IV (ca. banded upper lids. The double-wing shape of the lower
1350 B.C.) Egyptian art underwent a transforma- part of the nose is repeated, in much stronger terms, in
tion that must have shocked the king's subjects the boldly sculptured mouth, undoubtedly the liveliest
as much as it does the uninitiated modern viewer. At a feature of this uncompromising face (fig. I, no. 29). A
temple of the Aten at Karnak, colossal sculptures about curved line extending from the nose to the corners of
16.5 feet (5 meters) high were erected against massive the mouth indicates a muscle fold that Egyptian artists
pillars that surrounded the temple court on at least used, commonly in a more three-dimensional way, to
three sides. 1 In these figures traditional royal iconogra- give individuality to sculptured faces. Here, it is linearly
phy appears strangely-almost grotesquely-distorted incised, as if to emphasize through this stylization the
(fig. 9). The king's enormous thighs are tightly drawn superhuman qualities of this visionary's face.
together by a knee-length pleated kilt whose upper The somewhat aloof smile gives human expression
edge, supported by a heavy, angular belt, droops below to the Karnak statue's surprising head, but the size and
the pharaoh's protruding belly. Long, sinewy arms are shape of the head and face clearly exceed natural
crossed above a narrow waist; the hands are placed on dimensions. We are confronted less with a representation
somewhat effeminate breasts that are positioned unnat- of a human face than with artistic variations of human
urally close to the shoulders. 2 Above the large bony features. The effect is awesome: pharaoh's divinity
hands holding the royal crook and flail, a ceremonial expressed through a transfiguration of human forms.
beard of great length is flanked by the sharply ridged, Images of Queen Nefertiti were almost as omni-
overextended clavicles. The king's names are inscribed present as those of her husband in the temples of the
on the buckle of the belt, whereas the belt itself is deco- Aten at Karnak. Among sculptures in the round, the
rated with the cartouches of the Aten. The god's names sandstone fragment of an over-lifesize head (fig. 2, no. 41)
are also incised on rectangular plaques, similar to stamp has been preserved in a famous temple deposit (known
seals, that are fixed to the king's waist, arms, and as the Karnak cachette) along with hundreds of other
clavicles. sculptures of various periods. 4 The piece must have
Head, headgear, and ceremonial beard occupy been mishandled before it came to be mingled with
almost one-third of the statue's total height. Beneath works from totally different periods. This would
the impressive mass of the huge double crown, the face account for the pitted appearance of the surface.
is framed by enormous drop-shaped lobes, the side However, most of the queen's face-except for the
parts of a royal khat headdress. 3 Hollow cheeks and an right side of the mouth, part of the chin, the right
aristocratically thin, elongated nose separate the mouth cheek, and the ears-is preserved. Of the wig of eche-
from the widely spaced, slanting eyes set under a bony loned curls there remains only the part above the fore-
brow. The king peers, as if shortsighted, through nar- head, with the superimposed bodies of two cobras
rowly slit eyes that are hooded by heavy, angularly (uraei). The presence of a pair of cobras, not a single
uraeus, indicates an image of Nefertiti rather than of
Opposite: Fig. 9· Colossal statue of Amenhotep IV from Karnak. Amenhotep IV I Akhenaten: only queens wore double
Sandstone. Egyptian Museum, Cairo uraei during the Eighteenth Dynasty. 5
17
Fig. IO. Relief showing Nefertiti offering. Sandstone. The Brooklyn Museum
Except for the differences in hairstyle and royal years of their reign. Many reliefs on so-called talatat of
accoutrements, the queen's head is remarkably similar sandstone (building blocks of a uniform size, roughly
to that of the king (fig. 9). When viewed originally, 21 x 9 x ro in. [53.3 x 22.9 x 25.5 em]) from the Aten
perhaps standing close to each other, the Karnak stat- temples at Karnak depict Queen Nefertiti either together
ues of the king and queen must have seemed to be por- with her husband or performing offering rites accom-
trayals of the same person in different clothes. In earlier panied by her eldest daughter, Meretaten, or-more
Egyptian art queens were not usually depicted with the rarely-by the two next-born daughters, Meketaten
same facial features as the king; 6 only in representa- and Ankhesenpaaten. 1 0 Although a number of styles
tions of the royal couple immediately preceding can be observed in these reliefs and the faces of both king
Amenhotep IV I Akhenaten and Nefertiti, Amenhotep and queen vary accordingly, the facial resemblances of the
III and Tiye, does a certain similarity of features queen and the princesses to the king are unmistakable. n
emerge. 7 The phenomenon of Nefertiti appearing as a Praying to the Aten, probably near an altar heaped
sculptural double of Akhenaten is paralleled most with offerings, Nefertiti (figs. ro, rr, nos. 32, 39, 48)
closely in the facial resemblances of kings or queens to wears the same ceremonial wig of echeloned curls as in
deities. Many sculptures of gods and goddesses in her colossal statue (fig. 2). Over the forehead, the
Egyptian art of all periods are endowed with the facial uraeus cobra (fig. ro) or the queenly double cobras
features of the ruling king or queen. It was a way of (fig. II) emerge from below a fillet that encircles the
expressing the Egyptian belief that the pharaoh was the wig. Above the wig (but only partly preserved on the
representative of god on earth. 8 The similarity of relief in fig. II) sat a high crown comprising a modius
Nefertiti's face to that of her husband in the Karnak stat- adorned with cobras , a sun disk between two cow
ues may be understood in the same way. If the pharaoh horns, and two high feathers (figs. 5, 15). Like the
was the all-important human link with the divine, then queens before her, Nefertiti was linked through this
the queen's resemblance to the king must have assured elaborate headgear to Hathor, daughter of the sun god,
her a share in his close relationship to the god. 9 12
Re, and this solar implication may have made the
The similarity of Nefertiti's features to those of the crown acceptable to believers in the Aten. The sun-ray
king is not restricted to the colossal sandstone statues; hands of the Aten hold signs of life to the queen's nose
it was a recurrent phenomenon in art during the early and embrace the cobras on her brow (fig. II) .
r8
Fig. n. Relief showing Nefertiti offering. Sandstone. Collection ofJack Josephson, New York
The style of these Karnak reliefs recalls the elonga- Viewers have argued that the Karnak sculptures and
tions and expressive distortions of the colossal statues reliefs depicted the "true" features of the king and
from the same site. Above a strikingly long neck, the queen, and that the artists worked under the king's per-
face protrudes forward to a degree that in reality is only sonal directive to portray him and his queen exactly as
found with heads of animals, not humans. The queen's they looked. 13 This understanding of early Amarna
nose is so long that its tip forms a unit with the full art as realistic has led to an ongoing search for explana-
mouth and drooping, round chin, while the slitlike eye tions (pathological and otherwise) for the "abnormal"
under the bony brow is placed so high that it almost in the representations of members of the royal family. 14
touches the edge of the wig. This leaves ample space for Recently, Edna R. Russmann repudiated this whole
the cheeks and jaws, and the artist has used it to empha- approach with her liberating statement that "diagnoses
size the jawbones as a major structural element of the of this kind are based on false premises. They arise
head. from modern perceptions and preoccupations-from
Though fascinating and otherworldly, this head does scientifically oriented curiosity and from our irresistible
not project an image of pleasing, sweetly feminine tendency to assume that distinctive features must, like a
beauty. The cheeks are ascetically hollow, the chin photograph, mirror an actual appearance. Akhenaten's
droops unbecomingly, and the lines between nose and concerns, of course, were entirely different. In departing
mouth and at the corners of the mouth are more radically from the styles of all earlier royal representa-
appropriate for an old woman than a young queen. tions . . . the . . . representations of Akhenaten at
True, the lips are sensuously rounded, and the small Karnak are deliberately unrealistic." 15 In other words:
head is elegantly balanced on the long, slender neck, Amenhotep IV/ Akhenaten and Nefertiti are depicted
while the massive wig forms a richly textured counter- with unprepossessing, ugly features in order to express
weight to the protruding face. It cannot be denied, a radically new concept of kingship and queenship, and
however, that this is an astonishing image for a queen the ugliness of the images is indicative of the intensity
whose name meant "the Beautiful One Is Here" and behind the new beliefs.
whose predecessor's imagery, even where character and Notwithstanding the drive to replace traditional
determination were emphasized, never departed from artistic methods with very different ones, Egyptian
feminine elegance and polish. artists of the early years of Akhenaten's reign were still
19
Fig. 12. The site of Tell el-Amarna today: ruins of the North Palace
Egyptian artists, and in their search for hitherto Illuminated Manifestations of the Aten). 18 The same
untried forms they made use of what had served in pre- year, having experienced events that were "worse [than]
vious periods in order to express the different and the those heard by any kings who had (ever) assumed the
"abnormal." Traditionally, the subjects of such abnormal White Crown," 19 the king also decided to move the
images were foreigners, herdsmen, or other people living royal residence and seat of government, the chief cult
outside ordinary Egyptian society-old people and per- place for the god, and the burial site for himself, the
sons of strong character or what we would call "indi- royal family, and officials from Thebes to an area in
viduality." 16 To depict human beings-or human Middle Egypt that modern archaeologists have named
conditions-of this type, Egyptian artists since early times Amarna. 20 The ancient name of the new city was
endowed them with certain features that served almost as Akhetaten (Horizon of the Aten). 21 There is not enough
codified symbols: hollow cheeks, strongly marked cheek- evidence to reconstruct what actually happened.
bones, hooded eyes, and lines and folds at the corners Somehow, forces-political as well as religious-at
of the mouth and between mouth and nose. All these Thebes must have created a situation that could only
features were now incorporated, as we have seen, into be resolved by separation. Since Egypt's internal affairs
the early images of King Amenhotep IVI Akhenaten and were peaceful for the next ten years at least, the move
Queen Nefertiti (figs. ro, n). To Egyptian eyes, king and was a wise one, assuring a measure of equilibrium
queen were thus characterized as extraordinary beings. between conservatives and the Aten believers.
In the fifth year of his reign 17 the king changed his
name from the traditional Amenhotep (Amun Is
Content) to Akhenaten (Effective for the Aten, or Opposite: Fig. 13. Map ofT ell el-Amarna as excavated
20
Nile
River
KOM EL-NANA
2kms.
1 mi.
Boundary stelae flanked by statues of the king, advertised [the king's] new religion and art and in
queen, 22 and princesses were carved into the limestone which formal receptions and ceremonies could be held." 3'
cliffs to define the area of the new city and commemo- In the part of this complex that was built of stone
rate the founding rites performed in Year 5 as well as a stood twice-lifesize statues of the king and queen;
renewal by solemn oath in the following year. Final balustrades of marblelike indurated limestone and, pos-
adjustments to the stelae texts were added later, in sibly, granite (no. 36) carried relief decoration (fig. 5),
Year 8. 23 The queen took part in all ceremonies. 24 An and the walls were adorned with colorful ceramic inlays
argument between the couple and their courtiers about and more relief decoration. 32 On the lintels of doors in
the place chosen for the new city echoes through the the columned central hall, carvings in relief showed the
ages, because the king saw fit to affirm in the stela king as a sphinx (fig. 14, no. 40). 33 Columns in the
text: "Nor shall the King's Chief Wife say to me: stone buildings, as well as in the more intimate brick-
'Look, there is a nice place for Akhetaten someplace built structures, were decorated with scenes that
else."' 25 And the same is said about "any officials" who showed the king, accompanied by Queen Nefertiti and
should utter words against the choice. the royal princesses, offering to the Aten. 34 Such repre-
To erect a new royal residence, official cult place, sentations are certainly testimony to the predominantly
and seat of government, a huge construction project had religious function of the buildings.
to be initiated. Temples, palaces, administrative buildings, Relief fragments that most probably came from
workshops, storehouses, and lodgings for hundreds of columns of the building complex called the Great Palace
officials and thousands of dependents, royal workmen, (figs. 5, 15, 17, 109, nos. 18, 24, 34) 35 include figures of
servants, and laborers had to be constructed within a few Queen Nefertiti and her oldest daughter with facial fea-
years. The demands on architects, sculptors, painters, tures closely resembling those of the Karnak temple reliefs
draftsmen, and other artists and artisans were immense, (figs. 10, n). The queen appears again with hollow
but the challenge was met with a burst of creativity sel- cheeks, slitlike eyes, and an overly large mouth with full
dom equaled in ancient Egypt or anywhere else. lips; her head rests precariously on a neck of unnatural
The city's main artery was the Royal Road, a north- length. The heads and faces of the accompanying
south thoroughfare that linked the principal official princesses resemble those of their mother (fig. 109,
and religious buildings and served as a processional no. 34). These striking similarities notwithstanding, a
route from palace to temple for the royal chariot. 26 In noticeable difference in style distinguishes the reliefs
the center of the city, on the east side of the Royal carved at Amarna from their counterparts in Karnak:
Road, were two main sanctuaries of the Aten: the Great their carving is more rounded, the outlines of the figures
Aten Temple and the Small Aten Temple. On the west are softer, and the individual features are more sensuous
side of the road a large building complex faced the and alive. In comparison, the Theban Karnak reliefs
Small Aten Temple and another group of buildings that seem rigid, angular, and dry.
filled the space between the Small and the Great Aten Such changes in style can only be explained by the
Temples. The function of the building complex west of presence at Amarna of new groups of artists whose back-
the Royal Road has been the subject of much scholarly ground and training were different from those of the
discussion. Early excavators had identified the whole Karnak sculptors. Actually, it is not difficult to trace the
group of buildings as a "Palace" 27 or a "Great Palace." 28 origins of the sculptors who worked in the new style at
Subsequent scholars have argued that, although the Amarna. When Akhenaten transferred his capital to
smaller part of the complex, built of mud brick and Middle Egypt and set up workshops to carry out the
brightly painted, seemed to have had an "intimate" great task of adorning the new city of the Aten, he must
29
character, the larger part, consisting of courts and halls have employed artists who resided in the Amarna area,
built of stone, could not have served domestic or admin- possibly in the ancient city of Hermopolis. In addition,
30
istrative purposes, however royal, but was either a artists from the northern capital city of Memphis, near
large Aten sanctuary, a place for the jubilee (sed) festi- modern Cairo, were evidently called to Amarna.
val that Akhenaten celebrated for himself and the god, or, Reliefs carved for Hermopolis and the Memphite
more generally, a "sumptuous, semi-religious setting which cemetery of Saqqara during the reign of Akhenaten's
22
Fig. 14. Detail from a relief showing Akhenaten as a sphinx.
Limestone. Thalassic Collection, courtesy Mr. and Mrs. Theodore
Halkedis, New York
Fig. 15. Fragment from a column excavated at Amarna showing

Nefertiri and Princess Meretaten offering to the Aren. Limestone.
Ashmolean Museum, Oxford
father, King Amenhotep III, already display character- (figs. 10, n), which look flat and intellectually dry in
istics that have many affinities with the new style of comparison. There can be no doubt that the new art at
Amarna. The Hermopolitan and Memphite reliefs are Amarna was essentially northern in character, and it is
more rounded than the contemporaneous Theban more than probable that Memphite artists became
ones; their outlines are more fluid and the bodies and members of the newly created sculptors' workshops at
facial features are livelier. 36 A good example of northern Amarna. 37
Egyptian relief style from the earlier years of During the early years at Amarna, statues of the king
Akhenaten's reign is a fragment showing Queen and queen in indurated or soft limestone, quartzite,
Nefertiti that was excavated at Memphis (fig. 18, no. 19). and diorite were placed in the Great Aten Temple on
The face of the queen is almost completely destroyed, the east side of the Royal Road. They portrayed the
but most of the upper body and the wig remain, pre- royal couple in a variety of postures: seated, kneeling,
senting a remarkably three-dimensional image. The and standing. Some figures held offering plates in their
queen's long tripartite wig is given roundness and hands, in accordance with an age-old image personify-
depth; it curves naturally and organically over the ing fertility. Others held large stelae inscribed with the
shoulder, and a play of light and shadow creates a names of the Aten. 38 Fragments of faces show that the
shimmering textural effect on the faceted surfaces of Amarna temple sculptors transformed the Karnak con-
the curls, which are noticeably smaller than those on the ception of the royal image, as can be seen in the reliefs.
Karnak reliefs. The ear of the Memphite queen is fleshy, Nose and mouth are still boldly sculptured in fragments
and the fillet that binds the mass of the wig appears from the temple statuary (fig. 16), 39 and the incised
to have a life of its own. The same qualities of round- line from the nostrils to the corners of the mouth is
ness, sensuousness, and tactility differentiate Amarna again present. But, as in the reliefs, there is a new
reliefs (figs. 14, 15, 17, 19) from the Karnak works sensuousness and a feel for the organic in the features
23
Akhenaten himself. 41 A round belly and pronounced

buttocks are also features of these female images, as can
be seen in the statuette from this group in the
Metropolitan Museum (fig. 20, no. 46). But the wooden
statuette does not in any way equal the sculptural bold-
ness that the torso shares with the Karnak statues of
Akhenaten and Nefertiti (figs. 2, 9).
The woman rep res en ted in the torso wears an
undergarment consisting of a long tunic of very fine
thin linen. At the front of the neck, the partly open
head slot of the tunic is just visible. Over the right
shoulder and upper chest the linen clings so closely to
the body that the appearance of bare flesh is created.
Farther down, at the front, the tunic's widely spaced
pleats also cling tightly. Over the tunic the woman
wears a shawl of very fine, more narrowly pleated linen
with fringes on two adjoining edges: a short looped
weft fringe and a longer warp fringe. The two other
edges are plain. 42 The corner where the two fringed
edges meet is tucked under the woman's right arm so
that the short fringe emerges from under the right arm
and crosses diagonally between the clavicles to the left
Fig. 16. Fragment from a statue of Akhenaten, from the dump shoulder, while the long fringe hangs over the waist
of the Great Aten Temple, Amarna. Indurated limestone. The and the lower left arm. The shawl covers both breasts
Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York
and the left arm and shoulder. It then passes around
the back, and one unfringed edge overlaps the under-
of the Amarna statues; the manneristic artificiality of garment along the right hip and thigh. Below the right
the Karnak works has almost completely disappeared. 4 0 breast a knot was tied between the ends of the unfringed
Three sculptures in the round representing female and long-fringed edges to hold the shawl in place.
members of the royal family are masterpieces created Fine Egyptian linens were a wonder of the ancient
during the early phase of Amarna art: a quartzite torso, world, but it is clear that the artist has exaggerated the
now in the Louvre (figs. 21, 22), a wooden head in thinness of this garment so that the pleats, fringes, and
Berlin (figs. 23, 26, no. 1), and the fragment of a yellow knotted ends play, to some degree, the role of a graphi-
jasper head in The Metropolitan Museum of Art (figs. 27, cally defined pattern of vertical and oblique lines that
29). The torso, of dark reddish quartzite, is roughly emphasize the shape of the body. This use of garment
one-third lifesize and depicts a young woman with a pleats-and the fan-shape arrangement over the breasts
high narrow waist, small breasts, and an impressively and under the right arm-is reminiscent of the pleated
full lower body. The expanse of belly, buttocks, and kilt in the Karnak statue of Akhenaten (fig. 9) . The
thighs, especially in profile (fig. 21), is reminiscent of Amarna artist, however, used the scheme in an
predynastic Great Mother Goddess figures. By New infinitely more refined way, shaping pleats and inter-
Kingdom times, this was as unusual an ideal of beauty as stices to convey an almost tangible impression of flimsy
it is today. The extraordinary character of the torso fabric. Under the subtle layering of stretched, clinging
becomes even more evident when compared with a group linen, the sharp-edged collarbone and soft body flesh
of only slightly earlier female statuettes that were found at are brought to life in masterly fashion.
Medinet el-Ghurab in the Faiyum Oasis (figs. 20, 64,
124, nos. 46, 54). They date to the end of the reign of
Akhenaten's father, Amenhotep III, or the first years of Opposite: Fig. 17· Detail from a relief (fig. 15)
24
Fig. 18. Fragment from a relief excavated at the Temple ofPtah, Memphis. Fig. 19. Fragment from a relief showing Neferriti .
Limestone. Petrie Museum, University College, London Reddish quartzite. The Metropolitan Museum of Art,
New York
The slight forward movement of the woman's left teens when the torso was made, during the Years 6-8
leg balances the gesture of the now-lost right arm. of her father's reign. 48 In the complete work the
Judging from what remains of the shoulder, the right princess was grouped either with her mother and father
arm would have stretched away from the body and to or with another sister, as often seen in tomb and temple
the right. The lower part of the arm was probably bent reliefs (fig. n2). That no traces of a side lock are preserved
upward. A slab of stone was attached at the side of the on the shoulder does not necessarily indicate that her
right breast to support the arm. Since Egyptian stone head was bare-skulled, like the one from the workshop
statues do not usually include objects held in the hand of Thutmose (see pp. 55-61, figs. 46-48, 50-53). The
of an outstretched arm, the hand of the quartzite statues of princesses flanking the boundary stelae had
woman presumably touched a neighboring figure, thus short side locks that did not reach the shoulders. 49
making her part of a group in which each figure was Whatever the outcome of an ongoing discussion of
given a separately fitted back pillar. 4 3 The outstretched the late years of Akhenaten's father, Amenhotep Ill, 50 it
arm gesture is best known from statues and statuettes is certain that his mother- "the King's Mother, King's
of princesses (fig. 103). 44 In Amarna statuary it is only Chief Wife Queen Tiye may she live forever
in the rare seated figures that the queen touches or continually" -lived for a number of years after the new
embraces the king; 4 5 standing royal couples usually capital, Akhetaten, was founded. She probably resided
hold hands. 46 It would, moreover, be very unusual for the at Amarna 51 and certainly was buried there after Year 9
queen's body to lack incised cartouches of the god, as of Akhenaten's reign, 52 possibly as late as after Year 14. 53
was customary in Karnak and in early Amarna art. 4 7 Most significantly, her steward Huya, the highest
Astonishingly, therefore, iconography indicates that official of her household, had his tomb prepared at
this "mother goddess" figure represents a princess, most Amarna. On the walls of this tomb 54 two images depict
probably the eldest daughter of Akhenaten and a banquet (fig. no) at which the Queen Mother, repre-
Nefertiti, Meretaten, who was probably in her early sented much as in figure 5, feasted with Akhenaten,
AN ARTISTIC REVOLUTION
Nefertiti, and their elder daughters. Beside Tiye's advanced age is represented in the small wooden head
chair stands little Princess Baketaten, who may have owned by the Agyptisches Museum, Berlin (figs. 23, 26,
been the queen's late-born child by Amenhotep III no. r). Personality is so strongly expressed in this small
(seep. ro). face (only two inches [5 em] high) that Queen Tiye-if
The banquet, which took place outside the city in a it is indeed she who is represented-has become one of
rural setting, 55 may well have celebrated the inauguration the best-known women of antiquity. 62
of the Queen Mother's Sunshade temple at Akhetaten, The head was bought on the Cairo antiquities mar-
which is depicted on another wall of Huya's tomb. 56 ket in 1905 for the Berlin collector James Simon by
Scholars have debated the meaning of the word Ludwig Borchardt, who was subsequently able to
Sunshade, and only the following points appear to be research its provenance. 63 The piece had been found
certain. 57 Sunshades (the word shut, which is tradition- together with a number of other objects of wood or
ally translated as "shade," may not have meant a shady ivory at Medinet el-Ghurab, an ancient site at the
place) were sacred structures in which daily offerings entrance to the Faiyum Oasis, about fifty miles south of
were made to the sun god. At Amarna, Sunshade sanc-
tuaries were closely connected with female members of
the royal family; landscaped gardens, whose trees,
flowers, and pools provided ample allusions to nature-
the special realm of all Egyptian solar deities and, above
all, of the Aten-are a frequent feature. We will come
back to these mysterious structures later (pp. 104-7).
Suffice it here to state that Queen Tiye was fully a part
of the religious building and cult programs at
Akhetaten.
Queen Tiye is represented by a considerable number
of still-extant images in relief and in the round. 58 For
the most part, these sculptures portray the queen with
a youthfully round face surrounded by an overpower-
ing, enveloping wig; the slanting eyes are large and
almond shaped, and the small mouth tends to look
pursed. In profile, the chin, mouth, and nose protrude
beyond the line of the forehead. Similar features are
found not only on certain images of the king but also
on representations of private persons. 59 It is a kind of
"official-person image" that was given an especially
pleasing aspect for the queen.
Surprisingly different is the face of a small head ofTiye
made of steatite and excavated from the Hathor sanctu-
ary of Serabit el-Khadim in the Sinai Desert (fig. 24). 60
It shows the queen in an ample tripartite wig. The cor-
ners of her naturally curved and sensuously full mouth
are turned down and extended by sharply incised lines;
more softly carved oblique folds separate the slightly
drooping flesh of the cheeks from the roundly protrud-
ing upper lip. The lower lip pushes firmly upward,
which gives the face its expression of strong-willed
Fig. 20. Statuette of the Chief of the Household, Tiya, from
determination, especially in the profile view. 6 ' Medinet el-Ghurab. Wood. The Metropolitan Museum of Art,
Undoubtedly, the same person at a somewhat more New York
Cairo. Earlier, William M. Flinders Petrie and other unflattering details, but nevertheless she is a beauty of
British archaeologists working at Ghurab had uncov- rare appeal. The triangular shape of the face is not
ered remains of a mud-brick complex consisting of a found in any other Tiye image, but it is reminiscent of
large outer wall surrounding two rectangular inner the Karnak heads of Akhenaten and Nefertiti (figs. 2, 9),
enclosures and an extensive array of smaller structures. 64 as is the strong emphasis on the bone structure of the
Influenced by the high quality of the wooden head, head, expressed by the angularity of cheekbones, jaw,
Borchardt associated these ruins with the palace that and chin. Even the forehead, with its vertical depres-
King Amenhotep III and Queen Tiye had inhabited at sion above the nose, is shaped to convey the impression
Malqata on the west bank of the Nile, opposite Thebes, of a distinct skeletal type; the slanting, somewhat tired-
in southern Egypt. 65 This was certainly understandable, looking eyes with heavy protuberant lids are set so
since many objects found with the head were inscribed deeply into the bony cavities that the application of
with the names of Amenhotep III and Queen Tiye. 66 even a short cosmetic line-which usually extended
No wonder, then, that Borchardt came to the conclu- toward the temples-was impossible. The right eye is
sion that the little head was an image of Queen Tiye slanted slightly more than the left, and the upper lid is
and that the Ghurab ruins were the remains of a palace
in which she had lived. Over time, other scholars added
further pieces to the puzzle 67 until there emerged an
intriguing picture of a royal dowager's house at Ghurab,
in which Akhenaten's mother spent her last years. 68
On closer examination, the evidence for Queen
Tiye's having had a palace at Ghurab is very slight. The
excavations of the ruins, for instance, did not produce
any of the features, decorative or otherwise, usually
found in palaces of her time, 69 and scrutiny of the
objects found at the site and carrying inscriptions dating
them to the time of Amenhotep III and Tiye reveals that
these pieces are of a predominantly religious-indeed,
in some instances, outright funerary-character. 70 The
sources, in fact, suggest that a cult for the deceased
Amenhotep III existed at Ghurab and that the offerings
made in the name of Queen Tiye were part of this cult. 71
Since the Berlin head was found-so far as can be
ascertained-together with objects dedicated to this
cult, its identification as Queen Tiye still remains the
only possible conclusion.
The head was once part of an approximately one-third
lifesize statuette composed of various woods and precious
materials. Modern technology-brilliantly brought to
bear on the piece by the director of the Agyptisches
Museum, Berlin, Dietrich Wildung-has recently
revealed the remarkable history of this masterpiece and
clarified its original appearance (fig. 25). 72 What we see
today is a later version of the head after it had undergone
considerable alteration. Only the face and the neck appear
to have survived these changes practically untouched.
The face is astonishing enough (figs. 25, 26). We see Figs. 21, 22 (opposite). Torso of a princess. Red quartzite. Musee
a woman somewhat beyond middle age 73 depicted with du Louvre, Paris
THE RoYAL WoMEN OF AMARNA
raised more, an asymmetry often found in Egyptian art with yo[ur] father. No one else knows them. You must ask
but here used to fascinatingly lifelike effect. Tiye, your mother, about them so she can tell you." 75 It
The rather large nose and the full mouth are the seems that even in foreign countries Akhenaten's mother
only really fleshy parts of this face. Together with the was reputed to be the one "who knows," the wise woman.
chin, they protrude considerably beyond the line of the The computer images reveal that the neck and face
forehead, and the point of departure is the decidedly of the Tiye head were carved from one piece of Cypriot
inward curve at the bridge of the nose. The lips have yew wood, the top of which ends in a domed tenon
the downward turn at the corners seen on the Sinai not visible in figure 25. The upper part of the head,
head (fig. 24), but here the lower lip does not push made of Egyptian acacia wood, was fastened to the
against the upper, and the flesh covering the chin droops lower by means of the tenon. An overlay of hammered
conspicuously. The result is a more passive expression. sheet silver covered the acacia wood and represented
The experiences of a lifetime are inscribed in the deep the queen's kerchief headdress (fig. 25); the silver was
grooves that run from the strongly modeled nostrils fixed to the underlying acacia wood with gold nails.
almost to the corners of the mouth. Resignation lies in The ancient Egyptian headdress called khat 76 was
the weary eyes and the laboriously arched brows. Two bound tightly around the forehead and temples; the
shallow folds are incised around the upper neck, and rest of the kerchief completely covered the hair, falling
below the chin the rendering of sagging flesh between at the sides behind the ears; at the back of the neck the
the jawbones is an almost hidden study in naturalism. end of the linen cloth was loosely gathered into a rec-
Some details in the rendering of Queen Tiye's face tangular pouch that lay between the shoulder blades.
are paralleled in a pre-Amarna sculpture. The most On the Tiye head, most of the headdress is still pre-
important precursor is not a female but a male head served under the brown cap that now covers it (fig. 23);
and belongs to a famous representation of Amenhotep only the computer images make it possible to see the
Son of Hapu, Amenhotep III's high-ranking overseer of original effect (fig. 25). Visible on the piece itself
all works, who was widely venerated as a wise man.7 4 because of damage to the brown covering are one ear-
According to the inscription, he was eighty years old ring and the edge of the silver khat, blackened by cor-
when the statue to which the head belongs was carved. rosion, above the forehead, whereas on top of the head,
The heavy-lidded eyes, the broad mouth-and the where the brown material has decayed, a glimpse of
creases and lines around it-are strikingly similar to uncorroded silver can be discerned. The gathered end
those of Queen Tiye. But it is equally apparent that the of the headdress at the back no longer exists; it was
queen's head could not have derived from such an broken off when the head was removed from the body.
image without the intervening artistic achievements of The queen's headdress of precious silver was further
the early years of Amenhotep IV I Akhenaten's reign. adorned with a broad gold band along the forehead
Only after the Karnak statues (figs. 1, 2, 9) and the and temples. Pieces of this band, which was partly
reliefs from the Karnak temples were carved could an tucked under the silver, remain at both sides, and a
artist turn the traditional scheme of "old man's" features layer of yellow adhesive used to fix the band is above
seen in the Son of Hapu statue into an image with the the forehead. Four golden cobras and two ear orna-
bold naturalism of Tiye's head. Comparison with the ments of gold and lapis lazuli further enhanced the
Son of Hapu statue dates the Tiye head unequivocally queen's head in its original splendor. Parts of the bodies
to the Amarna Period. Another version of the wise old of two cobras still protrude from the brown cap above
man is a gypsum plaster head (fig. 28) that is sugges- the forehead and the tails cause the covering to swell
tively similar to the wooden head of Tiye. It is impor- along the top of the head. The foreparts of the bodies
tant to keep in mind that the features of middle age in and the heads of these cobras, possibly inlaid with glass
Tiye's image derive from the ancient Egyptian concept or precious stones, were once attached by means of the
of the wise man. Significantly, a letter written by two holes in the silver overlay. A single central hole has
Tushratta, the king of Mitanni (Syria), to Akhenaten
contains the following reference to the Queen Mother: Opposite: Fig. 23. Head of Queen Tiye from Medinet el-Ghurab.
"Tiye, your mother, knows all the words that I spoke Yew wood. Agyptisches Museum, Berlin
30
been closed up; its function is unknown. Computerized

tomography revealed the existence of two other cobras
whose tails lie on the top of the head (fig. 25), whereas
the bodies extend along the sides of the khat to behind
the queen's ears. The circular ear ornaments consist of
dentiled gold rings that encircle broader hoops of gold
and lapis lazuli fitted with two small cobra figures.
The face of yew wood under this rich array of gold
and silver is highlighted by the different colors of
brows, eyes, and mouth. Brows and edges of lids are
inlaid with dark brown ebony, 77 the cornea is probably
white alabaster, and the pupils are obsidian or black
glass. The lips are painted red. On the bottom of the
neck are the remains of yet another tenon that served
to fit the head to the body. The outline of the neck still
shows that the queen wore a broad collar, probably
richly inlaid, over her shoulders. The figure in its origi-
nal silver khat headdress with gold and inlaid adorn-
ments was undoubtedly a wonder to behold, and it is
difficult to understand why the brown cover, which
hides much of the effect, was added.
Fig. 24- Excavator's cast of a head of Queen Tiye from Serabit el-
As far as can be ascertained, the cover consists of
Khadim, Sinai. Petrie Museum, University College, London linen, wax, and glue. Originally, it completely con-
(steatite original in the Egyptian Museum, Cairo) cealed the khat headdress and all its ornaments, the
bodies of the cobras, and the beautiful ear ornaments.
In the altered version the top of the head was adorned
with one of the familiar plumed crowns of the queen;
the outline of the circular modi us that formed the base
of the crown is still visible on top of the brown cap,
and part of a wooden plug that fastened it to the head
remains. The rest of the cap was covered by a layer of
small blue glass beads, which were set into the moist
glue. The effect that the work gave after these alter-
ations must have been quite different from the one
made by the first version. 78 Instead of gleaming silver
and gold, a more subdued but still glittering blue mass
covered the head; the proportional balance was also
altered by the high feathers of the crown of gilded
wood and plaster, which make the head look smaller. 79
The upper part of a queen's crown consisting of cow
horns, sun disk, and feathers was acquired by the
Agyptisches Museum, Berlin, with the group of
objects reported to have been found in conjunction
with Tiye's head. It may well be a piece of the crown
that once adorned the head in its altered version.
Fig. 25. Computerized tomography image of the wooden head of
Queen Tiye without later head cover, showing silver headdress and The image of the queen wearing the plumed crown
gold ornaments. Agyptisches Museum, Berlin was, of course, the one people knew best, before and
32
Fig. 26. Head of Queen Tiye from Medinet el-Ghurab. Yew wood. Agyptisches Museum, Berlin
during the Amarna Period. It is how Tiye appears on The khat headdress of the original version of the
the reliefs in the tomb of her steward Huya (fig. no). 80 wooden head was worn much less frequently by Tiye;
The only difference in her adornments in the Berlin head's she appears in it only at her husband's first sed-festival. 82
second version is a round wig instead of a long tripartite Since the Berlin head dates stylistically to a time after
one. This wig is rare in representations of this queen, the Karnak colossi of Akhenaten and Nefertiti, the stat-
but the Metropolitan Museum owns a small obsidian uette to which it belonged cannot have served at a sed-
relief fragment dating to the reign of Akhenaten's festival of Amenhotep III. 83 There is also no evidence
father, Amenhotep III, in which the unmistakable face that Queen Tiye took part in the sed-festivals of her son
ofTiye (fig. 3) appears beneath a similar wig. 81 Akhenaten. 84 A clue to understanding the original
33
Fig. 27. Fragment of a head of a queen. Yellow jasper. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York
function of the wooden statuette may be provided by Amenhotep III's funerary equipment because that
the khat headdress that adorned it. As Marianne Eaton- funeral took place at Thebes, in southern Egypt, where
Krauss has shown, 85 the use of this headgear for female the king's tomb is located. Considering, however, the
figures in pre- and post-Amarna art is confined to rep- fact that a cult for the deceased king existed at Ghurab,
resentations of goddesses such as Isis and Nephthys and one might suggest that it was for this cult that the first
their companions Selket and Neith. Figures of these version of the statuette was created. It would have
deities wearing the khat while guarding the canopic depicted the queen in the role of a funerary deity with
shrine of King Tutankhamun are among the most widely the profusely added cobras underlining her status. Such
known pieces of ancient Egyptian art (fig. 86). 86 an interpretation parallels Nefertiti's presence on the
""When worn by these goddesses," Eaton-Krauss writes, sarcophagus of her husband at Amarna (see pp. 93-96,
"the headdress has a specific funerary reference. " fig. 85). 87
The statuette of Queen Tiye to which the Berlin The change to the second version of Tiye's stat-
head belonged cannot have been part of King uette88 is best understood-again following Eaton-Krauss's
34
Fig. 28. Face of a man , possibly Ay, from the Thutmose workshop at Amarna. Gypsum
plaster. Agyptisches Museum, Berlin
reasoning-as having happened in the post-Amarna yellow jasper head fragment retains part of the left side
"return to orthodoxy" days, when the direct identi- of the neck and the entire chin and mouth area. Above
fication of a queen with a funerary goddess could no the center of the upper lip, the lower end of a ridged
longer be tolerated. philtrum remains barely visible. On the side of the
The third sculptural masterpiece of early Amarna art neck two incised lines define furrows in the flesh. The
that represents a female subject is the yellow jasper fragmented edges above the mouth convey the impression
89
fragment in the Metropolitan Museum (figs. 27, 29). that the head was intentionally and viciously destroyed.
The provenance of the piece is unknown . 90 Amarna Most illustrations of the jasper fragment do not
has always been thought to be the most probable place show any sculptural details in the chin and mouth area
of origin, despite the known existence of a Theban tra- because the mirrorlike polish of the stone surface
dition of working with very hard semiprecious stone makes the piece extremely difficult to photograph.
and the find of a red jasper fist from a statue at Medinet Proper lighting, however, reveals that the sculptor has
Habu in western Thebes. 91 The Metropolitan Museum's indicated two oblique muscles above each side of the
35
mouth. They are delineated by subtly indented fur- do not droop, and there are no vertical indentations
rows, with the lower furrow continuing into a crescent- beside the mouth. Tiye's chin is pointed; the jasper
shaped curve that encircles each pointed corner of the face's chin is square. Tiye's neck is broader at the base
mouth. Below the lower lip, which protrudes consider- and narrows toward the jaws; the jasper face's neck is
ably more than the upper, a sinew-flanked groove columnlike and straight. The main difference between
runs against the mouth from the crescent-shaped the two images is, after all, one of age and character.
indentation that defines the ball of the chin. This Tiye was definitely a middle-aged or even older woman
groove creates the impression that the heavy lip needs by the time Akhenaten took up residence at Amarna,
support from below. and her image was that of a wise woman. That she was
In contrast to what is seen in the wooden head of represented as such in sculpture in the round not only
Queen Tiye (figs. 23, 26), the furrows around the mouth at Ghurab but also at Amarna is attested by the
of the jasper face are not inscribed in sagging flesh; they quartzite head in the Metropolitan Museum (fig. 42,
define strong, even tense, musculature. In combination pp. 51-52). The jasper face represents a woman not
with the forward thrust of the chin and the powerful set only in youthful bloom but also of decided sex appeal.
of the jaw, this taut musculature lends the face character Would that have been the proper approach to a depic-
and individuality, thus adding personality to the sensu- tion of the king's mother at Amarna? Therefore, the
ously rounded lips. The voluptuous lips are all the more identity of the woman represented in the jasper face
expressive because they are tightly constrained by the remains in question. One can only advance a few
wonderfully soft edge of the vermilion line. It is not a suggestions.
meek beauty who is depicted here, and the unevenness It can be stated with confidence that the person
of the mouth, whose left side is considerably lower than depicted in the jasper piece was female. In spite of the
the right, definitely adds to her interest. fact that during the Amarna Period women of the royal
Initially identified as an image of Queen Nefertiti, family were often rendered with brown or reddish-
the yellow jasper fragment has since commonly been brown faces (figs. 23, 26, 42, 46-48, 50-53, 65), yellow
ascribed to Queen Tiye, following William C. Hayes's was the traditional color of female skin in Egyptian art, 93
argument that the cheeks are too full and rounded and and some impressive images of Nefertiti from the
the neck too straight for an image of Nefertiti. 92 Thutmose workshop were rendered in yellow quartzite
However, the question of the identity of the woman (figs. 66, 67) or with a light reddish paint (fig. 58).
depicted in the jasper face cannot yet be called definitely There can also be no doubt that the subject of the
solved, because a comparison of the piece with the jasper head had royal status. The precious material
wooden head of Tiye reveals a number of differences alone attests that. We will presently have more to say
between the two works of roughly the same date. These about the technique of making composite statues in
differences go beyond stylistic considerations and are which the head, limbs, and parts covered with garments
not explained by the observation that the wooden head were made of different types of stone (pp. 62-63). 94
was made in the Memphite area, whereas the jasper That the jasper head once belonged to such a statue is
head was created by a sculptor at Amarna who may clearly indicated by the structure of its back. A deep
have been a member of the Thutmose workshop. One groove (5.1 em [2 in.] wide) with a roughened surface
of the most impressive gypsum plaster heads from that in the center and smooth inclined sides is partly pre-
workshop (fig. 28, see below, p. 51) shares with the served. This groove functioned as the mortise for a
jasper fragment the individualistic groove below the tenon that would have been at the top of the body of
lower lip, the square chin, the full mouth, and the gen- the now-lost statue.
eral boldness of sculptural workmanship. The existence of a mortise at the back of the head
To enumerate a few of the differences between the excludes the possibility that originally a fully sculptured
head of Queen Tiye and the jasper fragment: In her round neck formed one piece with the face. This makes
wooden head, as well as in her small head from Sinai all reconstructions of the head with the various off-the-
(fig. 24), Tiye's mouth is characterized by downward neck crowns worn by Nefertiti extremely unlikely. The
drooping corners; the corners of the jasper face's mouth same applies to the short round wig worn by Tiye (fig. 3)
Fig. 29. Fragment of a head of a queen. Yellow jasper. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York
and Nefertiti. 95 The amount of sculptured neck at the the original jasper statue with such a head ornament
side of the fragment (fig. 29) also rules out the tripar- (fig. 81). 96 Some reliefs 97 depicting Queen Nefertiti in
tite or enveloping wigs that would have covered the the khat also show the doth at the sides of the neck set
sides of the neck. Among all female headdresses known back far enough to present a parallel to what is pre-
from the period, only two remain for possible reconstruc- served in the jasper fragment; an upper part of a head
tion with the jasper face: the khat headdress and the of the queen-unfortunately without a preserved neck
Nubian wig. -in Hamburg 98 documents, moreover, that statues of
Among the khat headdresses, the one worn by Nefertiti with this headdress actually existed. So it
Queen Tiye in the original version of the wooden head appears, after all, that an identification of the jasper
(fig. 25) again covers too much of the neck to match head with Nefertiti cannot be entirely ruled out. If it is,
what is preserved of the jasper fragment's neck. indeed, her image, she would have been represented
However, King Akhenaten's khat in the Karnak statues wearing a khat headdress.
(fig. 9) and in a number of relief representations is set There is, however, one other head ornament that
back far enough to make possible a reconstruction of might fit the yellow jasper face: the Nubian wig. This
37
wig is characterized by pointed ends that fall to the This statue might have stood in her Sunshade temple,
clavicles. At Amarna, the wig was the most frequently called Maru-Aten, south of the city of Amarna (see
worn hairstyle, and it appears on the heads of com- pp. 105-7). The precious material and doubtlessly color-
moners-both male and female-princesses, and king ful appearance of the statue would have been appropriate
and queen alike. 99 In sculpture in the round the sides in the parkland setting and the richly decorated archi-
are usually carved hanging away from the neck and tecture. 104 A number of stone inlays from heads were
lower cheeks, as seen in a small limestone head in The found in a small temple in the Maru-Aten Precinct. They
Metropolitan Museum of Art. 100 A reconstruction of are stylistically very close to the jasper head fragment. 105
the jasper head with such a wig would correspond, If this tentative identification as Queen Kiya is cor-
therefore, with the fully carved jaws and neck of the rect, the jasper head would be the most impressive
piece. Indeed, one peculiar feature of the preserved image extant of the woman who, in her coffin texts,
neck portion would best find its explanation with this addresses funerary poetry to Akhenaten that can only
headdress. Toward the back, the neck of the jasper frag- be called a forerunner of the New Kingdom love songs:
ment ends in a remarkably flat area. This somewhat
May I breathe the sweet air that comes from your
lifeless shape becomes understandable if the view was
mouth. May I see your beauty daily. My wish is that
partly obscured by a wig.
I hear your sweet voice of the north wind, that my
The only problem with reconstructing a Nubian wig
body may grow young with life for love of you. May
on the jasper head arises at the back. In reliefs the
you give me your arms bearing your life-force, that I
Nubian wig (especially when worn by women) usually
may receive it and come to life. May you call on my
ends fairly high up so that a good part of the neck is
name continually, without it having to be sought in
visible. This is also seen in the Metropolitan Museum
your mouth. My lord Akhenaten, who shall be here
limestone head in the round, where a good portion of the
continually forever, alive like the living disk. 106
back of the neck is visible beside the small back pillar.
If we assume that the jasper head was fitted with a Looking at the yellow jasper fragment in near profile
Nubian wig, we must accept that either the statue had a (fig. 29), one is struck by the absence of any drooping
back pillar, which is-as we will see presently-unusual of the chin, which was so much a part of the royal
for composite works (pp. 62-63), or the wig reached heads from the very beginning of Akhenaten's reign
down to the back, as it does in a canopic jar of alabaster (figs. I, 15). Below the chin only a very subtle groove
depicting a royal woman of Amarna (fig. n6, pp. n5-r8). separates the ball of the chin from the area between the
Who could the woman in the Nubian wig have been, if jaws. Reliefs show that the image of at least one royal
such a headdress was, indeed, part of the jasper head? woman, Queen Nefertiti, changed after the initial years
Although the Nubian wig is worn, albeit rarely, by of Akhenaten's residence at Amarna. Nefertiti's new
Queen Tiye 101 and more often by Nefertiti and her face is no longer similar to that of her husband: her jaw
daughters (figs. 37, 77, nos. ro, q), 102 the royal woman and chin have become square and the lower face no
who appeared most frequently in this headgear was the longer droops. Her new face is seen in a column relief
minor queen Kiya (see pp. 105-6). 103 Known images of that Petrie found in the area of a garden pool in the
this interesting woman at the court of Akhetaten are more intimate brick-built sections of the so-called Great
mostly in relief, but they all depict her with a prominent Palace at Amarna (fig. 30). 107 The theme is again an
chin and a full mouth (figs. roo, ror) rather comparable offering to the Aten; the figures of Akhenaten, Nefertiti,
to those seen in the jasper fragment. It is true that in and Princess Meretaten are partly preserved. Enough
the reliefs Kiya's neck is usually not straight but thrust remains of the king's jaw and chin to show that he still
forward obliquely, as was customary in the portrayals had the by now familiar drooping chin, which the
of many royal women, especially Nefertiti (figs. 6o, 62, queen's face no longer possesses. Her jaw is square, the lips
66). But we must remember that as yet we know of no are straight, and the deep furrows are gone from the areas
depictions of Kiya in the round. around the mouth. Most importantly, the proportions
It is very tempting to suggest that the yellow jasper of the head and its relation to the neck are changed.
head once belonged to a composite statue of Kiya. Before, the face protruded almost horizontally from the
Fig. 30. Fragment from a column excavated at the Great Palace, Amarna, showing the royal family offering. Limestone.
Ashmolean Museum, Oxford
neck, and the distance between the front of the face and larity to Nefertiti's face on the stela, the yellow jasper
the back of the head was considerably wider than the face (figs. 27, 29) must date to about the same period as
distance between the chin and the top of the forehead. In the Berlin shrine stela. The jasper face is thus, probably,
the new style (fig. 30) these dimensions are roughly equal, the first extant example of a newly softened presenta-
and Nefertiti's tall crown tends to extend the head upward tion of female features in a sculpture in the round.
rather than backward as in the early images (fig. 15). With stupendous mastery of one of the hardest materi-
.The change in the representation of the queen's face als ever used by a sculptor, this artist has opened a new
can be dated to the period immediately preceding Years vista on an extraordinary royal female: a boldly, almost
8- n, when the writing of the names of the Aten was aggressively sensuous beauty.
altered, because the Berlin shrine stela (fig. 88), which In the following chapter we turn to an examination
is inscribed with the early version of the god's name, of the most important sculptor's workshop known
already shows the new style of representing Nefertiti's from Amarna-and perhaps from all of ancient Egypt.
face. It should be noted that the children in this relief In the context of this workshop's achievements, the
retain their likeness to Akhenaten, 108 and so their heads change in the image of Amarna's chief queen will
are shaped according to the earlier style. Given its simi- become even more dearly defined.
39
THE WORKSHOP OF THE
SCULPTOR THUTMOSE
DOROTHEA ARNOLD
THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL REMAINS
n the center of Akhetaten, east of the Royal Road to him deferentially. The scene takes place in a
I and parallel to it, runs a curved street. Earlier

archaeologists called it the High Priest Street; the
British team presently excavating at Amarna refers to it
columned hall that is entered through a door from a
larger complex consisting of courtyards and studios
where carpenters, jewelers, and other craftsmen are
as East Road South. At a point just north of the street's depicted performing their respective tasks (fig. 33). The
easternmost bend, a narrower east-west lane meets the head of this establishment is not the Chief Sculptor Iuty
East Road; 1 at the corner of the street and the lane is a but Queen Tiye's steward, Huya, who stands in the
compound of houses and workshops (figs. 34, 35). An large courtyard of the compound accompanied by a
inscription on an ivory horse blinker found in a pit in scribe and another subordinate. The inscription states
one of the courtyards mentions a man "praised with the that Huya is "appointing the craftsmen," 5 which means
perfect god, the Chief of Works, the Sculptor: Thut- that the artists and artisans, including the sculptors, are
mose."2 It is assumed that only the proprietor of an under Huya's command, although Huya is not an artist
establishment would have owned horses and a chariot, himself, but a courtier and administrator of high rank.
the luxury vehicle of the New Kingdom. The Thutmose, therefore, most probably would have over-
identification makes Thutmose one of the few ancient seen a large sculptor's workshop not because he was a
Egyptian artists whose name is known and whose style sculptor but because he was Chief of Works, that is, an
can be identified. administrator of construction and manufacturing
In order to understand the structure and function of projects. 6
Thutmose's workshop, one has to realize that Egyptian A number of compounds that might have served as
artists were generally not independent entrepreneurs workshops were excavated at Amarna. They usually
like, for instance, the painters and sculptors of Renais- consisted of a large courtyard, regularly aligned store-
sance Italy. Artists in ancient Egypt were above all part rooms, and-if any at all-very simple and small liv-
of a royal, state, or temple institution, and as members ing quarters, suitable only for workmen of low status. 7
of such they had tides that described their place in the Only the Thutmose workshop is connected with-and
hierarchy. The primary locations for their activities incorporated in-one of the elaborate houses of the
were royal, state, or temple building sites, or a work- Amarna villa type. The reason may be that Thutmose
shop attached to a palace or temple. 3 At Amarna, artists was Chief of Works and a sculptor as well.
evidently also worked in compounds that were under It was customary for all Egyptian state artisans to
the control of certain officials in an administrative undertake "outside work" (i.e., privately contracted and
capacity. The Chief Sculptor of the King's Great Wife directly remunerated work) in order-one would sup-
Tiye, Iuty, for instance, is depicted in the tomb of Queen pose-to increase their income and status in the com-
Tiye's steward, Huya (fig. 32). 4 Iuty sits on a stool cor- munity. 8 At present, we cannot determine whether
recting with pen and ink the carving of a statue repre- Thutmose's workshop functioned as a location for such
senting Princess Baketaten; the carver of the piece bows outside work-performed in addition to the activities
that he oversaw officially-or whether the workshop
Opposite: Fig. 31. Head ofNefertiti from Memphis. Brown was his main responsibility as Chief of Works. What we
quartzite. Egyptian Museum, Cairo do know is that Thutmose's artisans performed two
41
Fig. 32. Master sculptor luty correcting the work of an Fig. 33· Workshops under the supervision of Queen Tiye's steward, Huya.
assistant. Drawing by Norman de Garis Davies after a relief Drawing by Norman de Garis Davies after a relief in the tomb ofHuya at
in the tomb ofHuya at Amarna Amarna
very specialized tasks: one was related to the produc- stone. Through the main northern gate on the lane [r],
tion of heads and limbs for composite statues; the one first entered a front courtyard [3], from which a
other concerned casting in gypsum plaster from heads flight of stairs led into two entry rooms [4]. The visitor
of statues representing royalty and persons of rank, then reached a reception hall [5] whose ceiling was
male and female. It is unthinkable that Akhenaten supported by two wooden columns. To the left of this
and his queen and daughters would have gone lofty hall was a small room with a table or bench [6]
"shopping" at Thutmose's private workplace for their and a doorway that led into a large courtyard with a well
statues. Therefore, the royal sculptures must have [7]. Directly beyond the reception hall was the central
been created on royal command by Thutmose and living room [8] furnished with mud-brick benches and a
his coworkers, who were then compensated according basin in which pots of cool water were kept; a door
to their rank and merit. The images of commoners opened into a screened-off bathroom and toilet [9],
(mainly preserved in casts of gypsum plaster) could and from there, to the left, was the master bedroom
have been made as "outside work," but they were prob- [ro]; on the right a staircase [n] led to the second story.
ably also commissioned for favorites by the king and The ceiling of the entire center section of the house was
queen. higher than those of the outer rooms; clerestory win-
If Thutmose and his entourage of sculptors worked dows allowed light into the reception hall and living
mainly on royal commissions, it does not necessarily room. The computer reconstruction shows only the
follow that their business was static. On the contrary, ground-floor level.
the archaeological history of the compound as it At the back of the main house, a smaller court
emerges is a true success story of progressive expansion. [12] surrounded four silos where grain was stored for
The original house, in which Thutmose lived with his making bread and beer, the staple foods of the ancient
family, was entered from the small east-west lane (fig. 35 Egyptians. Thutmose had to feed not only his family
[r]*). 9 A gate from High Priest Street [2] was presum- but also his artists and apprentices. To ensure control
ably used as an entrance for the chariot and horses and over the supplies, access to the silo court was possible
the delivery of bulky commodities such as blocks of only through the house. A duster of baking ovens occu-
pied a small corner at the back of the large court [13],
and nearby a large barn with two strong pillars served as
*Numerals in brackets refer to figures 34 and 35· the stable [14].
42
THE WoRKSHOP oF THE ScuLPTOR THUTMOSE
As visitors turned right in the second entry room pound was enlarged by annexing adjacent land to the
beyond the entrance of Thutmose's house [4], they south. Access to this area was through a gateway in the
reached a series of courts and rooms with inner parti- center of the south wall [22]. The new plot comprised
tions [15]. During the excavation, large amounts of another courtyard with a well [23], around which were
gypsum plaster were found in most of these rooms, evi- built smaller groups of rooms that appear to have
dence that they were the areas used for casting. Broken served as a combination workshop and sleeping quarters,
pieces from older objects of alabaster and obsidian 10 perhaps for artisans who had no families. In addition,
were probably waiting to be recycled as the inlaid eyes there were two substantial houses (for supervisors?) in
of new statues. the southeast corner of this court [24]. Many
Broken bits of alabaster and fragments of diorite and unfinished pieces of sculpture were found in the small-
quartzite sculptures II in the large courtyard [7] around er workshop units, among them the small figure of a
the well on the opposite side of Thutmose's house kneeling king/ 5 work on which had just been started;
show that stone carving was performed there. Various pieces of arms and hands of quartzite statues; 16 an
walls along the enclosure around the well court may unfinished head of a statue of the king; 17 and fragments
originally have belonged to workshops. A small of an unfinished female statue of alabaster. 18 Clearly,
unfinished quartzite head of a princess 12 was found the workshop was a busy place.
in the corner of a half-destroyed structure near the trees Finds indicate that the addition of the second court
that adjoined one side of the well [r6]. Another almost and its workshops still did not provide adequate space,
finished quartzite head of a princess (figs. 46-48, no. 5), and the compound was enlarged by the addition of
one of the greatest pieces of art from ancient Egypt, another plot to the south; an earlier villa may have stood
was discovered near the south wall of the same there, since a typical Amarna garden chapel remained
court [17]. [25]. 19 Found inside the main house of this part of the
At some point Thutmose employed a younger sculp- compound [26] were a headless statuette of Nefertiti
tor, who may well have been his son. He had a small with an offering plate 20 and one of the most intricate
house [r8] built for this artist and his family in the group studies extant from Amarna art: the king kissing a
northeast corner of the compound, with a separate queen or princess who sits on his lap (fig. 96). On the
entrance from the lane. Later- it is difficult to say west side of this third part of the compound, a walled-
when-a third, still smaller, house [19] was added for in passage allowed direct access to yet another building
another young sculptor, filling the space between the (the West House) that may have been used by another
second house and the enclosure wall to the north. The member of Thutmose's workshop (not included in
21
two younger families seem to have shared the well and fig. 35).
the ovens in the large court with Thutmose's family
and to have depended on Thutmose for grain.
The first young sculptor had workrooms adjacent to A DEPOSIT OF WORKS OF ART
the enclosure wall east of his house [20]; considerable The story of the growth of the Thutmose sculptors'
amounts of diorite and granite chips were found in establishment at Amarna is interesting, but the main
these rooms. One of his works, the pink quartzite head significance of the workshop in the history of ancient
from the statuette of a nonroyal woman in an envelop- Egyptian art lies in the events that occurred when the
ing wig, 13 was found in the living room of this house. sculptors left Akhetaten to follow King Tutankhaten
Evidently, the second young sculptor also worked in (later Tutankhamun) to Memphis or Thebes. When
diorite; another masterpiece, a granodiorite head of people leave their dwellings voluntarily, they usually
Queen Nefertiti (figs. 72, 74, no. 3)/ 4 was found in the take all their important belongings with them and leave
working area of his house [21]. behind only what they no longer need. Since this is
In time-when the younger sculptors were em- what happened when Egyptians reverted to their tradi-
ployed or later-the workshops around Thutmose's tional religion and places of royal residence after
well courtyard were no longer large enough to accom- Akhenaten's death, the excavators did not find a
modate all the work that was undertaken, so the com- Pompeii-like situation at Amarna, but rather what is
43
Fig. 34· The house and workshops ofThutmose at Amarna. Computer reconstruction of the ground-floor level
I. Entrance from lane

2. Entrance from High Priest Street
3· Front courtyard
4· Entry room
5· Reception hall
6. Small deposit room (pantry)
7. Large courtyard
8. Central living room
9· Bathroom and toilet
IO. Master bedroom
n. Staircase to second floor and exit
to granary
!2. Granary
13. Bakery ovens
44
Fig. 35· The compound of houses and workshops under the supervision of the Chief of Works, the sculptor Thutmose, Amarna. Computer
reconstruction of the ground-floor level
14. Stable
15. Gypsum plaster workrooms
16. Workshop
17. Find spot of head of a princess (figs. 46-48)
18. House of younger sculptor
19. House of second younger sculptor
20. Workshop
21. Find spot of head of Nefertiti (figs. 72, 7 4)
22. Gateway with workshops at left and right
23. Courtyard
24. Supervisors' houses
25. Garden chapel in third courtyard
26. Sculptor's house in which group (fig. 96)
was found
45
usually called "negative selection." Objects that would
have been of use to the departing populace were not
found, and those left behind did not necessarily remain
in the places where people had used them.
Thutmose and his coworkers probably took with
them their most valuable tools 22 and such models,
molds, and unfinished works that might still be useful.
What they left behind were, mainly, images-and
models for images-of Akhenaten, Nefertiti, the royal
daughters, and the successor, King Smenkhkare; these
could be discarded because the royal persons were now
dead and their memory was not honored in the new
"back to orthodoxy" era. Thus the famous bust of Queen
Nefertiti (figs. 58, 6o) remained, 23 pristinely preserved
along with more than fifty other works of art, in a
small side room adjoining Thutmose's reception hall
[6]. 24 This roughly 2.25-by-5.7 meters (7.5 by 19
feet) room off Thutmose's columned hall 25 originally
had two doors, one connecting it to the hall, the other
leading into the large court with the well [7], where
much of the heavy stonecutting was performed. Like
the second anteroom on the other side of the hall, Fig. 36. Face of an old woman from rhe Thutmose workshop at
through which the gypsum workshops were reached Amarna. Gypsum plaster. Agyprisches Museum, Berlin
[4], the side room functioned as a passage. But like

other side rooms of its type in Amarna houses, it also
served as a pantry: two water jars, partly sunken into THE GYPSUM PLASTER HEADS AND THEIR
the floor, stood there, and a thin cross wall held RELATION TO THE STONE SCULPTURES
a wooden table that served for storage. A small alabaster The more than fifty objects found in the ((pantry"
cosmetic vessel 26 found in the room may be a last deposit were made of one of three materials: quartzite,
remnant of the chamber's original contents, since limestone, or gypsum plaster. There were twenty-seven
Egyptians offered cosmetics to guests at parties and objects of gypsum plaster, 30 twenty-three of them heads
festivities. or faces. In addition, there were gypsum plaster models
At some time, the doorway from the little room into of a single ear, a mouth, and two feet. 31 Four heads are
the well court was blocked by a mud-brick wall. Since fully sculpted in the round; only their headdresses are
this alteration would have hindered the Thutmose fam- missing (fig. 39). 32 The rest are faces only that either
ily's access to the well, bakery, and stable, the blocking include the ears (figs. 38, 43) or omit them (figs. 28, 36). 33
makes sense only in relation to the final use of the side Seven gypsum images apparently represent royal males, 34
room. When the sculptors closed their workshop, they whereas two are images of Queen Nefertiti (figs. 39,
evidently collected the unfinished artwork and the 40). 35 Most royal male faces or heads include the fore-
obsolete models and casts and deposited them in the head band and ear tabs of the Blue Crown worn by
pantry, which was then shut off. 27 This treasure trove Egyptian kings (fig. 43), 36 whereas a smaller face of the
of art objects was discovered during excavations in queen shows the band of Nefertiti's tall, flat-topped
December 1912, 28 one of the most rewarding and illu- crown (see p. 107). 37 A young woman's face-one of
minating finds ever made in Egypt, and Ludwig five gypsum plaster pieces depicting possibly nonroyal
Borchardt's 1913 statement that ((years of study" would women 38 -is surrounded by the horizontally arranged
be necessary to ((really grasp their full value" is still true curls of a round wig (fig. 37, no. 10); 39 a number of
after almost a century. 29 other faces, among them an impressive image of an old
Fig. 37· Face of a young woman from the Thurmose workshop at Fig. 38. Face of a young woman from the Thutmose workshop at
Amarna. Gypsum plaster. Agyptisches Museum, Berlin Amarna. Gypsum plaster. Agyptisches Museum, Berlin
woman (fig. 36, no. n), are finished with irregularly other cases, the whole head was cast, for which two molds
shaped layers of gypsum around the forehead and sides had to be used (figs. 39, 40). 45 At certain stages in the
of the face. process, the eyes and eyebrows of the clay model were
The ten images in gypsum plaster that depict non- hollowed out (figs, 28, 43, 45) to achieve an impression
royal males are among the most memorable faces in all close to that of the final work in stone at the stage
Egyptian art (fig. 28). 40 William M. Flinders Petrie 41 before inlays of alabaster, obsidian, or glass were added.
called a similar gypsum head a "death mask''; Borchardt It makes sense that the casts taken at earlier stages in
thought that at least some of these faces were "molded the creative process are more naturalistic than the ones
from nature." 42 It was the German art historian taken at later stages. Of the two female images in gyp-
Gunther Roeder who finally demonstrated 43 that all sum plaster illustrated here, the one of the old woman
these heads and faces-royal and nonroyal-are actu- (fig. 36) gives the impression of having been sculpted
ally casts taken at various stages in the creation of the from life, whereas the young woman's head (fig. 37)
clay models that formed the basis for the final carved already conforms closely to the canonical scheme of an
stone sculptures. It appears that the sculptor began by Egyptian statue. This statement is not based only on
molding a face in pliable wax or clay; this three-dimen- the presence of a wig and ear adornments on the young
sional sketch was then modified until a model was woman's image; the more idealized character of the
ready for the final carving in stone. At various stages young woman's face is clearly seen in her eyes, which
during this creative process, casts were made from the are almond shaped with stylized incised lines on the
wax or clay studies, probably in order to show the work upper lids. The older woman's eyes have fleshy, irregu-
to the supervising chief sculptor (or even the king?) 44 larly shaped lids and naturally rounded double folds of
for correction. Apparently, in most cases it was uneven length beneath the lower lids. The softly mod-
sufficient to use a single mold to cast just the face. In eled mouth of the young woman, on the other hand, is
47
Fig. 39· Head ofNefertiti from the Thutmose workshop at Amarna. Gypsum plaster. Agyptisches Museum, Berlin
THE WoRKSHOP OF THE ScuLPTOR THUTMOSE
have been created from the models that were preserved

in the deposit.
Among the limestone sculptures found in Thutmose's
little room, a case might be made that the famous
painted bust of the queen (fig. 58) was based on the
gypsum plaster model (fig. 39). The rounded lips of the
cast might have been altered to become the austere lips
of the bust. There is, however, a great difference in
the upper eyelids, which are remarkably short and con-
cave in the cast, but large, heavy, and convex in the
bust. In the final analysis the similarities are only what
might be expected in two different images of the same
person.
The almost total absence of a connection between
the gypsum plaster models and the unfinished works of
stone found with them is puzzling but might, in fact,
provide a clue to reconstructing procedures in the
workshop. One has to assume that a plaster model was
discarded once it had been transferred into stone.
Thus, all plaster casts still in the workshops at the time
Fig. 40. Back view of the gypsum plaster head (fig. 39)
more naturalistic than is usual in Egyptian statuary,

even during the Amarna Period; this detail certainly
would have required further work before the piece
could have become a model for the stonecutter. There is,
indeed, another young woman's face in the Thutmose
gypsum plaster group whose small mouth is stylized
enough to be the model for a stone statue (fig. 38). 46
This head could well represent a later stage in the cre-
ation of the same young woman's image.
Comparing the gypsum plaster casts with the
unfinished works of stone that were found in the same
deposit, one is struck by the remarkable lack of a direct
correspondence between the casts and the stone pieces.
Among the fourteen pieces of quartzite are a head of
Queen Nefertiti in yellow quartzite (figs. 66, 67, no. 2),
two red and yellow quartzite heads of princesses (figs. 50,
51), 47 a light red face of a young woman, 48 fragments
from a female statuette with back pillar, and hands and
arms that were made, like the heads, to be incorporated
into composite works. 49 Neither the queen, the princesses,
Fig. 41. Back view of the head ofNefertiti from the Thutmose
nor the young woman have enough features in common workshop at Amarna (figs. 72,74). Granodiorite. Agyptisches
with any of the few female images in gypsum plaster to Museum, Berlin
49
Fig. 42. Head of Queen Tiye. Red quartzite. The Metropolitan Fig. 43· Face of Akhenaten from the Thutmose workshop at
Museum of Art, New York Amarna. Gypsum plaster. Agyptisches Museum, Berlin
Fig. 44· Detail of the red quartzite head of Queen Tiye (fig. 42) Fig. 45· Detail of the gypsum plaster face of Akhenaten (fig. 43)
THE WoRKSHOP OF THE ScuLPTOR THuTMOSE
ofThutmose's departure from Arnarna would be works receive either a crown or a wig. Because of the similari-
that had not yet been rendered in stone. Such an expla- ties between the Metropolitan Museum piece and the
nation might also account for the considerable number wooden head of Queen Tiye in Berlin (fig. 23), the
of casts depicting nonroyal males. At Arnarna, statues identification as Tiye appears certain, despite the dark
of nonroyal individuals were not placed in the temples reddish color of the stone, which has led scholars to
of the Aten, and small statuettes of such persons were describe the head as male. Although Egyptian women
only rarely kept in house shrines. 50 The only possible are usually depicted with yellow skin, during the
location for a near-lifesize nonroyal image was a tomb. Amarna Period images of the royal princesses and
The statue of the tomb's owner, to be carved from the Queen Nefertiti were made of dark brown or reddish
rock matrix, was planned for the innermost offering quartzite (figs. 31, 46-48, 50-53, 65). 55
niche of almost all Amarna tombs. Since most of the The presence of a rough area below the ears and the
tombs are unfinished, and the niches were the last areas shape of the edges around the forehead and ears of the
to be carved, only a few such statues were actually exe- Metropolitan Museum's quartzite head (fig. 44) suggest
cuted. None of these has escaped the ravages of time or that the figure once wore a tripartite wig similar to
the destructive zeal of the anti-Aten faction. 51 What those adorning Queen Nefertiti on reliefs from Karnak,
remains, moreover, has never been properly documented, Memphis, and Amarna (figs. 5, 10, n) and an image of
so at present it is not possible to verify our suggestion Queen Tiye banqueting at Akhetaten (fig. no). The
that the tomb statues at Arnarna were attempts at fairly sculptor has achieved a beautiful balance among bones,
realistic images and that the gypsum plaster casts from flesh, and skin. The bone structure of the head is
Thutmose's workshop served as their models. Figure 28 accentuated at the top of the cheeks and around the
has long been thought to depict Ay, "overseer of all the jaws, while a slight drooping of flesh and muscle is
horses of His Majesty," possibly the brother of Queen indicated below the smooth surface around the mouth,
Tiye and father of Queen Nefertiti, and certainly the on the cheeks, and below the chin. As in the Berlin and
successor of King Tutankhamun. 52 One might suppose Sinai heads of Queen Tiye (figs. 23, 24), the mouth of
that the gypsum plaster model for the face of Ay's tomb the quartzite head is flanked by deeply incised furrows
statue remained in the sculptor's workshop at the end of that run almost vertically downward from the nostrils
the Arnarna Period because work on Ay's tomb had not to join the indentations at the corners of the mouth.
advanced far enough for the model to be taken to the There is bitterness and disdain in the highly arched
tomb site. The nonroyal female plaster images, such as brows, the double wing-shaped upper lip, and the
that in figure 36, would have been used to create a statue downward curve of the mouth. It is the face of a deter-
of the tomb owner's wife, as for instance in the tomb of mined woman, past the peak of her beauty, who still
Ramose. 53 fascinates through the exquisite grace of her head, her
poise, and the freshness of her skin.
The eyelids of the Metropolitan quartzite head are
THE SCULPTOR OF THE METROPOLITAN exceptional: the upper lids are reduced to narrow bands
MUSEUM'S RED QUARTZITE HEAD OF that are set off from the area above by thinly incised
QUEEN TIYE lines. Bernard V. Bothmer 56 has pointed out that dur-
Studies of the relationship between gypsum plaster ing the time of Akhenaten's father, Amenhotep III,
casts and stone statuary are facilitated by the existence inlaid eyes often had no lids at all. This, however, is not
of a dark brownish red quartzite head (fig. 42), now in true of the stone heads from the Thutmose workshop,
the Metropolitan Museum, 54 that can be linked stylisti- whose eyes are hollowed out to receive inlays.
cally to the sculptor of three gypsum plaster heads from Nefertiti's painted bust (fig. 58), the quartzite head of a
the Thutmose workshop. The Metropolitan head must princess (fig. 46), and the queen's head from Memphis
once have belonged to a two-thirds-lifesize statue that (fig. 31) have broad upper lids that hood the inlaid eyes
was composed of various stone materials; its head, and are separated from the area above by sharply in-
arms, and feet would have been made of quartzite. The cised grooves. It is all the more remarkable that reduced
back and top of the head (fig. 54) were prepared to upper eyelids very similar to the ones of the Metropolitan
51
queen appear on three gypsum plaster faces from the group would be joined by the Metropolitan Museum
Thutmose compound. image of Queen Tiye. It is tempting to suggest that
The three parallel pieces are now in the Agyptisches these objects are related to work done by a member of the
Museum, Berlin. They are casts of faces only, but they Thutmose workshop for the Sunshade temple of the
include the ears and the edge of a royal Blue Crown. queen; a relief in the tomb of Huya shows that statues of
Two of the three faces appear to represent King Akhe- Tiye, Amenhotep III, and Akhenaten stood in its court. 59
naten; the third has a square face and may well be The similarity in the shape of the ball and the under-
identified as Amenhotep III. 57 One of the Akhenaten side of the chin, best seen in profile view (figs. 44, 45, 54),
faces is the same size as the quartzite head of Queen indicates that the quartzite head of Tiye and the three
Tiye, whereas the Amenhotep III and second kings' heads were made about the same time as the
Akhenaten heads are slightly larger. Figures 43 and 45 Berlin wooden head from Ghurab (figs. 23, 26) and the
illustrate the supposed Akhenaten gypsum plaster head yellow jasper fragment (figs. 27, 29). However, a greater
that is slightly larger than the quartzite head in the sensitivity in rendering the fleshy parts of the face is
Metropolitan Museum. 58 noticeable in the works from the Thutmose workshop.
The similarities between this gypsum image and the The sculptor of the quartzite head has taken a further
Metropolitan queen's head (figs. 42, 44) are striking. step away from the intellectual expressionism of early
Both heads have the same narrow upper lids, soft pock- Amarna and toward an organic rendering of living
ets of flesh below the eyes, loose flesh over the cheeks, forms, and his works are certainly not the earliest that
and deep furrows that run almost vertically downward the Thutmose workshop produced.
from the nostrils to the corners of the mouth. Also
similar are the shapes of the cutouts for the eyebrow
inlays, which begin with rounded ends just beside the IMAGES OF PRINCESSES AND THE
nose, peak above the outer corners of the eyes, and end TECHNIQUE OF COMPOSITE STATUARY
in a pointed tip. The mouths have the same double Three quartzite heads of princesses, approximately two-
wing-shaped upper lip and protruding, crescent-shaped thirds lifesize, are preserved from the Thutmose com-
lower lip, and like other works of the Thutmose work- pound. Two, now in Cairo, were found in the
shop, the heads share the softly rounded muscle ridge small-room deposit (figs. 50-53, no. 43), whereas the
running obliquely from the inner corners of the eyes third (figs. 46-48), now in Berlin, was discovered at the
toward the cheekbones. southern enclosure wall of the large courtyard [17]. In
The two other gypsum plaster faces in the group, addition to these three images there is another head of
although closely related to the third, differ slightly from about the same size. Of somewhat different style, it was
the one in figures 43 and 45 and the Metropolitan head found not far from the Thutmose compound in an area
(figs. 42, 44). The upper lids in these two faces have of small, insignificant houses. 60 A number of smaller
somewhat more volume and overlap the lower lids at quartzite and granite heads and statuettes of princesses,
the outer corners of the eyes. The furrows between nos- possibly copied from the three larger pieces, 61 were
trils and mouth end at a distance from, and above, the found in the compound itself.
outer corners of the mouth, and the mouth is more The head of the Berlin princess has distinct front,
deeply imbedded in soft musculature. Clearly, none of profile, and back views, so one still senses the original
the gypsum faces can be a direct cast taken from the cubic block from which it was carved. In traditional
Metropolitan Museum head, because even the face Egyptian art, such sculptural qualities were usually fur-
most closely related to the queen's head is different in ther emphasized by a back pillar. Not so here: no slab
size, accoutrements (the Blue Crown), and gender. The of stone encumbers the elegantly curved back of the
close relationship between the gypsum faces and the princess's thin neck (fig. 4 7). All the more striking,
quartzite head must, however, lead to the conclusion then, is a peculiarity of the head, best revealed in
that all four pieces represent the work of a single artist.
If it was right to identify one of the casts as Opposite: Fig. 46. Head of a princess from the Thutmose work-
Amenhotep III and the other two as Akhenaten, this shop at Amarna. Brown quartzite. Agyptisches Museum, Berlin
52
Fig. 47· Head of a princess from the Thutmose workshop at Amarna. Brown quartzite. Agyptisches Museum, Berlin
profile view: the overly elongated, shaved skull. To shaved heads. 68 The style became widespread during
many viewers, this feature suggests a pathological the post-Amarna era, 69 when, apparently, shaved heads
explanation: an illness such as hydrocephalus. Other were no longer restricted to those who performed
scholars have assumed that the heads of Akhenaten's specific tasks. 70
daughters were artificially deformed in early infancy, a The depiction of children with shaved heads also
view that was convincingly refuted in the 1960s by the had a long tradition in Egyptian art, but children were
German physical anthropologist Kurt Gerhardt. 62 more usually represented with an added braid or side
Pathological explanations of unusual forms in works lock/1 as Akhenaten's daughters were in reliefs (figs. 15,
from Amarna fail to take into consideration the pre- 32, 78, 83, 109, n2, n8-21; see pp. 6o, n2). When a
dominantly conceptual-not naturalistic-character bareheaded princess appeared in a narrative context, she
of Egyptian art (see pp. 19-20). With the princesses' usually portrayed the youngest sibling (figs. 8, 88, 97).? 2
heads, Amarna artists probably overemphasized heredi- It is difficult to determine why the Thutmose artists
tary traits, a view reinforced by a comparison of the represented the princesses with entirely bare heads.
princesses' sculptured heads with the mummified heads Since the direct predecessors of the Thutmose workshop
of Smenkhkare and Tutankhamun. Elongated skulls were princesses were depicted wearing side locks, this must
characteristic of these two young men who followed have been a deliberate decision. The impressive stelae
Akhenaten as Pharaoh. Since Akhenaten's successors cut from the rock of the limestone cliffs surrounding
must have been members of the royal family, it is safe Akhetaten, commissioned by Akhenaten in Years 6-8
to assume that his daughters, whose mummies are not of his reign, have been described (pp. 20-22). Rock-cut
preserved, possessed the same traits. 63 The question, statues of Akhenaten, Nefertiti, and their daughters
then, is: Why did the artists emphasize this particular flanked most of these stelae (fig. 103). Initially, the two
feature to a seemingly abnormal degree? eldest, Meretaten and Meketaten, appeared; later, stat-
In Egyptian art, the representation of adults with ues of Ankhesenpaaten joined those of her sisters. 73
shaved or dose-cropped heads has a long history, which Few heads from the boundary stelae statues of the
has been described by Bernard V Bothmer. 64 Starting princesses have been preserved, but there are enough to
in the Old Kingdom and becoming very popular in the demonstrate that the skulls were elongated and that
Middle Kingdom, representations of predominantly enormous side locks were attached to one temple. 74
male figures with shaved heads were executed through- Why, then, were there no side locks on the princesses'
out the earlier Eighteenth Dynasty, into the reign of heads from the Thutmose compound?
Akhenaten's father, Amenhotep III, and the Amarna The omission of a side lock may have been meant to
Period. Later, especially during the post-Persian era characterize a particular princess as the youngest in a
(404-343 B.c.), the type was revived in many impres- group, which could be of help in determining which
sive sculptures of officials. princess is represented (seep. 65). But it is also possible
Initially, the cropped hairstyle was probably just a that the traditional connotation of elite status and ritu-
fashion suited to the hot climate of Egypt, aiding al cleanliness was used to contribute to the otherworld-
cleanliness and the wearing of courtly wigs. However, liness that is a distinguishing quality of the Berlin and
at least from the Middle Kingdom on, the shaved head Cairo princesses' images.
was also associated with purification rites prescribed for The Thutmose artists added a totally new aspect to
persons performing priestly tasks. 65 During the reign of the tradition of depicting children with shaved heads.
Akhenaten, the shaved head was a common sight. A view of any of the heads from the back (fig. 53)
Reliefs at Karnak and in the tombs and temples of reveals that the sculptor has given the skull the unmis-
Amarna depict innumerable bareheaded men, mostly takable shape of an egg. 75 "Egyptian theologians specu-
officials and temple and cult personnel. 66 Many royal lating about the creation of the world," writes Ricardo
servants are also depicted bareheaded. This is logical Caminos, "spoke of a miraculous egg placed upon a hill
because serving the king was considered a ritual task, surrounded by the primeval waters. The egg hatched,
and the servants also handled the royal family's food. 67 and from it flew a bird that was a god and brought
Servants of high officials were also depicted with forth light, ending chaos and marking the beginning of
55
of the princesses as embodiments of divine creation

(pp. 98-104, 108). This symbolic role is intricately con-
nected with the belief in Akhenaten's own status as the
child of the Aten, which has, significantly, also found
tangible expression in the work of a Thutmose artist.
Marianne Eaton-Krauss has drawn attention to a frag-
mentary-indeed, willfully smashed-alabaster head
of Akhenaten, parts of which were found scattered over
80
a rather large area of the Thutmose compound. No
fragments of the body were found, but the complete
statue can be reconstructed following a number of
known representations, especially ones of Akhenaten
and Tutankhamun 81 and a charming inlaid figure
depicting Akhenaten's next-to-last daughter, Princess
Nefernefrure (fig. 7). 82 The king was probably depicted
squatting on the ground, one hand on a knee, the
other raised toward his chin with one finger at his
mouth, a traditional pose of children in Egyptian art.
Significantly, at Amarna this image of the king also
served as the subject of small faience amulets that attest
to the power of the concept. 83
Viewed from the back, the alabaster head fragment
reveals the egg shape of the king's cranium, an impres-
sion that is intensified by the whiteness of the stone.
Fig. 48. Head of a princess from the Thutmose workshop at The head differs from the princesses' egg-shaped heads
Amarna. Brown quartzite. Agyptisches Museum, Berlin
in one respect: the youthful side lock was attached, as it
had been to the heads of the boundary stelae princesses.
The fragmentary state of the alabaster head makes it
things." 76 Thus, traditional Egyptian theology saw in difficult to ascertain when the complete statue was cre-
the egg a symbol of the divine creation of the cosmos. ated. What remains of the right eye appears to have a
James P. Allen has described (p. 4) how, during the shape similar to the eye of the Berlin princess's head
Amarna Period, the emphasis in religious thinking (fig. 46). Therefore, it is possible that the alabaster stat-
shifted from the mythology of cosmic origins to a con- ue portraying Akhenaten as a child was the first to
cept of the gods' continuing creative activity "here and incorporate the symbolism of the egg into a representa-
now," on earth. 77 The Great Hymn to the Aten, at the tion of a child with a shaved head. Together with the
climax of its praise of god the creator, describes the boundary stelae statues, this figure of Akhenaten was a
everyday occurrence of the birth of a chick from the prototype for the representations of the king's daugh-
egg as a symbol of the divine origin of life: "When the ters made by the artists of the Thutmose workshop.
chick is in the egg, speaking in the shell, you [Aten] Profile views of the Berlin princess's quartzite head
give him breath within it to cause him to live; and (fig. 47) reveal its affinity to early works of the Amarna
when you have made his appointed time for him, so Period. In reliefs of that time-as we have seen
that he may break himself out of the egg, he comes out (pp. 38-39)-the area between the front and the back
of the egg to speak at his appointed time and goes on of the head was greater than that between the chin and
his two legs when he comes out of it [the egg]." 7 8 the forehead (figs. 5, 10, II, 15, 17, 19). A date not much
The egg-shaped princesses' heads are best under- later than that of these early reliefs is certainly indicated
stood in the context of such Amarna imagery. 79 In the for the Berlin princess. Despite their striking anatomical
next chapter more will be said about the particular role correctness, the princess's features are more abstract
Fig. 49· Princesses Nefernefruaten-Tasherit and Nefernefrure at the feet ofNefertiti. Facsimile by Nina de Garis Davies after a painting in
the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York
than those of the Metropolitan Museum's Queen Tiye The oblique sternocleidomastoid muscles at the side of
(figs. 42, 44), so an earlier date seems probable. The the neck flank a columnlike throat with a delicate
wooden head of Tiye from Ghurab (fig. 23) may be Adam's apple. At the back, above the nape of the neck,
roughly contemporaneous with the princess in Berlin, the sculptor has depicted the semispinalis muscles as
whereas the yellow jasper fragment (figs. 27, 29) may two strong cords. Anatomists have expressed admira-
have been created slightly later than the Berlin princess, tion for the correctly rendered details of this head. 84
and closer in time to the Metropolitan's Queen Tiye. Behind the ears, for instance, the mastoid processes are
Each of these four closely related pieces represents the denoted as delicately raised mounds, and the skull is a
style of a different artist, and the group exemplifies the study in bone structure, its overly elongated shape
richness of Amarna art. notwithstanding.
The Berlin princess's head is remarkably lean, almost Above the deeply recessed temples, the princess's
emaciated, and the form of the features is largely deter- forehead is marked at left and right by angular, frontal
mined by the bone structure of the skull. Even the tuberosities, connected by a round horizontal ridge.
hump at the back of the neck-which all the royal The inclined vertical part of the forehead between this
daughters shared with Akhenaten (see fig. 88), and ridge and the eyebrows is slightly concave. The shape
which was (if it actually existed) probably caused by an of the forehead as well as the softly rounded central
accumulation of fat-has the appearance of cartilage. area above are appropriate for a young child. Child-
57
Fig. 50. Head of a princess from the Thutmose workshop at Amarna. Red quartzite. Egyptian
Museum, Cairo
hood traits are also discernible in the "baby fat" below face. If portrayed in natural dimensions, these bulging
the princess's chin, the shell-like ears, and the relatively sides might be seen as parietal tubers, a prominent fea-
large eyes. ture in infants' skulls. However, anatomists have also
When viewed from the back, the strikingly broad, described the bulges as enlarged temporal muscles. 85
lobelike protuberances above the ears on both sides of Despite its numerous infantile features, the quartzite
the princess's head emphasize its egg shape; from the head is not the image of a baby; it represents a young
front, this imposing feature lends substance to the slender woman of poise and dignity. The thoughtful expression
Fig. 51. Head of a princess from the Thutmose workshop at Amarna. Yellow quartzite. Egyptian
Museum, Cairo
around her eyes is reminiscent of Akhenaten's introvert- repellent, unlike similar features in the Karnak
ed, visionary gaze in the Karnak statues (fig. 9); and the statues of Akhenaten and Nefertiti. On the con-
sensitively, if sparingly, rendered surface qualities of the trary, the large temple lobes are harmoniously
skin combine with the sensuous mouth to create an incorporated into the circumference of the head,
impression of delicate femininity. The exaggerated and the length of the chin is counterbalanced by
shape of the skull, the length of the neck, and the the angular solidity of the forehead. In this head
drooping of the chin no longer strike the viewer as the Thutmose workshop artist achieved the trans-
59
A painting that once decorated a room in the small

town palace (King's House) between the Great and
Small Aten temples at Amarna (fig. 49) is stylistically
closest to the Berlin princess's head. Barry Kemp has
identified the location of the famous "window of
appearance" in this small palace. 90 At this window the
king, queen, and royal children appeared before a
crowd to reward chosen officials with the Gold of
Honor (fig. 83). The room with the painting was part
of a suite used, according to Kemp's interpretation, by
the royal family to prepare for these ceremonies and to
relax during and after them.
Figure 49 shows the largest preserved fragment from
the King's House painting, now in the Ashmolean
Museum, Oxford. 91 The facsimile copy made by Nina
de Garis Davies in 1928, now in the Metropolitan
Museum, is illustrated in figure 49 (no. 50). 92 Besides
the Oxford fragment, numerous other smaller frag-
ments are preserved. 93 The complete painting repre-
sented the entire royal family-Akhenaten, Nefertiti,
and all six daughters-resting in a columned hall. 94
The king sits on a chair while Nefertiti squats before
him on an ornate cushion. The three elder daughters,
Fig. 52. Head of a princess from the Thutmose workshop at Meretaten, Meketaten and Ankhesenpaaten, lean
Amarna. Red quartzite. Egyptian Museum, Cairo against their mother's knee, and she cradles the youngest,
Setepenre, on her lap. The fragment shows the fourth
and fifth royal daughters, Nefernefruaten-Tasherit and
formation of Akhenaten's awe-inspiring ugliness into Nefernefrure, beside Nefertiti's feet in an intimate
an image of delicate feminine youth. group. One of the queen's feet is visible in the back-
Many representations of Akhenaten and Nefertiti's ground, together with a sash that falls over her hip.
daughters were made at Amarna. In reliefs, the Each little princess sits on her own brightly colored
princesses usually wear thin linen garments and side cushion. The girls are naked, but they are adorned with
locks, as was fitting for girls in Egyptian society (figs. an elaborate array of jewelry: bracelets and armlets
78, 83, 112). 86 A number of sculptures in the round also encircle their arms, necklaces hang down between their
represented the royal daughters in garments and the breasts, and elaborate horseshoe-shaped gold disks dec-
most impressive among these is certainly the torso in orated with somewhat faded blue lotus petals ornament
the Louvre (figs. 21, 22). But most depicted the their ears. The disks are fastened to the pierced earlobes
princesses nude. The earliest examples are the bound- by pins that end in small blue lotus blossoms; from
ary stelae statues (fig. 103). 87 The princesses' statuettes each ear ornament three strings of beads hang to the
that were found in the Thutmose compound, 88 a torso girls' shoulders.
excavated by Flinders Petrie at an unknown location in The princesses' poses are relaxed. The one on the
Amarna (figs. 104-7), and a small statuette now in the right is squatting, her left arm resting between her
Nelson-Atkins Museum of Art, Kansas City, are also drawn-up knees. The other princess stretches her legs;
unclothed. 89 The latter statuette wears the youthful her right arm is at her side as she embraces her sister
side lock, as does an unclothed princess on a cursory with her left. The princess on the right responds by
limestone artist's sketch now in the Metropolitan chucking her sister under the chin. The drawing of the
Museum (no. 49). figures accords with traditional principles of Egyptian
6o
representation. The heads, upper torsos, and legs are in same quartzite stone material as the heads. Since practi-
strict profile, and only at the navel do the lower bodies cally no body parts were found in the Thutmose com-
turn to a three-quarter view. The hands appear in back pound, we must assume that the bodies were made in
and side views, not with the innovative view of the another workshop or at another location. It is difficult
palm as seen, for instance, in the trial piece from the to explain why bodies made of the same stone material
North Palace (fig. ro8). 95 The depiction of the toes in as the heads were not created at the Thutmose work-
side view follows general Amarna artistic practices. 96 shop. Perhaps the division of labor between artists who
However, the painter has used traditional means to cre- made heads and, on occasion, arms and legs, and those
ate an intricate group composition with multiple spa- who created bodies of different materials had become
tial layering, reminiscent of relief art. In the center, for an established custom and was employed when no
instance, the left arm of the girl on the left is at the difference in material was involved.
back of the princess on the right, but her legs are in The Berlin head's neck is curved so that the upper
front of the other's hips. 97 Brushwork and coloration edge of a collar or necklace would have fitted exactly.
are very fine in this painting. The right thigh of the A join between the body and the neck at this point was
left-hand princess, for instance, touches the cushion on easy to conceal. Like many clothed representations of
which she sits. To demonstrate the soft quality of the royal women, the complete statue would have been
cushion, the thick line that silhouettes the princess's leg adorned with a collar or, perhaps, a series of necklaces,
is replaced by a much thinner broken line. Shadows are as seen in the painting (fig. 49). We do not know
indicated in various places, such as the abdomen and whether the artist intended to attach ear ornaments. In
below the left-hand girl's right thigh, and at the back most statues and reliefs the pierced holes where such
and between the two feet of the princess on the right.
Thin brown brushstrokes on the skulls of both
princesses indicate hair that is starting to grow.
The heads of the princesses are striking. In small
details they are similar to the Berlin princess's head.
One sees the same round cushions of baby fat below
the chin, the large eyes, the elongated skulls, and the
angled ears. There can be no doubt that the painter was
familiar with the work of the Thutmose sculptor, the
Berlin head itself, or a closely related piece. Possibly, he
was commissioned to paint the two princesses, follow-
ing the representations created by the Thutmose work-
shop artist. If this was actually the case, the painted
figures of the princesses can help to reconstruct the
complete figure of the Berlin princess's head.
As we have seen, images of princesses in the round
are usually unclothed, so there can be little doubt that
the princess was represented in the nude, and the paint-
ing corroborates this view. The Berlin head as well as its
closely related counterparts now in Cairo (figs. 50- 53)
were parts of composite statues. Tenons at the bottoms
of the two Cairo heads are still preserved, and traces
show that the Berlin head ended similarly (fig. 55). 98
When a composite statue represented a figure wearing a
garment, the body was made of different stone. If we
are right in assuming that the figures of the princesses Fig. 53· Head of a princess from the Thutmose workshop at
were nude, the bodies must have been made of the Amarna. Red quartzite. Egyptian Museum, Cairo
6r
ornaments were to be added were indicated. The

princess of the statue may have carried a fruit in her
hand-a pomegranate or a fig-as seen in a number of
smaller statuettes. Thus reconstructed, the statue may
be a variant of the well-known type that showed
Akhenaten and Nefertiti with offering plates in their
hands, fruit being more appropriate as a gift from a
small child. This princess was probably destined for an
Aten temple. Alone or together with statues of her par-
ents and sisters, she would have stood offering her fruit
to the god. Egyptian viewers would have been remind-
ed of the figures of nude girls who served the goddess
Hath or, the Aphrodite of ancient Egypt. 99
The techniques used in the making of composite
statues need further study. roo Unfortunately, very few
torso parts-or possible torso parts-have been found,
and none were recovered in the workshop of Thutmose,
which appears to have specialized in heads, arms,
hands, and feet. 101 The following points, however, seem I
:
certain: The separately made heads ended in long, fairly I
I
\
narrow tenons (fig. 55) that were inserted into mortises
in the torsos. The tenons were so long and the heads so \ ....
i
___ ,_,.,/I
heavy that no adhesive was necessary to ensure a secure
Fig. 55· Composite statuary. Demonstration

drawing by Barry Girsh
join between the parts. Plaster may have been used to

conceal the seam. Headdresses were affixed with the
help of a tenon on the top of the head (figs. 41, 54, 66);
the areas that were to be covered by the headdress were
painted red on a number of heads, possibly the remains
of a paint layer used to guide the sculptor during the
final fitting. 102 Most headdresses appear to have been
made of stone; dark gray to black diorite or granodiorite
were the preferred materials (fig. 56, no. 23). 103 Arms
were fitted to the torso by sliding their tenons into
mortises in the shoulders and sides of the statue's body.
This method can be observed in a statue of Amenhotep
III in the Metropolitan Museum (fig. 57); 104 the left
arm has been repaired by joining two pieces of stone
Fig. 54· Side view of the red quartzite head of Queen Tiye (fig. 42). within mortise slots prepared in the shoulder. A mortise
The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York cutout at the back left corner of the throne served the
same purpose. Again, no adhesive was necessary because

the weight of the pieces held them in place. 105
The reduced size of the back pillar is an important
feature of composite statues. None of the heads of the
princesses (figs. 47, 52, 53) had a pillar that reached to
the neck of the statue. A statue of King Sety I in the
Egyptian Museum, Cairo, shows how a composite
work was attached to a back pillar at the backs of the
legs only as far up as the buttocks; evidently, this was
enough to fix this composite statue to the base. It may
be that the increased possibility of creating stone stat-
ues with reduced back pillars was one of the reasons the
composite statue occurs so frequently during the
Amarna Period.
More insight into the art of the Thutmose sculptors
is obtained by comparing the finished Berlin head of a
princess (figs. 46-48) with the two unfinished heads
from the deposit room now in Cairo (figs. 50, 52, 53; 51,
no. 43). The Berlin head received a final smoothing and
burnishing, so the surface is shiny; only the inlays are
missing. The quartzite Cairo heads did not receive a final
finishing; therefore, they lack some fine details and
have a matte surface. The eyes and eyebrows, moreover,
have not yet been hollowed out to receive inlays,
although the master sculptor indicated these areas with
black brushlines, including the traditional cosmetic
lines at the outer corners of the eyes and the elonga-
Fig. 56. Part of a wig from a composite statue excavated at Amarna. tions of the eyebrows toward the temples. These cos-
Granodiorite. Petrie Museum, University College, London
Fig. 57· Mortise and tenon joints on a statue of Amenhotep III. Granodiorite. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York
The two unfinished heads of princesses (figs. 50-52,

no. 43) 10 6 clearly follow the same model as that of the
Berlin head; indeed, the Berlin head may have been
this model. All three heads have the thin, outward
curving neck that Akhenaten's daughters share with
their father, whereas the back of Queen Nefeniti's neck
is always depicted with an inward curve. All three heads
show the same two cordlike muscles, with a hollow
indentation between them, at the point where the neck
joins the huge egg-shaped back of the head (fig. 53). ro 7
All three faces have the same triangular shape and at
the forehead the same bony ridge, the same left and
right tuberosities. All three necks are dominated by the
strongly emphasized sternocleidomastoid muscles at
either side; in all three pieces the small chins droop in a
manner strongly reminiscent of the Karnak statues of
Akhenaten (figs. r, 9, 47, 52).
Some of the differences among the three heads are
due to the fact that the two from the Thutmose deposit
room (figs. 50-53) did not receive their final details and
have not been completely smoothed. In the two
unfinished heads, for instance, there is no muscle ridge
running from the inner corners of the eyes toward the
cheekbones, a feature that we have already noted in the
Metropolitan Museum quartzite head of Tiye (fig. 44).
The feature reappears in the Berlin princess in an espe-
cially angular version, making it clear that the sculptor
Fig. 58. Bust ofNefertiti from the Thutmose workshop at Amarna.
Painted limestone with gypsum plaster layers. Agyptisches
intended this to look like a sinew although, anatomi-
Museum, Berlin cally, it is most probably the edge of the orbicularis
muscle that encircles the eye. Also, the unfinished
heads do not yet show the slight curve in the upper
eyelids, or the sagging of soft flesh below the eyes that
metic lines have been hollowed out in the more is seen in the finished princess. The sculptor would
finished Berlin head, but one may wonder what kind of have worked out these details during the final smooth-
inlay was planned for such thin grooves. The lips of all ing and rubbing process.
three princesses are painted red. The interiors of the Other discernible differences among the three heads
nostrils are outlined in black, and two black lines indicate are found in the overall shape. All the ears, for instance,
where folds were to be incised in the front of the neck. are crescent shaped, but they differ in size and volume.
There is a groove on the neck of the Berlin head below The Berlin head (figs. 46-48) has the smallest ears; the
the Adam's apple (fig. 46). Depressions indicate that the two heads from Cairo have the next largest (figs. 50, 52)
princesses' ears were pierced for earrings. The finished and the largest (fig. 51). This last head also has leaner
head (fig. 47) and the yellow unfinished one (fig. 51) have features than the other two: the lips are thinner and the
one round depression in each ear, whereas the red head two folds that run downward from the corners of the
(fig. 52) has two in each ear. These areas are marked in mouth are incised at an angle. The other unfinished
black, and it is possible that they were to be drilled for head in Cairo is broader than either of the others: the
the attachment of actual earrings of gold and semiprecious features are fleshier, the lips thicker, and the lines at the
stones, as was the wooden head of Queen Tiye (fig. 23). corners of the mouth more softly delineated. These
THE WoRKSHOP oF THE ScuLPTOR THuTMOSE
/
v - ·- -..... ..., 25
depicted, since she was born just before Year 12 and
would have been about five at the end of her father's
i\; reign. However, the baby princess image was probably
i revived in the two Cairo heads for two later princesses:
\ --c """' b~
f Meretaten-Tasherit and Ankhesenpaaten-Tasherit (see
l "
~ .__,
l p. 14).
! The considerably earlier Berlin head must have been
; 20
r--
\ .: ,(
.. '-J
,.
f
; I)'
I
; made for a princess who was the baby during the earlier
,t.·
years of the Thutmose workshop. Ankhesenpaaten
~
\ ... I
I
seems the most probable. In the painting from the
\ v ..........
!
,t v r-. ~ c;.. ~ \. !
c ·'· ~ A ~ I \ ~ ~ ... ......
f-..
;
!
--- :\,.
15
King's House (fig. 49), Nefernefruaten-Tasherit and
Nefernefrure have been invested with the same image. 108
I =..:: The very fact that this type of representation could be
i
L7l I \ it \ transferred from one princess to another shows that it
~~\ II
.. ~ . ' ,_ ,./
!(
is not a portrait in the strictest sense of the word but an
-· I;- r::--...
;
image whose religious function went beyond the per-
\ t'- ~ /
10 son who was represented.
l........._ 1_...-"(
I It is difficult to understand why the Berlin quartzite
)
'\ head was never used on a statue, since it is nearly
/~ ·, finished and lacks only the inlays. The clue may lie in
r---....
the two rough, flat areas above the ears (fig. 47). Here,
1'/ ~
5 too much stone had been removed during the primary
carving, and the sculptor perhaps did not want to
remove more stone during the smoothing process. He
therefore decided to abandon the head, leaving for pos-
terity a singular masterpiece in which youthful inno-
0
cence is blended with exquisite femininity.
Fig. 59· Grid using Egyptian finger-width unit of measure (3/4 in.)
superimposed on photogrammetric image ofNefertiti's bust in the
Agyptisches Museum, Berlin. After RolfKrauss
THE IMAGES OF QUEEN NEFERTITI
The Painted Bust and an Unfinished Limestone Head:

The Definitive Image
differences are best understood if one assumes that, at a Among the finds from the Thutmose deposit were two
later date, the two unfinished heads were made by two royal limestone busts and the lower part of a third, the
different younger sculptors with the Berlin head as a head of which is missing. 109 The two complete busts
model. It is safe to assume that both copies after the depict King Akhenaten and Queen Nefertiti. The
Berlin model were made fairly late in the history of the king's bust, now in the Agyptisches Museum, Berlin, uo
Thutmose workshop. was intentionally smashed, presumably before the piece
If we are right in saying that a princess shown bare- was deposited in the small room ofThutmose's house.
headed is likely to be the youngest of the family, the Deplorable breaks, therefore, now disfigure the face of
unfinished heads carved late in Akhenaten's reign can- what once was an imposing masterpiece. m
not depict any of the king's elder daughters. Meretaten The queen's bust is the best-known work of art from
was about seventeen years old at the time the two ancient Egypt-arguably from all antiquity (figs. 58,
Cairo heads were made; Meketaten had died after Year 6o). m The piece, which is 48 em (18% in.) high, was
12; Ankhesenpaaten was approximately twelve, and made from what appears to be a fairly dense but brittle
Nefernefruaten-Tasherit and Nefernefrure, nine and limestone to which layers of gypsum plaster were
eight. The youngest, Setepenre, could be the child applied. It includes the head and neck as well as an area
roundel, to which two lotus flowers are attached. Two

parallel painted streamers hang down from the nape of
the neck over the back; their undulating outline sug-
gests a flimsy material. The right eye only is inlaid with
rock crystal. On the reverse of the inlay black pigment
has been applied to represent the pupil and iris, and
the white of the eye is suggested by the limestone of
the eye socket showing through the crystal at the sides
of the dark pupil.
Art historical studies of the Nefertiti bust have not
been as numerous as one would expect, considering the
fame of the piece and the vast amount of literature on
other Amarna Period topics. Are scholars reluctant to
deal with such a widely publicized icon?n 4 Whatever
the reason, no book has as yet been exclusively dedicat-
ed to the piece, and, except for pigment analyses, liS
basic technical research has only just begun (see below,
p. 68).
A point of particular interest-about which one
would wish to have more technical information-is
the question of the inlay missing from the left eye of
Fig. 6o. Bust ofNefertiti from the Thutmose workshop at

Amarna. Painted limestone with gypsum plaster layers.
from the clavicles to just above the breasts; the shoul-

ders were not rendered and the sides of the bust were
cut vertically. Except for a few losses at the ears, the
edges of the crown, and the front part of the uraeus
cobra, the image is pristine. The entire piece with the
exception of the eye sockets and the vertical shoulder
sections is richly painted. The queen wears the tall, flat-
topped crown, which is painted dark blue and has a
multicolored band encircling it. Gold is indicated by
yellow paint at the edges of this band and on the front-
let and correlated back band of the crown; the uraeus is
also painted yellow.
The queen's face is light brownish pink, the eye-
brows and lines around the eyes are black, the lips are a
deep brownish red, and the petals and small fruits
strung on the floral collar are yellow, red, and green. At
the back,u 3 the band painted on the crown is represent- Fig. 61. Unfinished head ofNefertiti from the Thutmose work-
ed as tied into a bow given the traditional shape of a shop at Amarna. Limestone. Agyptisches Museum, Berlin
66
Fig. 62. Sculptor's model excavated near the sanc-
tuary of the Great Aten Temple, Amarna, showing
a bust ofNefertiti in profile. Limestone. Egyptian
Museum, Cairo
the queen's bust. Borchardt was not able to find another investigation of the left eye demonstrates that traces of
eye inlay in the debris, although his reported promise adhesive are present, us it must be accepted that a left-
of a high sum to the workman who found the missing eye inlay never existed.
piece must have resulted in a very thorough search. u 6 This observation has far-reaching consequences for
He later recognized that "no trace of an adhesive can be determining the original function of the bust. Without
detected in the hollow of the eye; also the background an eye inlay, the piece can only have served as a sculp-
is smooth and has not been carved in any way to tor's model, n 9 despite recent arguments that favor
receive an inlay," and he concluded that "the left eye interpreting the bust as a cult object for use in a private
was never filled with an inlay."II 7 An examination of house. 120 The empty eye socket makes sense only in a
the Nefertiti bust in its case in the museum corrobo- model, since it demonstrates how a sculptor prepares
rates Borchardt's conclusion, and unless a microscopic hollows in a stone sculpture for the later insertion of
eye inlays. It should, moreover, be noted that all busts mouth, the lower eyelids are two fingers above the tip
so far excavated at Amarna were found in conjunction of the nose, and the peaks of the eyebrows 124 are another
with sculptors' workshops; none were found in houses. 121 two fingers above the lower lids. Since in the ancient
A function as sculptor's model to demonstrate a Egyptian measuring system, four fingers equaled one
definitive image of the queen best explains the bust's palm (7.5 em; 3 in.), it can also be said that there was a
predominant artistic properties: its careful execution, distance of one palm between the tip of the nose and
thoroughly calculated proportions and symmetries, and the peak of the eyebrows, and two palms between the
impeccable finish. Rolf Krauss, an Egyptologist at the chin and the edge of the crown.
Berlin Museum, has recently shown how, 122 in typical Art historians have always stressed the symmetries in
Egyptian fashion, the shape of the bust appears to have Nefertiti's face. Contrary to most Egyptian sculp-
been determined with the help of a grid that used the tures-for instance, the wooden head of Queen Tiye
smallest longitudinal measure of ancient Egypt, a finger (fig. 23)-the facial features of the bust are remarkably
(1.875 em; %in.), as its basic unit. Krauss drew this grid symmetrical. Nefertiti's chin, mouth, and nose, and the
over a photogrammetric image of Nefertiti that had uraeus cobra are placed exactly along the vertical axis of
previously been constructed by scientists from the the face. The nostrils are exactly one finger distant
Berlin Technical University. 123 Drawn over this pho- from each side of this median line; the outer ends of
togrammetric image in frontal and profile views, the the eyebrows are three fingers from the median line;
grid measured some major facial features (fig. 59). The and the center of each ear is four fingers, if again the
chin, for instance, is located two fingers below the photogrammetric image is used that projects the sculp-
median line between the lips, the tip of the nose is tural details onto a plane. 125 Krauss has shown that
another finger width above the median line of the major deviations from this unusually strict adherence
to symmetry appear only in areas other than the face.
The left side of the crown is slightly broader than the
right side, and the right shoulder is slightly wider than
the left.
Dietrich Wildung's important computerized tomog-
raphy studies (see also pp. 28, 30) revealed that careful
balancing also occurred in the earlier stages of the cre-
ation of Nefertiti's bust. 126 It appears that the bust's
limestone core originally had a considerably longer and
thinner neck, shoulders of rather uneven height, and a
crown straighter in the back line and narrower from
front to back. To correct these faults and achieve the
final equilibrium, the sculptor used gypsum plaster to
heighten and even out the shoulders. Plaster was also
added to the back of the neck, and the crown.
Borchardt had already suggested that certain details in
the face itself were molded with the help of a thin layer
of gypsum plaster. 127 The actual amount of plaster used
for the facial details is still to be determined.
The gypsum plaster additions to the shoulders and
crown stress the importance of weight equilibrium in
the structure of the bust. ns This equilibrium becomes
particularly obvious in the profile view, where the face
appears to be at the vertex of an angle whose sides are
Fig. 63. Head and shoulders of a statue of Queen Hatshepsut. formed by the neck and crown. Together, the crown and
Granite. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York head have considerable weight, which is counterbalanced
68
by the neck's forward thrust. Thus, the pose of the

queen has both a passive and an active aspect. Her head
and neck are pressed down by the massive crown, but
the neck visibly strains against this weight, a tension
that is most obvious at the back of the neck where the
two long neck muscles are strongly marked. The ten-
sion is visible most clearly at the point where the neck
merges into the back of the head in a narrow curve.
Borchardt, in his initial publication of the piece,
described how the forward position of the neck causes
the throat to protrude "more than usual in women," 129
to which Krauss has added the observation that it was
mainly the forward push of the chin that produced the
slight Adam's apple on the queen's throat. Krauss also
remarked 130 that "in order to look straight in front,
when the neck is in this position, a person needs to
lower the eyes to an angle of about 30 degrees." This,
Krauss continued, causes the eyelids to be lowered over
the eyeballs, as can be observed in Nefertiti's bust.
It may be useful to add a few remarks to these obser-
vations concerning the position of Nefertiti's neck. The
forward thrust of the neck is a feature that is not
unique to the painted bust; it is one of the characteris-
tic properties of almost all representations of the queen,
Fig. 64. Upper part of wooden statuette of the Chief of the
the king, and other members of the royal house, begin- Household, Tiya (fig. 20). The Metropolitan Museum of Art,
ning at least at the time of the move to Amarna (figs. New York
17, 30, 62, 66, 69, 74, 81, 100). 131 In traditional
Egyptian art, such a neck position was used predomi-
nantly in representations of persons engaged in some ing-board" adherence to a set system of proportions?
activity. Among sculptures in the round, the so-called Another-unfinished-limestone head from the same
servant figures of the Old Kingdom and, in a few deposit in the Thutmose workshop may corroborate
instances, also of the New Kingdom come to mind. 132 this understanding of the bust's particular character.
During the latter period, the forward bend of the neck The face of the unfinished limestone head (fig. 61) 135
also appears in statues of scribes, 133 and since ancient is roughly the same height as the face of the painted
times, the heads of kings have been depicted as bust, but the piece lacks the bust's partial shoulders and
weighed down by the crown on the occasion of the high crown. It was, indeed, clearly made as a model for
· thirty years' jubilee festival. 134 a head to be carved in quartzite for a composite statue.
Carefully structured according to a strict numerical In order to affix a separate crown to the existing piece,
system, the painted bust of Nefertiti occupies a key curved indentations were cut out above the ears, and a
position in the development that led from her expres- rectangular hole was provided at the top of the head for
sively ugly early representations to the softer new ver- the insertion of a tenon. The features of the unfinished
sion that emerged just before Years 8-12 of Akhenaten's limestone head are only roughly delineated, and thick
reign. There can be no doubt that the bust presents the black lines indicate the eyes and eyebrows. Black lines
prototypical new face of the queen in its purest form. also show where the master sculptor wished to have
Was it the definitive model that demonstrated the new more stone carved away: above the left corner of the
way to depict the queen? And does this function ex- mouth, on the right cheek and left jaw, and beside the
plain the bust's unusually rigid symmetries and "draw- bridge of the nose. Rough chisel marks are visible
around and on the ears, and there is a median line center of the crown, the other hanging down in front
marked in ink on the philtrum and the lower lip. of Nefertiti's ear, with its menacing eye just beside hers.
Despite its unfinished condition, the head shows the In relief, this cobra-encircled head of Nefertiti is re-
sure hand of a master sculptor who, in creating the face markably similar to her head on the family shrine stela
of Nefertiti, still followed to a large extent the earlier in Berlin (fig. 88, pp. 96-104). Since the rather large,
conventions of Amarna art. This is attested to by the slightly open mouth and the large ear are on both the
overlong neck with its prominently marked frontal ten- stela and the slab, the two works must have been made
dons; the large and fleshy mouth whose corners are set at about the same time-just before the change in the
into deep, angularly carved furrows; and the typical names of the Aten during Years 8-n. The shrine stela is
vertical ridges that separate the front parts of the inscribed with the earlier versions of the Aten's names
cheeks from their sides. All these features are well (seep. 97).
known from the sculptures and reliefs of the early The similarities between the relief slab and the
Amarna years (figs. 15, 16, 17). The unfinished lime- painted bust of Nefertiti are striking. The outline of
stone head, however, has the eyes and the straight jaw the oblique neck and square jaw, the forward thrust of
of the later style. We have here a version of the queen's the face, and the distinctive curve at the back combine
image that must have been carved during the earliest to make the relief an almost exact two-dimensional ver-
stage of the Thutmose compound, just before the sion of the bust. True, the relief slab was evidently cre-
definitive version of the queen's image was incorporat- ated earlier than the bust, and its exact counterpart
ed in the painted bust. Perhaps the sculptor also may actually be the limestone head from the workshop
intended to cover this image with a layer of gypsum (fig. 61). But the slab forms an important link between
plaster. the Thutmose workshop and the relief sculptors who
Slightly closer to the painted bust than the lime- decorated the Great Aten Temple and, possibly, carved
stone head is a gypsum plaster head (figs. 39, 40) 136 that the shrine stelae (see pp, 96-104).
shows the rounded cheeks of the later, softened face of
the queen-as well as her straight chin-but with a The Head from Memphis: The Ruler
mouth that is still very full and disproportionately Three years after the artistic treasure trove of the
large. Step by step, therefore, one can follow the sculp- Thutmose workshop was found by Ludwig Borchardt,
tors' attempts to achieve the queen's new image, and it an excavator from the University of Pennsylvania,
appears more and more probable that the Thutmose Clarence S. Fisher, discovered another work that is
workshop was decisively involved in the creation of the surely by the sculptor of the Berlin princess's head. He
queen's new face. found the piece near a Ramesside palace in the ancient
A limestone slab that had been thrown into the Egyptian capital of Memphis, just south of Cairo. 138
foundation trench of a wall was found in the sanctuary The head (figs. 31, 65) is carved from quartzite of only a
of the Great Aten Temple. 137 The rectangular piece (fig. slightly lighter brown than that used for the Berlin
62, no. 45) has the fairly regular shape common to princess. The piece is broken at the middle of the neck,
relief models. The master sculptor carved an image, but the cut edge above the forehead and the broad,
and his assistants then followed the model in carving fairly short cylindrical tenon on the top of the head
temple and tomb wall reliefs (pp. 89-90). This particu- provide evidence that it was part of a composite statue.
lar slab shows a kneeling figure (not illustrated here) on In determining the form of the headdress that original-
one side, and the head, neck, and shoulders of Nefertiti ly crowned the head, it is easy to rule out various
on the other (fig. 62). wigs-including the tripartite wig-because of the
The composition of the queen's image on the slab high forehead and the expanse of smooth neck below
matches the painted bust from the Thutmose work- and behind the ears. A softly incised line runs across
shop (fig. 6o) as closely as could be expected. The only the middle of the forehead and forms the outline of a
important iconographical difference is the inclusion of
two cobras at the upper edge of the band around the Opposite: Fig. 65. Head ofNefertiti from Memphis. Brown
queen's crown, one raising its hood and head at the quartzite. Egyptian Museum, Cairo
70
tab in front of the ears, indicating that the original it is the lower edge of the concentric eye muscle. The
headdress included a frontlet (of gold?) whose upper ridge is frequently seen in sculpture from the Thutmose
edge dipped in front of the ears. Royal persons of the workshop.
Amarna Period wore one of three types of headdress The indication of the lower edge of the eye muscle is
with bands of this shape: the male Blue Crown (fig. 43), more angular in the princess and softer in the queen, as
Nefertiti's tall, flat-topped crown (fig. 6o), and her cap befits the difference between a leaner young face and
crown (figs. 68, 69). 139 If the Blue Crown is posited, the fleshier features of an adult. On the queen's face, two
the Memphis head would have to represent a male, even more softly indented furrows also run from the
either Akhenaten or his successor, Smenkhkare. Both nostrils toward a point above the corners of the mouth.
kings' images are well known, and both have triangular This feature is inappropriate for the representation of a
faces and drooping, pointed chins, 140 so the square- young girl and is omitted from the princess's head.
jawed, lean-cheeked person represented by the Memphis The mouths of both heads are encircled by vermil-
head can only be Nefertiti. 141 Her tall, flat-topped ion lines that end in rounded tips at the corners. Again,
crown, however, appears to have required a higher tenon the queen's riper age finds expression in delicate muscle
(figs. 66, 74) than the one provided for the Memphis cushions that flank the corners of the mouth, whereas
head, suggesting the cap crown as the most probable on the princess's face only an almost imperceptible ris-
headdress. At the very back of the neck a vertical area ing of the flesh at both sides of the mouth is indicated.
has been left unsmoothed. This is difficult to explain. The shapes of the philtra, double-arched upper lips,
The presence of a back pillar that supported the neck is and flat-bowed lower lips are almost identical in the
not very probable, because that would have been two heads; the chins differ in shape, as is appropriate
carved in one piece with the head. It is possible that for images of Akhenaten's daughter and wife. There is
metal streamers covered the back of the head. A relief also enough left of the neck of the Memphite head to
slab found at Memphis shows a figure wearing an show that the two sharply delineated, oblique ster-
incompletely preserved off-the-neck crown with a nocleidomastoid muscles, which start between the
uraeus cobra and streamers. In front of the figure are clavicles and run toward the ears, are present here. Ac-
remains of a taller companion who must be a king. 142 If centuation of this muscle is another common feature of
the smaller figure is Nefertiti, this image is close to the Amarna art (figs. 15, 88) and particularly of the Thutmose
head preserved in figure 65. workshop (figs. 28, 48, 6o, 62).
There can be no doubt that the head found at The Memphite head of Queen Nefertiti (figs. 31, 65) is
Memphis was created by an artist of the Thutmose surely one of the most remarkable images of an Egyptian
workshop at Amarna. The holes for the eye and eye- woman ever created. This is due to more than the sensi-
brow inlays of both this work and the Berlin princess tivity with which the sculptor has rendered the minutest
head (figs. 46-48) end in similar sharply pointed tips. details of a beautiful woman's face. Structure and pro-
In both works, the upper margins of the eyelids are portion distinguish this head-and its few rivals, such
marked by the same deeply incised groove. And since as the yellow quartzite (figs. 66, 67) and diorite (figs. 72,
the entire eyelid area is softly rounded, the impression 74) heads and the bust in Berlin (fig. 58)-from all previ-
is created that the lids push upward against the flesh ous female images in Egyptian art. Traditionally,
over the brow ridges. The princess's upper lid is slightly Egyptian sculptures and paintings depict women with
concave and ends with a soft, round edge over the hol- slender bodies and broad, round faces. This type of
low for the eye inlay. In the queen's head from Memphis, ancient Egyptian female image was further accentuated
the impression of the softness of the upper lid is increased during the earlier Eighteenth Dynasty by a growing
by the addition of a second groove near the lid's edge. In predilection for massive wigs that cover the back and
both works, the undelineated lower lids bulge, suggesting sides of the head and give the face a masklike
the pressure of the eyeball, and two flat grooves run appearance (fig. 64). 143
from the inner corners of the eyes toward the cheekbones,
flanking a ridge. It is not easy to determine which Opposite: Fig. 66. Head ofNefertiti from the Thutmose work-
anatomical feature this ridge represents. Most probably shop at Amarna. Yellow quartzite. Agyptisches Museum, Berlin
Egyptian art of all periods, moreover, tended to first abandoned and then replaced by a three-
emphasize three-dimensional sculpture's origin in four- dimensional female image. The creators of the softer
sided blocks of stone. As a result, fronts, profiles, and new face needed only to free this initial concept from
backs of complete statues-or heads-present individ- exaggeration to produce their image of a woman
ually coherent views without there being much transi- not only exceptionally beautiful but also determined
tional linkage between them. Even Queen Hatshepsut's to play an active role in life. Later (pp. 89-90) we will
face (fig. 63) retains a decidedly frontal character, see that the king's face remained essentially as it
although her headgear is predominantly the off-face had been, attaining only a softened, harmonized
nemes or khat of male kings. 144 serenity.
The Karnak statues of Akhenaten (figs. I, 9) and In the Memphite head (figs. 31, 65), Nefertiti is pre-
Nefertiti (fig. 2) still exhibit much of the typical sented in her most regal aspect. The smooth quartzite
Egyptian frontality, especially in the heads and faces. stone surface stretches tautly, but feelingly, over the
But after the change to the softer "new face," Nefertiti's strong bones of a ruler's face. The serene expression on
heads are different, as exemplified in the painted bust the lean, austere face speaks of strength, equanimity,
(figs. 58, 6o), the yellow quartzite head-to be discussed and that unwavering sense of justice that the ancient
presently (figs. 66, 67)-and the head from Memphis Egyptians understood to be the quintessential quality
(figs. 31, 65). The fronts of the faces in these works are of a pharaoh. This is a queen who looks as if she is
less broad and flat, and the jaws and cheeks are more entirely capable of joining the king, at the great Year 12
rounded, thus providing a gradual transition from the festivities, on his "carrying chair of electrum, in order
front to the sides of the face. The outer corners of the to receive the products of Kharu [lands in the Near
eyes are closer to the temples, so they are not fully visi- East] and Kush [Nubia], the west and the east ...
ble from the front and can only be seen in a three- while the granting of the breath of life is made to
quarter view (figs. 58, 67); likewise, the eyebrow ridges them," 145 or in receiving from a high official the prayer
and eyebrows continue in a curve from the front into that she may "grant an entry favored, a departure
the profile of the face. beloved, and contentment in Akhet-Aten." 146
The new three-dimensionality of Amarna heads is If the Berlin princess's head (figs. 46-48) appears to
closely linked to the use sculptors made of the skull be one of the earliest works by a particular sculptor of
bones as decisive structural elements. Clear-cut jaw- the workshop, the Memphite head of Nefertiti (figs. 31,
bones form the basis of the face, and their firm curves 65) is surely a later work, probably carved at the time
are visible in the front, three-quarter, and side views. when relief sculptors were occupied with decorating
The forward ends of the cheekbones are visible as pro- the Amarna temples and stone-built halls. A relief from
nounced mounds just below the outer corners of the Amarna, found reused at Hermopolis and now in
eyes; at the sides, the bony ridges at the lower ends of The Metropolitan Museum of Art, is very close to the
the temple bones stretch toward the ears, ending with a head. ' 47 The head of Queen Tiye in the Metropolitan
tiny knuckle (the condyloid process of the mandible) Museum (figs. 42, 44) was certainly created later than
that indicates the joint between the mandible and the the quartzite princess in Berlin, but it is still earlier
cranium (figs. 41, 66, 74). This small knuckle is a fea- than the Memphite head.
ture of all heads of Akhenaten and Nefertiti, but the
similarity between king and queen that characterized The Yellow Quartzite Head: The Beauty
early Amarna art is not continued into the time of There were three more representations of the queen
Nefertiti's new face. among the works from the Thutmose compound: a
The skeletal structure of Nefertiti's "new face" is yellow quartzite head (figs. 66, 67, no. 2), a limestone
owed to the achievements of those early artists who statuette (figs. 68, 69), and the head of a diorite statue
represented the queen's-and the king's-face as (figs. 72, 74). Each of these images presents yet another
expressively ugly (figs. 2, 9, 10, n). In the unnaturally
protuberant, lean faces of that revolutionary period the Opposite: Fig. 67. Head ofNefertiti from the Thutmose work-
pleasing feminine mask of earlier times (fig. 64) was shop at Amarna. Yellow quartzite. Agyptisches Museum, Berlin
74
Figs. 68, 69. Statuette ofNefertiti from the Thutmose workshop at Amarna. Limestone. Agyptisches Museum, Berlin
aspect of the queen's personality. The yellow quartzite deeply incised groove. But this sculptor has made the
head, now in Berlin, was certainly once adorned with area of the brows rounder and softer than those of the
the tall, flat-topped crown of Nefertiti. The piece is brown quartzite heads of the queen and the princess
among the most intimate images of Nefertiti in the (figs. 46-48). He has also padded the cheeks so that the
round. Graceful youth is expressed by the manner in corners of the mouth are deeply embedded in slightly
which the head seems to turn on the neck (fig. 66) and curved cushions of flesh. A dimple-more suggested
in the unusually soft features of the face (fig. 67). The than sharply modeled-divides the muscle cushions
work is unfinished insofar as it lacks the drilled areas around the corners of the mouth from the cheeks. The
for eyebrows and eyes and also the final surface areas below the eyes are not finished, so we do not
finishing. But the beautiful mouth, which seems to be know whether this head was going to be given the
on the verge of speaking, is complete and has been muscle ridges that run diagonally from the inner cor-
painted red. The sculptor was surely a member of the ners of the eyes toward the cheekbones in the brown
Thutmose workshop, but not the same artist who creat- quartzite heads. A scarcely noticeable rise in the surface
ed the brown quartzite heads. His queen has a rounder in that area may indicate that this feature was going to
face, a slightly broader nose, and fleshier ears. be worked out in the final stage. Black lines in the
Moreover, the vermilion line around the lips, which on ears, along the forehead, and on the neck indicate
the brown heads is fairly sharp, is here an almost imper- where further work was intended. But any modern
ceptible soft edge that contrasts beautifully with the viewer is entirely content with the state in which the
sharp ridges at either side of the philtrum. sculptor left the piece. Its youthful dreaminess is actu-
The upper eyelids of the yellow quartzite queen are ally intensified by the veil of the unfinished matte
separated from the area above the eyes by the typical surface. 148
Fig. 70. The royal family offering: relief on the sarcophagus of Queen Tiye in the Royal Tomb at Amarna.
Reconstruction by Maarten ] . Raven
Fig. 7r. Head of the limestone statuette of Nefertiti (figs. 68, 69)
THE WoRKSHOP oF THE ScuLPTOR THuTMOSE
The Limestone Statuette: Neftrtiti in Advanced Age youth but not old. The unmistakable square-jawed,
The contrast could not be greater between the youthful lean face of the queen has acquired a certain heaviness.
yellow quartzite head (fig. 67) and the limestone stat- The curved flesh over the corners of her mouth has
uette from the same deposit in Thutmose's "pantry" thickened and is set off from the cheeks by noticeable
(figs. 68, 69, 71, no. 4). 149 The broken pieces of the furrows. At either side of the mouth, two deep grooves
small figure (40 em [I 5. 75 in.] high) were found run downward. This creates a slightly bitter expression,
in different corners of the room. Parts of the lower legs reminiscent of Queen Tiye (fig. 23). The flesh over
and the back pillar have been restored. 150 The queen Nefertiti's cheek is sagging, the neck has acquired a
stands with both arms hanging at her sides; her left hand gaunt appearance, and the ears are fleshy and heavy.
is turned toward the viewer. This positioning of a hand Pendulous breasts and a drooping abdomen reinforce
is often seen in Amarna reliefs with people in repose; the signs of advancing age shown on the face.
occasionally, the gesture conveys a somewhat deferen- Nefertiti was repeatedly depicted in the cap crown, 154
tial attitude. 151 It lends the statuette an aspect of piety. with most of the representations dating after Years
The queen wears an ankle-length, tight unpleated 9-12. The relief sculptor's model in the Brooklyn
dress of fine linen and over that, presumably, the usual Museum (fig. 81, no. 30) shows her with this headdress
flimsy shawl, whose fabric protrudes stiffly like a short and the deep furrows of advancing age between the
sleeve on the right arm and clings tightly to the left. 152 nostrils and the corners of the mouth. A notable de-
On her head sits the cap crown with the uraeus cobra's piction of the aging Nefertiti in the cap crown and a
body coiling on top of it in a complicated spiral pat- dose-fitting dress is found on the sarcophagus that
tern. The head and front of the body of the snake are Akhenaten had carved for his mother, Queen Tiye, at
missing. It was probably made of metal and fixed over Amarna (fig. 70). 155 As discussed above (seep. 26), the
the queen's forehead by the insertion of a peg into the Queen Mother probably lived at least until Year 14 of
rather large drilled hole. On the queen's feet are sandals Akhenaten's reign. The depiction of Nefertiti on Tiye's
with softly padded straps, and around the neck and sarcophagus could reasonably have introduced a few
over the shoulders lies a large collar that was indicated signs of age, though Nefertiti would have been barely
by black lines around the neck and above the breasts. forty at that time.
The impression is created that the collar is of a soft Why depict the most beautiful of queens with signs
material that follows the forms of the shoulders and of advanced age? One point to keep in mind is that this
breasts, a feature often seen in later Amarna art. 153 The is only a small statuette, perhaps a sculptor's sketch for
queen's ears are adorned with disk-shaped earrings in a work never executed in a larger form. One cannot
front and back of the earlobe; the two disks are con- help but wonder whether this piece was ever shown to
nected by a stud. Behind the figure is a narrow back Nefertiti. Arguing against such a view is the fact that
pillar that reaches to the nape of the queen's neck. Its the queen has a similar face on the sculptor's model in
margins are set off on the sides by raised ridges. relief (fig. 81), which was certainly meant to serve as a
The statuette is, without a doubt, unfinished. The model for a later work. If our interpretation of that
eyes and eyebrows are delineated in black and the lips relief as a representation of Queen Nefertiti as coruler
are painted red, as in the quartzite heads created by the with Akhenaten (see pp. 89-90) is correct, there may
workshop. There is also a black line on the lower be an explanation for the depiction of old age. As
abdomen to indicate a body fold seen through the thin coruler, the queen had assumed the status of "wise
linen; black pigment emphasizes the navel. In fact, the woman." Perhaps, in fact, Queen Tiye, who had previ-
question arises whether this piece should not be called a ously been seen in this character, was already dead
sketch for a larger statue of Nefertiti rather than a work when the statuette and relief were created, and Nefertiti
in its own right. It would be of the same character as had taken over her role. That would explain the very
the group with the king kissing his daughter (fig. 96) similar figure depicted on Tiye's sarcophagus.
and the unfinished figure of a kneeling king (seep. 43). Stylistically, the statuette is closer to the yellow
All the more remarkable are the individualized fea- quartzite head than to those of brown quartzite. Indeed,
tures of the face and body. This is a woman past her looking at the shape of the ears and the looseness of the
79
Fig. 73· Head of the god Amun. Granodiorite. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York
flesh of the face, which the statuette shares with the yellow close. This house was evidently the last residence built
quartzite head, they might well be by the same group of inside the original compound of Thutmose (fig. 35
artists within the Thutmose workshop. It is truly remark- [19]). The head was excavated in a workroom at the
able how subtle the artistic means of the Thutmose back of the house [21]. 156 Made of granodiorite, the head
artists had become, that they were able to follow the (figs. 41, 72, 74), now in Berlin, is unfinished; work
changes of time in the image of their most favored subject. ceased at about the same stage at which the yellow
quartzite head was abandoned. The tall tenon on top of
A Head ofNefertiti by the Youngest Sculptor ofthe the head attests that this is another representation of
Workshop: The Monument Queen Nefertiti in her tall, flat-topped crown. Red paint
A head found in the third-and smallest-house of has again been applied to the places where the crown was
the Thutmose compound (see p. 43) brings our brief to be attached, and the lips are painted red. The black
history of this remarkable sculptors' workshop to a brushlines found on other pieces are missing here, pos-
sibly because they would have disappeared on the gray
Opposite: Fig. 72. Head ofNefertiti from the Thutmose work- stone. The line that indicates the lowest edge of the
shop at Amarna. Granodiorite. Agyptisches Museum, Berlin crown is not in ink but in slightly raised relief. It might
81
Fig. 74· Head ofNefertiti from the Thutmose workshop at Amarna. Granodiorite. Agyptisches Museum, Berlin
also be that the piece was not corrected by the head the forehead and under angular, shadowy brows. The
sculptor before the workshop closed. expression is intensified by the smooth transition
There are two important points to keep in mind between the cheeks and the lower lids. It is difficult to
about this head. First, the granodiorite stone material: 157 say whether or not the sculptor of the Thutmose head
in the main deposit of the Thutmose workshop, this also intended to make the upper lids vertically banded
stone was found only in a two-part nemes headdress like the ones of the Amun head (see p. 121 for this type
and a side lock for the figure of a princess. 158 Pieces of of eyelid). He certainly gave the queen a particularly
an arm from a sculpture in granodiorite were discov- large and broad mouth and thus departed from the
ered in the courtyard area east ofThutmose's house and proportional harmony that characterized her images
south of the house of the young sculptor, 159 while chips since the creation of the painted bust. There is a notice-
from the working of this stone were excavated in the able tension in the granodiorite face between the large
workrooms of the young sculptor. rGo On the whole, gra- mouth and the small, distant eyes; the same tension is a
nodiorite was rarely used by Amarna artists, rGr though distinguishing feature of the head of Amun.
it became very popular in the post-Amarna Period. Based on the find spot, stone material, and style, the
Second, the profile view of the head (fig. 74) shows granodiorite head stands out as an image of Queen
that the head and a back pillar were one piece; the bot- Nefertiti that has remarkable links with the post-
tom break is fairly far down the neck and there is no Amarna Period. Its style may even indicate that some
trace of a tenon. Therefore, the statue was made from members of the Thutmose workshop joined the sculp-
one large block of stone, with only the crown added as tors who worked for the temples ofThebes during the
a separately carved entity. Statuettes of this type 162 are reign of Tutankhamun. 165 Queen Nefertiti must have
known from Amarna, but no other half-lifesize statue is died soon after the granodiorite head was created. It is
preserved. These pieces can only be called partly com- all the more notable that this sculptor did not show her
posite; they are not true composite sculptures such as with any signs of old age. The age of the subtle, indi-
the quartzite and yellow jasper works previously discussed. vidualized art of the Thutmose workshop was over.
In style and expression, the head differs considerably To sum up the art historical part of this chapter it
from the brown and yellow quartzite heads. The fea- may be appropriate to list the four sculptors whose
tures are less individual, the eyes are smaller, and the works have been tentatively identified:
whole is more monumental than any of the other Sculptor One carved the Metropolitan Museum head
works made by the Thutmose sculptors. In trying to of Queen Tiye (ace. no. 11.150.26; figs. 42, 44) and mod-
reconstruct the appearance of the finished piece, one eled the originals from which three ancient plaster casts
arrives, in fact, at an image close to certain post- in the Agyptisches Museum, Berlin, were taken (inv.
Amarna works. The closest parallels in stone material nos. 21 340, 21 354, 21 355; figs. 43, 45).
and style are a number of diorite heads of the god Sculptor Two created the head of a princess in the
Amun and other deities created for Theban temples Agyptisches Museum, Berlin (inv. no. 21 223; figs.
under King Tutankhamun. 163 Significant similarities 46-48) and the head of Queen Nefertiti, excavated at
between the granodiorite head from the Thutmose Memphis, in the Egyptian Museum, Cairo (JE 45 547,
compound and a post-Amarna Amun head in the figs. 31, 65).
Metropolitan Museum (fig. 73r 64 begin with the posi- Sculptor Three is the master of the yellow quartzite
tion of the cheekbone mounds, which are located far to head in the Agyptisches Museum, Berlin (inv. no. 21
the sides, almost below the temples. In both heads the 220; figs. 66, 67). He-or an assistant-may also have
eyes are considerably smaller than in any quartzite head created the limestone statuette of the queen in the same
of Nefertiti. The lower eyelids are not indicated at all in museum (inv. no. 21 263; figs. 68, 69, 71).
the unfinished head, creating a sfumato effect. When Sculptor Four carved the granodiorite head of
finished, however, the lower lids would probably have Nefertiti in the Agyptisches Museum, Berlin (inv. no.
looked much like those of the Amun head. The inten- 21 358; figs. 41, 72, 74). He may have been the owner of
tion was evidently to achieve an impression of remote- the house in the northeast corner of the Thutmose
ness in the face by positioning the small eyes close to compound (fig. 35 [19, 21]).
ASPECTS OF THE ROYAL FEMALE
IMAGE DURING THE AMARNA
PERI 0 D
DOROTHEA ARNOLD
T
he sculptors of the Thutmose workshop created and depicted a male pharaoh in a powerful, striding
a remarkable variety of female images, and each posture. His left hand grasps by the hair the enemies
masterpiece presents a different aspect of a royal who kneel before him while his right wields a formidable
woman. Contemporaneous relief and painting from mace to smash their heads. A relief in The Metropolitan
Amarna, being narrative in form, are of great use in Museum of Art 2 shows this scene represented on the
corroborating, enriching, and refining our understand- cabin wall of Akhenaten's state ship. The queen's ship
ing of the sculpture. in the Boston relief is, in every respect, equal to her
husband's. The steering oars are decorated with images
THE LADY OF THE Two LANDS of the queen's head, wearing the tall, flat-topped crown
Lady of the Two Lands is a title that Nefertiti inherited with high feathers and a sun disk, and on the cabin wall
from earlier queens of the Eighteenth Dynasty. her striding figure- wearing the same crown without
However, no queen before her had been denoted solely the plumes- is depicted smiting a female enemy. 3
by this appellation, and only for her does the designation In the religious realm, Queen Nefertiti's position as
appear directly in front of the cartouche with her name her husband's near equal is impressively demonstrated
(fig. 15). Since Lord of the Two Lands (i.e., Upper and by the innumerable offering scenes in which she is rep-
Lower Egypt) is a common description of the Egyptian resented. The early temple reliefs at Karnak presented a
king, the title Lady of the Two Lands emphasized remarkable situation. On the one hand, the queen's
Nefertiti's strong position as a counterpart to the pharaoh. role in the rituals was relatively traditional. Nefertiti is
Reliefs that once adorned the temples and ceremo- portrayed, for instance, as a considerably smaller figure
nial halls of Akhetaten were later-after the city had behind the king, 4 holding the scepter of Egyptian
fallen into decay-dismantled and shipped across the queens or playing the sistrum, both appropriate func-
Nile to Hermopolis, where the blocks were used as tions for a female officiating in a temple ritual. 5 In cer-
building material for temples of the pharaoh Ramesses II tain scenes the queen-still much smaller than the
(ca. 1279-1213 B.c.). Excavated in the 1930s, these relief king-innovatively echoes her husband's actions by
blocks, 1 many of which are now in major American holding offerings herself 6 But in other quite extraordi-
and European museums, help us to reconstruct the nary scenes found predominantly in the part of the
splendor of Amarna relief art. Among the multitude of sanctuary called Hut-benben, Nefertiti is the sole wor-
subjects are scenes that amply demonstrate the queen's shiper of the Aten, accompanied only by one or two of
political and religious importance. For instance, on two her daughters. 7 Not since Queen Hatshepsut, who was
relief blocks in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, a pharaoh in her own right, had a queen been singled
Nefertiti appears in the age-old role of the pharaoh out in this manner. 8
"smiting the enemy." Traditionally, this scene decorated Paradoxically, the exclusivity with which the queen
the pylons of temples or other such conspicuous places appears in the Karnak offering scenes may, in fact, sim-
ply follow an ancient custom in which the husband's
figure is entirely omitted when his wife is the focus of a
Opposite: Fig. 75· Fragment from a column excavated at Amarna
showing Nefertiti offering flowers. Limestone. Ashmolean cult. 9 To some degree, therefore, the queen's ubiquitous
Museum, Oxford presence as co-worshiper with the king at Amarna heralds
Fig. 76. Fragment from a column from Hermopolis showing Nefertiti, behind Akhenaten, offering. Limestone. The
Brooklyn Museum
an even greater involvement in the state cult. Usually she and later Princess Meretaten officiated on occasion
is seen repeating Akhenaten's priestly gestures, her hands behind the king. 15 One might, therefore, argue that it
holding an object or a scepter similar to the one he holds was not Nefertiti as a person who wielded power and
or presents to the Aten (figs. 30, 75, 76, nos. 25, 35, 31). ro entered into religious functions hitherto entirely domi-
Now the little daughters, who follow behind the queen, nated by the male pharaoh, but that the Aten religion
are the ones who shake the sistrum (fig. 15). 11 By the called for inclusion of the female principle in the cult
time of the Amarna reliefs, the difference in height to counteract the exclusively male character of its single
between king and queen is diminished to the point where deity. The additional presence of the royal children
it can be understood as the natural discrepancy between demonstrated that the newly established wholeness of
men and women (fig. 76); at Amarna only occasionally worship guaranteed creation in perpetuity.
is the queen shown dwarfed by the king (fig. 70). 12 Evidence for the political importance of Nefertiti
Nefertiti's prominence in the main temple cult was might be deduced from the unique pairing of king and
certainly a cause for astonishment, even shock, to con- queen at certain state ceremonies. In Year 12 of his
temporary Egyptians. Earlier queens had a role in cer- reign, Akhenaten celebrated a great Tribute of the
tain rituals, above all in connection with the cults of Nations festival. On this epochal occasion, representa-
female goddesses like Hathor and in fulfillment of the tives of the Hittites of Anatolia, the Mitannians of
traditional office of the Eighteenth Dynasty queen as a western Mesopotamia and Syria, and the people of
"wife of the god." 13 But in the great state cults, earlier Canaan, Libya, and Punt (Nubia) paid homage to the
kings had ordinarily functioned as the sole representa- king and presented gifts such as horses and chariots,
tive of humankind before the god. 14 It should be animals, gold, copper ingots, ebony, textiles, and
noted, however, that not only Queen Nefertiti but also female slaves. The occasion, although possibly com-
the minor queen Kiya, whom we have met as the possible memorating a victory in Nubia (see p. 114), was under-
subject of the jasper fragment (figs. 27, 29; see p. 38), stood by the Egyptians primarily as a ceremonial
86
Fig. 77· Relief fragment excavated at Amarna with Nefertiti offering. Red
quartzite. Petrie Museum, University College, London
affirmation of the king as master of the universe. It festival grounds and the throne from which they receive
combined elements usual for a celebration of the representatives of foreign lands.
pharaoh's accession to the throne 16 with rites that were Again, a parallel image of Akhenaten and Queen Kiya
part of a thirty years' jubilee (sed) festival. 17 Knowledge (fig. 79, no. 28) shows that the twin iconography was
of these festivities has come down to us through repre- not confined to Nefertiti but was also used to depict the
sentations in the tombs of Queen Tiye's steward Huya18 unity of Akhenaten and his other consort, "the wife and
and Meryre II (fig. 78), who was the Overseer of the great beloved of the King of Upper and Lower Egypt ...
Royal Quarters and the Apartments of the King's Great Kiya." 20 Later, Kiya's image was eradicated from most
Wife [Nefertiti]. 19 Both reliefs represent the king and reliefs and superseded by the one of "the king's daugh-
queen in a singular way as twins, their images overlap- ter" Meretaten or her sister Ankhesenpaaten. This was
ping to such a degree that the queen's figure is only out- achieved by transforming Kiya's Nubian wig into an
lined beside the king's. In this manner, the royal couple elaborate side lock, called a "modified Nubian wig" by
share the palanquin in which they are carried to the Egyptologists. 21 In this guise, the princesses functioned
Fig. 78. The royal family under a baldachin during the presen- Fig. 79· Fragment from Hermopolis with the faces of Akhenaten
tation of tribute. Drawing by Norman de Garis Davies after a and the minor queen Kiya (as changed into Princess Meretaten).
relief in the tomb of the Overseer of the Royal Quarters, Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek, Copenhagen
Meryre, at Amarna
in rituals and political events as female counterparts to adopted the name-or with the name of Smenkhkare,
the king in a manner not much different from the roles who is otherwise attested as a successor of Akhenaten.
previously played by Nefertiti and Kiya. 22 One cannot The inscription dated Year 3 is one of the most per-
escape the conclusion that in performing these ceremo- sonal expressions extant from the period. Now badly
nial roles, the queens and princesses did not function as damaged, it was copied in 1912 and recollated in 1923
individuals but as representatives of femininity in by the great Egyptologist Sir Alan H. Gardiner. 26 The
general. Therefore, it is hardly possible to gain a glimpse text consists of a prayer roughly sketched on the wall of
of the personalities from monuments that depict the a Theban tomb by an "outline draftsman," an artist
royal women in state and cult ceremonies. Other, less who executed the basic drawings on tomb walls from
official, sources have to be scrutinized. which other artists would carve a relie£ His name was
Cyril Aldred 23 has stated with conviction that Pawah, and he dates his graffito to "regnal Year 3"
Queen Nefertiti died in Year 14 of her husband's reign. under the king ''Ankhkheprure beloved of the Aten, the
More recently, scholars have been reluctant to accept son of Re [the sun god]: Nefernefruaten beloved of
this chronology; on the contrary, many Egyptologists Waenre [Akhenaten] ." Astonishingly, Pawah's prayer is
are now inclined to accept an argument advanced in addressed to Amun, the traditional god ofThebes, and
the 1970s by the British Egyptologist John R. Harris. 24 in its main passages it says:
According to this argument, 25 some inscriptions and
reliefs indicate that Queen Nefertiti lived at least as long My wish is to see you, (0) lord of persea trees! ...
as her husband and played a strong political role during My wish is to look at you, that my heart might
the last years of Akhenaten's reign-possibly, even for rejoice, (0) Amun, protector of the poor man ...
a brief period after his death. The evidence rests primar- Come back to us, (0) lord of continuity. You were
ily on the occurrence of the second part of Nefertiti's here before anything had come into being, and you
name, Nefernefruaten, either in combination with a will be here when they are gone ... 0 Amun, 0
low date (Year 3) -which cannot refer to Akhenaten's great lord who can be found by seeking him, may
reign because in his third year the queen had not yet you drive off fear! Set rejoicing in people's heart(s).
88
AsPECTS OF THE RoYAL FEMALE IMAGE
Joyful is the one who sees you, (0) Amun: he is in Akhenaten's life. One of them is a great work of art.
27 The Wilbour plaque (fig. 8r, no. 30), thus named for
festival every day!
Charles Edwin Wilbour, who purchased the piece at
The terminology "beloved of the Aten" used in this Amarna in r88r, is now in the Brooklyn Museum. The
text shows that when this prayer was written the rectangular limestone slab of approximately 6 by 9
Aten religion had not yet been eradicated, nor had inches (15.2 x 22.9 em) has a drilled hole in the center
Akhenaten been condemned as a heretic. But the of the upper edge. Slabs of similar shape are commonly
address to the traditional deity of Thebes, the god understood as sculptor's models carved by a master to
Amun, is very warm and speaks of a deeply felt yearn- show apprentices how to shape the heads of the king
ing for the traditional religion, to whose god poor and queen. 32 Another example with the queen's head
people could turn for help. The inscription also shows alone is seen in figure 62 (no. 45). The hole in the
that the royal powers had already started to yield to Wilbour plaque is thought to have served for insertion
this yearning, because in another passage Pawah men- of a string or wire for convenient storage in a workshop.
tions a temple of Amun at Thebes called the Mansion The slab shows in sunken relief the profile heads of
of Ankhkheprure, implying that the new king had ded- Akhenaten (left) and a slightly smaller Nefertiti (right)
icated a cult to Amun. Who was King Ankhkheprure facing each other. The work is clearly by the hand of a
Nefernefruaten beloved of Akhenaten whose third reg- master sculptor. 33 The king's face under the khat head-
nal year is here mentioned? dress presents the familiar features -drooping chin,
A number of scholars have recently argued that this long nose, hooded eye, large ear with pierced lobe-
28
king was Nefeniti. According to these scholars, she albeit in a softened version. Compared with the revolu-
would have been a coregent with Akhenaten after tionary early Karnak statues (figs. 2, 9) or even the
about Year 13 of his reign, when Nefertiti as mere Amarna images created before Years 8-12 (figs. 88, 94),
queen disappears from the sources available from the Wilbour king's expression is serene and withdrawn.
Amarna. Her Year 3 as coregent would have been Year
r6 or 17 (the last) of his reign, and under her, the tradi-
tional Amun religion probably regained some of its for-
mer importance at Thebes, as seen in the text quoted
above. James Allen 29 has suggested that the rule was
perhaps divided between the two, with Akhenaten
continuing to rule in Amarna and Nefernefruaten
(Nefertiti?) in the rest of the country, including
Thebes. At Amarna the role of a King's Chief Wife-
necessary for cult functions-was evidently taken over
by Akhenaten and Nefertiti's eldest daughter, Meretaten;
representations of the minor queen Kiya were changed
to depict the princess (figs. roo, ror). 30 After Akhenaten's
death, Nefertiti, as coregent, would have stepped down
for Meretaten's husband, Smenkhkare, who was suc-
ceeded after possibly one year by Tutankhaten, later
renamed Tutankhamun. Nefertiti probably died at
some point during these reigns, but before Year 2 of
T utankhaten, while the court still resided at Amarna,
because she was evidently buried (as queen, not as
pharaoh) in the Amarna Royal TombY It is a fantastic
and complicated story, but there is supporting evidence.
A number of reliefs are discussed when scholars Fig. So. Sculptor's trial piece with head ofNefertiti, excavated at
hypothesize about what happened at the end of Amarna. Limestone. Petrie Museum, University College, London
Fig. 81. Sculptor's model showing the heads of Akhenaten and Nefertiti. Limestone. The Brooklyn Museum
All furrows are smoothed, and only around the eye and beauty of the limestone statuette. Her image is domi-
mouth do faint marks of suffering mar the impeccable nated by the intent gaze of the eye and the energetic
beauty of the face. thrust of chin and neck, which is emphasized through
Nefertiti wears the cap crown on which her uraeus the inclusion of shoulders and clavicles.
cobra twines in the intricate spirals familiar from other The Wilbour queen's face is, in fact, considerably
representations of the queen in this headgear, the most more active and alert than that of the king, and,
important being the limestone statuette from the although clearly an experienced woman, she still pos-
Thutmose workshop (figs. 68, 69, 71). 34 Unmistakable sesses the regal poise of her quartzite head from Memphis
signs of age-a deep vertical furrow at the corner of (figs. 31, 65). The image on the plaque culminates in
the mouth, a sharply incised curved line between nos- the two face-to-face cobra figures: Akhenaten's is the
tril and mouth, and a flat cheek with slightly sagging picture of dignity, with its erect pose and the simple
flesh-are other features in the Wilbour Nefertiti remi- double curve of the thick body, whereas Nefertiti's ner-
niscent of the limestone masterpiece. The two images vously spiraling snake, its hood spread threateningly,
are not, however, identical. 35 The queen of the Wilbour draws back ready to lunge. Did the sculptor knowingly
relief may, to a certain extent, share the character of differentiate the corulers by showing Akhenaten-his
wise woman with Queen Tiye (figs. 23, 26) and the revolution achieved-in remote serenity and Nefertiti
queen of the limestone statuette, but she is not the as the now more active and energetic partner, ready to
tired, bitter woman of the wooden head nor the spent meet the challenges of the day?
AsPECTs oF THE RoYAL FEMALE IMAGE
Another monument often cited in discussions of a of Nefertiti's "new face" (see pp. 38-39). 40 Therefore,
possible coregency at the end of Akhenaten's reign may, the possibility must be considered that this stela does
in fact, not be relevant. It is a stela of unknown prove- not depict Akhenaten and a successor but Akhenaten's
nance now in the Agyptisches Museum, Berlin (fig. 84, father, Amenhotep III, and Akhenaten himself during
no. 7). According to the inscription, it was a votive their coregency, however long-or short-that may
dedicated by a man named Pasi who was a soldier of a have been (see p. 26). The three cartouches above the
military division with a rather cumbersome name: " [the offerings would then have been intended for the two
King] appeared as right order." Two kings are depicted names of Akhenaten and the one name of Amenhotep
seated side by side on a couch with lion's legs; thickly III that did not refer to the god Amun: Neb-Maat-Re. 41
cushioned footstools support their feet. In front of the Most appealing in this context is a relief block now in
pair, offerings of food and drink are heaped on a table the Musee du Louvre (fig. 82, no. 15), 42 which shows two
and on stands. One king, who sits below the rays of the figures that seem to be women in flimsy pleated gar-
Aten, wears a pectoral and the Double Crown of Upper ments, the one on the right seated on the lap of her
and Lower Egypt. He turns to the second king, who companion at the left. The garment of the woman on
wears the Blue Crown, and touches him under the chin the right is open in the center, revealing a smooth,
in a gesture of endearment. The king wearing the Blue youthful abdomen, whereas the fleshy abdominal folds
Crown reciprocates by placing his left arm around the of her companion on the left characterize an older per-
other's shoulder. In composition and gesture the group son. With raised and bent left arm the older woman sup-
is remarkably similar to the princesses depicted in a ports the younger on her knees, causing the thin, pleated
painting from the King's House Palace (fig. 49, no. 50), linen of her shawl to spread out from below the bare
and it must be assumed that somewhere in the Amarna breast to her raised arm. The younger woman places her
temples there was a large and important representation right arm around the shoulder of the older. Her left arm
in which one could see this type of intimate two-figure is not preserved, but it was most probably stretched
group. 36 The stela with two kings differs in shape from along the shoulders toward the head of the older woman
the domestic shrine stelae to be discussed below (see (see fig. 17). On her right hand the older woman bal-
pp. 96-104). With its rounded top it is similar to ances a necklace consisting of two strands of gold disks:
votive stelae found in Amarna tombs 37 and chapels, the so-called Gold of Honor, because necklaces such as
recently thought to have served funerary and ancestor this were awarded by the pharaoh for meritorious service
cults. 38 (fig. 83).
In the Pasi stela two empty double cartouches flank The block is a fine example of the Amarna relief
the sun disk to the right and, at a slightly lower level, sculpture produced during the last phase of Akhenaten's
to the left; they were certainly intended to be inscribed reign. The outlines of all figures-for example, the
with the names of the god Aten. The question is, whose back of the woman on the right-are sunk against a
names were to be inscribed in the three cartouches on raised background, but all interior details are worked as
the right above the table with offerings? Defenders of raised relief in a highly sophisticated gradation of over-
an Akhenaten and Nefertiti coregency argue that two lapping layers. Thus, in the Louvre block the spread
cartouches would have shown the names of Akhenaten, garment between breast and arm of the figure on the
the third the name of Nefertiti-Nefernefruaten. 39 left forms a background that is overlaid first by the
According to this suggestion the stela depicts Akhenaten figure's breast and abdomen and then by her hand with
and Nefertiti (in the royal Blue Crown) as corulers. the necklace. The woman on the right seems closer to
The problem with this interpretation is the style of the viewer because her delicately rounded body over-
the little stela, because the figures, and especially the laps the bent arm of her companion. This intricate play
faces, date from the early rather than the late years of of spatial relationships was achieved in relief work that
Akhenaten's reign. The outlines of both faces, although was no more than a half inch in depth.
partly erased, are still clearly discernible; they are closest The distinguished French Egyptologist and former
to the royal faces in the Karnak and early Amarna head of the Department of Egyptian Art at the Louvre,
reliefs (figs. 10, II, 14, 15, 17) that predate the emergence Christiane Desroches-Noblecourt, was the first to draw
91
Fig. 82. Relieffrom Hermopolis with cwo female figures: Nefertiti and Princess Meretaten(?). Limestone. Musee du Louvre, Paris
Fig. 83. The royal couple

bestowing the Gold of
Honor on the Overseer
of the Royal Quarters,
Meryre. Drawing by
Norman de Garis Davies
after a relief in the tomb
ofMeryre
attention to this beautiful fragment of wall relief. In a

1978 article she identified 43 the older woman on the left
as Queen Nefertiti's nurse, Tiy, 44 who was also the wife
of the future king Ay. The younger woman then logi-
cally became Queen Nefertiti, and the iconography of
the whole scene could be understood to follow the
well-known iconography showing a royal nurse or tutor
holding a charge or pupil on the knees. Opposing this
interpretation is the fact that the Gold of Honor was
handled only by members of the royal family (fig. 83)
or by recipients, who may have been assisted by a col-
league or senior servants when donning the jewelry. 45
If the two persons in the relief are assumed to be
members of the royal family, two scenarios are possi-
ble: first, the figure on the left is not a woman,
but Akhenaten, who was often depicted with feminine
breasts and garments. 46 The younger person would
again be Nefertiti, who is depicted sitting on the king's
lap in at least one other instance (fig. 93, no. 14). The
complete scene would have taken place in the Window
of Appearance of a palace, with the couple bestowing Fig. 84. Votive stela with two kings. Limestone. Agyptisches
the Gold of Honor on an official who might be recon- Museum, Berlin
structed as standing on the right of the royal pair with
an ointment cone on his head. Such a cone is indeed pre-
served at the lower right corner of the block, and in (the man on the right with the cone?), but the necklace
Amarna reliefs cones of cosmetic ointment were worn by also could have been presented to the younger woman
a number of recipients of the Gold of Honor (fig. 83). 47 (Meretaten) by the older. The scene would then be a
However, it must be admitted that the identification parallel to the shrine stela in Cairo (fig. 94), 50 where
of the person on the left as Akhenaten is not very con- the king gives an earring to Princess Meretaten while
vincing. The outline of the figure's abdomen is too soft, two Gold of Honor necklaces lie ready on his knee (see
the full breast too rounded, even for this physically below, p. 101). The cone on the right, incidentally, is
effeminate king. It is also unusual that a difference in better reconstructed as placed on a table or stand with
age between Akhenaten and Nefertiti should be a bouquet of flowers. Two lotus blossoms are still pre-
emphasized. Therefore, a second and historically served at the edge of the damaged area. This brings the
intriguing interpretation of the scene should be consid- scene even closer to the shrine stela in the Louvre
ered. The older person, if indeed female, might be (fig. 93). Conjectural as this interpretation may be, it is
identified as Queen Nefertiti in advanced age. The certainly pleasant to imagine that Nefertiti, the Lady of
younger woman would then be Princess Meretaten, sit- the Two Lands, had, at the end of her life, an intimate,
ting on her mother's knees, as her sisters often did loving relationship with her eldest daughter, now an
when they were still children (fig. 88, no. 6), 48 while adult woman and herself a queen.
she, as the eldest, was usually held in her father's arms.
A relief representing an elderly Nefertiti and a grown- A GODDESS?
up Meretaten would date to the last years of the reign, The rock-cut tomb that Akhenaten intended as the last
when Nefertiti-Nefernefruaten had become coregent resting place for himself and his family is hidden in the
and Meretaten the King's Chief Wife. 49 limestone cliffs of the Royal Valley, east of Akhetaten/
The theme of the whole representation might have Amarna. ''If I should die in any town of the downstream,
been the bestowal of the Gold of Honor on an official the south, the west, or the orient in these millions of
93
Fig. 85. Fragment with the head of Queen Nefertiti from Akhenaten's sarcophagus,
the Royal Tomb at Amarna. Granite. Agyptisches Museum, Berlin
years," Akhenaten decreed in his boundary stelae text, 51 end of the lid that covered the king's head a sun disk
"let me be brought (back) so that I may be buried in was carved, while a cloak of long rays spread over the
Akhet-Aten." For his interment the king had cut out of length of the lid as if to shroud Akhenaten's body. 54
the rock a long passage, reached by a staircase and end- At each of the four corners female figures were carved
ing in another flight of stairs; beyond lay an anteroom in-for Egyptian art-unusually high relief (fig. 85,
with a broad well that barred access to the main hall of no. 9). Fragments in the Egyptian Museum in Cairo
the tomb, in which there are still preserved the remains show that their arms were spread at either side, embrac-
of two square pillars and the emplacement for a sar- ing the large granite box and symbolically protecting
cophagus. The plaster wall decoration was almost totally the body of the king in its gilded-if not golden-
obliterated by opponents of the Aten religion. 52 Here, coffins, which were placed, one inside the other, in the
the sarcophagus of King Akhenaten , carved from sarcophagus. The female figures wear the usual thin,
Aswan red granite, once stood. 53 In the upper center of pleated garments of Amarna; on each head, as seen in a
each side, carved in sunken relief, was an enormous sun fragment now in the Agyptisches Museum, Berlin, is
disk, its rays-ending in hands holding the signs of a tripartite wig composed of echeloned curls bound by
life-filling most of the space that was not occupied by richly decorated fillets and crowned by a modius
inscriptions and large cartouches with the names of the adorned with a cobra frieze, topped by a sun disk and
Aten, the king, and Queen Nefertiti. Similarly, at the two high plumes. Double uraeus cobras raise their
94
Fig. 86. The sarcophagus ofTutankhamun in his tomb in the Valley of the Kings, western Thebes (Luxor). Quartzite
crowned heads above the women's foreheads, and a pair vate collection that has also been thought to come from
of cobras placed at the base of the sun disk face the one of the king's funerary figures. 58 Clearly, we are con-
viewer. Inscriptions on a number of adjoining frag- fronted here with the style of a workshop that specialized
ments proclaim that these female images represent in carving Aswan granite and was mainly employed to
Queen Nefertiti. 55 produce sculptures for the royal funerary equipment. A
At first glance one might hesitate to assign the head glass inlay with the head of a woman wearing a tripartite
of this figure to Nefertiti. The neck, although furrowed wig (fig. 87) seems close enough in style to indicate that
and long, is straight and lacks the forward thrust com- it once belonged to a piece of royal funerary furniture.
monly found in Nefertiti's images; the chin recedes, Sfumato-or near sfumato-eyes are also seen in the
and the nose is considerably shorter than is otherwise red and brown quartzite Amarna reliefs (figs. 19, 77).
seen. The eye of the granite image is also unusual. It is The iconographic scheme of women with out-
a true sfumato eye, 56 without any indication of a lower stretched arms at the corners of sarcophagi is well
lid; the upper lid consists of a simple ridge. The brow, known from the post-Amarna Period. The sarcophagi
delineated by a deeply incised groove, is the most con- of King Tutankhamun (fig. 86), King Ay, 59 and King
spicuous part of this eye. The closest parallels to the Haremhab, 60 as well as the canopic chest and shrine of
queen's head are those of some of Akhenaten's shawabtis, Tutankhamun, 61 were adorned in this way. The figures
or funerary statuettes, 57 and a red granite head in a pri- adorning the canopic chest of a mid-Eighteenth
95
such controversies about the degree of divinity in a

pharaoh, queen, or certain private persons are compli-
cated by our lack of understanding of the ancient
Egyptian concept of the divine. In contrast to the mod-
ern world's compartmentalized thinking, there was no
distinct separation between the worldly and the divine
in ancient Egypt. Almost anything of meaning could
be the manifestation of a god-a statue, an animal, the
pharaoh, or even another human being-though the
Egyptians were always aware that none of these mani-
festations could ever be identical with the deity. This
belief in the overlap of divine and worldly spheres was
so strong in Egyptian culture that not even Akhenaten's
teaching of one god could eradicate it. On the con-
trary, Akhenaten used this concept to promote his own
Fig. 87. Female face, probably from a piece of furniture . Glass role as a divine mediator.
inlay, originally red. Petrie Museum, University College, London In the case of Queen Nefertiti, her presence at the
corners of Akhenaten's sarcophagus clearly answered a
spiritual need, the need of the deceased king for protec-
Dynasty king, Amenhotep II, appear to have initiated tion during his confrontation with death. This need
the custom. 62 Akhenaten seems to have been the first was all the more pressing during the Amarna Period,
to order the use of the motif on a sarcophagus. because the Aten religion, in its adherence to the pre-
On all other sarcophagi and canopic chests, the sent (seep. 4), did not really provide much guidance in
female figures were identified by their appropriate head the face of death, beyond the hope of prolonged existence
ornaments as representations of the four goddesses and after entombment. "May he [the Aten] grant being in
divine protectresses of the dead: Isis, Nephthys, Neith, your [the deceased's] mansion of continuity and your
and Selket. No wonder, then, that scholars have argued place of everlastingness [the tomb], without it happen-
that Queen Nefertiti's appearance on the king's sar- ing that your name is forgotten forever" 67 and "May he
cophagus implies the role of goddess. 63 Other indica- grant that the children of your house offer libation to
tions of the queen's prominence thus acquired special you at the door of your tomb" 68 are typical invocations.
significance. At some point early in Akhenaten's reign, Aldred has pointed out that among much phraseology
for instance, Nefertiti was endowed with an additional that seems obsequious to the modern observer there are
title, Nefernefruaten (the Beauty of the Aten Is Perfect), a few instances where something strikes "a chord that is
and in its writing the hieroglyphs representing the Aten humane and sympathetic. " For Aldred, one of these
are usually reversed so that they face her name in the instances was the representation of the king groping
cartouches. More important, in the Amarna tombs the "for Nefertiti's supporting arm in his daughter's
officials address prayers not only to the king but also to [Meketaten's] death chamber." 69 The decision to have
Nefertiti, asking her, for instance, "to grant the sight of Nefertiti's figure carved at the corners of his own sar-
the god's beautiful face every day. " In these invocations cophagus is certainly another such human touch. For
she fulfills the same role of intermediary to the god as Akhenaten, confronted with death, the presence of the
her husband the king. 64 queen met a need that the Egyptians had traditionally
The elevation of Nefertiti to the rank of goddess has filled by invoking divine assistance.
not gone uncontested. Recently, L. Green 65 has argued
that many of Nefertiti's seemingly divine attributes and FERTILITY AND THE fAMILY:
iconographical associations are intended to connote her THE SHRINE STELA E
share in the role of the divine pharaoh rather than her Every observer of the art of Amarna has remarked on
own divinity. 6 6 One cannot escape the thought that the prominence and frequency of scenes that depict the
royal family in intimate companionship. The primary discussion about the function of the pieces is under
sources are representations in the royal palaces and tombs way. One point appears to be certain: the family stelae
of Amarna's high officials (figs. 49, rro)7° and relief slabs belonged to the domestic and private realm. The ques-
71 tion is, however, exactly where were they placed within
from the temples. In addition, there are a number of
remarkable stelae, sometimes called altars but best des- the house complex? The German scholar Ludwig
ignated as shrine stelae (fig. 88 no. 6, fig. 93, no. 14, fig. Borchardt reconstructed the Cairo stela (detail, fig. 94)
94). 72 Descriptions and evaluations of the scenes on as part of a small brick house oratory that incorporated
these stelae have ranged from an emphasis on the ex- a short flight of steps and an enclosed space on top for
traordinary and revolutionary 73 to the assurance that the stela. 82 Remains of an oratory of this type were
"even here certain traditional pictorial concepts are still found in a small room off the central living room in
discernible." 74 Aldred summed up the general sense of one house; in another instance an oratory was located
viewers when he wrote of the Berlin shrine stela relief in the living room itself. 83 Unfortunately, no stela was
(fig. 88) that "surely no more appealing domestic con- found near any of these brick structures.
75 More recently, scholars have suggested that the stelae
versation piece has survived from antiquity."
Art historians have been interested in the spatial were placed inside chapels erected in the gardens of the
aspects of the groups of figures in these family scenes, 76 larger Amarna houses. 84 In addition to fragments of
noting how the children's bodies, especially, overlap the statues representing members of the royal family, pieces
figures of the parents (fig. 88), thus creating an impres- of relief have been found in the ruins of some garden
sion of depth rare in Egyptian art to such a degree. chapels. However, none of these appear to have illus-
Other studies, particularly those by Egyptologists trated the same themes as the shrine stelae (figs. 88, 93,
Whitney Davis and Rolf Krauss, have detailed the care- 94, 98). As far as can be ascertained from the pieces,
fully composed, basically concentric structure, for the garden chapel reliefs showed the king and royal
instance, of the Berlin family shrine stela. 77 family offering to the Aten, 85 and the best-preserved
Stylistically, two of the stelae illustrated here (figs. 88, statues represented Akhenaten and Nefertiti with plates
94) belong to the early phase of Amarna relief art, of offerings in their hands. 86 In short, these images
whereas two others (figs. 93, 98) are from the late years. duplicate statues and reliefs that decorated the temples
Both earlier pieces are inscribed with the first version of of the Aten, so it is logical to suppose that the private
the Aten name (seep. 4), and the faces of the royal cou- garden chapels allowed the owners to participate in the
ple still resemble the Karnak style representations (see same Aten cult rituals that were performed in the large
pp. 38-39). 78 On the relief fragment in Berlin (fig. 98, temples of Amarna. 87
no. 8), the later version of the god's name is inscribed, In the one instance where the find spot of a shrine
dating this piece to after Years 8-12 of Akhenaten's reign. stela has been recorded, the piece was recovered from
The Louvre fragment, depicting the queen on her hus- one of the columned halls of the house of the First
band's lap (fig. 93, no. 14), must also belong to the late Servant of the Aten, Panehsy. The corresponding room
phase of Amarna art because of its extremely sophisti- in Thutmose's house was tentatively called a reception
cated composition. 79 A stela now in the British Museum hall in our description (fig. 34 [5]). 88 This find spot
depicts, possibly posthumously, the parents of Akhenaten, strongly suggests that all shrine stelae were originally
King Amenhotep III and Queen Tiye. Its intricate placed inside the house itself; the layer of gypsum plas-
relief structure is comparable to that of the Louvre ter still remaining on the back of the Berlin family stela
fragment, and the late version of the name of the Aten (fig. 88) may be explained by its location in a wall
80
in the inscription confirms a date after Years 8-12. niche, with the plaster serving to hold the thin slab in
Evidently, there was considerable demand for reliefs of place. 89 In the most elaborate piece, the Cairo stela
this type throughout the period, as demonstrated by (detail, fig. 94), drilled pole-shoe holes are provided in
fragments of two other reliefs of lesser quality now in the the projecting base, 90 allowing the placement of wood-
81
Berlin Agyptisches Museum and the British Museum. en doors to close off the shrine; the doors would have
Archaeological evidence about the original locations been opened for prayer and offering ceremonies. The
of the shrine stelae is tantalizingly scarce, and a lively existence of stela niches in the main rooms of New
97
Fig. 88. Shrine stela with relief showing Akhenaten, Nefertiti, and Princesses Meretaten, Meketaten, and Ankhesenpaaten. Limestone.
Kingdom Egyptian houses has been proved by finds quets of flowers, and a frieze of grapes adorns the edge
from the Nineteenth and Twentieth Dynasties (ca. 1295- of the cornice. 93
1070 B.c.) in the village of Deir el-Medina in western A further indication that the stelae had a devotional
Thebes. 91 Remains of such niches may have eluded the function is provided by the inner framing around some
excavators of Amarna houses. of the scenes. In the Berlin (fig. 88) and Cairo (fig. 94)
That the reliefs depicting the royal family were stelae,9 4 the royal persons sit on reed mats; in the Cairo
intended for devotional use can be deduced from the piece (not visible in fig. 94), the complete Berlin relief
general shape of the more elaborate stelae-a small (fig. 88), 95 and the Berlin fragment (fig. 98), the repre-
shrine with a cornice at the top (fig. 98). 92 The largest sentation is enclosed on top by the sky ideogram (a
piece of the group was fitted not only with holes for horizontal bar with downward projections at each end). 96
the pole shoes but also with projecting, pilasterlike The Berlin stela scene is also flanked by two slender
jambs. Similar jambs at the sides of the British Museum columns; this framing of the shrine stelae reliefs 97 is
relief from Panehsy's house were decorated with bou- strongly reminiscent of certain Egyptian ceremonial
objects. Well-known parallels are, for example, the cer- creation myths had a place in Amarna house icons, one
emonial pectorals found in female royal burials of needs to look more closely at the architectural settings
the Middle Kingdom (ca. I900-1750 B.c.) and later in in the Berlin (fig. 88) and Louvre (fig. 93) stelae reliefs.
the tomb of King Tutankhamun. 98 The pectorals are The Berlin family group is flanked by two slender
rectangular plaques framed at the bottom by-among columns with papyrus capitals that stand on the same
other devices-reed mat representations and at the top reed mat as the thrones of the king and queen; at the
by sky emblems or shrine cornices. Columns, was- top each provided support for a separate portion of a
scepters (emblems of dominion), or plants frame the roof that ends abruptly at either side of the inscriptions
sides of the picture. Pectorals served as gifts to the flanking the central sun disk. At first glance, one might
pharaoh, for instance, at the thirty-year (sed) festival, be tempted to explain this configuration as indicating
and they were evidently also given by the pharaoh to a that the royal family sits in a narrow courtyard flanked
female member of his family; they were regalia that by porticos. But it is more likely that the artist intend-
symbolized fundamental concepts of kingship and the ed to show Akhenaten, Nefertiti, and the children seat-
cosmos. 99 As domestic icons the Amarna shrine stelae ed in a building whose roof is supported by papyrus
are certainly less ostentatious than the pectorals, but columns. However, in order to ensure that nothing
the framed structure surely hints at an underlying urge obstructed the direct contact of the creative light with
to propagate the Amarna doctrine of kingship. Even the king and queen, the ceiling above the pair had to
the composition of the scenes in the shrine stelae repro- be open. 104
duces-albeit in a playful way-the heraldic position It has been suggested that the structure indicated by
of two figures facing each other that was a standard fea- the two columns in the Berlin relief was a hall in the
ture of the ceremonial pectorals. On the stelae Akhenaten royal palace. 105 But another identification of the scene's
and Nefertiti repeat the heraldic opposition of falcons, location is more suggestive. Artists' sketches on lime-
griffins, and other emblematic figures of pectorals. stone chips (ostraca) from the Nineteenth and Twentieth
The didactic symbolism of the shrine stelae relates Dynasties show that during their confinement and
to the Aten religion's concepts of creation. Egyptologists immediately after, new mothers were cared for in
have repeatedly stressed that a kind of divine triad is ephemeral structures whose walls and roof of reed mat-
depicted in the shrine reliefs, roo uniting the Aten (the ting were supported by slender wooden columns with
sun disk) with Akhenaten and Nefertiti; king and
queen appear in this context as the primeval "first pair"
of Egyptian genesis myths. According to the theology
of Heliopolis-the primary place of sun worship in
Egypt, situated near Memphis-there was first one
god, Atum. Of androgynous nature himself, Atum gen-
erated all other gods, and, eventually, all humans, by
spontaneously procreating the first pair: the male god
Shu (personifYing the void, air, and, especially at Amarna,
light) ror and his female counterpart, Tefnut ("daughter
of the sun"). 102 In the stelae this initial creative act of
the god is emphasized by the presence of the little
princesses, who personify the multitudes descended
from the primeval pair. An Egyptian hymn expresses it
thus: "Then Shu and Tefnut gave birth to Geb and Nut
[earth and sky]. Then Geb and Nut gave birth to
Osiris, Horus the Two-Eyed, Seth, Isis and Nephthys
from one womb, one after the other, and they gave
birth to their multitude in this world." 103 Fig. 89. The traditional version: The sun child on the two horizon
For a better understanding of why such allusions to lions. Papyrus ofHerweben. Egyptian Museum, Cairo
99
Depictions of deities and scenes related to birth and

child care have been found repeatedly on wall paintings
in Egyptian houses, especially in rooms near the
entrance. no The position of such works and their content
(birth-protecting "demons" such as Bes and Taweret,
figures of dancers, percussionists, and other musicians)
point to an apotropaic (evil-averting) function, with
strong emphasis on marriage, birth, and the protection
of the newborn. The shrine stelae and these paintings
were both placed close to the house entrance and share
a preoccupation with lovemaking (figs. 93, 98), birth
bowers (figs. 88, 93), and children. The only icono-
graphic difference between the paintings and the stelae
is that in place of the popular Bes and Taweret figures
of the paintings the stelae present official Aten themes
alluding to the creation myths and to the crucial place
that the king and queen held in this context. Thus it
seems that the shrine stelae functioned as domestic icons
in Amarna houses, ensuring divine protection for mar-
riage, birth, and the newly born. It is conceivable that they
were presents given by the king to his favorite officials.
This interpretation might also explain the rather
Fig. 90. Artist's sketch from Deir el-Medina:
mother and child. Limestone. British Museum,
astonishing gestures of the princesses in the Berlin stela
London (fig. 88). Children pointing fingers appeared in a num-
ber of early Eighteenth Dynasty tomb paintings depict-
ing fishing and fowling in the marshes. I l l These
papyrus capitals (fig. 90). 106 On some ostraca one sees children stand in the bows of the boats with their
the mother nursing and tending her baby, just as the fathers, who are going out to hunt or fish. The pointed
royal couple are seen with the three princesses in the finger was an age-old magical gesture employed to avert
Berlin relief. Even the jars with wine or other liquids evil. Egyptian herdsmen used it when crossing a canal
placed on latticed stands in the Berlin relief would where cattle were endangered by crocodiles or during
make sense in this context, because on some of the the birth of a calf (fig. 92).m In the hunting boats the
ostraca the newly delivered mother is being offered a gesture would also have been used against the ever-pre-
drink or a cosmetic jar. 107 sent crocodiles. In the same way, the pointed fingers of
An interpretation of the architectural setting of the the royal children in the shrine stela provided protec-
Berlin relief as a birth bower appears to be corroborat- tion for the young and the newborn of the home in
ed by the reed structure that frames the royal family in which the stela was erected.
the Louvre fragment (fig. 93). Instead of wooden Despite their domestic associations, the shrine stelae
columns, one sees here the lower sections of reed walls, reliefs are certainly esoteric objects that required theo-
which are part of a light reed booth called the zeh net- logical knowledge. One had to be well versed in
jer in ancient Egyptian. It is a type of building, made Egyptian theology and have faith in the Aten religion
from organic materials, that dates from the very begin- in order to comprehend what they expressed. This
nings of Egyptian architecture and later became, like explains why many of the ordinary people of Amarna
other such structures, highly charged with manifold eschewed the highly intellectual symbolism of these
108
symbolic connotations. In the case of the zeh netjer reliefs, preferring the use of paintings, amulets, and
reed mat booth, the concept of birth and rebirth is votive figurines of Bes and Taweret to assure support in
often implied. 10 9 childbirth and other domestic cares. Il 3
roo
eyes the Aten's light seems to burst into the presence of

the royal pair. This is echoed, albeit less expressively, in
the Cairo stela (fig. 94). Here, the king is seen giving an
earring to his eldest daughter, Meretaten, who, standing
almost exactly in the center of the relief, raises her open
palms to accept the piece of jewelry. The princess holds
her hands in a position that every Egyptian would have
recognized as the traditional gesture of creative deities,
such as that of Nun, the god of the primeval water,
when he pushes up the rising sun in the morning. u 5
The earring, moreover, has the shape of a sun disk,
with pendants that represent the sun's rays; no more
powerful symbol could have been found for the center
of this stela.
It is possible to trace this motif of the princess
receiving a disk-shaped earring to a large scene on the
wall of a temple or ceremonial hall: William M. Flinders
Petrie excavated a limestone block (fig. 95) in a possibly
Third Intermediate Period (ca. 1070-712 B.c.) tomb at
el-Lahun, a burial site at the entrance to the Faiyum
Oasis just south of Memphis. The block had not been
carved for the tomb; originally it would have been part
Fig. 91. Detail from the shrine stela (fig. 88): Princess Meketaten
on her mother's knees of a large relief-decorated wall in a neighboring Amarna
Period temple. The relief on this block, now in the
University Museum, the University of Pennsylvania,
It is interesting to see how the general theme of cre- shows part of a scene similar to the Cairo shrine stela.
ation was handled by the various shrine stelae artists. Princess Ankhesenpaaten, the third daughter of
The sculptor of the Berlin relief (fig. 88) added drama Akhenaten and Nefertiti, was probably the baby whose
to his family scene with the powerful rays of the sun feet are preserved, while the recipient of the earring
disk and the flamboyant streamers issuing from may again have been Meretaten. I l 6 Her hands are
Akhenaten's and Nefertiti's necks. u 4 Under our very raised parallel to each other, not quite in the gesture of
Fig. 92. The birth of a calf. Drawing by Aylward M. Blackman after a relief in the tomb chapel of Senbi
at Meir
Above: Fig. 93· Fragment of a stela excavated at Amarna showing
Akhenaten with Nefertiti and the children on his lap. Limestone.
Musee du Louvre, Paris
Left: Fig. 94- Detail from a stela excavated at Amarna showing

Akhenaten giving an earring to Princess Meretaten. Limestone.
Egyptian Museum, Cairo
Below: Fig. 95· Relief block excavated at el-Lahun with Nefertiti

holding a child and a princess receiving an earring. Limestone. The
University Museum, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia
Fig. 96. Unfinished statuette from the Thutmose workshop: Akhenaten kissing Fig. 97· Detail from the shrine stela (fig. 88):
a queen or princess. Limestone. Egyptian Museum, Cairo Akhenaten kisses Princess Meretaten
the deities who assist the rising sun. It is impossible to served. The babies appear to have taken rather playful
determine whether the version of the princess's gesture positions on their mother's lap. The queen's fringed and
with opposed hands, which brought the scene so close pleated dress and long scarf were originally painted
to the well-known mythological iconography of sunrise, white; her lower legs were fully modeled to indicate the
was conceived for a large wall relief at Amarna itself, translucency of the linen. Akhenaten's legs show traces
which was then copied with variations by the sculptors of red paint, and the cushion on the chair appears to
at el-Lahun, or whether the scene was modified directly have been white. us In front of the seated couple, but
from the el-Lahun version to be used in the shrine stela. behind the footstool, is a latticed stand with a large
However that may be, it is interesting to note that the basket containing pomegranates, figs, and two other
sculptor of the shrine stela either chose or actually con- kinds of fruit. rr 9 A bouquet of flowers lies across the
ceived a version of the creation theme that carried an basket. Four layers of relief, from back to front, can be
explicit association with traditional mythology. u 7 differentiated: (1) the fruit stand, (2) the left leg of the
The most intricate composition among all extant king, (3) his right leg, and (4) the arms and legs of
shrine stelae is seen in the fragment from the Louvre Nefertiti. The curves of the king's and queen's dress
(fig. 93). Here, the king sits on a lion-legged chair, his pleats serve to some degree to relate layers three and
feet on a footstool, and holds the queen on his knees; four, whereas the stems and binding of the bouquet
the legs and one arm of at least two children are pre- echo the framing architectural reed work. The delicate
103
Fig. 98. Fragmentary shrine stela showingAkhenaten and Fig. 99· The back ofTutankhamun's throne. Egyptian
Nefertiti. Limestone. Agyptisches Museum, Berlin Museum, Cairo
feet of the queen contrast wonderfully with the large, the Old and Middle Kingdoms, brothers are seen kissing
strong feet of the king, and the way in which the each other, but above all, gods kiss the king. Inscriptions
queen's free-hanging feet are placed in front of the void attached to the latter type of scene tell us what the
below the chair makes the viewer strikingly conscious Egyptians thought was happening: "he [the god] gives
of the existence of that space (fig. 123). life." 1 2 1 It is, therefore, a fitting theme for the birth-ori-
The king's raised right heel and knee ensure the queen ented shrine stelae (fig. 97).
a comfortable seat. The king's position is the same as the The fragment of a shrine stela in Berlin (fig. 98) shows
one assumed by the mother in the birth bower of the the royal couple in yet another situation. Here, Nefertiti
British Museum ostracon (fig. 90). This association of is seen placing a floral collar around Akhenaten's neck, an
Akhenaten with a nursing mother may well be inten- act that traditionally implied a festive atmosphere and
tional, since he is playing the mother's role in this conveyed a wish for the recipient's well-being ... 22 The
image. Because of the fragmentary condition of the stela, queen stands directly under the sun disk while the king
we do not know whether Akhenaten was kissing the is seated, resting his right elbow on the back of his chair.
queen. To reconstruct the scene in this way would further Interesting features are the papyrus plants growing
emphasize its close relationship to the unfinished sculp- behind the king's chair, a motif that recalls Tutankhamun's
tural group found in the Thutmose sculptor's workshop ornate throne, the back of which (fig. 99) is decorated
(fig. 96) and to a relief block from an Amarna temple with a representation of ducks flying over a papyrus
(now in the Brooklyn Museum) that shows the queen thicket. At the top of the throne scene cobras in a row
120
kissing one of her children. Representations of two face outward, as they do at the top of the shrine stela. 12 3
persons kissing are not uncommon in Egyptian art. In The scene is also reminiscent of one in the Amarna
104
tombs in which the royal family sits or stands under a Floor paintings on stucco showing papyrus and other
baldachin with a cobra-protected roof supported by water plants with flying waterfowl were among the
lotus-plant columns ornamented with dead ducks, the most spectacular finds. Two fragments from such paint-
spoils of the hunt in the marshes. Flowers hang from ings are in The Metropolitan Museum of Art. 129 Plant
the ceiling of the baldachin, and the royal children life was also depicted in relief on the columns and walls
bring flowers and cosmetic fragrances in cone-shaped of the Maru-Aten buildings. 130
jars; female musicians perform and servants prepare Inscriptions show that all outlying parkland sanctu-
drinks. The queen, her youthful body fully revealed aries were closely connected with the female members
under a thin linen dress, pours a specially prepared of the royal family, although the king certainly played a
drink through a sieve into the king's cup. 124 The re- part in the ceremonies that took place there. 131 At the
creative powers of nature could not be depicted more Maru-Aten the principal female figure appears original-
appropriately. ly to have been the minor queen Kiya, who is called
This emphasis on nature in relation to the royal "the wife and great beloved of the King of Upper and
couple of Amarna also recalls the garden sanctuaries Lower Egypt" on two alabaster vases in the British
and Sunshade temples (see p. 27) outside the city of Museum and the Metropolitan Museum. 132 This rather
Amarna proper. These sanctuaries have aptly been enigmatic "other woman" in Akhenaten's life was nearly
called parklands by Barry Kemp in a recent description eradicated from memory during the king's last years
of newly found complexes, 125 in which he also when her name and figure were changed on almost all
described such a sanctuary as "an enclosed rectangular monuments to those of a daughter of Nefertiti, either
space planted with trees and plants which surround a Meretaten or Ankhesenpaaten. Twenty years of Egypto-
central rectangular body of water." n 6 Up to now the logical research, however, has restored Queen Kiya to
best known of these landscape enclosures was the something of her original importance, but questions
Maru-Aten. Situated-as were most other enclosures about her position and eventual disappearance from
of the kind-in the southern outskirts of Amarna, 127 the Amarna court remain. 133 One fact that appears to
this parkland sanctuary was largely excavated in 1921 by be certain is that this woman was not an insignificant
the Egypt Exploration Society under Leonard Woolley. 128 member of a harem but an important figure of the
Fig. 100. Relief from Hermopolis with the head of the minor queen Kiya, later changed into Princess Meretaten. Limestone.
Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek, Copenhagen
Fig. 101. Relief showing the purification of the minor queen Kiya, later changed into Princess Meretaten. Limestone.
The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York
royal circle at Amarna. We have already seen her on tures, her elegant long neck, and the proud upward
one relief (unfortunately in poor condition) "twinned" thrust of her head. It is difficult to describe what it is in
with Akhenaten (fig. 79, no. 28). this head and face that is different from Queen Nefertiti
Another relief now in the Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek, who, after all, is occasionally seen lifting her head in a
Copenhagen (fig. 100, no. 27), is a typical example of similar way (fig. 75). Kiya's nose seems more fleshy and
an image of Kiya changed into Princess Meretaten. In her chin is definitely longer, her mouth is softer and
the two columns of clearly superimposed inscription her smile more relaxed, her cheekbone is less promi-
one reads now: "daughter of the king of his flesh, his nent, and the overall expression is more placid than
beloved ... Meretaten." But faint remains of the origi- Nefertiti's (figs. 31, 58, 61, 62, 69, 77). The same charac-
nal inscription show that it once said "the wife and teristic features-the long chin, the soft, slightly smil-
[great] beloved of the King of Upper and Lower Egypt, ing mouth, 'and the delicate nose-recur in a relief in
who lives on [Maar]," which is the beginning of Kiya's The Metropolitan Museum of Art (fig. 101). 136 Here
titulary. 134 The wig of the woman in the relief was orig- the large, slanting almond-shaped eye under the ridge
inally a Nubian wig that was changed into what is of its strongly rounded brow is beautifully preserved,
called a modified Nubian wig by Egyptologists. This but the fine contrast of smooth face and multifaceted
means the hair above the forehead and on the back of wig seen in the Copenhagen piece is lost because the wig
the head has been removed, and with the help of an was almost completely carved away in the alteration of
added layer of plaster the hairstyle was transformed the hairstyle. ' 37
into a kind of broad side lock to signify the status of The Metropolitan Museum relief shows Queen Kiya
Meretaten as a princess (seep. 112). 135 in a purification scene. The zigzag lines represent the
However, the face of the woman in the Copenhagen water that is being poured over her head. The Copen-
relief was not touched; only the eyes were damaged hagen relief block appears to have been once part of an
during the destruction of images of Akhenaten's family offering scene. Both the direction of the ray hands of
in the post-Amarna era. Despite the ravages of time, we the Aten and the curved object on the left (the neck of
have an impressive image of Queen Kiya's facial fea- a duck?) are best understood if the queen is assumed to
106
be standing in front of an altar heaped with offerings. 138 like them, the role of the women, queens, and goddess-
In both cases Kiya performs important priestly func- es was to protect and rejuvenate the king through a
tions. Her role in the cult of her Sunshade temple in close association with the regenerative forces of nature.
the parkland at the Maru-Aten must have been similarly The Berlin stela fragment (fig. 98) is a less spectacular
significant. If one can accept the suggestion that the but charmingly intimate monument to the same
Metropolitan Museum's yellow jasper fragment (figs. 27, beliefs.
29, pp. 37-38) was once part of a statue of Kiya that To conclude this discussion of the Amarna queens'
stood in a shrine in the Maru-Aten, this royal woman role as representatives of the concepts of creation, fertil-
must have had singular beauty and a truly important ity, birth, and rebirth it may be appropriate to mention
position in Akhenaten's life and religion. the various associations relating Queen Nefertiti's most
The spiritual function of the parkland sanctuaries is frequently worn headdress, the tall, flat-topped crown
perhaps best exemplified by the throne from the tomb (figs. 8, 62, 75, 8o, 88), to imagery concerning deities
139
ofTutankhamun (fig. 99). On the front panel of the and myths of fertility. Scholars have pointed out how
throne's back, the queen anoints the king, and, as Aldred crowns similar to Nefertiti's headgear are first seen on
has recognized, plays the role of the lion goddess, Queen Tiye, when she is represented as a powerfully
Weret Hekau, one of whose tides was "Mistress of the striding sphinx in a relief from the Nubian site of
Palace" and who was particularly associated with the Sedeinga and as a winged sphinx on a carnelian bracelet
royal crowns and the coronation of the pharaoh. 140 plaque in The Metropolitan Museum of Art (fig. 102). 142
On the back of Tutankhamun's throne the marsh In the bracelet, the plants that top the crown provide a
representation already mentioned (p. 104) associates the link with the rejuvenation aspects of the female mem-
royal chair with Isis (one of whose manifestations is as a bers of the Amarna royal family. 143 This relationship is
personification of the royal throne) and her mythical even stronger when one considers the hairstyle of some
41
protection of the infant Horus in the marshes. ' Horus, of the women on the birth-bower ostraca (fig. 90): their
of course, emerges triumphant from the marshes to rule long hair is bound up in exactly the shape of Nefertiti's
over Egypt. In these representations, and many others crown, with loose tresses falling down on the sides. A
Fig. I02. Bracelet plaque showing Queen Tiye as a sphinx holding the cartouche of Amenhotep III.
Sard. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York
107
Akhenaten drew new meaning from the age-old

belief that the king was the child of god. Invocations to
the Aten refer to the king as "your child, who issued
from your rays. . .. May you love him and make him
be like the Aten. May you rise to give him continuity....
May you fashion him at dawn like (you do) your
aspects of being.... " 147 This text from the tomb of Ay
is a perfect example of the Egyptian method of express-
ing complicated theological concepts with a combina-
tion of different images. On the one hand, the
invocations refer to the belief that the king is the child
of god, "issued from your rays," while the words "May
you fashion him at dawn" and "May you rise to give
him continuity" allude to another ancient Egyptian
concept that likened the rising sun to a child. Apart
from the Amarna period, this last idea is expressed in
many representations, especially of the funerary genre,
that depict the morning sun as a child seated in the sun
disk as it rises between the two mountains of the Nile
Valley horizon (fig. 89). 148 The aim behind the combi-
nation of the two powerful child metaphors (child of
god and rising sun) was to indicate that the king incor-
porated the sun god's creative powers and revealed the
world's complete (i.e., childlike) dependence on the
creator-god. r 49 Similar reasoning may have been
Fig. 103. Statues flanking boundary stela A at Amarna. Drawing by
behind the creation of a statue of Akhenaten as a child
Robert Hay (1927)
with an egg-shaped head, his finger held to his mouth
(p. 56). As we have seen, this work served as the proto-
similar hairstyle is worn by the Syrian goddess Anat, 144 type for the princesses' egg-shaped heads (figs. 46-48,
one of the great fertility deities of the ancient Near 50-53) from the Thutmose workshop.
East. 145 Nefertiti's most frequently worn crown thus In the framework of Amarna religion, Akhenaten's
emphasizes her all-important role as the female coun- daughters, the symbolic children of the primeval pair Shu
terpart of the king in the great scenario of the daily and Tefnut (represented by Akhenaten and Nefertiti),
renewal of creation. could embody the essence of creation. Each princess
might, in fact, play the role of the quintessential child
SuN CHILDREN that the sun god created in the mother's womb. "(0
From early times Egyptians treasured children not only you) who brings into being foetuses in women,"
as desired offspring but also as symbols of rebirth and exclaims the poet of the great hymn to the Aten. 150 The
rejuvenation. Many Old Kingdom monuments include hymn continues: "When the chick is in the egg, speak-
representations of children, mostly in the company of ing in the shell, you give him breath within it to cause
their parents and less frequently as single figures. 146 him to live," and goes on (see p. 56) to describe the
The prominence accorded Akhenaten's daughters in the birth of the chick as an example of all births initiated
art of Amarna is, therefore, not a novelty, but the artists by the creator-god.
of Amarna made astonishingly brilliant use of the tra-
ditional place of the child in the culture of ancient
Opposite: Figs. 104-107. Torso from the statuette of a princess,
Egypt and added their own sensitively perceived and excavated at Amarna. Reddish brown quartzite. Petrie Museum,
skillfully executed images. University College, London
108
104 105
106 107
The importance of childhood within the framework Artistically, the gradually recessed position of figures in
of the solar religion inspired Amarna sculptors to create a group served to create individual space for each figure,
some of their most appealing works. Chief among an arrangement that is accentuated by the difference in
extant pieces is the quartzite torso of a young princess height of the stone slabs at the backs of some of the
now in the Petrie Museum, University College, London figures. rs 6 The result is an extremely diversified sculp-
(figs. 104-7), which-despite its small size (15.3 em [6 tural body whose three-dimensional aspect is
in.])-is surely one of the most beautiful sculptures of intensified by a rich play of light and shadow on the
its time. As is so often the case, the torso is a fragment various figural entities. As in the reliefs at Amarna,
from a sculptural group. In this instance, the original space was a consciously manipulated part of the whole
group presumably represented several princesses and work. The modern viewer might see the effect as the-
the king and queen. At the Petrie figure's right side, the atrical, but that is only another word to describe the
block of stone is flat and the surface intentionally highly charged religious intensity with which the Aten
roughened (fig. 104). rsr Here the piece adjoined anoth- believers contemplated the royal family's place in the
er block, which must have included the figures of the solar cult.
king, the queen, and possibly another sister. Erika Feuche 57 has recently reminded us that in
The right forearm of the princess was raised and the Egyptian art children are characterized predominantly
hand touched an adjoining statue placed in front of by the forms of their bodies rather than by specifically
her. Her left arm (fig. ro6) stretches behind her and the childish facial features; she has pointed out that usually
hand, now mostly destroyed, once grasped that of a the body of a six- to nine-year-old is depicted. The
smaller sister who stood farther back; only traces of the torso of the Petrie Amarna princess (figs. 104-7) seems
right arm of the smaller princess are preserved. Solid to be that of a child about that age. She differs from
stone is found in the spaces below the larger princess's her elder sister of the Louvre torso (figs. 21, 22) and her
right elbow and above and below her smaller compan- mother as depicted in the Berlin limestone statuette
ion's arm, so that the torso appears to have been (figs. 68, 69) in being broader in relation to her height
worked in very high relief rather than as a sculpture in and, above all, by having a considerably shorter waist.
the round. Her body forms are softly rounded and lack the taut
As demonstrated by the description above, the com- voluptuousness of adult women. Her thighs are more
plete group of figures was arranged on a recessed slender than those of the women, and her breasts are
ground plan. Roughly similar arrangements had previ- smaller, only slightly rounded, and set far apart. All
ously been used in Egyptian art when figures of different these are traits characterizing in masterly fashion a very
sizes-or standing and seated figures-were combined. rs 2 young girl approaching adolescence.
At Amarna, this group structure was used in a still more For the purpose of dating the small torso within the
intricate way for three-dimensional representations of development of Amarna sculpture, one should note
the royal family. In two extant limestone statuette that the breasts of this little princess are not as close to
groups, rs 3 the queen is standing slightly behind and to the shoulders as those of the Louvre torso from the
the side of the king, with the figures of the royal early years of the Amarna Period (figs. 21, 22). In strictly
daughters still farther behind the mother. rs 4 This recess- proportional terms-disregarding the youthful round-
ing of the princesses' figures has been seen in the statues ness of the subject-the princess in the Petrie Museum
that flanked the boundary stelae (pp. 22, 6o). rss The is quite similar to the statuette of Nefertiti in Berlin
scheme became even more complicated in the group to (see pp. 79-81). A date during the later phase of the
which the Petrie princesses belonged; here, not even Amarna Period is, therefore, most probable.
the princesses stand on one line-one is recessed The finest qualities of the small torso are found in
behind the other. the treatment of the stone surface. The slightly pinkish-
The intricate grouping of the royal family empha- yellow quartzite with occasional brown areas is smoothed
sized the strict hierarchy of Egyptian society, which in such a delicate way that an impression of soft young
remained basically unchanged during the Amarna skin is created. The few sharply incised lines, which
Period, despite the strong position of the royal females. define the navel (of the same shape as that in the
no
Fig. 108. Sculptor's model from the North Palace at Amarna showing a princess eating a roasted duck. Limestone. Egyptian Museum, Cairo
Louvre torso, fig. 22), abdomen, pubic area, and legs, hide the hand that holds on to her sister. All this
accentuate the overall softness of the body. The pose of expresses beautifully the youthful bashfulness of the lit-
the figure is intentionally uneven. The princess pushes tle girl and underlines her freshness and vulnerability.
her belly forward while the upper body leans slightly In Amarna paintings and reliefs the presence of
backward; the position of the lower legs is difficult to Akhenaten's daughters in almost all the scenes in which
determine-does she thrust the left leg forward or not? 158 the royal couple appear gave the artists endless oppor-
The left arm is extended behind her in a somewhat tunities to vary the groupings of two, three, or all six of
ungainly curve, almost as though the princess wanted to the girls. It has already been pointed out (see p. 91)
III
by Nina and Norman de Garis Davies. The facsimile of

the entire west wall of the room is in The Metropolitan
Museum of Art (no. sr). rGo The painting once ran con-
tinuously around the room; it depicts a lush thicket of
papyrus and other plants with birds (rock pigeons,
palm doves, shrikes, and kingfishers) nesting in the
thicket or darting toward the swamp water for prey. In
other rooms around the court with flower beds were
depictions of geese (no. 53) and a sensitive rendering of
an olive tree (no. 52), a plant introduced to Egypt dur-
ing the Eighteenth Dynasty.
The North Palace complex is clearly another example
of the familiar Amarna nature habitats (see pp. 104-7).
As in the Maru-Aten parkland sanctuary, inscriptions
point to a close connection between the North Palace
and female members of the royal family; in particular,
the name of Princess Meretaten was found throughout
the building, but again-as the excavators state-as in
Maru-Aten, superimposed on another female name, as
yet not entirely reconstructed. Nefertiti and Kiya are
Fig. 109. Relief fragment with the head of a princess, from
both possibilities. rGr
the Great Palace at Amarna. Museum of Fine Arts, Boston
The upper half of the artist's sketch (fig. ro8) still
retains the original ink; in the lower half the sculptor
how the rarer representations of seated princesses (pp. had started carving. The princess is shown seated on a
6o-6r; fig. 49) echo positions and groupings otherwise thick cushion, eating a roasted duck. Her left hand
used in depictions of the king and queen. reaches out to grasp a fruit from among the delicacies
Besides the painting in the King's House (fig. 49) a heaped up in front of her on a large dish stand with
delightful artist's sketch (fig. ro8, no. 45) in the gated legs. The artist has depicted her youthful body as
Egyptian Museum, Cairo, is foremost among the if naked, but the outline of a seam around the neck
images of seated princesses. The slab of limestone (23. 5 x and a shawl hanging over the left arm indicate a gar-
22.3 em [9'i4 x 8% in.]) was found in 1924 by the British ment of thin linen.
archaeologist Francis Giesler Newton in the so-called The princess's hair is arranged in the modified
North Palace, a rectangular building compound situ- Nubian wig style that was described above (pp. ros-6). 162
ated in an isolated position between the North Suburb Princes and princesses were often depicted with such
on one side and the North City and North Riverside side braids even when grown up-to emphasize their
Palace of Akhetaten on the other. 159 The North Palace relationship to the pharaoh. Amarna princesses are
buildings (fig. 12) are arranged around a forecourt and known to have worn the braided hairstyle and there is
a large garden court. Among the various structures, usually more than one braid to their side locks (fig. 109,
each of which has its own court, are installations for no. 36; fig. rn). 163
the sun cult and a veritable zoological garden; antelope The artist who drew the North Palace sketch (fig. ro8)
and ibex are depicted on animal feeding troughs. In the depicted his princess with a decidedly grown-up face
northeast corner of the compound is a court with that has more in common with Akhenaten's image on
flower beds surrounded by the rooms of an aviary. the Wilbour plaque than with the quartzite faces
Niches for birds' nests were installed in one central of young princesses from the Thutmose workshop
room, where one of the most remarkable of all Egyptian (figs. 46-53). The princess of the limestone sketch also
paintings was found. Luckily, it could be documented has facial features different from those of the two
in drawing by Charles Wilkinson and in facsimile princesses in the painting from the King's House
II2
(fig. 49), who closely resemble the Thutmose royal conceivable that a sculptor would copy from a painting
daughters. This difference in the faces is all the more if he wanted to include a particular figure in a relief
remarkable because the pose of the princess on the that was being carved elsewhere.
North Palace sketch is almost identical to that of the In the more frequent depictions of standing
royal child on the right in the painting. Clearly a princesses (figs. I I I - I 3), they are never arranged in
different artist worked on the sketch; the final piece exactly the same way. Besides the simple line of
was probably of considerably later date than the paint- princesses' figures in which one appears either behind
ing, and the artist may also be depicting a more grown- the other 164 or below the other if the girls are arranged
up pnncess. in registers, 165 there are groups of two and three little
A wall relief in the tomb of Queen Tiye's steward, girls. If all six girls are represented, they are arranged in
Huya (fig. no), provides a clue as to what the larger two groups of three.
composition-for which the limestone sketch would In the two-figure groups, the girls may be of roughly
have been executed-may have looked like. On the the same height, in which case they either turn to each
east side of the south wall of Huya's tomb is a depiction other, 166 they embrace, one chucking the other under the
of a banquet that was attended by Akhenaten, chin, 167 or they are closely united as a twin pair, one
Nefertiti, Queen Tiye, Tiye's daughter Baketaten, putting an arm around the other's shoulder. 168 If one of
Nefertiti's daughter Meretaten, and another princess. the princesses in a group is smaller, she may grasp the
Meretaten sits on a chair in this relief representation arm of her elder, 169 or the elder may put her arm
(left, in fig. no), and her left hand gestures toward her around the younger. 170 The latter type of group is seen in
sister, but her pose is almost exactly the same as that of a glass inlay belonging to the Petrie Museum (fig. 113,
the sketch. The object she was raising to her mouth has no. 2I), an object that was once destined to adorn an
been destroyed, but above her Nefertiti holds a roasted elaborate piece of royal furniture.
duck in her hand, so probably Meretaten also held a In the groups of three princesses, the girls can again
duck in her hand. Does it go too far to suggest that the be either of roughly the same height or of different
original composition after which the scene in Huya's heights. In cases of even heights, two figures are usually
tomb was composed was located in the North Palace? looking at each other, while the third may hold the
The sketch, however, is for a relief, and the North hand of one of her companions (fig. 78). 171 In other
Palace was decorated solely with paintings. But it is cases, each of the three girls is of a different height, and
Fig. no. The royal

family dining; from left
to right: Nefertiti with
two daughters,
Akhenaten, a servant,
(Huya), Tiye, and
Baketaten. Drawing by
Norman de Garis
Davies after a relief in
the tomb of Huya at
Amarna
Fig. III. Relief from Hermopolis with two princesses. Limestone. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York
they are arranged in descending order: the tallest in their own: a world of youth and delicate beauty that is
front, followed by the next in size, and then the small- a treasure to society, but as a promise of things to come
est of the group. Again, two of the three usually con- rather than an activated function. As in other periods
front each other, either embracing (fig. 112) 172 or with of Egyptian art, a point is made that the promise of
one chucking the other under the chin, while the third youth is very vulnerable. This is emphasized in the nar-
holds on to the sister nearest to her. 173 rative reliefs by the frequent presence of the princesses'
It is significant that in the groups of two princesses nurses, who stand behind them bowing slightly and
and in the one comprising three little girls, two of holding their hands protectively toward the children
them usually turn toward each other. Sometimes it is (fig. 112). 176
not just the head but the entire upper body that is There can be no doubt that both Akhenaten and
turned, 174 so that the breasts of the particular princess Nefertiti were extremely proud of their six daughters.
are shown in frontal view (fig. nr), an extremely rare One has the distinct impression that this-and not just
phenomenon in Egyptian art. 17 5 The turning of a figure the girls' religious significance-was the reason they
toward another in a group tends to isolate that particu- were so often depicted in Amarna art, and depicted
lar pair from the rest of the scene, creating the impres- with so much care, even love. At the peak occasion of
sion that here are figures who are not really involved in his reign, the great tribute-bringing festival (fig. 78) cel-
the activities represented. The princesses turning to ebrated, possibly, after a victory in Nubia, 177 the king
each other are characterized as belonging to a world of and queen are enthroned with all six daughters behind
114
them: Meretaten, Meketaten, Ankhesenpaaten,

Nefernefruaten-Tasherit, Nefernefrure, and Setepenre
(see pp. 10-14). The scene is dated to Year 12 of the
king's reign.
Probably less than two years later, 178 the second
daughter, Princess Meketaten, died. The princess was
buried in a side branch of the rock-cut chambers of the
Royal Tomb at Amarna. Her burial chamber (room
gamma) is reached by turning right before the second
flight of stairs in the Royal Tomb and then traversing
two more-or-less square rooms. On the walls she is
depicted lying on a bier surrounded by mourners. Her
parents, whose figures are now sadly damaged, stand
beside the bier. 179 On another wall, the princess is rep-
resented standing in a birth bower (see pp. 99-roo). It
has been suggested that she died in childbirth, 180 but Fig. II2. Three princesses and their nurses. Drawing by Norman de
she seems too young-ten years old at most-to have Garis Davies after a relief in the tomb ofPanehsy at Amarna
borne a child, even at a time when women matured
early. 181 Considering her youth and the well-known (fig. 6) 185 inscribed "the King's daughter Meketaten"-
unwillingness of Egyptians to depict anything like the are especially poignant because of the dollhouse size of
cause of death, this scene probably expresses, in sym- the situla and the implication from the palette that the
bolic terms, a wish for her rebirth rather than the fact princess (as well as her sisters) received a scholarly edu-
that she died in childbirth. 182 In this scene Akhenaten cation. 186 A miniature alabaster vase with the applied
and Nefertiti are seen throwing their arms over their
heads in dejected mourning.
There can be no doubt that this death, which was
closely followed by the deaths of Queen Mother Tiye
(see p. 26) and the minor queen Kiya, 183 was a hard
blow to the royal family. Indeed, one might argue that
for Akhenaten himself this was the beginning of the
end, and it is probably after these deaths that Amarna
society began to show signs of growing instability: era-
sure of the names of traditional gods became frantic
(see p. 4); the positions of the female members of the
royal family changed, with Meretaten replacing Kiya
(figs. roo, ror), and Nefertiti perhaps becoming a
coruler with Akhenaten (see p. 89); and people in
places like Thebes started to express openly their dissat-
isfaction with the Aten religion (see pp. 88-89).
The Metropolitan Museum of Art owns a number
of objects that may originally have been part of the
burial of princesses and other female members of the
royal family. Two of these objects-an ivory writing
palette (fig. II4) 184 inscribed, "the King's daughter of
his flesh, his beloved Meketaten, born of the King's
ChiefWife Nefernefruaten-Nefertiti, alive forever con- Fig. 113. Inlay from a piece of furniture showing two princesses.
tinually," and a gold situla only r% inches (4.5 em) high Red glass. Petrie Museum, University College, London
Fig. n4. The writing palette of Princess Meketaten. Ivory. The Fig. u5. A princess on a lotus Bower. Glass
Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York inlays on an alabaster vase. The Metropolitan
Museum of Art, New York
figure of a "baby" princess (fig. II5r 87 can be added to Meketaten. 196 The alterations (i.e., the addition of
this group; the exquisite object was rightly called by uraei, for instance) were supposedly made either for
William C. Hayes 188 "a marvel of the lapidary's art," the King Smenkhkare 197 or King Nefernefruaten
applique being composed of tiny pieces of carnelian (Nefertiti?). 198
and glass. The princess's elegant gesture appears to sig- While the identification of the original owner of the
nify a greeting; standing on a lotus flower according to vessels themselves seems to be settled, since the primary
traditional symbolism, she embodies rebirth and reju- inscription has convincingly been shown to have been
venation. dedicated to Queen Kiya, 199 the attribution of the
More doubtful is the sometimes suggested heads has become a more complicated problem since
identification of four alabaster heads forming canopic the British Egyptologist Geoffrey T. Martin recognized
lids with one of Akhenaten's daughters. The lids were that the lids fit very awkwardly on the jars and so
found on four jars, also of Egyptian alabaster, in the might not have originally belonged to them. 200 At pres-
most controversial of all Egyptian tombs, Valley of the ent, most scholars favor one of Akhenaten's daughters
Kings tomb 55. 189 One of the jars is in the Metropolitan as the original owner-and therefore the subject-of
Museum (fig. n6); the other three are in the Egyptian the heads.
Museum, Cairo. 190 The lids and jars were altered several It is noteworthy, however, how much the facial fea-
times in antiquity. The original version of the set has been tures on these canopic lids differ from the known por-
attributed over time to almost every member of the
royal family: Queen Tiye, 191 Akhenaten, 192 Queen
Opposite: Fig. n6. Lid of a canopic jar from tomb 55 in the
Nefertiti, 193 Queen Kiya, 194 Meretaten, 195 and, most Valley of the Kings. Alabaster with stone and glass inlays. The
recently, to "any of the other" princesses except Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York
n6
traits of the princesses (figs. 46-53). The alabaster head another religious founder for whom women played a
in The Metropolitan Museum of Art (fig. u6), for comparable role. The reason for this remarkable fact
instance, lacks not just the boldness of the Thutmose lies in the ancient Egyptian culture itself. Living along
workshop creations; almost none of the characteristic the Nile surrounded by desert, Egyptians largely per-
traits of the princesses' heads are present, with the ceived their universe in terms of dualities. Agricultural
exception, perhaps, of the two diagonal muscles at the land and desert; Upper and Lower Egypt; sky and
sides of the neck and the generally triangular shape of earth; the world of the living and the underworld of
the face. Viewed from the front, the chin of the the dead: this complementarity was fundamental to
alabaster head is small and round, but in profile the ancient Egyptian life and thinking. The duality of male
jawbone is decidedly straight. The mouth is consider- and female in human existence was simply a facet of
ably smaller than the mouths of the Thutmose princesses, the general scheme. No wonder, then, that Akhenaten,
and the lower lip has a simple semicircular shape, lack- in venerating the one and only god, included his
ing the flattened central portion typically found in the female counterpart, the queen, in order to achieve
lower lips of the princesses' images. The nose of the wholeness in the solar universe.
alabaster head is long and thin and ends in prominent Given the significant role of royal women in the
nostrils, the eyes are narrow and slanting, and the Aten religion, it is remarkable that the picture of the
brows form an uneven bow with a peak above the outer royal women's personalities presented in the narrative
eyes. reliefs and paintings is so blurred. Nefertiti, Tiye, Kiya,
Looking for parallels for the shape of the jaw, lower Meretaten, and the other royal daughters and women
lip, nose, eyes, and brows of the alabaster heads, 201 only were depicted in cult rituals and ceremonies fulfilling
one masterpiece of the Amarna Period is found that their roles as guarantors of life, fertility, and rejuvena-
shares all these characteristics: the wooden head of tion. But it seems that each was able to perform
Queen Tiye (figs. 23, 26). Was Theodore Davis right these tasks more or less as well as another. It was even
after all in claiming that this is an image of Queen Tiye, possible to change the image of one woman into a rep-
rendered as rejuvenated in death by the artists who creat- resentation of another solely by altering the hairstyle
ed the funerary equipment for the royal family? 202 It is and inscription in order to transfer the identity on a
not impossible that the canopic lids buried in tomb 55 relief portrayal from one royal woman to another (see
were originally part of Queen Tiye's funerary outfit, pp. 87, 105, 106).
since her gilded shrine was found in the tomb. 203 On the political level, the attempts by historians to
Further, the writer can confirm Geoffrey Martin's obser- reconstruct the role of Queen Nefertiti during the last
vation that the body of the snake running back over the years of her husband's reign-or the ultimate fate of
top of the Metropolitan Museum's head looks original, Kiya and most of the royal daughters-have to be
not recarved. 204 This reaffirms the queenly status of the based on minute traces of evidence: details found
original owner. Moreover, another late image of Queen almost accidentally in texts and in representations
Tiye, that on the shrine stela in the British Museum whose initial purpose was not the revelation of individ-
(see p. 97), 205 also depicts her in a Nubian wig and with ual personalities or their involvement in specific events.
youthful facial features. Perhaps, after all the The resulting historical picture remains obscure and
identifications that have been affixed to the alabaster open to continuous debate.
heads, one should not jump hastily to yet another con- However, the situation changes when one turns to
clusion, but at present Queen Tiye again seems a likely the art itself, especially sculptures in the round. No one
candidate. can challenge the fact that these works depict a number
of remarkable women: we have come to know every
SUMMARY bone and muscle in the faces of Queen Tiye and
By now the reader will have realized that femininity Nefertiti. The sculptures from the Thutmose workshop
was of crucial importance to Akhenaten-not simply even allow us to gauge the impact of time on Nefertiti's
on a personal level but as basic to the structure of his face and body. It is true that these images, to a certain
thinking and his faith. Indeed, it is difficult to name extent, depict types rather than individuals. In the
n8
princesses' sculptures (figs. 46-53), for instance, a type Dynasty, now in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, and
is predominantly represented-the young adolescent the images of the Twelfth Dynasty pharaohs Senwosret
female-that could be used without much alteration to III and Amenemhat III are well-known examples. The
portray more than one royal daughter. Similarly, the wooden head of Queen Tiye and the images from the
yellow jasper fragment (figs. 27, 29) depicted a certain Thutmose workshop certainly belong to that tradition.
type of woman, the sensuous beauty. The basically The Amarna works, however, stand out from their pre-
nonrealistic character of the image underlies the decessors for two reasons: the rendering of natural fea-
difficulty in identifying this impressive female. One tures was never before performed with such subtlety
could even argue that each representation of Nefertiti and understanding and the Amarna works predomi-
depicts a distinctive female type: the softly beautiful nantly represent women. Previously, individualizing
queen (figs. 66, 67), the ruler (figs. 31, 65), the experi- portraiture featured mainly male subjects.
enced older woman (figs. 68, 69, 71, 81), and the mon- Significantly, the subtly naturalistic Amarna images
ument destined for posterity (figs. 72, 74). of king, queen, and royal daughters did not evolve in a
In rendering the wise old woman, Amarna artists smooth transition from the sensitive art of the time of
used artistic formulas previously derived from earlier Amenhotep III. The earliest portrayals were expression-
depictions of wise old men (p. 30). The queen mother istic, intentionally ugly and distorted. Close observa-
Tiye was first represented in the role (figs. 23, 26) and tion of natural forms was not the driving force. Rather,
then Queen Nefertiti (fig. 71). But the shift does not it was the wish to transcend the human sphere and
mean that the images of the two women were inter- depict the superhuman in the pharaoh and his queen.
changeable. On the contrary, there is no doubt about The distortions in these early works of the Amarna
the identity of the two queens: Tiye is known for the Period were too foreign to Egyptian culture to last. So,
triangular shape of her face, and her full mouth with its after the move to Amarna, an astonishing process of
downturned corners; Nefertiti, for the finely modeled readjustment set in. Under the influence of newly
features with the telltale condyloid process in front of recruited artists from the Amarna region and Memphis,
her ear. An elongated skull and a hump at the back of the style softened and became lively and organic.
the neck characterize the princesses' images. Gradually, it acquired a new balance, a specific light-
Whether these traits define human types or individ- ness and subtlety, and a dedication to naturalism with-
uals, it is clear that they are derived from astonishingly out losing the intensity and general boldness of
close observation of nature. We can never be absolutely approach that were hallmarks of the early style.
sure whether Nefertiti actually shared the prominent That this stylistic transformation was related to the
knuckle in front of her ear with her husband or final formulation of the Aten creed is a possibility that can-
whether artists used it to indicate the close relationship not be dismissed. James P. Allen has described (pp. 3-4)
of king and queen (p. 74). But the feature is a naturally how, around Years 8-12, Akhenaten abandoned the last
occurring phenomenon that can be-and surely was- vestiges of traditional mythology and affirmed that the
observed on human beings. We cannot know whether true object of his worship was light itsel£ This ultimate
Nefertiti had dimples in her lower cheeks, as seen in definition of the Aten religion is roughly contempora-
the yellow quartzite head (figs. 66, 67), but any woman neous with the early works of the Thutmose workshop,
could have such dimples, an endearing personal feature. and there can be no doubt that light was a decisive fac-
Egyptian artists were superb observers of natural tor in the Amarna artists' depiction of facial features
forms, as seen in their precise depictions of animals. and the careful attention they gave to the interplay
But in the representations of humans, stylized form among bone structure, flesh, and skin. Egypt's light is
was generally preferred and naturalistically rendered not the illusory light of Western art but an overwhelm-
details were subordinate to this overall scheme. At vari- ing brightness that causes all objects to stand out with
ous periods, however, more personalized images were unremitting clarity. It is-as a text in the tomb of Ay
created. The bust of Ankhhaf from the Fourth says-the presence of god "in our faces."
119
YOUTH AND OLD AGE·
THE POST-AMARNA PERIOD
DOROTHEA ARNOLD
W
hat remained after the glory of Amarna ored bands evidently decorated the surface of the col-
was gone? After the burial sites of king, lar: part of a yellow band and the remains of a broader
queens, and princesses had been desecrat- blue band close to the side lock are preserved. The face
ed and their funerary objects hopelessly intermingled, has the same triangular shape as those of the Thutmose
after the cult in the temples had come to an end and workshop princesses (figs. 46-53), and below the large
the artists and craftsmen had returned to the old mouth with full lips, which are outlined by the sharply
Egyptian capitals of Memphis or Thebes? Three female cut edge of the vermilion line, the small chin droops in
images of limestone demonstrate some of the stylistic the same manner. But the Louvre princess's round, soft
developments in post-Amarna art. The first, now in the cheeks lack the strong bone structure that is character-
Louvre, consists of the head, shoulders, and breasts of a istic of the Thutmose princesses. Her face is broader
statuette (figs. II7-I9, no. 31) representing an adoles- and flatter than any we have yet encountered from the
cent girl, probably a princess. The second piece, in Amarna Period. The wide area between the cheekbones
Philadelphia, is a headless statuette (fig. I2I, no. 37), and contrasts with the relatively short distance from the
the third work, in Florence, depicts a mature woman cheekbones to the edge of the hair. The impression that
(fig. 122, no. 38). this flat face is reminiscent of masklike pre-Amarna
The Louvre princess is depicted wearing the familiar female images (see p. 72; figs. 63, 64) is further strength-
pleated linen dress with ends knotted below the breast. ened by the thick black lines that encircle the eyes and
A large capelike collar covers her shoulders and an elab- by the treatment of the painted eyebrows. Thick brush-
orate wig surrounds her small heart-shaped face. The strokes delineate the bushy brows that extend from the
wig consists of two parts: a tightly fitting cap of rectan- bridge of the nose to above the outer corners of the
gular echeloned curls and, on her right side, a massive eyes, but the downward-curving ends at the temples are
side lock that begins at the top of the head as a flat tri- treated as thin, taillike appendages that echo the short
angular piece, thickens at about the height of the ear, cosmetic lines above.
and hangs down over the shoulder almost to the breast. The eyes themselves are naturally shaped and rather
The hair of the upper part of the lock is curled in a flat; the lower lids are simply defined, whereas the upper
zigzag pattern; below, the hairpiece ends in thicker lids, set off from the flesh above them by shallow grooves,
tubelike coils. Above the ear, a broad band holds the are flattened so that vertical bands of uneven width
lock in place. As seen in the profile view (fig. n9), the hood the tops of the eyes. 1 A similar kind of upper eyelid,
side lock does not hang straight but sweeps forward more angular and more precisely cut, is found in the
over the shoulder, creating an impression of movement. early Karnak colossi of Akhenaten and Nefertiti (figs. 2,
The face and neck of the young woman were 9). At the very end of the Amarna Period and thereafter
smoothed with a thin layer of gesso and then painted (figs. 73, uo), the vertical edges of the flattened upper
brownish yellow. The hair was painted with a gritty lids appeared frequently, albeit in a more softly shaped
black pigment; the eyelids, eyebrows, pupils, and the version and in connection with eyes less narrowly slitted
edges of the collar were outlined in black. Brightly col- than those of the Karnak period of Akhenaten's reign.
Now as then, this feature adds a measure of artificiality
and remoteness to the somewhat dreamy gaze of the eyes. 2
Opposite: Fig. II7. Upper part of a statuette. Painted limestone. Stylistic peculiarities, like the frontality of the Louvre
Musee du Louvre, Paris princess's face or the flattened upper eyelids, date the
I2I
piece to the years after Akhenaten's death, perhaps

during the early years of Tutankhamun's reign. This
dating is corroborated by a comparison with the head
of King Tutankhamun in The Metropolitan Museum
of Art (fig. 120). 3 The king's eyes are larger and his
brow ridges more sharply delineated, but the overall
shape of the face and the eyes and mouth are very close
to those of the princess. Compared with the
Metropolitan Museum's Tutankhamun, however, the
princess is still closer to Amarna art. Especially when
seen in profile (fig. n9), the drooping chin, full mouth,
and receding upper part of her face are unmistakably
Amarnesque (figs. 23, 26, 46-48). It is also noteworthy
that the head of the princess with its heavy hairstyle is
balanced on an extremely thin neck. Such expressive use
of contrasts in mass and weight was typical of Amarna
art from the beginning (figs. ro, n, 17). Thus, a date
slightly earlier than that of the Metropolitan Museum's
Tutankhamun's is indicated for the Louvre princess. 4
The similarities between the Louvre princess and
the head of Tutankhamun suggest that the Louvre
piece was carved in a Theban workshop. At the back of
Tutankhamun's crown, the hand of the god Amun is Fig. u8. Bust of a princess. Painted limestone.
preserved, indicating that this head was part of a group Musee du Louvre, Paris
statue that combined the supreme god of Thebes with

a smaller figure of the king. 5 Such a sculptural group
was almost certainly made for one of the Theban a mass of stone extending from the back pillar supports
Amun sanctuaries. Works closely parallel to the Louvre the arm and hand in their raised position, and the back
young woman, moreover, are found among the objects pillar itself slopes down from behind the arm to a point
from the tomb ofTutankhamun. 6 at the side of the left leg and foot.
The complete figure of the young woman in the The surface of the stone on the sloping left-hand
Louvre can be reconstructed with the help of a fine head- side of the back pillar is roughened in a manner already
less statuette now in the University Museum, University seen on the Petrie torso (fig. 104), indicating that the
of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia (fig. 121, no. 37).l This figure was part of a group. Similar figures among the
young woman is also portrayed in a thin, pleated dress group sculptures at Amarna (figs. 21, 22, 103, n2, pp. 24,
with one short sleeve around her upper right arm; the 26, ro8-ro) might lead one to deduce that she touched
longer end of the garment covers the left arm down to a figure on her left with her raised hand. 8 In short: this
the elbow, and again a knot is tied below the right figure represents a princess and formed part of another
breast. A broad, close-fitting collar covers the shoul- group image of the Amarna royal family. The Louvre
ders, and on the right shoulder the lower end of a side quartzite torso (figs. 21, 22) has already shown that
lock is preserved. In contrast to the Louvre princess, princesses were not always represented as very young
this woman's hairpiece lacks the tubelike coils of hair nude children but also as adult women wearing garments
and ends with a simple cut edge of zigzag strands. The (see pp. 24, 26, 6o). Indeed, most reliefs depict the
Philadelphia woman's right arm hangs at her side; the daughters of Akhenaten and Nefertiti wearing garments
back of the hand faces forward in the manner familiar and a side lock, as in the Louvre and Philadelphia lime-
from the Berlin statuette of Queen Nefertiti (fig. 68; stone statuettes.
see p. 79). Her left arm is bent upward from the elbow; Despite the Philadelphia figure's similarities to rep-
THE Posr-AMARNA PERIOD
tures in the round and later reliefs, 10 from the quartzite

torso in the Louvre (fig. 22) to the torso in the Petrie
Museum (fig. 105), the area is softly rounded. In the
statuette ofNefertiti in Berlin (fig. 68), a certain triangu-
lar abstraction already occurs, increased, no doubt, by the
presence of a thin garment. A degree of stylization similar
to that of the Philadelphia statuette appears only in the
post-Amarna phase. From that time, the figures of the four
protective goddesses from the tomb of Tutankhamun,
for instance, show a similarly abstracted albeit more
graphically defined treatment of the pubic area. u
Since the Philadelphia statuette unmistakably exhibits
elements found in the art created after Akhenaten's
death, the sculptural group to which it belonged was
probably one of the very last representations of
Akhenaten's family or a group accompanying figures of
Smenkhkare or Tutankhamun. 12 Similarities to the
Philadelphia statuette strongly suggest that the Louvre
figure also represents a princess, but, as usual, it is
impossible to assign names to either of these young
Fig. u9. Bust of a princess. Painted limestone.

Musee du Louvre, Paris
resentations of Akhenaten's daughters, like the Louvre

torso (figs. 21, 22), the work diverges stylistically from
these earlier pieces. The width of the chest in relation
to the width of the hips and the more natural distance
between breasts and shoulders date the Philadelphia
princess to the late years of Amarna art. Moreover, the
large broad collar that follows the contours of the
shoulders and breasts is most familiar from works of
the very end of the Amarna Period (see figs. 68, 69, 71). 9
The Philadelphia statuette also shares important char-
acteristics with the Louvre's limestone piece (figs. 117-19),
such as the finely detailed side lock and a notable
degree of artificiality and stylization. This is especially
noticeable in the rendering of the pubic area of the
Philadelphia statuette.
The rendering of the pubic area has its own history
in Amarna art. In a number of reliefs carved during the
earlier years of Akhenaten's residence at Amarna, a rather
harshly abstracted triangle appears (figs. 15, 30), and the
Fig. 120. Head ofTutankhamun from a group showing him with
same is true for at least some of the early boundary ste- the god Amun. Indurated limestone. The Metropolitan Museum
lae statues of princesses (see pp. 20, 6o, no). In sculp- of Art, New York
123
of youth. This dominating expression of delicate sweet-

ness first appeared in pre-Amarna art, during the reign
of Akhenaten's father, King Amenhotep III, and the
Louvre princess definitely shares characteristics with
works of that time, especially with representations of
Amenhotep and Tiye's eldest daughter, Sitamun. 13
Perhaps these trends never completely disappeared in
workshops outside Amarna and were ready to emerge
again after Akhenaten's death.
As players in the complex political situation that
prevailed after Akhenaten's death, childlike young
princesses, such as the one depicted in the Louvre stat-
uette, would have been hopelessly lost. Therefore, the
young queen who wrote a letter to the Hittite king
Shuppiluliumash must have been of different caliber.
"My husband has died," she is reported by the Hittites
to have written, "and I have no son. They say about
you that you have many sons. You might give me one
of your sons, and he might become my husband. I
would not want to take one of my servants. I am loath
to make him my husband." And later, "He will be my
husband and king in the country of Egypt." But this
attempt by a royal woman to play a role in the politics
of the day failed; the Hittite prince who was sent to
Egypt in response to these letters disappeared on the
way, 14 and there are no Egyptian sources describing the
incident, or any other like it. However, numerous
sources from the reigns of King Tutankhamun and his
successor, King Ay, attest to the rise of the man who was
to become King Haremhab. At this time, Haremhab was
still, as his coronation inscription in the Egyptian
Museum, Turin, describes it, "'widen[ing] his stride' until
Fig. 121. Statuette of a princess. Limestone. University the day of his receiving his office would come." But "all
Museum, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia his plans were as the footsteps of the Ibis [the animal
representing the god of wisdom, Thoth] .... So he was
administering the Two Lands for a period of many
women. Meketaten was dead and Meretaten and years . . . his awesomeness being great in the sight of
Ankhesenpaaten had become queens, so we are left everybody." 15 Considering the historically decisive
with the names of the three remaining daughters, political developments of the day, with state institutions
Nefernefruaten-Tasherit, Nefernefrure, and Setepenre, such as the temples and the army being reorganized
three princesses about whom we know almost nothing. during a general reshuffling of power and the Hittites
In many respects the female images depicted in to be dealt with on the foreign front, an image like the
works like the Philadelphia and Louvre statuettes, one of the sweet little princess in the Louvre (figs. 117-19)
characterized by flat faces, richly detailed adornment, reveals a significant degree of escapism and the resigned
and a degree of artificiality, represent a return to pre- melancholy that goes with such attitudes. 16
Amarna ways of portraying women. The Louvre princess Of a limestone statue representing a mature woman,
expresses, above all, an inherent sense of the sweetness now in the Archaeological Museum, Florence (fig. 122,
THE PosT-AMARNA PERIOD
no. 38), only the upper half is preserved. The woman well rounded and no furrows mar the area around her
was originally seated on a chair, the back of which is mouth. The sculptor avoided the deeply lined features
partly preserved, although not visible from the front. and sagging flesh the Amarna artists had used in pro-
She wears the familiar thin, pleated linen garment and, ducing their images of the older Nefertiti (fig. 71)
around the shoulders, a broad collar decorated with and-even more daring-the gypsum plaster head of
various plants and flowers carved in relief The fringe of an old woman (fig. 36) from the workshop ofThutmose.
the garment falls over her bent left arm, and the left hand But the Florence image undoubtedly owes its accentu-
rested just under the right breast. A lotus flower was held ated bone structure, lean cheeks, sinewed neck, and
in the now-destroyed left hand, and a bracelet decorat- soft flesh around the mouth and eyes to the artist's
ed with a zigzag pattern is incised on her left arm. thorough knowledge of such Amarna works. This
An elaborate, enveloping wig covers the head and becomes especially evident when one compares the
shoulders. At the back, the top layer of hair is gathered gypsum plaster head (fig. 36) with the Florence woman.
into three braids that overlay the mass of the rest of the The outlines of jaw, cheekbones, and forehead are very
wig, a style seen on the early Amarna Period Metropolitan similar in the two works, and the masterfully modeled
Museum statuette (fig. 20). Like the wig of the stat- soft flesh around the eyes of the plaster head is echoed
uette and the side lock of the Louvre princess, the wig in the more stylized eyes and lids of the Florence figure.
of the woman in Florence consists of fine, curly strands However, the post-Amarna sculptor of the woman in
of hair that are twisted together at the lower end into Florence combined Amarna influences with pre-
thick coils. At either side of the face, still finer hair has Amarna traditions by reintroducing a degree of styliza-
been collected into two separate crescent-shaped hair- tion. Under her enormous wig, the Florence woman is
pieces that end in tightly twisted thicker curls. A gar-
land of flower petals and roundels encircles the top of
the imposing wig.
The most remarkable part of this image is the face.
Viewed from the side it seems rather flat, but when
viewed frontally it is revealed as richly sculptured and
possessing considerable depth, because the finely
detailed neck is set back into the shadow created by the
two massive side parts of the wig. Above the thin
sinewed neck is a face with a square jaw, strong high
cheekbones, and boldly carved brow ridges. The elon-
gated cheeks are hollow, and the firmly closed, thin-
lipped mouth with only the vestige of a smile is
surrounded by taut skin and musculature; the eyes,
embedded in looser flesh, seem moist. The thinly
rimmed lower lids droop slightly and the upper lids are
furrowed by double folds. The upper lids extend con-
siderably over the eyeballs and, especially near the inner
corners, they are noticeably undercut. Since the eye-
balls are slightly oblique, the eyes appear to be looking
downward. The brows are rounded and bushy and cast
deep shadows on the areas above the inner corners of
the eyes, deepening the thoughtful expression on the
woman's face.
Thoughtful eyes, hollow cheeks, a slight double
chin, and a sinewed neck characterize the woman in
Fig. 122. Upper part of a seated statue of a woman. Limestone. II
Florence as advanced in age, although her breasts are Regio Museo Archeologico, Florence
125
Fig. 123. Detail from the shrine stela (fig. 93). Musee du Louvre, Paris
characterized by the demure reticence typical of Egyptian the woman named Merit and the pair statue with her
female images since the Old Kingdom. Only in subtle husband, Maya, both now in the Rijksmuseum, Leiden,
indications of natural folds and furrows in the face and the Netherlands 17 -the Florence woman was created at
by the play of light and shadow on the richly detailed Memphis, probably for a tomb at Saqqara. Its close
hair and around the neck, breasts, and arms are the relation to the Saqqara statues also places the woman's
tensions and complexities of personality and life experi- image within the artistic development of the period.
ence hinted at rather than expressed under the placid Maya, Merit's husband, was treasurer under King
surface of the traditional female imagery. Tutankhamun, 18 and during that king's reign or imme-
There is a significant relationship between the signs diately after, the Florence woman must have been
of old age in the individualized face of the Florence carved. The stylistic similarities between her statue and
woman and the rich plant motifs on the collar and the the sculptures from the tomb of Maya on the one hand,
oversized lotus flower in her hand. This seated figure of and Amarna art on the other, indicate that some pupils
a woman was certainly meant to be placed in her tomb of the master sculptors of Amarna must have found
chapel. Flowers, especially the lotus, were always a pow- their way back to Memphis. They brought with them
erful symbol of resurrection for the ancient Egyptians. the impressive legacy of images of female personality
Judging from the type of limestone used and from and life experience that were first conceived for the
stylistically related works-chiefly, the single statue of queens, princesses, and court women of Amarna.
Opposite: Fig. 124. Statuette of a female. Wood. Private collection

CHECKLIST OF THE EXHIBITION
Absolute dates are the ones used in The Metropolitan Museum ofArt Egyptian galleries, following a chronology accepted at present
by the majority ofscholars. Regnal year dates refer to the seventeen-year reign ofAmenhotep IV I Akhenaten (ca. 1353-1336 B. C.);
they are based on available sources and the art-historical interpretations put forward in the present publication. The term "Years
8-12" refers to the change ofthe Aten snames that happened during this time span but cannot be narrowed to a single year. Year
dates for works ofart should be understood as a means oforientation rather than as a precise statement ofthe time ofexecution.
1. Head of Queen Tiye nostrils, on forehead, ears, and neck; gypsum plaster(?)
repair on top tenon
Medinet el-Ghurab, Years 6-8
H. 30 em (n% in.)
Yew and acacia wood; sheet silver, gold, linen, wax and glue,
blue glass beads; eyes inlaid with white and black glass in Agyptisches Museum und Papyrussammlung, Staatliche
ebony rims; brows inlaid with wood and painted black; Museen zu Berlin (inv. no. 21 220)
red pigment on lips, around nostrils, and possibly on neck
Bibl.: Aldred 1973, pp. 170-71, no. 99; Priese, ed. 1991,
H. 9·5 em (3% in.) pp. IIO- II, no. 67
(Figs. 66, 67; pp. 74-77)
A.gyptisches Museum und Papyrussammlung, Staadiche
Bibl.: Kaiser 1967, p. 61, no. 676; Aldred 1973, p. 105, 3· Head of Queen Nefertiti
no. 19 Tell el-Amarna, workshop ofThutmose, ca. Year 17
(Figs. 23, 26; pp. 27-35)
Granodiorite; red pigment on lips and area prepared for
crown
Accompanied by:
H. 23 em (9 Yl6 in.)
Part of a crown
Medinet el-Ghurab, probably late Eighteenth Dynasty, Museen zu Berlin (inv. no. 21 358)
ca. 1336-1300 B.c.
Bibl.: Priese, ed. 1991, pp. n2-13, no. 68
Wood; gesso; black pigment on horns; yellow and blue (Figs. 41, 72, 74; pp. 79-83)
pigment on sun disk; feathers gilded
H. 13 em (5Ys in.)
4· Statuette of Queen Nefertiti
Tell el-Amarna, workshop ofThutmose, Years, 14-17
Limestone; red pigment on lips; black pigment on brows,
Bibl.: Borchardt 19n, p. q, fig. 21
around eyes, and as indication for the upper and lower
(Not illustrated; p. 32)
edges of the collar
H. 40 em (15% in.)
2. Head of Queen Nefertiti
Tell el-Amarna, workshop ofThutmose, Years 14-17 Museen zu Berlin (inv. no. 21 263)
Yellow quartzite; red pigment on lips and area prepared Bibl.: Priese, ed. 1991, pp. 108-9, no. 66
for crown; black pigment on brows, around eyes and (Figs. 68, 69, JI; pp. 77-79)
129
CHECKLIST OF THE ExHIBITION
5. Head of a princess 8. Fragmentary shrine stela showing Akhenaten and

Nefertiti
After Years 8-12
Brown quartzite; red pigment on lips; black pigment on
ears and neck Limestone; remains of gesso and blue, yellow, and red
pigment
H. 21 em (874 in.)
H. I2 em (4% in.)
Museen zu Berlin (inv. no. 21 223) Agyptisches Museum und Papyrussammlung, Staatliche
Museen zu Berlin (inv. no. 14 )II)
Bibl.: Aldred 1973, p. r6o; Priese, ed. 1991, pp. II4-I),
no. 69 Bibl.: Priese, ed. 1991, pp. 105-6
(Figs. 46-48; pp. 52-58) (Fig. 98; p. I04)
9· Fragment with the head of Queen Nefertiti from

6. Shrine stela with relief showing Akhenaten, Akhenaten's sarcophagus
Nefertiti, and Princesses Meretaten, Meketaten, and
Tell el-Armana, Royal Tomb, ca. Years 8-12
Ankhesenpaaten
Granite
Before Years 8-12
H. 29 em (nli in.), max. W. 14 em (5}6 in.)
Limestone
H. 32.5 em (u% in.), W. 39 em (r5% in.)
Inscribed: names and epithets of the Aten (earlier
Bibl.: Martin 1974, 1989, vol. r, pp. I)-16, pl. 20, no. 2
version); names of king, queen, and daughters. After the
(Fig. 85; pp. 94-95)
name ofNefertiti, the inscription reads: "May she live
and be made young forever continually."
Agyptisches Museum und Papyrussammlung, Staatliche 10. Face of a young woman

Museen zu Berlin (inv. no. 14 145) Tell el-Amarna, workshop ofThutmose, Years 14-17
Bibl.: Aldred 1973, p. 102, no. r6; Settgast 1983, Gypsum plaster
pp. 88-89;Murnane1995,p. 87
(Figs. 8, 88, 9I, 97; pp. 96-Ioo) H. 24 em (91i in.)
7· Votive stela with two kings dedicated by the Bibl.: Aldred 1973, p. r82, no. ru; Settgast 1983,
soldier Pasi pp. 8o-8r
(Fig. 37; pp. 47-48)
Before Years 8-12
Limestone
u. Face of an old woman
H. 21 em (874 in.), W. r6 em (674 in.)
Inscribed: dedicated by the soldier of [the division], [the
Gypsum plaster
king] appearing as right order, Pasi
H. 27 em (wYs in.)
Museen zu Berlin (inv. no. 17 813) Agyptisches Museum und Papyrussammlung, Staatliche
Museen zu Berlin (inv. no. 21 26r)
Bibl.: Aldred 1973, p. r84, no. n4; Priese, ed. 1991,
pp. n8-r9 Bibl.: Priese, ed. 1991, pp. 124-25
(Fig. 84; pp. 90-9I) (Fig. 36; pp. 47-48)
130
12. Torso of a princess 16. Torso from the statuette of a princess
Years 6-8 Tell el-Amarna, after Years 8-12
Red quartzite; two holes drilled in ancient times, one still filled Reddish brown quartzite
with a metal pin, attest to repair work done to the right arm
H. 15.3 em (6 in.)
H. 29.4 em (n~ in.)
Petrie Museum, University College, London (UC 002)
Musee du Louvre, Paris (E 25 409)
Bibl.: Aldred 1973, pp. r62-63, no. 90; Samson 1978,
Bibl.: Aldred 1973, p. ro8, no. 22; Ziegler 1990, p. 51 pp. 24-26,figs. 8a, 8b
(Figs. 2I, 22; pp. 28-29) (Figs. I04-7; pp. I08-Io)
13. Upper part of a statuette of a princess 17. Relief fragment with Nefertiti in Nubian wig,
offering
Reign ofTutankhamun, ca. 1336-1327 B.c.
Tell el-Amarna, possibly the Great Aten Temple, after
Limestone; red, blue, green, yellow, and black pigments
Years 8-12
H. 15-4 em (6r;G in.)
Red quartzite
Musee du Louvre, Paris (E 14 715)
H. 15.2 em (6 in.), W ro em (3Ys in.)
Bibl.: Boreux 1938, pp. r-25; Aldred 1951, p. 79, pl. rq;
Petrie Museum, University College, London (UC 040)
Ziegler 1990, p. 50
(Figs. II7-I9; pp. I2I-24) Bibl.: Samson 1978, pp. 49-50, fig. 24
(Fig. 77; pp. 8s-86, 95)
14. Fragment of a stela showing Akhenaten with

Nefertiti and the children on his lap 18. Relief fragment with Nefertiti or Tiye wearing
horned sun-disk crown and feathers
Tell el-Amarna (from an unspecified house),
Years 14-17 Tell el-Amarna, probably from the Great Palace,
Years 6-8
Limestone; remains of white pigment on garments and
red pigment on bodies Indurated limestone
H. 24.7 em (9% in.), W 34 em (13% in.) H. 12.5 em (5 in.)

Musee du Louvre, Paris (E n 624) Petrie Museum, University College, London (UC 038)
Bibl.: Petrie 1894, pp. 40-41, pl. r, no. r6; Aldred 1973, Bibl.: Aldred 1973, p. n5, no. 29; Samson 1978,
p. 134, no. 56 pp. 41-42, fig. r8
(Figs. 93, I23; pp. I03-4) (Fig. 5,. pp. 9, 22, 27)
15. Relief with two female figures: Nefertiti and 19. Relief fragment showing a queen, probably
Princess Meretaten(?) Nefertiti, wearing a tripartite wig and a sash
Tell el-Amarna, Years 14-17 (found at Hermopolis) Temple of the god Ptah, Memphis, Years 6-8
Limestone; remains of white gesso and red and black Limestone; red pigment on face and body
pigment
H. 20 em (7/il in.), W r8.5 em (7X in.)
H. 22 em (8Ys in.), W 49·5 em (19~ in.)
Petrie Museum, University College, London
Musee du Louvre, Paris (E 27 150) (UC 073)
Bibl.: Desroches-Noblecourt 1978, pp. 20-27 Bibl.: Samson 1978, pp. 45-46, fig. 21
(Fig. 82; pp. 9I-93) (Fig. I8; pp. 22-23)
CHECKLIST oF THE ExHIBITION
20. Sculptor's trial piece with head of Nefertiti in tall, 24. Fragment from a column showing Nefertiti and
flat-topped crown, wearing ear ornament Princess Meretaten offering to the Aten
Tell el-Amarna, ca. Years 8-12 Tell el-Amarna, probably from the Great Palace,
Years 6-8
Limestone; black pigment
Limestone; traces of red and blue pigment
H. 8.7 em (3% in.), W 7·5 em (3 in.)
H. 36.2 em (14Yi in.), W 30 em (rr% in.), D. 12.8 em (5 in.)
Petrie Museum, University College, London (UC orr)
Inscribed: Lady of the Two Lands Nefernefruaten
Bibl.: Aldred 1973, p. 136, no. 59; Samson 1978, pp. 42-43,
Nefertiti, alive forever continually (behind queen); Lady
fig. 19; for the ear ornament, see T. Davis et al. 1910,
of the Two Lands Nefernefruaten ... (in front). Rare
pl. 33
accoutrements of flat-topped crown: horizontal (sheep)
(Fig. 8o)
horns, sun disk, and plumes
Ashmolean Museum, Oxford (1893.1-41 [71])

21.Inlay from a piece of furniture showing two
princesses Bibl.: Aldred 1973, p. rr6, no. 31
(Figs. IS, IJ; p. 24)
Mter Years 8-12
Red glass, molded, parts applied; traces of sculpting

25. Fragment from a column showing the royal family
H. 9 em (31i in.), W 4·5 em (1% in.), D .. 8 cm(X6 in.) offering
Petrie Museum, University College, London (UC 2235) Tell el-Amarna, Great Palace, area of mud-brick walls,
ca. Years 8-12
Bibl.: Samson 1978, p. 74
(Fig. IIJ; p. ns) Limestone
H. 24 em (9Ji in.), W 28 em (rr in.)

22. Female face, probably from a piece of furniture Inscribed: remains of names and epithets of Akhenaten
Mter Years 8-12 and Meretaten
Glass inlay, originally red Ashmolean Museum, Oxford (1893.1-41 [75])
H. 3.1 em (1X in.), W 2.8 em (1Ys in.), D .. 6 em (X in.) Bibl.: Aldred 1973, p. 127, no. 49
(Fig. 30; p. 38)
(UC 22078)
26. Fragment from a column showing Nefertiti
Bibl.: Samson 1978, pp. 75-76, fig. 45 (ii)
offering flowers
(Fig. 87; p. 95)
Tell el-Amarna, probably from the Great Palace, after
Years 8-12
23. Part of the wig from a composite statue
Limestone; remains of gesso and red and blue pigment
Tell el-Amarna
H. 18.5 em (7X in.), W 30.5 em (12 in.)
Granodiorite; broken on the front edge behind the
uraeus, at the top of the head, and on the back edge; Ashmolean Museum, Oxford (1893.1-41 [171])
inside hollowed and smooth Bibl.: Aldred 1973, p. 128, no. 50
H. 25.5 em (ro in.), W 13.5 em (5Yi in.) (Fig. 75; p. 86)

(UC 076) 27. Relief with the head of the minor queen Kiya,
later changed into Princess Meretaten
Bibl.: Samson 1973, p. 56, pl. 28
(Fig. s6; p. 62) Tell el-Amarna, after Years 8-12 (found at Hermopolis)
Limestone; red, yellow, and blue pigment, apparently 31. Fragment from a column showing Nefertiti,
partly applied in modern times behind Akhenaten, offering a bouquet of flowers to
theAten
H. 24 em (9~ in.), W. 51.2 em (2oX in.)
Tell el-Amarna, before Years 8-12 (found at Hermopolis)
Inscribed: the King's Daughter of his flesh, his
beloved ... Meretaten Limestone
Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek, Copenhagen (AE.I.N. 1776) H. 23.5 em (9X in.), W. 37·7 em (14% in.)
Bibl.: Cooney 1965, p. 34; ]0rgensen 1992, pp. 8-9, The Brooklyn Museum, Charles Edwin Wilbour Fund
12-13, fig. 6 (7!.89)
(Fig. IOO; p. I06)
Bibl.: Aldred 1973, p. II2, no. 26
(Fig. 76; p. Bs)
28. Fragment with the faces of Akhenaten and the
minor queen Kiya as changed into Princess Meretaten
32. Relief showing Nefertiti offering
Tell el-Amarna, after years 8-12 (found at Hermopolis)
Karnak, Years 2-5
Limestone; red and blue pigment, apparently partly
Sandstone; traces of red and blue pigment
applied in modern times
H. 20.9 em (8X in.), W. 42.3 em (r6Ys in.)
H. 23 em (9 in.)
Inscribed: [of] his [body] Meret[aten] (at the queen's
Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek, Copenhagen (AE.I.N. 1797)
back) refers to Nefertiti's daughter, who stands behind her.
Bibl.: Roeder 1969, p. 157, no. 189, pl. 198, ]0rgensen
The Brooklyn Museum, Gift of Christos G. Bastis in
1992, pp. 5-6, 12
honor of Bernard V. Bothmer (78.39)
(Fig. 79; pp. 8J, I05)
Bibl.: Aldred 1973, p. III, no. 25
(Fig. IO; pp. I8-I9)
29. Fragment from a colossal head of Amenhotep N
Karnak, Years 2-5

33· Two adjoining blocks from a relief representation
Sandstone of royal barges; on the cabin wall Nefertiti is depicted
slaying a female enemy
H. 32.2 em (12% in.)
Tell el-Amarna, after Years 8-12 (found at Hermopolis)
Staatliche Sammlung Agyptischer Kunst, Munich (AS 6290)
Limestone; blue and red pigment, partly applied in
Bibl.: Schoske 1993, p. 32, no. 27
modern times
(Fig. I; pp. IJ-I8)
Upper block: H. 23.9 em (9% in.), W. 54 em (2rX in.)
Lower block: H. 23.4 em (9X in.), W. 53.1 em (20/s in.)
30. Sculptor's model showing the heads of Akhenaten Museum of Fine Arts, Boston; upper block: Egyptian
and Nefertiti Curator's Fund (64.521); lower block: Helen and Alice
Tell el-Amarna, Years 14-17 Colborn Fund (63.260)
Limestone; traces of red pigment Bibl.: Aldred 1973, p. 135, no. 57

(not illustrated; p. 85)
H. 15.7 em (6:X6 in.), W. 22.1 em (8% in.), D. 4.2 em
(r% in.)
34· Relief fragment with the head of a princess
The Brooklyn Museum, Gift of the Estate of Charles
Edwin Wilbour (r6.48) Tell el-Amarna, Broad Hall of the Great Palace, Years 6-8
Bibl.: Aldred 1973, pp. 190-91, no. 121 Limestone; red and blue pigment, the latter in the
(Fig. 8I; pp. 89-90) inscription
133
CHECKLIST OF THE EXHIBITION
H. 19 em (7~ in.) 38. Upper part of a seated statue of a woman
Inscribed: the wish "alive forever continually" applies to Late Eighteenth Dynasty, ca. 1336-1300 B.c.
Nefertiti, who was depicted at the left.
Limestone
H. 50 em (19% in.)
Fund (37.1)
II Regio Museo Archeologico di Firenze (inv. no. 5626)
Bibl.: Aldred 1973, p. n8, no. 33
(Fig. I09; p. II2) Bibl.: Wenig 1969, p. 51, ill. p. 76
(Fig. I22; pp. I24-26)
35· Relief fragment from a column showing the royal

couple and Meretaten offering 39· Relief showing Nefertiti offering
Tell el-Amarna, before Years 8-12 (found at Hermopolis) Karnak, Years 2-5
Limestone; traces of red and blue pigment Sandstone; traces of red and blue pigment
H. 22.4 em (8% in.), eire. 59·5 em (23}j in.) H. 20 em (7Ys in.), W 45 em (q% in.)
Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, MaryS. and Edward]. Inscribed: ... of his body, his beloved Meretaten (refers
Holmes Fund (67.637) to the figure of the princess who followed the queen).
Bibl.: Aldred 1973, p. 103, no. 17 Collection of Jack Josephson, New York
(Fig. II; pp. I8-I9)
40. Relief showing Akhenaten as a sphinx

36. Relief fragment (from a parapet?) with the name
of Akhenaten and a princess with raised hands Years 6-8
Tell el-Amarna, brick part of the Great Palace, Limestone; traces of red in rays, blue on the sphinx's body
ca. Years 8-12
H. 58.5 em (23 in.), W 92.5 em (36% in.)
Granite
Inscribed: the inscription contains the names and epi-
H. 10.5 em (4Ys in.), W 13.8 em (5/'16 in.) thets of the Aten (early version), Akhenaten, and
Nefertiti, and the Aten is said to be "within the Sunshade
temple [whose name is] Creator of the Horizon [and this
Fund (36.96)
temple is] in Akhetaten."
Bibl.: Aldred 1973, p. 137, no. 6o; for balustrades and
Thalassic Collection, courtesy of Mr. and Mrs. Theodore
parapets, see Shaw 1994, pp. 109-12
Halkedis, New York
Bibl.: Aldred 1973, p. 99, no. 13
(Fig. I4; p. 22)
37. Statuette of a princess
ca. Year 17
41. Fragment from a colossal head of Nefertiti
Limestone; traces of black (on hair) and red pigment (on
Karnak, Years 2-5
right arm)
Sandstone
H. 31.1 em (127'4 in.)
H. 45 em (q% in.)
University Museum, the University of Pennsylvania,
Philadelphia (E 14 349) Egyptian Museum, Cairo (CG 42 089)
Bibl.: Aldred 1973, p. q8, no. 106 Bibl.: Legrain 1906, p. 51, pl. 54
(Fig. I2I; pp. I22-24) (Fig. 2; pp. I7-I8)
134
42. Head of Queen Nefertiti Bibl.: Pendlebury et al. I95I, vol. I, p. I9; vol. 2, pl. 59,
2.3; Wildung and Schoske I984, pp. 76-77, no. 32
Area of the palace of King Merneptah at Memphis, after
(Fig. 62; p. 70)
Years 8-12
Brown quartzite; red pigment on lips

46. Statuette of the Chief of the Household, Tiya
H. I8 em (7Ys in.)
Medinet el-Ghurab, late years of Amenhotep III to early
Egyptian Museum, Cairo (JE 45 547) years of Amenhotep IV I Akhenaten, ca. I360-I350 B.C.
Bibl.: Saleh and Sourouzian I987, no. I62 Wood; fringe of garment inlaid with Egyptian blue;
(Figs. JI, 65; pp. 70-74) remains of white pigment in inscription; necklace of
gold, glass, and carnelian beads
43· Head of a princess H. 24 em (9~ in.)
Tell el-Amarna, workshop ofThutmose, Years I4-I7 Inscribed on the base in front of the feet: A royal offering
of Mut, lady of the sky, giving life, soundness, and
Yellow quartzite; red and black pigment; head was health, while giving blessing and love, for the ka of the
broken from neck and rejoined in ancient times Chief of the Household, Tiya. (The left hand originally
H. I9 em (7~ in.) held a flower or similar object.)
Egyptian Museum, Cairo ( JE 44 870) The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, Rogers
Fund, I94I (41.2.Io)
Bibl.: Borchardt I9I3, pp. 46-47, fig. 23; Aldred I973,
p. 55, fig. 32 Bibl.: Chassinat I90I, pp. 227, 229, pl. I, I; Hayes I990,
(Fig. 5I; pp. 63-65) pp. 266-67, fig. I6I
(Figs. 20, 64; pp. 24, 72)
44· Sculptor's model showing a princess eating a

roasted duck 47· Fragment from a relief showing Nefertiti
Tell el-Amarna, North Palace, after Years 8-12 Before Years 8- I2
Limestone; black pigment Reddish quartzite
H. 23.5 em (9X in.), W 22.3 em (8% in.) H. I3 em (5Ys in.), W 9 em (3~ in.)
Egyptian Museum, Cairo (JE 48 035) The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, Rogers
Fund, I947 (47.57.I)
Bibl.: Newton I924, p. 295, pl. 23, I; Saleh and
Sourouzian I987, no. I69 Bibl.: Hayes I990, p. 284
(Fig. Io8; pp. IIO-I2). (Fig. I9; p. 95)
48. Fragmentary relief block with head of Nefertiti

45· Sculptor's model showing a bust ofNefertiti in
profile Karnak, Years 2-5
Tell el-Amarna, Great Aten Temple, before Years 8-I2 Sandstone; traces of red and blue pigment
Limestone H. 22 em (8Ys in.), W 32 em (12Ys in.)
H. 27 em (wYs in.), W I6.5 em (6~ in.), D. 4 em (IYt6 in.) Inscribed: The King's Daughter of his flesh, his beloved
Meretaten. (This refers to the princess whose figure fol-
On reverse and upside down: relief representation of
lowed her mother on the right.)
kneeling man, his hands raised adoringly; stylistically this
relief is more advanced than the image ofNefertiti (after The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, Rogers
Years 8-12?) Fund, I96I (6I.IJ7)
Egyptian Museum, Cairo (JE 59 296) (Not illustrated; pp. 23, 95)
I35
49· Sculptor's sketch: figure of a princess 52. Facsimile of a painting: parts of an olive tree
Amarna Period, ca. 1349-1336 B.C. Original: Tell el-Amarna, North Palace, Amarna Period,
ca. 1349-1336 B.C.
Limestone
Facsimile (1:1): tempera on paper by Nina de Garis
H. 8 em (3Ys in.), W 6.5 em (2Yz in.)
Davies (1926-27)
The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, Rogers
H. 18 em (7Ys in.), W 13 em (5Ys in.)
Fund, 1922 (22.2.13)
(Not illustrated; p. 6o)
Fund, 1930 (30.4.223)
Bibl.: Wilkinson and Hill 1983, p. 133

50. Facsimile of a painting showing Princesses (Not illustrated; p. II2)
Nefernefruaten-Tasherit and Nefernefrure at the feet
ofNefertiti
53· Facsimile of a painting: geese feeding
Original: Tell el-Amarna, King's House, ca. Year 12;
Ashmolean Museum, Oxford (1893.1-41 [267]) Original: Tell el-Amarna, North Palace, Amarna Period,
ca. 1349-1336 B.c.
Facsimile (r:r): tempera on paper by Nina de Garis
Davies (1928) Facsimile (1:1): tempera on paper by Norman de Garis
Davies (1926-27)
H. 30 em (n% in.), W 38 em (15 in.)
H. 40.5 em (15 1 ~6 in.), W 97 em (38?'16 in.)
Fund, 1930 (30.4.135) The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, Rogers
Fund, 1930 (30.4.134)
(Fig. 49; pp. 6o-6I) Bibl.: Wilkinson and Hill 1983, pp. 132-33
(Not illustrated; p. n2)
51. Facsimile (pardy restored) of a painting: bird life

54· Statuette of a female
in the swamps
Medinet el-Ghurab, late years of Amenhotep III to
Original: North Palace at Amarna, Amarna Period,
early years of Amenhotep IV I Akhenaten,
ca. 1349-1336 B.c.
ca. 1360-1350 B.C.
Facsimile (1:1): tempera on paper by Norman and Nina
Wood (originally a necklace of faience and/ or glass beads
de Garis Davies (1926)
was attached)
H. 105.5 em (41Yz in.), W 425 em (167X in.)
H. 35·5 em (14 in.)
Private collection
Fund, 1930 (30-4.136)
Bibl.: Chassinat 1901, pp. 227, 229, pls. I, 3; Kozloff and
Bryan 1992, pp. 258-6o
(Not illustrated; pp. III-I2) (Fig. I24)
NOTES
THE RELIGION OF AMARNA (pages 3-5) and sky); and Osiris and Isis, Seth and Nephthys (life
r. Sandman 1938, p. 94, 1. 17· principles).
2. Bickel 1994, pp. 53-54· 23. Coffin Texts Spell 8o (Buck 1935-61, CT II 39e). The
3· For Amun's nature and role in creation, see Allen (I988a, twinship of Shu and T efnut is expressed, inter alia, by their
pp. 48-55). For a discussion of monotheistic thought in common designation as the Double Lion-e.g., Pyramid
Egyptian religion, see Assmann (1993). Texts Spell301 (Sethe 1908-22, Pyr. 447): "Arum and Double
4· Assmann 1983, pp. 145-88. Lion ... that is, Shu and T efnut."
5· C 42120 (temp. Thutmosis III): Legrain 1903, p. 182. 24. See Assmann 1984, pp. 251-53.
6. Assmann 1984, pp. 235-43- 25. Sandman 1938, p. 6o, 11. 4-7; sim. ibid., p. 92, 11. 2-7.
7. The name Horakhty means "Horus of the Akhet," a reference 26. Ibid., p. 86, 11. 12-16; see also Assmann 1980, pp. 1-32.
to the power of kingship (Horus) as it becomes manifest in 27. Gardiner 1905, p. 140, 1. 3·
the sun's rising from the Akhet (the zone that lies between the 28. Aldred 1988, p. II3.
netherworld and the visible horizon). 29. Breasted 1924, p. 127.
8. The earliest instance of this name is perhaps on Amenhotep 30. See Allen 1989, pp. 89-101.
IV' s Gebel Silsila stela, which also describes the king as
"beloved of Amun-Re" (Sandman 1938, pp. 143-44). THE RoYAL WoMEN OF AMARNA: WHo WAs WHo
9· On a block reused in the Tenth Pylon at Karnak (Aldred (pages 7-15)
I988, pl. 27). The image identifies the anthropomorphic deity r. There are various ways in which the titles of the royal women
as Horus, often depicted as a falcon. have been translated into English, all more or less valid. A
10. One of the earliest instances can be seen in Aldred (1988, recent discussion of the meanings of all queenly tides can be
pl. 28). found in Troy (1986, pp. 227-31). Translations of names used
n. Often preceded by the definite article pa, as in the name of here are by James P. Allen.
the Amarna princess Ankhesenpaaten (May She Live for the 2. The names of Tiye's parents appear on commemorative
Sun Disk). Instances without this element reflect an older scarabs (see Blankenburg-van Delden 1969). The theories
form of the language, which had no definite article: e.g., the concerning Tiye's background are discussed in Aldred (1988,
name of the eldest Amarna princess, Meretaten (Beloved of p. 141). Aldred believed that Tiye was a descendant of Ahmes
the Sun Disk). Nefertari, mother of Amenhotep III. For the royal connec-
12. Note the descriptions of Akhenaten as "the son ... who came tions ofTiye's family, see ibid., p. 219.
from the disk, effective for the one who is effective for him," 3· Aldred 1988, p. 96.
"your son, who is effective for you," and "your effective 4· Mercer 1939, val. I, pp. 159, 165, 175, 177; Moran 1992, pp. 86-99.
image" (Sandman 1938, pp. 91, ll. 9-10; 14, ll. 13-16; and 59, A discussion of the political impact of the royal women will
ll. 9-10, respectively). be included in L. Green, Queens and Princesses of the Amarna
13. Assmann 1984, p. 244· Period (KPI, forthcoming).
14. Hari 1984, pp. 1039-41. 5· Fragments of faience shawabti-figures, which the Japanese
15. Besides mention of Horus, the original didactic name also expedition believed to be Tiye' s, are evidence of the burial in
used the word sw (light), which could be construed as a refer- KV 22 (Kondo 1992, p. 46, pl. 8).
ence to the god sw (Shu). The newer name replaced this with 6. Bell (1990) discusses KV 55, as do T. Davis et al. (1990) and
the more neutral word ~3jt, also meaning light. Dodson (1994b, passim).
16. Sandman 1938, p. 93, 1. 17-p. 94, 1. 4- 7· For the original identification, see ]. E. Harris et al. (1978,
17. E.g., "You are the one who made when there was no one to pp. 1149-51); however, Germer (1984, pp. 85-90) raised
make all these things: it is from your mouth that they came": objections.
Sandman 1938, p. 46, 1. 15. 8. Quibell 1908, pp. 53-54, pls. 37, 38; Eaton-Krauss 1989,
18. Assmann 1975, col. 532. PP· 77-88.
19. Sandman 1938, p. 95, 1. 16. 9· The evidence in favor appears in Connolly, Harrison, and
20. Ibid., p. 96, 11. 1-3. For the king as object of worship, note, Ahmed (1976, pp. 184-86) but is disputed by a number of
for example, the shrine from the tomb of Huya, whose door- scholars, e.g., Meltzer (1978, pp. 134-35). Aldred (1968, p. 82)
way texts alternate between "Adoration to your life-force, 0 originally considered this idea, but by 1988 he had discarded
living Aten" and "Adoration to your life-force, 0 Nefer- it. See Aldred 1988, pp. 293-94.
kheperu-re wa-en-re" (ibid., pp. 38-40). 10. The titles from the Cairo colossus are published best in
21. See pp. 96-107, below. Urkunden (1957, p. 1775); new photos appeared in Trad and
22. Allen 1988a, pp. 8-12. The traditional Ennead comprised Mahmoud (1995, pp. 40-50). Previously, most scholars
Arum; Shu and Tefnut (the atmosphere); Geb and Nut (earth assumed that Isis, who is attested more frequently, was older
137
NoTES FOR PAGES 7-15
than Henut-taneb, but Trad and Mahmoud note that of the she is last mentioned in a dated inscription. See Pendlebury et
princesses only Henut-taneb is represented as a mature al. 1951, val. 2, pl. 86, no. 37·
woman. 34· Although a small third princess is added to a few blocks from
n. Most of the texts mentioning this princess can be found in the Karnak temple, the name and figure of Ankhesenpaaten
Walle 1968, pp. 36-54; Hayes 1948, pp. 272-79 (as well as do not appear on the boundary stelae at Amarna, which are
L. Green, Queens and Princesses of the Amarna Period [KPI, dated to the fourth month of the growing season of
forthcoming]). The statue of Isis from the George Ortiz Akhenaten's sixth regnal year. Murnane and Van Siclen III
Collection and an eye-paint tube inscribed with her name (1993, pp. 177-78) have suggested she was born about Year 7
and titles were displayed in the "Egypt's Dazzling Sun" exhi- or Year 8 on the grounds that a third princess had been added
bition. See Kozloff and Bryan 1992, pp. 206-8, 401. to the statues flanking boundary stelae A, B, P, Q, and U "by
12. Hayes 1948, pp. 272-79; id. 1990, pp. 242-43, fig. 147. the time the later stelae were being finished" (Murnane 1995,
13. She is visible only as a small, headless figure to the right of p. 82).
Amenhotep III's knees; see Trad and Mahmoud (1995, pp. 41, 35· MMA ace. no. 1985.328.5. Aldred 1973, no. 129, p. 196;
44). Mertens et al. 1992, p. 57, no. 36.
14. R. Smith and Redford 1976, p. 8o; Murnane 1995, pp. 38, 69. 36. Goetze 1975, p. 18.
15. The prominence of the queen is especially surprising since her 37· Most recently, in Bryce (1990, pp. 102-5).
parentage is unknown. In no inscription is Nefertiti called 38. The ring was scientifically examined and the results were pub-
King's Daughter, and in fact, unlike Tiye, the names of her lished by Krauss and Ullrich (1982, pp. 199-212).
parents are not specifically recorded anywhere. Many scholars 39· A fuller discussion of the career of Ankhesenamun is in Green
now follow Aldred (1988, pp. 221-22) in thinking that she was (1990-91, pp. 22-29, 67), including speculations about the
the daughter of Ay, probably by an unknown first wife (see possible offspring of the queen and Tutankhamun.
above, p. 51). 40. N. Davies 1903-8, vol. 2, pl. 10.
16. Aldred 1988, pp. 221-22; id. 1957a, pp. 35-41. 41. Ibid., vol. I, pl. 19.
17· Aldred 1988, pp. 220-21. 42. Evidence for the tomb comes from excavations by El-Khouly
18. Loeben 1986, pp. 99-107. and Martin (1987, p. 8). The box lid from the tomb of
19. Allen 1988b, p. 121; Aldred (1988, p. 227) prefers Year 14- Tutankhamun has been published in various places, but a
20. Originally suggested by J. R. Harris (1973b, pp. 5-13; id. good description of it is included in the catalogue of the exhi-
1974b, pp. II-17), with support from Samson (1978, pp. 132-37; bition in Vienna (1975, no. 56); however, J. R. Harris (1992,
id. 1985, ch. 8) and in numerous articles. An excellent rebuttal p. 57) does not think that the box represents Nefernefrure.
to many of the points presented may be found in Allen (1994, 43· N. Davies 1903-8, vol. 2, pls. 37, 38.
pp. 7-13). 44· This suggestion was made first by Aldred (1988, p. 289).
21. Burridge 1993. 45· Redford 1984, p. 193.
22. N. Davies 1903-8, val. 3, pls. 4, 6, 9, 17, 18. 46. Roeder 1969, pls. 14, 23, 70, 200; Redford 1975, p. 11.
23. Gabolde (1992, pp. 27-39) has presented unconvincing argu- 47· There are many discussions of this problematic princess,
ments that Kiya was the mother of Baketaten, based on the including Meyer (1984, pp. 261-63).
latter's tides and her apparent age in the reliefs. 48. Published in Blankenburg-van Delden 1969, pp. 18, 129-33,
24. R. Smith and Redford 1976, pls. 19, 28-33. pl. 29; Moran 1992, pp. 41-42.
25. Robins 1981, pp. 75-81. 49· Kitchen (1962, p. 24, n. 2) believed that she died about the
26. Kitchen (1962, pp. n-12) and Redford (1984, p. 192) date time of Tadukhipa's arrival in Egypt. Redford (1984, p. 150)
Meretaten's becoming chief queen to Year 15 of Akhenaten's has suggested that she survived into Akhenaten's reign and
reign, whereas Allen (1988b, p. 121) argues for a date not was, in fact, the woman known as Kiya.
before Year 17 on the ground of his interpretation of the 50. Gundlach 1986, cols. 144-45; Moran 1992, pp. 57, 61, 68, 84,
"coregency stela." See also here, pp. 89, 93· 86, 87, 89, 90, 92,93>98.
27. Moran 1992, pp. 19, 22. There has even been a suggestion that 51. Fairman 1961, pp. 25-40.
she became first coruler and then sole ruler of Egypt. See 52· For example, Manniche (1975, pp. 34, 37, n. 20) with some
Krauss 1978, passim. support from Reeves (1988, p. 100). Thomas (1994, p. 81) does
28. Reeves 1990, p. 193. not accept the identification.
29. N. Davies 1903-8, val. 2, pl. 41. 53· Petrie 1894, pl. 25, no. 95· Kiya has also been identified as the
30. Allen 1991, pp. 84-85. prototype for the foreign wife mentioned in the "Tale ofTwo
31. Krauss (1978, pp. 43-47, II8-21) has suggested that Meretaten Brothers" (Manniche 1975, pp. 33-35).
reigned alone for six months after her father's death, and that 54· Kemp 1995, p. 461. Green (1988) and Troy (1986, p. 193 cv4)
it was she who wrote the letter referred to (pp. n-12) and translate the first-mentioned title as "Greatly Beloved Wife."
quoted on p. 124). The translation used here conforms to Murnane (1995, p. 90,
32. R. Smith and Redford 1976, pls. 32, 33· sec. 45A).
33· Heick 1982, col. 22; Martin (1974, 1989, val. 2, pp. 37-41) has 55· Hanke 1978, pp. 190-92; Martin 1974, 1989, vol. 2, pp. 37-41;
identified the woman on the bier in room alpha of the Royal ]. R. Harris 1974a, pp. 25-30; id. 1992, p. 72, n. II5; Robins
Tomb as Kiya but assigned the child in room gamma to 1992, pp. 25-26; Gabolde 1992, p. 39·
Meketaten (ibid., pp. 44-45). For Meketaten's sarcophagus 56. Perepelkin (1978, passim) has even argued for a role as
and possible other items of burial equipment, see p. n5 (figs. 6, coruler; support for this theory has also come from
II4). The date of Meketaten's death was after Year 13, when Vandersleyen (1992, p. 78). The presumption underlying this
theory is that Kiya had the status equivalent to a King's Chief instances where the queen' s face is rather similar to that of the
Wife, but evidence of Kiya's tides and iconography does not king (see Kozloff and Bryan 1992, pp. 175-77, 202-3, and
bear this out. compare with ibid., pp. 159-63 [the king's "baby face"]),
57· Frankfort and Pendlebury 1933, pl. 58, no. 16; Aldred 1988, although the queen always seems to have a smaller mouth,
p. 227; Heick 1984, p. 160. and the mouth and chin protrude.
58. Krauss 1986, pp. 67-68; Reeves 1988, p. 92, n. 8. 8. Kozloff and Bryan 1992, p. q8; El-Saghir 1991, figs. 75-89,
59· Aldred 1957a, pp. 35-41; id. 1988, pp. 221-22. 141-48; W. R. Johnson 1994, pp. 128-49.
6o. Unfortunately, many of the monuments of the reigns of 9· Murnane 1995, pp. 109-IO.
Tutankhamun and Ay were usurped by later kings, so extant ro. R. Smith and Redford 1976, pp. 76-94, pis. 13-23; Redford
documents of Tiy' s queenship are rare. However, there are 1984, pp. 76-82; Romano 1979, pp. n6-19; Loeben 1994a,
unaltered reliefs at Akhmim in Middle Egypt (perhaps the pp. 41-45, see also, pp. 11-12.
hometown of Ay's family), published by Kuhlmann (1979, n. R. Smith and Redford 1976, pis. 1-6; Romano 1979, pp. ro8,
pp. q6-77, Abb. 2, Tf. 51, 52:1); W. R. Johnson 1994, no-12. Differently styled, less lined features of king and
PP· 136-49. queen are seen in ibid. (p. 109); R. Smith and Redford 1976,
61. N. Davies 1903-8, vol. 6, pis. 38, 39· See above, p. 51, for the pis. 2, 10, 16; Loeben 1994a, p. 44·
possibility that the gypsum plaster head is a portrayal of Ay 12. Robins 1986, pp. ro-14; Bryan in Kozloff and Bryan 1992,
(fig. 28). pp. 170-71, q6.
62. Hari 1964. 13. Most prominently in Schafer (1931, pp. 39-41).
63. N. Davies 1903-8, vol. 5, pl. 3 (tomb of May); ibid., vol. 6, 14. Aldred and Sandison 1962, pp. 203-16; Aldred 1988,
pl. 4 (tomb ofParennefer), pis. 26, 28 (tomb of Ay). pp. 231-36.
64. Not everyone has accepted this identification; for example, 15. Russman 1989, p. 115. See also, Kemp 1991, p. 265.
see Martin (1982, pp. 277-78). 16. For easily accessible examples, see Leclant et al. 1978, pls. 124,
65. Strouhal 1982, p. 321. For the date of her death, see Martin 165, 212, 302, 341; W. Smith 1981, figs. 50, 180, 220, 250.
(1982, p. 277). I?· In the letter of Apy (Murnane 1995, pp. 50-51) written on day
19 of the third month of the growing season, the king' s name
is still Amenhotep, whereas the boundary stela dated day 13 of
AN ARTISTIC REVOLUTION (pages 17-39) the fourth month of the same season (ibid., pp. 73-81) calls
1. Desroches-Noblecourt 1974, pp. 1-44; Redford 1984, him Akhenaten.
pp. 102-9; Forbes 1994, pp. 46-55. 18. Ibid., P· 7·
2. Robins 1994, pp. 119-48. See also, Gilderdale 1984, pp. 7-20. 19. Ibid., pp. 6, 78.
3· Headdresses and ceremonial garments vary among the statues 20. Petrie (1894, p. 2) states, "The name ofTell el Amarna seems
from the Gem pa Aten temple at Karnak: double crowns on a to be a European concoction. The northern village is known
khat headdress, as illustrated here; double crowns on a nemes as Et Till. ... The Beni Amran have given their name to the
headdress; four tall feathers on a nemes, whose lappets in some neighbourhood."
cases were ornamented with an echeloned pattern that makes 21. Kemp 1991, p. 267.
the lappets look like parts of a ceremonial wig. In a fourth 22. A head of Nefertiti-albeit very battered-from one of these
variant the double crown is worn directly on the forehead of statues is preserved in the National Gallery of Victoria,
the king without either nemes or khat in between. The body Australia; see Hope 1983, pp. 54-62. Another is in Leipzig; see
of a statue of the last type appears to lack genitals, a fact that Murnane and Van Siclen III 1993, pl. 24; see also, ibid.,
has led to the interpretation of this version of the Karnak pp. 183-92.
colossi as images of Queen Nefertiti. See J. R. Harris (1977, 23. Murnane 1995, pp. 73-86.
pp. 5-10); see also, however, Eaton-Krauss (1981, pp. 245-47, 24. Ibid., p. 74·
n. 3). 25. Ibid., p. 77·
4- Legrain 1906, p. 51, no. 42089, pl. 54· First assigned to 26. Kemp 1991, pp. 274-85.
Nefertiti by J. R. Harris (1977, p. 9) and Eaton-Krauss (1977, 27. Petrie 1894, pp. 7-20.
p. 38, n. 92). 28. Pendlebury et al. 1951, val. I, pp. 33-85; val. 2, pls. I3A-C, 14,
5· Eaton-Krauss 1981, p. 217, n. 3· 15, 33-44·
6. Of earlier Eighteenth Dynasty queens, the one in The 29. Kemp 1991, p. 279.
Metropolitan Museum of Art (Hayes 1990, p. 55, fig. 26) does 30. Aldred 1988, p. 61.
not look like any early Eighteenth Dynasty king; Queen 31. Kemp 1991, p. 279. For the controversy on the structure's
Ahmose, in her famous relief at Deir el-Bahri (Leclant et al. function, see Uphill (1970, pp. 151-66) and Assmann (1979,
1979, p. 69, fig. 54), bears a strong but not exact family like- pp. 143-55).
ness to Amenhotep I (the previous king and arguably her 32· Pendlebury et al. 1951, val. 2, pls. 63-74; Aldred 1973, pp. IOI,
father; see Aldred 1951, pl. 9); she does not look at all like her 188 (trial pieces), pp. 104-5 (indurated limestone), p. no
husband, Thutmosis I (see Naville 1895, pl. 9); and (alabaster), p. 115 (balustrade fragments), pp. n6, 118-19 (wall
Thutmosis III's queen, Meretamun, has facial features relief), pp. 126-28 (column fragments), p. 137 (granite), p. 215
different from those of her husband (see Naville 1907, pl. 28). (faience tile with inset flowers).
7· In the tomb of Queen Tiye's steward Kheruef the king and 33· Pendlebury et al. 1951, val. I, pp. 57, 70, 79; val. 2, pl. 41, nos. 2,
queen look decidedly different (see Chicago 1980, pls. 9, 25, 3; pl. 68, nos. 3, 4-
41, 48). In sculpture in the round, however, there are 34· Aldred 1973, p. n8, no. 34 (from the weben Aten), p. n8, no. 33,
139
NoTEs FOR PAGES 17-39
and p. 126, no. 48 (both from the broad hall), p. 127, no. 49 47· Aldred 1973, pp. 92-93, ro6.
(from the brick-walled part of the complex called a "harim" 48. See pp. IO-II and Aldred 1973, pp. 48-49. Meretaten is
by the excavators). For the excavation reports, see Pendlebury depicted on many scenes from the Karnak Aten temples per-
et al. 1951, vol. I, pp. 50-51 (weben Aten), pp. 51-54 (broad forming rituals (R. Smith and Redford 1976, pls. 19, 22, nos. I,
hall), pp. 38-46 ("harim"). 28-33) and thus cannot have been a small infant at the time
35· The fragments (figs. 15, 5, nos. 24, 18) have been designated the court moved to Amarna. She was probably born even
(Aldred 1973, pp. ns-16) as "perhaps" or "probably" from this before Amenhotep IV/Akhenaten ascended the throne.
area. Fig. 109, no. 34, was excavated in the broad hall of the Edward Wente Q. E. Harris and Wente, eds., 1980, p. 255)
palace. See Pendlebury et al. 1951, vol. I, pl. 68, no. 264; vol. 2, argues that she was more than twelve years old by Year 5, which
pl. 73, no. I. L. Green rejects as "most unlikely" (Green 1988, p. 530, n. 4).
36. Bryan 1990, pp. 65-80; Kozloff and Bryan 1992, pp. 292-96. 49· Aldred 1973, pp. n6-17, no. 32; see also, the princesses in the
Excellent examples of Middle Egyptian Amenhotep III relief relief from boundary stela S: N. Davies 1903-8, val. 5, pl. 39·
style are two stelae in the Metropolitan Museum (ace. nos. 50. Aldred 1988, pp. 169-82; Murnane 1995, p. 5·
12.182.39 and 18.2.5); see Hayes (1990, p. 273, fig. 167); it is 51· Her name appears on a stone doorjamb in the northern city
interesting to compare these to the late Amenhotep III Luxor (Aldred 1988, p. 219). See also, Petrie 1894, pl. 42, for an
reliefs (W. R. Johnson 1990, pp. 29-31), which are in high inscription with Tiye' s name from a quarry near Amarna.
relief but not sculpturally round, as are the Middle Egyptian 52~ Akhenaten had an elaborate gilded wood shrine made for the
and Memphite examples. queen' s burial; on this shrine the inscriptions of the didactic
37· See also Aldred 1973, p. 6r. If the sculptor Bek (Habachi 1965, names of the Aten are in the later form that was introduced
pp. 85-92) was, indeed, head sculptor at Amarna in the early between Year 8 and Year 12 of the reign. This dates the
years (Aldred 1973, pp. 53-57) and was a Theban, he can only queen' s burial to at least Year 9 of Akhenaten' s reign. See T.
have had a general position as overseer. Davis et al. 1990, pp. 13-15, pls. 32, 33; Murnane 1995, pp.
38. For the fertility type of statue, see Hayes 1990, pp. 285-86, IOO-IOI. For the date of the change of the names of the Aten
fig. 173; Aldred 1973, pp. ro6, 125; Doresse 1984-85, pp. 89-102; after Year 8 and before Year 12, see Fairman (1951,
Stadelmann 1969, p. 163, n. 4· For the statue type with stela, pp. 152-53), Aldred (1988, p. 19, fig. 3, p. 278), and Murnane
see boundary stela statues (Aldred 1988, pl. 14) and statuette, (1995, p. 8). Fragments of Tiye's sarcophagus were found in
Berlin (id. 1973, p. 90). the Royal Tomb at Amarna (see Raven 1994, pp. 8-16). For a
39· Hayes 1990, p. 286, fig. 174. comparatively late date for this sarcophagus, see the late
40. For a fragment of a head ofNefertiti in this group, see Eaton- names of the Aten (ibid., p. ro, fig. 3). For the figure of
Krauss (1981, pp. 245-51). Nefertiti, see here, p. 79, fig. 70.
41. Both royal names were found on accompanying objects from 53· Wine from the Queen Mother's estate was delivered to
the same tomb. See Chassinat 1901, pp. 225-34, pis. 1-3; Akhetaten as late as Year 14, as attested by a docket written in
Kozloff and Bryan 1992, pp. 258-60, 466-67, table 3· ink from a jar found by Petrie at Amarna. See Petrie 1894,
42. T efnin 1971, pp. 39-41. Linen shawls of this type were found pl. 22, no. 14. The text is translated in Heick (1963, p. 527 [723]).
with the burials of the parents of Senenmut (Hayes 1990, For problems in using dates from jar dockets, see Redford
p. 204). (1967, pp. 94-95).
43- Compare the separate back supports of the statues of king 54· N. Davies 1903-8, val. 3, pp. 4-7, pls. 4-7.
and queen now in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, and the 55· Ibid., pl. 5· The agricultural scene is, unfortunately, not very
British Museum, London (Griffith 1931, pp. 179-84), and at well preserved, but Davies's drawings attest to the predomi-
the boundary stela A (Aldred 1988, pl. 14; here, fig. 103). The nant presence of women in the uppermost field. They may be
figures of princesses have one joint back pillar in this monument reaping or harvesting flax (see Klebs 1934, pp. 21-22; Robins
as in the one to which the Petrie Museum (here, figs. 104-7, 1993, pp. 120-21).
no. r6) and Philadelphia (here, fig. 121, no. 37) princesses 56. N. Davies, 1903-8, val. 3, pls. 8-12.
belonged. It is possible that the tighter join of these princesses' 57· Stadelmann 1969, pp. 163-78; Kemp 1995, pp. 452-61.
statues goes back to unfortunate experiences with the Louvre 58. Kozloff and Bryan 1992, pp. 170-71, 175-77, 202-3, 212-13,
torso: two drill holes-one still filled with the remains of a 289-90, 363-64; Hayes 1990, p. 269, fig. 164. The latter are
metal pin-in the break of the right arm are signs of ancient representations of Tiye or of goddesses with similar facial fea-
repair work. tures. For ebony statuettes, see Kozloff and Bryan (1992,
44- Boundary stelae statues: Aldred 1988, pl. 14. Statuettes in the pp. 2II-12).
Petrie Museum, London (figs. 104-7, no. 16), and the 59· Especially in the later quartzite style, as demonstrated by
University Museum, Philadelphia (fig. 121, no. 37). See also, Kozloff and Bryan (1992, pp. 141-42, 159-63), but also in
Hamburg 1965, p. 20, no. 21, fig. 12. An earlier example of a granodiorite and granite images (ibid., pp. 145-46, 164-70).
princess statue group with a similar gesture is the Princess Isis 6o. Saleh and Sourouzian 1987, no. 144.
in the Ortiz Collection (Kozloff and Bryan 1992, pp. 206-8). 6r. The piece has been assigned by Kozloff and Bryan (1992, p. 210)
45· The Louvre seated king with remains of the hand and arm of to a "Gurob [Ghurab] style," without implying that the head
a queen (N 831) is best seen in Leprohon (1991, p. 69). For a was actually made there. In fact, a Memphis or Delta work-
date of this piece in the post-Amarna Period, see Aldred (1951, shop origin is most probable and would explain the "feel" for
pp. 84-85, pl. 134). the organic that the head displays.
46. For example, the group of Akhenaten and Nefertiti in the 62. Kozloff and Bryan 1992, pp. 23-24.
Louvre (see Ledant et al. 1979, p. 175, fig. 162). 63. Borchardt 19II, passim.
140
64. Kemp (1978, pp. 122-33), with references to the British 76. Eaton-Krauss 1977, pp. 21-39.
excavations. 77· Only a small piece of the inlay remains in the right brow;
65. For Malqata: Arnold 1994, pp. 145-46, and Waseda otherwise, the black resin adhesive is visible.
University 1993, p. 58. 78. Wildung 1992, p. 141, fig. 6.
66. Borchardt 19II, pp. 14-23. 79· Borchardt 19II, p. 17, fig. 21 left. See also, Wildung 1992,
67. Chief among these are literary sources for a "harim palace" p. 141, fig. 6.
said to have existed in the Ghurab area (Gardiner 1943, 8o. N. Davies 1903-8, val. 3, pls. 4, 6, 8, 9, II, r8. Also on her
pp. 37-46; see Kemp 1978, pp. 131-32, for additional refer- funerary shrine (T. Davis et al. 1990, pl. 29).
ences). These sources, however, are all of Ramesside date 8r. MMA ace. no. 26.7.1409; see Hayes 1990, p. 261, fig. 157; ex
(Dynasties Nineteen-Twenty). None of the inscriptions or Carnarvon Collection, unknown provenance. The fragment
papyri that date to the time of Amenhotep III, Queen Tiye, in its present shape was used as a stone scraper with the sharp-
and their son Akhenaten contain a reference to this palace ened edge to the right (here, fig. 3). Originally, the piece was
(Griffith 1898, pp. 91-92, pls. 38, 39; Gardiner 1906, pp. part of a cubically shaped object; there is a piece of carved
27-47). Another group of objects associated by scholars with surface at right angles to the one seen in fig. 3 with remains of
a palace of Queen Tiye at Ghurab consists of statuettes of another border behind Tiye' s figure. A reconstruction of
high-status women found in the region: Chassinat 1901, the piece as part of a throne on which a figure of King
pp. 225-34, pls. 1-3; Quibell 1901, pp. 141-43, pls. I, 2; Saleh Amenhotep III sat can be envisaged.
and Sourouzian 1987, no. 154 (here, figs. 20, 64, 124). These 82. Chicago 1980, pls. 24, 41, 42.
female statuettes are indeed contemporary with Tiye, and one 83. This would be different if a prolonged coregency of
is of a Chief of the Household (see here, p. 27, fig. 20, no. 46), Akhenaten with his father is assumed (Murnane 1995, p. 5;
but nothing points to the fact that this was the queen' s house- Kozloff and Bryan 1992, pp. 59-61). See, however, note 70
hold in a palace at Ghurab. The report of 1901, which above.
Chassinat (1901, pp. 225-27) obtained from local diggers, 84. Gohary 1992, passim.
claimed that the statuettes of five different women were found 85. Eaton-Krauss 1977, pp. 29-32.
in one tomb chamber. This seems extremely unlikely because 86. Edwards 1976, pls. 158-61.
there is no indication in the inscriptions giving evidence that 87. Admittedly, Nefertiti appears on the sarcophagus with a
the women were in any way related to one another. A mass plumed and horned modius crown, not a khat. Bur there is
burial of five unrelated females of high rank would be unpar- no suggestion of a cult for the deceased Akhenaten connected
alleled. Should one rather assume that the statuettes came with this sarcophagus.
from a deposit associated with the cult of King Amenhotep 88. Wildung (1995, p. 249) interprets the change as a deification
III? Such deposits of female statuettes are known from the of Tiye after her husband's death. But was the round wig
pyramid temples of Pepi II (Jequier 1940, pp. 33-34, pl. 51) enough to make this an image of deification after the king' s
and Senwosret I (Arnold 1992, pp. 80-82, pls. 97-99). death, when the plumed crown had clearly been Tiye' s nor-
68. Russmann 1989, p. no; Kozloff and Bryan 1992, p. 210; mal headgear during the reign of her husband (Kozloff and
Wildung 1995, p. 249. Bryan 1992, pp. 170-71, 175-77, 202-3, 21I-13), and the round
69. Such as ceramic tiles, inlays, paintings on stucco and plaster; wig had already appeared at that time in an image with
also, no ink-inscribed jars were found. See W. Smith 1981, otherwise queenly attributes (here, fig. 3)?
pp. 283-95; Kozloff and Bryan 1992, pp. r8-2o. 89. MMA ace. no. 26.7.1396. Hayes, 1990, pp. 259-60, fig. 156;
70. Petrie 1891, p. 20, pl. 24, no. 7; Borchardt 19II, p. 19, fig. 26, Dorman, Harper, and Pittman 1987, p. 57, fig. 38. An
p. 20. Especially the latter inscription: "The King's Chief Amarna date for the piece had already been advocated by
Wife, his beloved, the Lady of the Two Lands Tiye made it Aldred (1973, p. 107).
as her monument for her beloved brother [i.e., husband] 90. It was first published in an exhibition catalogue of the
for the ka of the Osiris the King [Amenhotep III] justified Burlington Fine Arts Club in 1922 as a loan from the
[i.e., deceased]" is a strong, hitherto insufficiently cited docu- collection of the earl of Carnarvon just months before the
ment that argues against a prolonged coregency of discovery of the tomb of Tutankhamun: Burlington 1922,
Amenhotep III and Akhenaten. See Murnane (1995, p. 5) p. 8o, pl. 6.
with additional references. See also Kozloff and Bryan 1992, 91. Egyptian Museum, Cairo, JE, no. 59740, mentioned by
PP· 59-61, 2II-I2. Hayes 1990, p. 102. The nose mentioned by Hayes, however,
71. For a cult of the king at Amarna, see Redford 1967, pp. m-12. was shown by Christine Lilyquist in 1979 to join two mouth
A cult of the deceased Thutmosis III is well attested at fragments found by Petrie at Amarna. A foot fragment of red
Ghurab (see Loat 1905, pp. 1-2, 7-8, pls. 14-19). jasper was also found at Amarna (Samson 1978, p. 64, fig. ii).
72. Wildung 1992, pp. 133-47; id. 1995, pp. 245-49. Theban works in similarly hard stone are the bracelet plaques
73· Tiye, who was already married to Amenhotep III in his sec- of Amenhotep III (Hayes 1990, pp. 242-43, fig. 147; here,
ond regnal year, must have been at least fifty years old when figs. 4, 102).
her son came to the throne (14 plus 37 equals 51). If one 92. Hayes 1990, pp. 259-60.
accepts a coregency, her age would be up to ten years less. See 93· Robins 1993, pp. r8o-8r.
Kozloff and Bryan 1992, pp. 33, 41-43. 94· Phillips 1994, pp. 58-71, and above, p. 62. In the Thutmose
74· Egyptian Museum, Cairo (CG 42 127). See Sourouzian 1991, workshop the tenon was of one piece with the head, not the
pp. 341-55, pls. 46, 47· body, which would have been a waste of precious material in
75· Moran 1992, p. 91; see also, ibid., p. 92. the case of the jasper piece.
95· For the most impressive example, see Cooney (1965, the well (Borchardt and Ricke 1980, p. 100, no. 1356) and
pp. 20-22). between the "son's" house and the enclosure wall (Eaton-
96. Aldred 1973, p. 187; more neck is covered in the reliefs (ibid., Krauss 1983, p. 127, n. 5; not in Borchardt and Ricke 1980).
pp. 98, 99, 101); the back of the neck is free in ibid., p. 185. For obsidian, see Borchardt and Ricke 1980, p. 95, no. 447
Good examples for a backward position of the lobes of the (Berlin inv. no. 21 192).
khat can be seen in some of the shawabti figures of the king: II. Borchardt and Ricke 1980, p. 95, nos. 430 (Berlin inv. no. 21
ibid., pp. 218-21. Martin 1974, pis. 26, no. 59, 29, 33, no. 97, 336), 432 (Berlin inv. no. 21 224); chips of alabaster, no. 431.
37, 42, no. 195· The excavator's designation is "east of room 18" in
97· N. Davies 1903-8, vol. 2, pl. 8. For cloth that is more forward Thutmose' s house, which must be the area north of the west-
at the side of the neck, see Aldred (1973, p. 56, fig. 33). ernmost tree pit in the courtyard.
98. Eaton-Krauss 1981, pp. 245-51. 12. Ibid., p. 100, no. 1042 (Cairo); Borchardt 1913, p. 44, fig. 21.
99· Aldred 1957b, pp. 141-47. 13. Borchardt and Ricke 1980, p. 100, no. 1329 (Berlin inv. no. 21
100. MMA ace. no. 31.II4.I. Frankfort and Pendlebury 1933, 289).
pp. 61-62, pl. 44, nos. 1-3; Hayes 1990, p. 289, fig. 177. 14. Ibid., p. 100, no. 746 (Berlin inv. no. 21 358).
101. Stela from Amarna in the British Museum (EA 57 399; 15. Ibid., p. 90, no. 190 (Berlin inv. no. 21 238); Schafer 1931,
Kozloff and Bryan 1992, pp. 213-14). pl. 50.
102. Aldred 1973, pp. 104-5, 109, no, 126, 165, figs. 54, 182, 194. 16. Borchardt and Ricke 1980, p. 90, no. 423 (Berlin inv. no. 21
103. See especially J. R. Harris 1974a, pp. 25-30; Thomas 1994, 186); p. 91, no. 1326 (Berlin inv. no. 21 312).
pp. 72-81. 17. Ibid., p. 91, no. 1250 (Berlin inv. no. 21 222).
104. Peer and Woolley 1923, pp. 109-24; Thomas 1994, pp. 74-77. 18. Ibid., p. 91, no. 1327 (Berlin inv. no. 21 209).
105. Woolley 1922, pls. 14, 8o. 19. Ibid., pp. 217-21. For walls of a previous building, see ibid.,
106. Translation from Allen (1991, p. 81). For philological uncer- p. 218, plan 63.
tainties in this translation, see the brackets and question 20. Ibid., p. 220, no. 27.
marks in ibid. 21. Ibid., pp. 88-89.
107. Petrie 1894, p. 10, pl. 10. 22. Ibid., pp. 89-91, 95-98, roo. Remarkably, few metal tools are
108. The shrine stela in Cairo (Borchardt 1923, pp. 2-24, pl. r) is listed among the finds.
only slightly less advanced in introducing the new face of the 23. Ibid., p. 97, no. 748 (Berlin inv. no. 21 300); Borchardt 1923,
queen. The extreme version of the early face of Nefertiti does pp. 30-38.
not occur in the Amarna tombs. Still close to the early style 24. Borchardt and Ricke 1980, pp. 96-98. All pieces are from
are the queen' s faces in the tomb of Parennefer (N. Davies rooms r8 and 19, as numbered in Borchardt and Ricke: the
1903-8, vol. 6, pl. 4), tombs 20 and 22 (id., val. 5, pls. 15, r6), main area of the deposit room (19) and the cubicle for storage
Tutu (id., vol. 6, pl. 14). In most cases the old version of the (r8).
Aten name is used on the same wall. The new face occurs 25. Ibid., p. 92, plan 27.
with the earlier Aten writing in the tombs of Apy (id., val. 4, 26. Ibid., p. 98, no. 1279. For the use of side rooms of the first
pls. 31, 44) and Ay (id., vol. 6, pl. 29); and with the later ver- hall as "pantries," see Ricke 1932, p. 27.
sion of the god's name: Mahu (id., vol. 4, pl. 15). 27. Borchardt and Ricke 1980, p. 92.
28. Borchardt 1913, pp. 28-50.
29. Ibid., p. 29.
30. Roeder 1941, pp. 145-70; Lucas 1962, p. 77·
(pages 41-83) 31. Borchardt and Ricke 1980, pp. 96-98, nos. 516-18, 522-27,
1. Kemp and Garfi 1993, sheet 7· The broad east-west gap in the 730-37, 739, 741, 743, 853-55, 857, 871, 1249, 1330; 1331 is a
center of the main city was caused by water destruction (a piece of 736.
wadi) in recent times but before the nineteenth-century exca- 32. San Francisco 1991, p. 42, lower left (Berlin inv. no. 21 349
vations began. [521]), found in the "reception hall": Borchardt and Ricke
2. Krauss 1983, pp. 119-32. 1980, p. 96, no. 521, with plan 27 for numbers of rooms. Also:
3· Schott 1980, cols. 833-36; Cerny 1973; Valbelle 1985; Kemp Settgast 1985, pp. 76-77 (Berlin inv. no. 21 299 [739]); ibid.,
1989, pp. 56-63, with further references. pp. 90-91 (Berlin inv. no. 21 351 [743]); Roeder 1941, p. 157,
4· N. Davies 1903-8, val. 3, pis. 17, 18. The scene is usually said figs. n, 12 (Berlin inv. no. 21 353 [736]). Numbers in square
to show Iuty working on the statue or painting it, but a scrib- brackets are from Borchardt and Ricke 1980, pp. 95-98.
al palette would not have been used for painting. Iuty must 33· San Francisco 1991, pp. 41-45, illustrates both variants.
be applying correction lines with ink, as seen here in fig. 32. 34- For images of Amenhotep III, see Settgast 1985, pp. 76-77
5· Kemp 1989, p. 6o. (Berlin inv. no. 21 299 [739]), 96-97 (Berlin inv. no. 21 354
6. Steinmann 1980, pp. 144-46; Eyre 1987, pp. 190-92. [527] called "queen's head" by the excavators and "king or
7· Kemp 1989, p. 57, fig. 2.26, pp. 58-59. queen" by Settgast). An identification of this head with any of
8. Janssen 1975, especially pp. 558-62. the successors of Akhenaten (Kaiser 1967, pp. 71-72; Settgast
9· Borchardt and Ricke 1980, pp. 91-100; Phillips 1991, 1985, p. 97) is ruled out by the date of this head as well as of
pp. 33-40, with further references. the two related gypsum plaster heads. This is shown by the
10. For alabaster, see Borchardt and Ricke 1980, p. 95, no. 375 Metropolitan head (figs. 42, 44) to lie well within
(Berlin inv. no. 21 290); Eaton-Krauss 1983, pp. 127-32, Akhenaten's reign. A female designation for Berlin inv. 21
pls. 2-4. Other fragments of the same piece were found in 354-despite the arguments advanced by Krauss (1978, pp.
142
43-46)-is ruled out by the presence of a Blue Crown. For a (Borchardt and Ricke 1980, p. roo, no. I329, Berlin inv. no. 2I
possible identification as Amenhotep III, compare the shrine 289). Similarities between these female images and the wife of
stela (Aldred 1973, p. ro, fig. 3). For representations that are Bek (Settgast I985, pp. 78-79) are striking.
probably of Akhenaten, see ibid., pp. 90-91 (Berlin inv. no. 49· For statuette fragments, see Borchardt and Ricke I980, p. 98,
21 351 [743]), 94-95 (Berlin inv. no. 21 340 [526]); Priese, ed., nos. I332, I333; for arms and hands, ibid., p. 97, nos. 865, 869,
1991, pp. 102-3 (Berlin inv. no. 21 348 [741]); fragmented: 870, 874; for "unfinished sculpture," ibid., p. 98, no. 1039.
Berlin inv. no. 21 343 [735]. For the seventh head, see below, 50. For instance, the statuette in Cairo (JE 53 249; Frankfort and
note 36. Pendlebury 1933, p. 43, pl. 37).
35· San Francisco 1991, p. 42, bottom left (Berlin inv. no. 21 349 51. For unfinished statue niches, see Meryre I (N. Davies I903-8,
[521]); Roeder 1941, p. 157, figs. 9, ro (Berlin inv. no. 21 353 vol. I, pl. 2), Panehsy (ibid., vol. 2, pl. 2), Meryre II (ibid., vol. 2,
[736], smaller size); ibid., p. 157, figs. II, 12. Both heads were pl. 28), Tutu (ibid., vol. 6, pl. 12), Ay (ibid., vol. 6, pls. 22,
thought by the excavators to represent a male king, but they 37). For finished statues whose heads were later destroyed, see
were rightly identified as female by Roeder (1941, p. 151). See Huya (ibid., vol. 3, pl. 1), Ahmose (ibid., vol. 3, pl. 26). A
also, Krauss 1987, pp. 102-3, fig. 18. statue was possibly removed from the tomb of Pentu (ibid.,
36. Borchardt and Ricke 1980, p. 96 (Berlin inv. no. 21 355 [518]); vol. 4, p. 2, pl. I). A couple with battered faces were found in
Kaiser 1967, pp. 71-72, no. 770 (ill.). the tomb of Ramose (ibid., vol. 4, pls. 34, 45). For statues of
37· Roeder 1941, p. 157, figs. II, 12 (Berlin inv. no. 21 353 [736]). tomb owners with battered faces, see May (ibid., vol. 5, pls. I,
38. Besides the two female faces in the checklist (nos. ro, II), see 2), Any (ibid., vol. 5, pls. 8, 20).
Berlin inv. no. 21 341 [517] (here, fig. 38); San Francisco 1991, 52. Aldred 1988, pp. 220-22. There is certainly a strong resem-
p. 43, bottom; Roeder 1941, p. 167, fig. 21, could be a man blance between this face (here, fig. 28) and that of the
(Berlin inv. no. 21 281 [857]); ibid., p. 149, fig. 8 (Berlin inv. mummy ofYuya (ibid., pl. 39).
no. 21 347 [730]). 53· N. Davies I903-8, vol. 4, p. 2I, pl. 45·
39· Aldred (1973, p. 182, no. 112) identified the wig as Nubian, 54· MMA ace. no. 11.150.26; see Aldred I973, p. I74; Dorman,
but the horizontal arrangement of the curls shows it is a Harper, and Pittman 1987, p. 63, fig. 44; Hayes 1990, p. 288,
round wig, as in the relief (ibid., p. 193, no. 124). fig. 176.
40. Ibid., p. 179, no. 107 (Berlin inv. no. 21 228 [523]); Schafer 55· Aldred 1973, p. 174· For skin-color conventions, see Robins
1931, pl. 40 (Berlin inv. no. 21 262 [737]); Settgast 1985, 1993, pp. I8o-8I.
pp. roo-101 (Berlin inv. no. 21 350 [522]); ibid., pp. 74-75 56. Bothmer 1990, pp. 84-92; see especially, p. 89, pis. 26, 27,
(Berlin inv. no. 21 356 [516]); Schafer 1931, pl. 41 (Berlin inv. figs. 34, 35·
no. 21 359 [734]). Of lesser quality are Berlin inv. nos. 21 357 57· A broader face is found on Berlin inv. no. 21 354 [527]
[1248] (Roeder 1941, p. 165, fig. 19, which could also be (Settgast 1985, pp. 96-97). The overall height is 20 em (i~i
female), 21 280 [731], 21 342 [525], 21 346 [733], and 21 366 in.), the height of the face I2.5 em (4;Ys in.). A more slender
[871] (not illustrated). face is found on Berlin inv. no. 2I 355 [518]; Kaiser 1967, pp.
41. Petrie 1894, frontispiece. 7I-72, no. 770 (ill.; here, figs. 43, 45). The overall height is 2I
42. Borchardt 1913, p. 35· em (8/4 in.), the height of the face is 12 em (4% in.).
43· Roeder 1941, pp. 154-60. 58. Berlin inv. no. 21 340 [526]; Settgast I985, pp. 94-95; San
44· For the possibility that Akhenaten took part in artistic deci- Francisco 199I, p. 43 top. The total height is 20.5 em (8Ys in.),
sions, see Habachi 1965, p. 89. whereas the height of the face is only n em (4% in.). MMA
45· Details indicating the juncture of the two molds are the fine ace. no. 11.150.26: total height, I3 em (5Ys in.); face, also n em
lines that run over forehead, nose, mouth, and chin and (4% in.).
below the ears on the neck (fig. 40). Other observations 59· N. Davies 1903-8, vol. 3, pls. 8, ro. The relationship of the
include folds of extremely thin linen that was evidently spread Metropolitan head to the Sunshade temple statuary has been
over the clay or wax model before casting (see Roeder 1941, suggested by Aldred (1973, p. I74).
pp. 155-58). The unpublished dissertation by Detlef Ullrich 6o. Agyptisches Museum, Berlin, inv. no. 21 364; Borchardt 1912,
on the technical aspects of the gypsum plaster heads was not pp. 23-25, figs. 16, 17; Schafer I931, pl. 25. The find spot was a
available at the time of writing; see Krauss 1991a, p. 7, n. 4· group of small houses (0 49, 13) situated at the East Road
For the composition of the Amarna gypsum plaster, see South (High Priest Street), south of the Thutmose com-
Pendlebury et al. 1951, vol. I, pp. 243-45. pound. The face of this head is more frontal and the mouth
46. San Francisco I99I, p. 43, bottom. smaller than those of the Thutmose princesses.
47· Both in the Egyptian Museum, Cairo. Saleh and Sourouzian 61. In granite, Borchardt and Ricke 1980, p. roo, no. 750;
I987, no. I63 OE 44 869); Aldred I973, p. 55, fig. 32 OE 44 Borchardt 1913, p. 45, fig. 22. In quartzite, a head in Borchardt
870). and Ricke 1980, p. roo, no. 1045 (Aldred I973, p. 131, fig. 51),
48. Berlin inv. no. 2I 245 [868] (Settgast I985, pp. 82-83), shaped and no. 1046. See also the quartzite head no. 1042 (Borchardt
to be part of the representation of a woman wearing an 1913, p. 44, fig. 21). From outside the Thutmose compound,
enveloping wig (Ay's wife, Tiy? See Aldred I988, pp. 260-61, head of a princess from house U 37, I at Amarna (Cairo JE 65
pl. 4). An identification as Kiya is probably ruled out by the 040): Wildung and Grimm I978, no. 34· These smaller ver-
necessity of reconstructing this image with an enveloping wig; sions are closely related to the larger quartzite heads under
the Nubian wig leaves more of the neck visible; see Krauss discussion here. Stylistically somewhat different is the very
I986, p. 8o. The same woman may have been represented in small figure of marblelike stone (Berlin inv. no. 17 951; pur-
the pink quartzite head found in the younger sculptor's house chased): Lise Lotte Moller in Hamburg 1965, p. 21, no. 23,
143
figs. 53, 54· Of early date is a quartzite piece in a private col- 82. Reeves I990, p. 190; Hildesheim 1976, no. 64.
lection, ibid., p. 20, no. 21, fig. 12. 83. Eaton-Krauss 1983, p. 13I; Boyce 1995, pp. 345, 350: Ar6;
62. Gerhardt 1967, pp. 51-56. MMA ace. nos. 10.130.2489; .2490; .2491; 26.7.1025; .1025;
63. G. Smith 1912, pp. 5I-56, pl. 36; Leek I972, p. 28, pl. 7· 45.4.12 (two pieces strung with other beads and amulets);
64. Bothmer and De Meulenaere I986, pp. ro-12. Hayes 1990, pp. 290-91.
65. C. Muller I98o, cols. 29I-92; Grieshammer I984, cols. 212-13. 84. Gerhardt 1967, p. 54· For anatomical terms, see Pernkopf
66. Karnak: R. Smith and Redford 1976, pls. 36, 37, 39, 41, 58, 63, I980, especially figs. 3, 26, 27, I36, 262, 283, 289.
91; Amarna, officials: N. Davies I903-8, val. I, pls. 8, 14, 35, 85. Ibid., p. 54·
38; ibid., val. 2, pls. 5, 7, 8, 10, II, 22, 23, 33, 34, 37; ibid., val. 4, 86. Feucht I995, p. 498. See note I3, above, for references to
pls. 9, 20, 22, 24, 26 (vizier); ibid., val. 6, pls. 4, 6, 8, I5, r6, princesses in reliefs.
I8, 20, 29; priests and temple personnel: ibid., val. I, pls. IOA, 87. N. Davies I903-8, val. 5, pl. 44; Murnane and Van Siclen III
II, 22, 25, 27, 30; ibid., val. 2, pls. 12, I8, I9; ibid., val. 3, I993, pp. n3, n4, II6, 121, 135.
pls. 8, ro, 30; harpists and other musicians: ibid., val. r, pls. 2I, 88. See note 6I, above.
23; ibid., val. 3, pls. 30, 33; son or family of deceased in 89. Aldred 1973, p. 53, no. 53·
offering or mourning scenes: ibid., val. 3, pl. 22; ibid., val. 5, 90. Kemp 1976, pp. 8r-88; for the room with the painting, see
pls. ro, 22, 23. p. 86; for the position of the painting, see Petrie (r894, p. 15,
67. Servants: ibid., val. I, pls. I8, 29 (feeding cattle, for pl. 40).
offerings?); ibid., val. 2, pls. 14, 32; ibid., val. 6, pls. I7, I9, 28. 91. Ace. no. I9893-1-4I (267); see Aldred I973, pp. 38-39, fig. 20.
68. For example, see ibid., val. 6, pl. 30. 92. MMA ace. no. 30-4-135; see Wilkinson and Hill I983, p. 133.
69. Martin I99I, p. 54, fig. I8; p. 55, fig. I9; p. 57, fig. 22; p. 75, 93· Now in the Petrie Museum, University College, London; see
fig. 46; p. 79, figs. 50-54; p. 85, fig. 56; p. 89, fig. 6o; p. 107, N. Davies 1921, pp. 1-7, pls. 3-4.
fig. 67; pp. 128-3I, figs. 84-90; pp. 202-5, figs. I22-28. 94· Ibid., pls. r, 2.
70. In reference to the Late Period shaved heads, Bothmer and 95· Aldred 1973, p. 209, no. 147.
De Meulenaere (I986, pp. I4-I5), rightly stressed the infantile 96. Ibid., p. 136.
character of the elongated bare heads with high forehead and 97. There may have been a first version, with knees slightly high-
argued that "the Egyptians' yearning for a youthful appear- er, of the legs of the girl on the left. Remnants of this earlier
ance in life eternal" was the basis of such representations. One version are seen in the erroneously added third "leg" at the
might go further and perceive the depiction of Late Period back of the thighs of the girl on the left and in the darker
officials with "baby" heads and small mouths as indicating a areas around her feet.
hope for rebirth in the afterlife. This interpretation of the 98. Borchardt 1913, pp. 47, 48, figs. 23, 24.
shaved head does not seem to apply to the bareheaded men 99· For princesses with fruits, see Aldred 1973, p. 131, fig. 51 and
represented in Amarna and post-Amarna reliefs. n. 29; for the naked adolescent girl, see Robins 1993, pp. 185-86.
71. Feucht I995, pp. 497-98. roo. Phillips I994> pp. 58-?I; Griffith I93I, p. r8r-82, pl. 26, fig. I.
72. N. Davies I903-8, val. 2, pis. 5, 33, 34; ibid., val. 6, pls. 2, 29; For a recent find from Kom el-Nana of a lower torso in red
see ibid., val. 2, pl. IO, where, exceptionally, the tallest quartzite with back pillar, see Phillips 1994, p. 66.
princess has the bare head. See also, Aldred I973, p. 119, no. 35; 101. Borchardt and Ricke 1980, pp. 90-91, nos. 423, 1326; pp. 95-98,
Roeder I969, p. I82, no. 455/vn B, pl. 8. In the Cairo shrine nos. 376, 432, 473, 858, 865, 866, 869, 870, 872, 873, 874, 1332;
stela (Saleh and Sourouzian I987, no. I67) the correlation of p. roo, no. 58r.
names to princesses is somewhat confusing. We would like to 102. The method may have been to set a partially cut headdress
suggest that the name Ankhesenpaaten, which appears above piece onto the head tenon, then shave off all projections
the head of Meretaten, refers to the bareheaded child. touched by red paint.
Significantly, in the Berlin family relief (here, fig. 88) the 103. Pieces found in the Thutmose workshop were parts of a royal
youngest daughter and the one cradled by Akhenaten (here, nemes (Borchardt and Ricke 1980, p. 97, nos. 1035, 1036) and
fig. 97) do not have side locks. a princess's side lock (ibid., p. 98, no. 1040).
73· Murnane and Van Siclen III I993, pp. u3-46; for the 104. MMA ace. no. 22.5.2; see Hayes 1990, p. 235, fig. 140.
chronology, ibid., pp. I45-62. 105. It should be noted that the shoulder attachments of the
74- N. Davies 1903-8, val. 5, pp. 23, 26, pl. 44; Aldred I973, Metropolitan Museum statue of Amenhotep III remained in
pp. II6-q, no. 32; Murnane and Van Siclen III 1993, pp. I88, place through the various dislocations the piece underwent
I92, 223 n. 20; Vassilika 1995, pp. 64-65 (no side lock?). when it was inscribed with the names of King Merneptah and
75· This goes beyond the expression "egghead" used figuratively erected at the side entrance to the Luxor temple.
by Bothmer and De Meulenaere (r986, pp. ro-15). ro6. Checklist no. 43 and Saleh and Sourouzian I987, no. 163
76. Caminos I975, col. II85. (Cairo JE 44 869); Borchardt and Ricke 1980, p. 97, no. 740;
77· Assmann 1995, p. I58. this head-like the other princess head in Cairo (here,
78. Murnane 1995, p. II4. no. 43)-was found in the small cubicle that was once a cup-
79· A three-dimensional representation of a chick emerging from board in the deposit room.
a nest of eggs was found on the lid of an alabaster jar in the 107. This feature is also seen in a princess's head, now on long-
tomb of Tutankhamun. See Desroches-Noblecourt I963, term loan in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston (Borchardt
p. 227, pl. 47· I9I2, pp. 23-25, figs. r6, 17; Borchardt and Ricke 1980, p. 252,
8o. Eaton-Krauss 1983, pp. I27-32, pls. 1-4. no. 403; Berlin inv. no. 21 364), from house 0 49, 13, see
8r. Ibid., pp. 129-31. note 6o, above.
144
108. Aldred (1973, p. I6o) identifies the Berlin head with (Borchardt and Ricke 1980, p. 96, no. 521, with plan 27 for
Meretaten. the numbers of the rooms).
109. Berlin inv. no. 2I 2I7; Borchardt and Ricke I98o, p. 95, no. 390. I37· Pendlebury et al. 195I, vol. I, p. 19.
On the preserved lower part, a center line in ink is visible. 138. Fisher 1917, pp. 227-28, fig. 88; Saleh and Sourouzian I987,
no. Berlin inv. no. 2I 360; Borchardt and Ricke I980, p. 98, no. 162.
no. I300. The best illustration is Kaiser (I990, pp. 280-85, 139. For the Blue Crown, see Aldred (1973, pp. 98, 166-69); for
pl. 66, nos. 3, 4). the tall, Bat-topped crown, ibid. (pp. 102, n2, n6, and pas-
nr. A very similar bust, of unknown provenance, is in the Musee sim). The cap crown is discussed in Fay 1986, pp. 359-76.
du Louvre, Paris: Benedite I906, pp. 5-27, pls. I, 2. I40. For Smenkhkare, see Aldred 1951, pl. I35·
112. Berlin inv. no. 2I 300; Borchardt and Ricke I980, p. 97, no. 748; I4I. See Fay I986, no. 54·
Settgast I985, pp. 92-93; Borchardt I923, pp. 30-40; Anthes I42. Lohr 1975, pp. I55-57·
I958. I43· In the literature on Egyptian women there is, up to now, no
n3. Good illustrations can be found in Borchardt (I923, pl. 5) and in-depth study of the female image in art.
Anthes (I958, p. I7). I44· T efnin I979, passim. Measurements show that the distance
n4. The existing-and often conflicting-art historical views on between the ear and the nostril on the granite Hatshepsut in
the Nefertiti bust have been succinctly summarized by Krauss The Metropolitan Museum of Art (ace. no. 29.3.3; Hayes
(I991C, PP· I43-51). I990, pp. IOO-IOI) is one-fourth greater than in the
n5. Borchardt 1923, p. 32; Wiedemann and Bayer 1982, Memphite Nefertiti and one-half greater than in the three
pp. 6I9A-628A. princesses' heads in Berlin and Cairo. The distance between
n6. Krauss 1987, pp. 89, n7, n. I3. the ear and the jawbone is double that of the Berlin princess
II7. Borchardt I923, p. 33; see also, Kaiser I967, p. 71. and slightly less than double that of the Memphite head.
n8. The adhesive used to fix the right eye appears to be wax 145. Murnane 1995, p. 135.
(Wildung 1992, p. 148). I46. Ibid., p. I47·
n9. The missing eye inlay cannot be explained by the bust having I47· MMA ace. no. I993.326; see Roehrig I994, p. 9; Roeder I969,
been unfinished when it was deposited, because the piece is pl. I85, no. PC 90. For the date of reliefs of this style, see
not a late product of the Thutmose workshop (see above, Aldred (1973, pp. 186-87, 192 passim).
P· 70). I48. Technically, one should note the repair to the stump like
120. Krauss I987, p. I02; Kaiser 1990, pp. 280-85. tenon on top of the head and the dark brown paint that cov-
121. Besides the three busts from the Thutmose workshop deposit ers most of the areas intended to receive the headdress. See
mentioned above, there is one depicting a young successor of note I02 for a possible explanation of the red pigment.
Akhenaten, now in Berlin (inv. no. 20 496; Priese, ed., I99I, 149. For remains of other limestone statuettes from the workshop,
pp. I20-21), which was found in another sculptor's work- see Borchardt and Ricke 1980, p. 98, nos. 1044, 1049, I337·
shop, given the number P 49, 6 by the excavators (Borchardt I50. This can be deduced from the different numbers that the var-
and Ricke I98o, pp. 266-67, no. 75I). ious fragments received in the excavators' journal (Borchardt
I22. Krauss I99IC, pp. I50-53; id. I99Ib, pp. 46-49. and Ricke I98o, pp. 97-98, nos. 749, 856, 1041, 1276, 1278).
123. Published as the cover of the periodical Berliner Beitrdge zur The original parts of the piece are best seen in Aldred (1951,
Archaometrie, vol. I (I976). pls. u9-20).
I24. There is a noticeable indentation at this point between the 151. See, for example, N. Davies (1903-8, vol. r, pl. 30: Nefertiti
brow ridge and the forehead; see here, fig. 6o. and daughters; vol. 2, pl. 10: daughters and foreigners; vol. 3,
I25. A projection of this kind is legitimate because ancient pl. 8: king, Queen Tiye, daughters, and nurses).
Egyptian artists started a sculpture by drawing on the sides of 152. This one-sided sleeve is a well-documented feature of Amarna
a cubic stone block. See Schafer I986, pp. 327-34. dress. SeeN. Davies (1903-8, vol. I, pl. 30) for a very similar
126. Wildung I992, pp. I47-48, figs. 12, 13 on pp. 150-51. figure of the queen.
I27. Borchardt 1923, p. 32; Anthes I958, pp. 6-8. 153. Other examples are found in Borchardt 1913, pl. 4-
128. Anthes 1958, pp. 10-n; Krauss 1991c, p. 147· 154· Fay 1986, pp. 359-76.
129. Borchardt 1923, p. 33· 155. Martin 1974, I989, vol. I, pp. 28-29, pl. 2I, no. 8; Raven I994,
130. Krauss 1991c, p. 144. p. I2.
I3I. For a straight, or almost straight, neck in representations of 156. Borchardt and Ricke I98o, p. 99, plan 27: room II. For the
the king and queen at Karnak, see R. Smith and Redford piece, see ibid., p. 100, no. 746.
1976, pis. 5, 8, 10, 19, 20, 21; see here, figs. 10, II. For rare I57· For the stone called "black granite" by the excavators, which
straight necks at Amarna, see here, figs. 5, 19, 20, 85. is mottled gray on the rough surface but very dark gray to
132. Breasted 1948, especially pls. 9a, 9b, 15-20, 30, 31b, and from black in the break, see Klemm 1993, pp. 342-50; Borchardt
the New Kingdom, pls. 22-24. and Ricke 1980, pp. 89-100.
I33· Kozloff and Bryan 1992, pp. 251-52; Hayes 1990, p. 265, fig. I6o. 158. Borchardt and Ricke 1980, pp. 97-98, nos. 1035, 1036, Io4o.
I34. Spencer I993, p. 75· I59· Ibid., p. 95, no. 430. Berlin inv. no. 2I 336 (8.5 em [3% in.] in
135. Berlin inv. no. 2I 352, thought by the excavators to have been width).
an image of Akhenaten. See Borchardt and Ricke 1980, p. 97, 160. Ibid., p. 99, plan 27: rooms 5, 6, 10.
no. 744; Aldred 1973, pp. 172-73. 161. Among the statue fragments from the Great Aten Temple in
I36. Berlin inv. no. 2I 349, found in the columned reception hall the Metropolitan Museum are hundreds of pieces of indurated
(figs. 34, 35:5) just in front of the entrance to the deposit room limestone but only a few of diorite. These include fragments
145
of a neck (MMA ace. no. 21.9-495), a finger (MMA ace. no. r6. Aldred (I988, pp. q8-8I, 279-81) actually described this cele-
21.9.494), and a shoulder (MMA ace. no. 21.9.535). bration as the accession of Akhenaten to the throne after a
162. See the statuette of Akhenaten from house N 48, 15 in twelve-year coregency. He linked the festivities with a visit of
Amarna, now in the Cairo Museum, JE 43580 (Saleh and Akhenaten to Thebes that is attested by a hieratic note on
Sourouzian 1987, no. 16o; Borchardt 1912, pp. 24-27, pls. 2-4). cuneiform letter EA 27 (Moran I992, pp. 86-90). According
163. Russmann 1989, pp. 130-32; El-Saghir 1991, pp. 65-68, to Aldred, the occasion of this visit was the death and funeral
figs. 141-48; W. R. Johnson 1994, pp. 128-49. of Amenhotep III. The reading of the date in the hieratic note
I64. MMA ace. no. 07.228.34; Hayes I990, p. 300, fig. I85. is, however, uncertain and could be "Year 12" or "Year 2" (see
I65. Memphite sculptures in diorite from the post-Amarna Period ibid., pp. x:xxvii-x:xxviii, n. I35). However the coregency question
are stylistically different; see Hayes I990, pp. 304-5, fig. 190. is resolved, the festivities of Year I2 are described as the "appear-
ance [of the king] on the throne of his (divine and royal) father,
AsPECTS oF THE RoYAL FEMALE IMAGE DuRING THE the Aten ... " (Murnane 1995, p. 162). See n. 177 below for a
AMARNA PERIOD (pages 85-II9) possible connection between the festival and a victory in Nubia.
1. Cooney I965; Roeder I969; Hanke I978 (all passim); Aldred 17. Furniture adorned with lions, which is represented in the
I973, p. 238. For the Lady of the Two Lands tide, see Green palanquin for the king and queen in the tomb of Huya
I988, pp. 303-5. (N. Davies 1903-8, vol. 3, pl. 13) as part of the Year 12 festival,
2. MMA ace. no. I985-328.I5, Gift of Norbert Schimmel, I985; was a traditional element of thirty years' festivals; see Gohary
Mertens et al. I992, p. 58, no. 4I; Aldred I973, p. I33· 1992, pp. 7, IO-II, I9, 139. For lion palanquins, see ibid.,
3· Also at Karnak: R. Smith and Redford I976, p. 8I, pl. 23, no. 2. pp. 151-52, pl. 94·
4· Green I988, pp. 420-22; R. Smith and Redford 1976, 18. N. Davies 1903-8, vol. 3, pls. 13-I5; Murnane 1995, pp. 134-35.
pp. 8o-82, pl. 8, nos. 3, 4, pls. IO, 77· For her role in the sed- 19. N. Davies 1903-8, vol. 2, pls. 37-40; Murnane I995, pp. 162-64.
festival, see Gohary (1992, pp. 40-44, pls. I, 2; p. 46, pl. 4; 20. Thomas 1994, pp. 72-81.
p. 59, pl. I8; pp. 6I-62, pl. 20; p. 83, pl. 38). 21. Hanke 1978, pp. I75-87, figs. 59-61. For the changes of
5· Robins I993, pp. 145-48. names in inscriptions, see ibid., pp. 133-70, and Murnane
6. R. Smith and Redford 1976, pl. 8, no. 4· 1995, PP· 90-92.
7· Ibid., pp. 80-81, pls. I9-23, 29-31; Redford 1984, pp. 75-78, 22. For Kiya' s role in rituals, see Hanke 1978, pp. 90-92, 97-98.
figs. 6, 7; Loeben 1994a, pp. 41-45. 23. Aldred I988, p. 285.
8. Robins I993, p. 25, fig. 2, pp. 45-52. 24. ]. R. Harris 1974b, pp. n-21, with earlier literature.
9· Robins I995, p. I9. 25. Allen 1991, pp. 74-85; Allen 1994, pp. 7-17; Loeben 1994b,
10. Green 1988, p. 422; Aldred 1973, pp. 127, 192 (object not pp. 104-9. All with further references.
visible). 26. Gardiner 1928, pp. 10-n, pls. 5, 6.
n. R. Smith and Redford I976, pp. 83-84, pl. 30; Aldred 1973, 27. Murnane 1995, p. 208.
pp. 88, n8, 127, I85; for an exception with raised hands, see ibid., 28. Allen 199I, pp. 74-85, and Murnane 1995, pp. 10, 205-8, with
p. I37· For royal women with sistra in offering scenes before earlier references.
the Amarna Period, see Robins (I993, pp. 4I, I45-48, I56). 29. Allen I991, p. 85, n. 56.
I2. In the tomb reliefs, the queen's head usually reaches to about 30. Krauss (1978, pp. 1-47) has argued for Meretaten as sole ruler
the king's shoulder; for example: N. Davies 1903-8, vol. I, before her marriage to Smenkhkare.
pls. 22, 30; vol. 2, pls. 5, 7, 12; vol. 4, pl. 15; vol. 6, pl. 2; for 31. Loeben 1986, pp. 99-107.
greater difference in height, see ibid., vol. 2, pl. 8; vol. 5, pl. 3 32. For other examples, see Aldred 1973, p. 94, no. 7; p. 98, no. 12;
(because of the tall crown?). Even taller than Nefertiti is p. 101, no. 15.
Queen Tiye, who almost reaches her son's height in the 33· Aldred (1973, p. 191) has argued for a close connection between
Sunshade temple scene. See ibid., vol. 3, pl. 9· the plaque and the Thutmose workshop. Romano (1995, p.
13. Hathor connection: Troy 1986, pp. 73-91. For the function as 91) suggests an identification of the King with Tutankhamun.
"god's wife," see ibid., pp. 97-99, and Robins I993, pp. 43-45, The present author does not feel that the similarities between
151-53. For illustrations, see ibid., p. 26, fig. 3 ("donation the Wilbour king and the Luxor relief go beyond stylistic
stela" for Queen Ahmes Nefertari), p. 43, fig. 8; Naville 1907, traits. The Luxor king, for instance, has a straight nose.
pls. 27, 28. Wives and children were commonly included in 34· Since the strong rejection by Cyril Aldred (1973, p. 190),
funerary cult scenes in the nonroyal sector, and one wonders doubts about the authenticity of the Wilbour plaque have
whether influences coming from this private realm made pos- recently been reiterated by Thomas Hoving (1996, pp. 330-31).
sible and acceptable the remarkably widespread inclusion of Such doubts are rejected here again with conviction. Aside
the queen and princesses in the cult in Amarna temples (M. from the sheer quality of the piece, a simple iconographic
Muller 1982, pp. 281-84; id. I988, pt. 2, pp. Io9-21). It would observation speaks for this being a work by an Egyptian artist
not be the only instance in which the official Amarna art was of the late Amarna Period. The uraeus cobra on the queen' s
opened up to influences from the private sphere. cap crown coils its body in a complicated triple curve. The
I4. Porter and Moss 1972, p. 544; "Queens and Princesses with closest parallel to that pattern of curve on that particular
King" as opposed to p. 542Ia, b, d. crown is found on the limestone statuette of Nefertiti (here,
15. Hanke I978, pp. 106-32. For Meretaten, see especially the figs. 68, 69). The plaque was acquired by Charles Edwin
two blocks in The Brooklyn Museum (Aldred 1973, pp. 185, Wilbour at Amarna in 1881; the limestone statuette was exca-
193) and the scene in the tomb of Meryre II (N. Davies vated in 1912. Relief representations of the queen in this rarely
1903-8, vol. 2, pl. 41). worn crown were known in 1881 (N. Davies 1903-8, vol. 6,
pl. I4; val. I, pl. 30) but none of them show that particular pat- 56. Nims 1973, p. I83; Bothmer 1990, pp. 88-89, pl. 26, figs.
tern of the coiled cobra (see also Fay I986, pp. 359-76), and it 30-33. Both scholars point out that this manner of rendering
would have been a rare faker who had, in I88I, when knowledge the eye goes back at least to the reign of Akhenaten' s father.
of Amarna art was slight indeed, the foresight to combine a 57· Martin I974, I989, val. I, pp. 47-54, pls. 29-33. See also,
complicated cobra curve that he might have seen on an image shawabtis in other materials, ibid., pp. 54-55, pl. 36, nos. 136,
of Akhenaten in the Blue Crown (N. Davies I903-8, val. 4, 138; pp. 55-56, pl. 37, no. 142 (limestone); pp. 62-63, pls. 40,
pls. 3I, 35) with an unusual headdress of Nefertiti in just the 41, nos. 190-93 (quartzite); p. 67, pls. 45, 46, nos. 2I6, 2I8-21
way seen on a piece that would be excavated thirty years later. (sandstone).
The rather curious inclusion of the queen' s clavicles is paralleled 58. Aldred I973, p. 219, no. 166.
on a head in the tomb ofPentu (N. Davies I903-8, val. 4, pl. 7). 59· Berlin inv. no. 19 524; Schafer I93I, pl. 57; Reeves 1990, p. 105.
35· A connection between the Wilbour plaque, the limestone 6o. T. Davis et al. 19I2, pis. 65-73.
statuette, and a relief block in Berlin was made by Fay (I986, 6r. Reeves 1990, pp. 119-22.
pp. 359-76). 62. Daressy 1902, pp. 243-44, pl. 50.
36. The figure of the king seated with one arm falling at his back 63. Wilson 1973, pp. 235-41; Tawfik 198I, pp. 472-73.
and the other raised and bent recurs in several of the domestic 64. Wilson 1973, pp. 239-40.
shrine stelae; see Borchardt I923, p. 18, figs. I3, I4, pl. r. 65. Green 1992, pp. 28-41.
37· N. Davies I903-8, val. 5, pls. 8, 2I-23. 66. Green 1988, pp. 450-60; for the last quote, see ibid., p. 456.
38. For example, see Peet and Woolley I923, pl. 28. For the ances- 67. Murnane 1995, pp. 16o-6r.
tor cult, see Bomann I99I, p. 68 and passim. 68. Ibid., p. 16r.
39· For earlier suggestions, see Aldred I973, p. I84; J. R. Harris 69. Aldred I988, p. 305. The scene is in room alpha of the Royal
1973a, p. 15; Allen 1991, p. 76. Tomb at Amarna; see G. Johnson 199I, p. 57· For the present
40. For Karnak, see R. Smith and Redford I976, pls. I-23, espe- condition, see Martin 1974, 1989, val. 2, pls. 58, 6o, 6r.
cially pl. 8, no. I. For Amarna, see also Aldred I973, pp. 95-96, 70. N. Davies I903-8, val. 2, pl. 32; val. 3, pls. 4 (here, fig. uo),
98, 100-IOI. 6, 18, 32a, 34; val. 4, pis. 20, 22; val. 6, pls. 3, 17, 29.
41. One might also consider the pectoral worn by the king (in 71. Mertens et al. 1992, cover and p. 26.
the center of the stela). Such ornaments are not common for 72. Borchardt 1923, pp. 3-24, pl. r.
Akhenaten, but they are for Amenhotep III (Kozloff and 73· Schafer 1931, p. 42.
Bryan I992, pp. 436-37). 74- M. Muller 1988, pt. 2, p. 115.
42. We refrain from discussing in detail the so-called coregency 75· Aldred 1973, p. 102.
stela; see Allen I99I, pp. 76-77, fig. 4; p. 79, n. I4. We also 76. Hamann 1944, pp. 242-43; Groenewegen-Frankfort I95I, p. 105;
leave aside the small unfinished stela in Berlin (inv. no. 20 Krauss I991a, pp. 19-23.
716; Schafer 1931, pl. 31), although it appears to be a late 77· W. Davis 1978, p. 388; Krauss I991a, pp. 7-36. For additional
Amarna work and, in fact, is best explained as showing compositional peculiarities, such as the uneven height of the
Akhenaten and Nefertiti (in Blue Crown) as corulers. mat on which the royal pair sits, the bases of the columns,
43· Desroches-Noblecourt 1978, pp. 20-27. and the width of the sky bar above the couple, see Krauss
44· Roehrig 1990, pp. 262-67. 1991a, pp. 14, 30.
45· N. Davies 1903-8, val. 2, pls. 33, 34; val. 3, pl. 17; val. 6, pls. 4, 78. See also, Krauss (I99Ia, p. 17), where he makes a close com-
29. For ordinary people carrying the gold on plates, see ibid., parison with the tomb ofTuru, and N. Davies 1903-8, val. 6,
val. 4' pl. 9· pls. 17v, 19.
46. Ibid., val. 1, pl. 22; val. 3, pls. 4, r6; val. 4, pl. 15; val. 6, pls. 3, 79· For similarly intricate figure arrangements, see the tomb of
4, 17, 26, 40. Meryre II (N. Davies I903-8, val. 2, pis. 32-41) and Aldred
47· Ibid., val. 2, pl. 33; val. 6, pls. 20, 29. (I973, p. I96).
48. See also, ibid., val. 3, pl. 34, and Saleh and Sourouzian I987, 8o. Aldred 1973, pp. 10-n, fig. 3· Here the top is similar to the
no. I67. Berlin fragment (fig. 98), whereas the elaborate frame is remi-
49· Krauss I978, pp. 43-46; Allen I991, pp. 74-76 with fig. 1; niscent of the Cairo stela (Borchardt 1923, pl. 1).
N. Davies 1903-8, val. 2, pl. 41. The latter is also a scene of 8r. Borchardt 1923, p. 18, figs. 13, 14. Each shows a figure of the
bestowing the Gold of Honor. king or queen in the same pose that Akhenaten assumes in
50. Borchardt 1923, pp. 3-19, pl. I. the Cairo relief (see here, fig. 94); they were probably carved
51· Murnane 1995, p. 78. in the same workshop as the Cairo piece, the British Museum
52· Martin I974, I989, val. 2, pp. 17-50, pls. I-I4, I9; G. Johnson fragment at a somewhat later date than the Cairo stela.
1991, pp. 50-61. 82. Ibid., pp. 20-24; Borchardt and Ricke 1980, p. 132.
53· Martin 1974, 1989, val. I, pp. 13-30, 104, pls. 6-15; Raven 83. Borchardt and Ricke 1980, p. 255.
I994, pp. 7-20. Most fragments of the sarcophagus are in 84. Krauss 199Ia, pp. 35-36.
Cairo; they have been preliminarily reconstructed in the gar- 85. Ikram 1989, pp. 91-93, 95-96, with the repeated listing of
den of the Egyptian Museum. "king worshipping Aten," "royal family offering to Aten," etc.
54· Ibid., p. 17, fig. 10. 86. Griffith 1931, pp. 179-84, pls. 23, 24. The statues are now in
55· Martin I974, 1989, val. I, pls. 6-9. The details of the recon- the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford (king), and the British
struction of Akhenaten' s sarcophagus are currently being Museum (Nefertiti).
studied by various scholars, and a new reconstruction is 87. For ancestor cults in private chapels, see Bomann 1991,
planned. (May Trad, personal communication.) pp. 68-69.
147
88. Griffith 1926, p. 2. For the term loggia used in this text, see II2. N. Davies 1917, pl. 24; Brack 1980, pl. 70. For the tomb
Peet and Woolley 1923, pp. 39-40. of Menna, see Wilkinson and Hill 1983, p. 121 (MMA ace.
89. Krauss 1991a, pp. 7-9 with fig. 2. no. 30.4.48). For the pointed finger as a magical gesture, see
90. Borchardt 1923, pl. r. Pinch 1994, pp. 59-60, r2r.
91. Bruyere 1939, pp. 67, 193-204; Demaree 1983, pp. 30, 106-8, n3. For the frequency of Bes and Taweret in Amarna amulets,
286-87. Most Deir el-Medina stelae are of the round-topped see Boyce 1995, pp. 338-39, fig. d, p. 342. For the paintings,
type, but the niches appear to have been fitted with shrine see above, n. no.
cornices and jambs (Bruyere 1939, pp. 193-96, pis. 15, r6). u4. Assmann 1975b, p. 322, pl. 299.
92. Most elaborate is the stela (57 399) in the British Museum n5. See, for example, Hornung 199ob, p. 85, fig. 52.
(Aldred 1973, pp. 10-u, fig. 3) with a uraeus frieze very simi- n6. Petrie 1891, p. 20, pl. 24, no. 10.
lar to the one on the Berlin fragment (see here, fig. 98). The u7. The style of this limestone block in the University Museum,
British Museum piece also has plant decorations on the side the University of Pennsylvania (ace. no. E 325), is different
pilasters and a frieze of grapes, and is thus dose in shape to from reliefs at Amarna and is closest to the Memphite work
the baldachin in fig. 99 here. The Cairo stela (JE 44865; seen here in figure 18.
Borchardt 1923, pl. r; detail, fig. 94 here, does not include the u8. For the amount of white or some other light color at the time
frame) has a simpler cornice and torus on top of two side of excavation, see Petrie 1894, pl. r.
pilasters. n9. The interior of the basket is divided into four compartments,
93· Aldred 1973, pp. 10-u, fig. 3· which are depicted as if they were on top of the basket and
94· For illustrations demonstrating the use of mats to highlight turned 90 degrees toward the viewer. See Schafer 1986, p. 101,
the recipients of offerings, see Lange and Hirmer 1961, pls. 221, n. 40, p. 355, fig. 329.
222 (to gods); Wilkinson and Hill 1983, pp. 97, 100 (to the 120. Cairo group: Saleh and Sourouzian 1987, no. 168; Brooklyn
deceased). Mats were also used for persons of high status: relief: Aldred 1973, pp. 164-65, no. 92.
guests at the funerary festivals, ibid., p. 96; and the king and 121. For an Old Kingdom scene, see Moussa and Altenmiiller
queen, ibid., p. 125. See also Krauss 1991a, p. 14, with further 1977, p. 163, pl. 91. For a Middle Kingdom example, see
references. Lange and Hirmer 1961, pl. 95·
95· The horizontal bar in this relief must be reconstructed with 122. Eaton-Krauss and Graefe 1985, pp. 34-35, pl. 17. For the use
the two downward pointing triangular ends of a sky ideogram in Amarna houses of floral collars made of faience, see Boyce
(Krauss 1991a, p. 14). According to Amarna convention, the 1995, pp. 336-71, especially p. 342.
sun disk was always placed below a sky emblem (N. Davies 123. Saleh and Sourouzian 1987, no. 179.
1903-8, val. r, pl. 10; val. 2, pls. 5, 7, 8; val. 3, pl. 4) or, at 124. N. Davies 1903-8, vol. 2, pl. 32.
least, on the lower line of the sky ideogram (ibid., val. r, pl. 30; 125. Kemp 1995, pp. 4n-62. For the designation as "parklands,"
vol. 2, pls. 10, 12-14, 18, 20). However, a version of the sky see ibid., p. 454·
emblem with rounded ends was used most frequently in 126. Ibid., p. 452.
Amarna reliefs. 127. Ibid., pp. 413-32.
96. From the Old Kingdom on, the sky ideogram was depicted 128. Peet and Woolley 1923, pp. 109-24.
above all types of scenes, but especially above representations 129. MMA ace. nos. 23.2.32, 33: Hayes 1990, p. 290; Peet and
of kings and gods. Compare, for example, the relevant scene Woolley 1923, pls. 36, 37, 39· The painting (Hayes 1990, p. 291,
from the tomb of Kheruef in which Amenhotep III and fig. 179) is not from Amarna but from the palace of
Queen Tiye are seated on thrones under a double baldachin Amenhotep III at Malqata, a fact that was discovered by Fran
topped by the sky ideogram (Chicago 1980, pl. 47 left). Weatherhead (personal communication to the Department of
97· Krauss 1991a, p. 14. Egyptian Art, The Metropolitan Museum of Art).
98. Andrews 1991, p. 129, fig. 112; p. 131, fig. II4. From the tomb 130. Peet and Woolley 1923, pls. 31, 32, 62; Kemp 1995, pp. 418-25.
of Tutankhamun: ibid., p. 136, fig. u9; p. 62, fig. 47 (with 131. Kemp 1995, pp. 454-60.
pillars). 132. Murnane 1995, p. 90.
99· Feucht 1967; id. 1971. 133· See here, pp. 14-15; Hanke 1978, pp. 188-96; Heick 1980,
wo. Assmann 1995, p. So. cols. 422-24; id. 1984, pp. 159-67, with references; Thomas
101. Allen 1988a, pp. 14-27; Assmann 1995, pp. 178-89. 1994,pp.72-8r.
102. Allen 1988a, p. 9; Troy 1986, p. 136. 134- Hanke 1978, p. 140.
103. Allen 1988a, pp. 27-29. 135. Ibid., figs. 6o, 61: B r-4.
104. N. Davies 1903-8, vol. 3, pls. 16, q; vol. 6, pls. 4, 29; Krauss 136. MMA ace. no. 1985.328.8; Mertens et al. 1992, p. 57, no. 37;
1991a, pp. 23-24. Cooney 1965, pp. 29-30.
105. Krauss 1991a, pp. 23-24. 137. For comparison, the face of Kiya on her coffin in the Cairo
106. Brunner-Traut 1955, pp. II -30; Robins 1993, p. 83. Museum is very damaged; only the wooden core of the coffin
107. Vandier d'Abbadie 1937-[46], pis. 49-54, nos. 2335, 2336, and one eye on the gold outer shell are preserved; a good
2341-2343, 2346, 2351, 2352. illustration is in Romer (1981, plate opposite p. 217). Very ten-
108. Klebs 1934, pp. r88-9o; Arnold 1994, p. 95 (Gotteszelt). tatively it may be suggested that the unfinished head of
109. Wilkinson and Hill 1983, p. 144 (MMA ace. no. 30-4-145). For quartzite found in the area of the houses 0.47.16a and 0.47.20
the senet game, see Kendall 1978. farther south from the workshop of Thutmose (Saleh and
no. Kemp 1979, pp. 47-53· Sourouzian 1987, no. 161) does not represent Nefertiti but
m. Robins 1993, pp. 185-86. Kiya.
I38. Hanke 1978, pp. 128-29, pls. 38, 39· For the position of the Museum (here, figs. 104-7) as part of a three-dimensional
rays compare, for instance, N. Davies 1903-8, vol. r, pl. 22, monument with the various figures facing in different direc-
with Akhenaten at the altar. tions. There is, however, no necessity for such a reconstruc-
139. On the original creation of this throne during the Amarna tion, and the one advanced here corresponds more closely to
Period, see Saleh and Sourouzian 1987, no. 179. other Amarna groups.
140. Aldred I978, p. 57· 155. N. Davies I903-8, vol. 5, pl. 43·
I4L Troy 1986, pp. 37-38. 156. Compare the group of two men and a boy in The
I42. Kozloff and Bryan 1992, pp. 443-44· Metropolitan Museum of Art (ace. no. 11.150.2I; see Hayes
I43· The throne of the statue group of King Haremhab and I99o, p. 312, fig. 194).
Queen Mutnedjmet includes the same plant crown on a I57· Feucht I995, pp. 501-2.
winged sphinx; see Donadoni Roveri, ed., 1989, p. I53, fig. 237· 158. Aldred I973, p. I62.
Associations with the headdress of the goddesses Anukis and 159. Newton 1924, p. 295, pl. 23, I. For the North Palace, see ibid.,
Saris of Elephantine (Valbelle 198I, passim) are usually rejected pp. 294-98, and Whittemore I926, pp. 4-8.
by Egyptologists (Kozloff and Bryan 1992, p. 444). I6o. N. Davies I929, pp. 58-68, pls. 2-9; Wilkinson and Hill
I44· Montet I937, pp. no-n, 141, 172-74. 1983, pp. 25, I32-33: MMA ace. no. 30.4.I36.
145. Stadelmann 1967, pp. 88-96. Although Stadelmann finds no 161. Name of Meretaten: Newton 1924, p. 295, pls. 23, 3;
fertility cult performed in Egypt for the goddess Anat (ibid., Whittemore 1926, p. 4; Kemp I986, col. 313.
p. 94), she cannot have lost her Near Eastern character com- I62. Feucht I995, pp. 497-98.
pletely. The fact that the sources appear to show the tall, flat 163. Eaton-Krauss I98I, p. 253, n. 7; Green I988, pp. 115-I6.
headdress as a hairstyle leads to a question: Does the peculiar 164. N. Davies I903-8, vol. I, pl. 22; vol. 2, pls. 5, 18; vol. 3, pl. I8;
surface of Nefertiti's crown in a relief of the Royal Tomb at vol. 4, pls. 5, 9, 31.
Amarna indicate hair? In a brilliant find, the relief was redis- I65. Ibid., vol. 2, pls. 7, 8, 32.
covered by George B. Johnson (G. Johnson I991, pp. 50-6I, I66. Ibid., vol. 2, pl. I2.
especially pp. 6o-6r). 167. Ibid., vol. 6, pl. 3·
146. Feucht I980, cols. 424-37; id. 1995, pp. 468-502; Janssen 168. Ibid., vol. 3, pl. I7.
1990. 169. Ibid., vol. I, pl. 30.
147. Murnane 1995, pp. no-n. 170. Ibid., vol. 3, pl. 16.
148. Hornung 1990a, p. 164, fig. I8. In this complex theological I7L Ibid., vol. 2, pl. 38; see also, ibid., pls. 33, 34·
image the horizon mountains are replaced by two lions, refer- I72. Since no groups of two in which a taller girl embraces a small-
ring not only to the double lion form in which Egyptians er one are known from the rock tombs, the two girls on the
depicted the (male) earth god Aker (Wit I951, pp. 91-106) but relief in The Metropolitan Museum of Art (ace. no. I985-328.6;
also to the primeval deities Shu and T efnut, with whom cre- see Mertens et al. 1992, p. 26) most probably belonged to a
ation started (Wit 1951, pp. 107-22). The sun is surrounded group of three with an even smaller girl at right. See N.
by the Ouroboros snake (Hornung I990a, loc. cit., "regener- Davies I903-8, vol. 2, pl. 10.
ating nonexistence that encircles the world"); below the sun I73· N. Davies 1903-8, vol. 6, pl. 4·
disk is the head of a cow (the sky goddess), and above are the 174. Ibid., vol. 2, pls. 10, 33, 34, with breasts seen in profile.
arms that lift and receive the sun at the beginning and end of I75· Schafer I986, pp. 205-10.
its daily voyage. Marianne Eaton-Krauss (I983, p. I31) denied 176. N. Davies 1903-8, vol. 2, pls. 5, 10; vol. 6, pls. 2-4, 7·
that the anthropomorphic image of the rising sun as a child 177· Aldred I988, pp. 178-81. For the Nubian victory: Murnane
could be related to Amarna ideology. The text (Murnane I995, PP· 101-3.
1995, pp. no-n), however, stands as clear evidence of this 178. For the last mention of the princess, in an ink inscription on a
imagery's continued presence in the minds of believers in the jar dated Year I3, see Pendlebury et al. 195I, vol. 2, pl. 86, no. 37·
Aten. I79· Martin 1974, 1989, vol. 2, pp. 4I-48, pls. IIA, 63-81. As to
149. Assmann 1995, pp. 8o-96. whom the reliefs in room alpha of the Royal Tomb refer, see
150. Murnane 1995, p. 114. ibid., pp. 27-4I, where the author rejects earlier statements
151. Aldred (1973, p. 163) shows this side of the sculpture. that the scenes in this room refer to Meketaten. See also
152. For examples, especially of the later Middle Kingdom, see Aldred 1988, pp. 30-3I (a more cautious approach), and p. 305;
Vandier 1958, pl. 66, no. r; pl. 84, nos. 5, 6; pl. 85, nos. I, 3; G. Johnson 1991, p. 57·
for the New Kingdom, see ibid., pl. 12I, no. 4, etc. 180. Helck 1982, col. 22.
153. Samson 1978, pp. 22-23, figs. 5a, b; Aldred 1973, pp. 63-64, 181. For the princess's birth date, see here, p. 11.
figs. 39-41. W. Raymond Johnson, in a lecture at The 182. See, however, Martin I974, 1989, vol. 2, pp. 47-48.
Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, 1992, advocated I83. A date for Queen Kiya is mentioned in Year n and a more
identifying the group in the Petrie Museum, London, as doubtful one in Year I6. The many erasures of her names
Amenhotep III, Queen Tiye, and their small daughter and images seem to preclude the latter date (Helck I98o,
Baketaten. This would, indeed, explain the tripartite wig of cols. 422-24; Hanke 1978, pp. I33-204).
the queen, which does not occur in images of Nefertiti in I84. MMA ace. no. 26.7.1295; see Hayes 1990, pp. 296-97, fig.
quite this way. Another view pertinent to the present discus- I83.
sion of the group of Akhenaten and Nefertiti in the Louvre is I85. MMA ace. no. 30.8.372; see ibid., p. 296.
found in Desroches-Noblecourt (I963, p. 134, fig. 70). 186. A palette with six instead of four cakes of pigment with the
154. Aldred (1973, p. 162) reconstructed the torso in the Petrie names of the princess's sister Mereta ten was found as an heir-
149
loom in the tomb of King Tutankhamun (Carter 1933, p. 45, ed. 1991, pp. I20-2I, no. 72. The eyes and mouth of this king
pl. 22A). are close to those of the Louvre piece, but the face of the P
187. MMA ace. no. 40.2.4. 49, 6 bust has considerably more depth.
r88. Hayes 1990, pp. 3I4, 3I5, 317, fig. I99· 5· See the group of Amun and King Haremhab from the Luxor
189. T. Davis et al. 1910, pp. 24-25, pls. 7-19; Bell 1990, pp. 97-I37; cachette (El-Saghir 1991, pp. 65-68, figs. 141-48).
Dodson 1994a, pp. 57-60, I22-23; id. 1994b, pp. 92-103. 6. For instance, works in wood like the head emerging from the
190. MMA ace. no. 30.8.54; see Hayes 1990, pp. 297-99, fig. 184; lotus flower (Edwards 1976, ills. 22, 45). For works in stone,
Saleh and Sourouzian I987, no. 171. see Russmann (1989, pp. 133-35, nos. 61, 62).
191. T. Davis et al. I9IO, pp. 4, 25. 7· A fragment of a very similar statuette of comparable lime-
I92. Martin I985, pp. III-24. stone, but dating to earlier in the Amarna Period, is MMA
193. Schafer I9I8, pp. 43-49· ace. no. 21.9.16, with other fragments from the Great Aten
I94· Krauss I986, pp. 67-80. Temple deposit (the "favissa" find). See Hill, in Amarna Art
I95· Aldred I957b, pp. I41-42, 147. in the Metropolitan Museum (forthcoming).
196. Dodson I994a, p. 59· 8. Aldred (1973, p. 178) reconstructed her with an object (a
197. Aldred 1957b, p. I42. sistrum?) in her raised left hand. This reconstruction is
I98. Dodson 1994a, pp. 59-60, I22-23. improbable since the left side of the princess adjoins another
I99· Krauss 1986, pp. 67-76. figure, and sistra are usually held in the right hand.
200. Martin I985, p. II2. 9· In addition to the Louvre limestone princess and the Berlin
201. There are differences among the four heads but none concern Nefertiti statuette, see also the bust of Akhenaten from the
the points raised here (see T. Davis et al. 1910, pls. 8-19). Thutmose workshop, now in Berlin, and a bust of unknown
202. Stylistic similarities with Akhenaten's shawabtis are notice- provenance in the Louvre (Borchardt 1913, pl. 4).
able; see Martin 1974, 1989, vol. I, pp. 37-72, and especially ro. Roeder 1969, pls. II, 13, 30; 172: PC 15 (MMA ace. no.
pl. 33, no. 97, pl. 42, no. 193a, etc. 1985-328.10), 173: PC 25, 193: PC 147. The earlier Karnak reliefs
203. T. Davis et al. 1910, pp. 13-I5, pls. 28-33. (here, figs. ro, 23, 58) do not have the harshly abstract pubic
204. Martin I985, pp. II2-I3. The arguments advanced by Krauss triangles (R. Smith and Redford I976, pls. 19, 29).
(I986, p. 74) are for once unconvincing. Traditionally, of course, such triangles were seen on fertility
205. Aldred I973, pp. ro-u, fig. 3· figurines (Robins 1993, p. 57, fig. 17).
II. Edwards 1976, p. 159; clearer in Saleh and Sourouzian 1987,
YouTH AND OLD AGE (pages 12I-26) no. 177. This, of course, is another revival of pre-Amarna styl-
r. Bothmer (I990, pp. 89-90) used the broader term hooded eye istic traits (Kozloff and Bryan I992, pp. 206-8, 257-60). The
in his treatment of this type of eyelid, although that does not statuette of Tama is an example of a more Amarnesque ren-
really seem to describe this particular shape of the upper lid. dering of the body combined with a hairstyle similar to that
For more examples dating to the reign of Tutankhamun, see of the Louvre and Philadelphia pieces (Russmann I989, p. III,
Russmann (1989, pp. I33-35, nos. 61, 62). no. 52). See also the statue of the wife of Nakhtmin (Saleh
2. Compare the fragment of a head in The Brooklyn Museum and Sourouzian 1987, no. 196).
(Aldred 1973, p. 168, no. 98). The features of this fragment, 12. The group might have resembled the scene on the so-called
although very similar to the Louvre princess, are slightly coregency stela (Allen I991, pp. 76-77, fig. 4). For royal
less stylized: the eyes are more rounded, the mouth is more buildings probably erected at Amarna after Akhenaten's
natural, and the musculature of the cheeks is subtly detailed. death, see Pendlebury et al. I951, vol. I, p. 6o.
The fragment may come from a late Amarna workshop whose 13. T. Davis et al. 1907, pp. 37-44, pls. 33-36; T. Davis and
sculptors influenced the creator of the Louvre princess. Forbes 1991, pp. ro-n, 24. Also of this date (or early in the
In contrast to the Louvre statuette, the Brooklyn piece has no Amarna Period?) but from the Faiyum region is the statuette
side lock. The limestone head of a princess in Berlin (inv. ofTama (Saleh and Sourouzian 1987, no. I54; Russmann 1989,
no. I4 II3; Priese, ed. I991, pp. n6-17, no. 70; Aldred 1973, pp. IIO-II, no. 52).
p. I?5) is reminiscent of the statuette of Nefertiti (see 14. Goetze 1975, p. 18. The debate about the identity of the
here, figs. 68, 69), but it is not a work of the Thutmose work- author of this letter is ongoing; see Martin I99I, p. 36.
shop. 15. Murnane 1995, p. 231.
3· MMA ace. no. 50.6; Hayes I990, pp. 300-301, fig. 186, from a r6. For monumental stone images of queens and goddesses of
statue group with the god Amun. this period, see W. R. Johnson 1994, pp. 136-49.
4· The Louvre princess's closeness to late Amarna art is also I?. Boeser I9I3, pls. 5, 6, nos. II, 13.
emphasized by the numerous similarities to the bust of a 18. Martin 1991, pp. 147-88; fig. 105 on p. 163 shows the Leiden
young king (Smenkhkare or Tutankhamun) found in the group; p. 86, fig. 57 shows another contemporaneous statue
sculptor's workshop (P 49, 6) at Amarna; see Borchardt and group, of Haremhab and his first wife, Amenia, which is styl-
Ricke I980, p. 266, plan 87; Phillips 1991, pp. 31-33; Priese, istically similar.
GLOSSARY
Gem pa Aten. "The Aten Is found": The name of temples the breasts, and in the back the remaining cloth was twisted
of the Aten at Karnak (Thebes) and Amarna. into a tight coil. In front, the cloth was held upright by a
system of stiff folds that created flat triangular planes at
Karnak Cachette. Egyptologists use the French term for either side of the head.
deposit, cachette, to designate certain finds of large numbers
of mummies or statues that were buried or hidden in New Kingdom. Eighteenth through Twentieth Dynasties,
ancient times. The Karnak Cachette was an assemblage of ca. 1550-1070 B.C.
eight hundred statues and statuettes and seventeen thousand

smaller objects discovered by the French archaeologist Old Kingdom. Third through Eighth Dynasties, ca.
Georges Legrain in 1903-4 in a court of the Karnak temple 2649-2134 B.C.
north of the seventh pylon (large gateway structure). Today,
the statues are in the Egyptian Museum, Cairo. Renpet sign. Hieroglyphic ideogram for "year" showing a
palm branch stripped of leaves and notched to serve as a
Khat. Headdress of Egyptian kings. The counterpart to the tally. Many notches indicate many years, and thus the
nemes, it was also worn by goddesses, especially in a funerary emblem conveys the wish for a long life
context, and by Queens Tiye and Nefertiti. The narrow
edge of a rectangular piece of cloth was placed across the Sed-festival. Ancient ritual of rejuvenation performed for
forehead and temples and tied behind the ears with two Egyptian kings after thirty years (theoretically) of rule.
bands attached to the corners under the section hanging in Following the first heb sed (Egyptian for sed-festival) celebra-
the back. The khat covered the hair completely but did not tion, further sed-festivals were held after shorter intervals.
cling tightly to the head. It bulged behind the ears and was Texts often mention sed-festivals that a pharaoh wished to
kept upright on top of the head by two stiff folds above each celebrate but that had not yet actually taken place.
ear. In the back, the remaining cloth was gathered into a Akhenaten celebrated a sed-festival remarkably early in his
rectangular pouch that fell between the shoulder blades. reign, even before the move to Amarna, most probably in
Year 2 or 3, and Queen Nefertiti participated in the rites.
Late Period. Twenty-fifth through Thirtieth Dynasties, ca. Whether other sed-festivals were performed at Amarna, and
743-332 B.C. whether the Aten himself was the recipient of such rites are
matters of debate.
Middle Kingdom. Period from the reunification of Egypt
under Mentuhotep II through the Thirteenth Dynasty, ca. Shawabtis. Small images, mostly in the form of mummies,
2040-1640 B.C. that were deposited in tombs and sacred places. A spell,
often written on the shawabd s body, sought the figure's
Modius. Latin word for a cylindrical grain measure used by magical help in case a deceased person was required to do
the ancient Romans. The term is used by Egyptologists to manual labor in the afterlife. Since the shawabtis were most
designate the cylindrical base of a female crown, which often called upon to perform agricultural tasks, many figures
often has concave sides. had sacks slung over their arms or shoulders and held imple-
ments in their hands. During the Amarna Period, some
Nemes. Traditional head cover of Egyptian kings. In most shawabtis were inscribed with prayers to the Aten.
cases, a pleated, rectangular piece of cloth was fastened over
the forehead and covered the entire head while leaving the Sistrum. Musical instrument in the form of a rattle, used
ears exposed. Two lappets on either side of the neck fell over mostly by females in the service of a deity. When shaken, a
GLOSSARY
jingling sound is created by the loose pieces of metal that are coes and in the transversal court. Archaeological finds sug-
either inserted into holes in a metal loop or attached to the gest that some Sunshade temples were situated in parkland
sides of a metal box shaped like a small shrine. settings.
Sunshade temple. Sanctuary used for the daily rites devoted Talatat. Building stones used exclusively during the
to a solar deity. The Sunshade temple of Queen Tiye at Amarna Period. They were roughly standardized in size:
Amarna is depicted in the tomb of her steward, Huya. It 53-54 em (2oYs-2rY.; in.) in width; 23-24 em (9-9ft in.) in
had an open court with pylons at each end and surrounding height; and 26-27 em (roY4-roYs in.) in depth. The origin of
porticoes. The inner sanctuary consisted of three parallel the Arabic name talatat (threes) is unclear. It has been
courts; the center court included another portico, and the explained by the fact that the width of the blocks is equal to
main altar, at which the royal family is depicted offering, about three spans of a hand.
was located in the innermost transversal court. Statues of
the Queen, her (deceased?) husband Amenhotep III, and Vermilion line. Light reddish outer margins of the lips; in
her son Akhenaten stand between the columns of the porti- Egyptian art, usually indicated as a sculpted ridge.
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INDEX
Note: The names ofsome royal persons changed Amarna (Akhetaten), 26-27; abandonment of, art, Egyptian
during the Amarna Period. This index uses the lat- 43-46; design and construction of, 22, Amarna style in context of, 19-20
est name. Italic numerals indicate illustrations. 41; map, 2I; fig. 13; Palace at, 20, 22, u2; artists: place of origin of, 22-23, 35; social and
fig. 12; royal residence moved to, 8, 20; economic position, 41-43
Royal Tomb at, II, 93-94, IIS; stones of, characteristics: conceptualism, 55; depiction of
age, depiction of, 79-81, 90, 93, 125-26 reused in later buildings, 85 abnormal and out-of-the-ordinary peo-
Agyptisches Museum, Berlin, 143 (n. 6o); figs. 23, Amarna Period: historical evidence about, n8; ple, 20; idealization, 47, II9; naturalism,
28, 36-39, 43, 46, 58, 6r, 66, 68, 72, 84, revolutionary aspects of, 3-5 47, 55, n9; symmetry/asymmetry, 68
85, 88, 98; nos. r-II Amarna sryle commissioning of, 41-42
Akhenaten (Amenhotep IV), 14 beginning of, 17-39 transformation of, in Amarna Period, 3-4, 17-39
as child of the Aten, 56 characteristics: anatomical correctness, 55, See also Amarna style; post-Amarna style
depictions of, 46, 55> s6, 59> 6o, 6s, 89-90, 93, 56-57, 64, 72, 74; distortions and ugli- artist's sketch of mother and child, fig. 90
97, 108, II6 ness, 17, 19, 74; emphasis on present, 4; Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, figs. 15, 30, 49, 75;
colossal head (fragment), from Karnak, 2, light, use of, II9; physical abnormalities nos. 24-26, 50
17, 30, 38, 64, 74; fig. 1; no. 29 shown, ro, 19; realism, 19; sensuousness, Aten, Great Hymn to, 4, 56, 108
colossal statue, from Karnak, I6, q, 18, 24, 22-24; softening of forms, 74, II9 Aten, Great and Small Temples of (Amarna), 22
28,30,}7, 59,64,74,89, 12r;fig.9 evolution of, 3-4, 17-39, II9 Aten, temple of the (Karnak), 17
column fragment, from Hermopolis, 10, influence of Aten religion on, II9 Aten (god), 3-5; depicted, on column fragment,
86, 86,·fig.76; n0.31 influence on later art, 83, 121-26 10, 38-39, 39, 69, 86, 123; fig. 30; no. 25;
head, gypsum plaster, from the Thutmose place of origin of artists, 22-23 name and style of, 4, 97; offering to,
workshop, 46, 47, 50, 52, 64, 72, 83; and traditional art, 19-20 depicted, 97; worship of, 4-5
figs. 43, 45 See also art, Egyptian Aten religion: death, prayers at, 96; disliked by
relief, 23, 23, 91; fig. 14; no. 40 Amenemhat III, image of, II9 Egyptians, 5> 100-IOI, us; female prin-
relief, from Hermopolis, II, rs, 87, 88, 105; Amenhotep, Son of Hapu, statue of, 30 ciple honored in, 86, uS; influence on
fig. 79; no. 28 Amenhotep II, 96; tomb of, 8 art, u9; modern-seeming tendencies of,
relief, from tomb ofHuya, 26, 33, 51, 97, Amenhotep III, 14, 26-28 5; theology, 3-5, 56, 99, 100-101, 108,
II3, n3,· fig. no cult of, 34 n8; vs. traditional religion, 4-5
sculptor's model, 69, 79, 89-90, 90, n9; depiction of, r8, 97 Arum (god), 99
fig. 81; no. 30 bracelet plaque, 8, 9, 107, I07; figs. 4, 102 Ay (brother ofTiye?, pharaoh), 7, 10, 12, 15
shrine stelae, 10, II, I3, 39, 55, 57, 70, 72, 89, statue with repair, 62, 63; fig. 57 depiction of, 51; (possibly), gypsum plaster
93, 97-101, 98, 100, IOI-I03, 104, I04, funerary equipment, 34 head, from the Thutmose workshop, 35,
107, II8; figs. 8, 88, 91, 94, 97, 98; nos. reign of, 91 36,46,47> 51, 72;fig. 28
6, 8 women of family of, 7-10 sarcophagus of, 95
statue fragment, 23, 24, 70; fig. 16 Amenhotep IV. See Akhenaten tomb of, II9
statuettes, II, 43, 79, I03, 104, 146 (n. 162); Amun (god), 3, 88-89, 122; head of, 8I, 83, m; fig. 73
fig.96 Amun-Re (god), 3
stela fragment, 93, 97, 99-100, I02, 103-4, Anat (goddess), 107
I26,· figs. 93, 123; no. 14 Anen (brother ofTiye), 7 Babylonia, n, 14
votive stela, 91-93, 93; fig. 84; no. 7 Ankhesenamun (Ankhesenpaaten) (daughter of back pillars (of composite statuary), 63
moves residence and capital to Akhetaten, 8, 20 Akhenaten and Nefertiti), 10, n-12, 65, Baketaten (daughter of Amenhotep III, or of
name change, 3, 20 124 Akhenaten), 10, 27; depiction of, relief,
name of, relief showing, 22, 112; no. 36 depiction of, r8, 55, 6o, 87, 101, 105; on shrine from tomb of Huya, 26, 33, 51, 97, II3,
and promotion of new theology, 3-5 stelae, 10, II, I3, 39, 55, 57, 70, 72, 89, 93, II3; fig. IIO
reign of, 20, 86, 89; coregency with 97-101, 98, IOI, I03, 104, 107, II8; figs. 8, Bek (sculptor), 140 (n. 37); wife of, 143 (n. 48)
Amenhotep III, 91; successors to, 89 88, 91, 97; no. 6 "Berlin princess" (head, from the Thutmose
sarcophagus of, 94-96 Ankhesenpaaten. See Ankhesenamun workshop), 26, 36, 43> 51, 52, 53, 54' 56,
"testament" of, on boundary stelae, 94 Ankhesenpaaten-Tasherit (daughter of 61-62, 63-65, 72, 74, 77, 83, 108, II2,
tomb of, II, 93-94, II5 Ankhesenpaaten?), 14, 65 n6, 121, 122; figs. 46-48; no. 5
See also royal daughters of Amarna; royal Ankhhaf, bust of, II9 Bes (demon), 100
women of Amarna apotropaic actions, 100 birds (painting; not illustrated), 112; no. 51
Akhet, 137 (n. 7, left) architecture, in Amarna Period, 4 birth, 107
Akhetaten. See Amarna arms, depiction of, 26, 79 birth bowers, 99-100
INDEX
birth of a calf (relief, from tomb chapel of Senbi evil-averting actions, roo fragment, fig. 27
at Meir), roo, ror; fig. 92 expressions: bitter, 79; dreamy, 121 gypsum plaster, 46-52; figs. 28, 36-39, 43;
Blue Crown of Akhenaten, ro, 72 eyes, 121; inlays in, 51 nos. ro, II
boundary stelae, ro, 26, 55, 6o, 122; Akhenaten's quartzite, fig. 31; no. 42
text on, 94 wood, figs. 23, 26; no. I
bracelet plaque, figs. 4, ro2 Heliopolis, 99

breasts, depiction of, II4 falcon-headed man symbol, 3 Henut-taneb (daughter of Amenhotep III), 9;
British Museum, London, fig. 90 female (statuette, wood), 24, I27; fig. 124; no. 54 depicted, bracelet plaque, 8, 9; fig. 4
Brooklyn Museum, The, figs. ro, 76, 8r; nos. 30-32 female face (furniture inlay, glass), 95, 96; fig. 87; Hermopolis, 85; artists of, 22-23
busts, of Akhenaten, 145 (n. m); ofNefertiti, no. 22 Herweben, papyrus of (drawing), 99, ro8; fig. 89
6s-7o; figs. s8, 6o, 62; of young succes- females. See women Hittites, II, 12, 86; Egyptian queen's letter to, 124
sor, 145 (n. 121), 150 (n. 4) feminine principle, 86, n8 Horizon, 137 (n. 7, left)
fertility, ro7 Horus (god), ro7
figures: on corners of sarcophagi and chests, house stelae. See shrine stelae
94-96; height of, symbolism of, n3-14 humans, depiction of, stylized, II9
"Cairo princesses" (heads, from the Thutmose work- finger (unit of measure), 68 Huya, tomb of, ro, 26-27, 41, 52, 87, II3
shop), 26, 36, 49, 51, 52, 58-60, 61, 6I, finger pointing (relief, from tomb chapel of Senbi Hymn to the Aten, 4, 56, ro8
63-65, ro8, n2, n6, 121; figs. 50-53; no. 43 at Meir), roo, IOI; fig. 92
Canaan, 86 flowers, ro4-5, 126
canopic equipment: chests, 96; lids, n6 foreign queens, 14
cap crown ofNefertiti, 72, 90 Freud, Sigmund, 5 iconoclasm, 4, II5
casts, fig. 24; gypsum plaster, 42 funerary deities, 34-35 iconography, royal, 17
chests, canopic, 96 funerary equipment, 96, n6 inlays, 51
children, depiction of, 55, ro8-r8 furniture inlay, glass, figs. 87, IIJ; nos. 21, 22 Isis (Aset) (daughter of Amenhotep III), 9;
clothing, depiction of, 24, 6o, 122 depicted, bracelet plaque, 8, 9; fig. 4
cobra (uraeus) symbol, q, 70, 90 Isis (goddess), 34, 96, ro7
colossal head (fragment), figs. I, 2; nos. 29, 41 Iuty (sculptor), 41
colossal statue, fig. 9 garden-chapel reliefs, 97
column fragment, figs, 15, 30, 75, 76; nos. 24-26, garden sanctuaries, ro5
31, 35 geese feeding (painting, not illustrated), n2; no. 53
composite statuary, 42, 52-6s, 6J; figs. 56, 57i gestures: arm outstretched, 26; arms hanging, 79; Jack Josephson Collection, New York, fig. II; no. 39
no. 23; demonstration drawing, 61, 62, opposed hands, ror-3; pointing fingers, jewelry, 61-62, ror
62, 63-65; fig. 55 roo; smiting the enemy, 85; see also
creation, ro7; Aten religion's conception of, 56, 99, postures
roo-101; traditional myths, 55-56, 99, Ghurab. See Medinet el-Ghurab
ro1 gift giving, depicted, ro1, ro4-5; relief block, from Karnak (Thebes), temples of the Aten at, ro
crowns, 36-38, 62, 70-72; queens', 32-33 el-Lahun, ro1, I02; fig. 95; stelae, n, 89, Karnak style, 22-24, 30, 59, 64, 85
cuneiform correspondence found in Amarna, n, 93, 97-98, I02; fig. 94 khat (headdress), 30-34, 37
14 Gilukhipa (foreign queen of Amenhotep III), 14 king (pharaoh): as child of god, ro8; divinity of,
gods and goddesses, Egyptian: erasure of names 17, 18, 96; marriages and sexual relations
from monuments, 4> ns; the pantheon, of, 7; as representative of the divine, r8;
3-4, 5; role of, as protectors of king, 107 titles of, 85
"Dahamunzu" (queen), 12 Gold of Honor, 91-93; relief, from tomb of kissing, ro4
dead, protectresses of, 96 Meryre II, II, 55, 6o, 91, 92, 93; fig. 83 depicted
demonstration drawing, fig. 55 granodiorite, 83 shrine stelae, ro, II, IJ, 39, 55, 57, 70, 72, 89,
dining (relief, from tomb ofHuya), 26, 33, 51, 97, gypsum plaster casts and models, 42, 46-52 93, 97-ro1, 98, IOI, IOJ, ro4, ro7, II8;
II3, IIJ; fig. IIO figs. 8, 88, 91, 97; no. 6
divinity: Egyptian concept of, 96; of king, 17, 18, statuettes, II, 43, 79, IOJ, ro4; fig. 96
96 Kiya (minor queen of Akhenaten), ro, II, 12, 14-15
dualities, in Egyptian culture, n8 hair, with braids or side locks, 55 Berlin inv. no. 21 245 probably not her image,
ducks, ro4-5 hands, depiction of, ror-3 143 (n. 48)
Haremhab (king), 15, 124; sarcophagus of, 95 child or children of, 15
Hathor (goddess), 9, 18, 62, 86 death of, II5
Hatshepsut, Queen, 85; depicted, statue, 68, 74, depiction of, 38, 87, ro6-7, n6
egg shape, theological meaning of, 55-56, ro8 m; fig. 63 relief, II, 15, 38, 69, 89, IOf, ro6, I06, II5i
Egyptian art. See Amarna style; art, Egyptian; headdresses and crowns, 36-38, 62, 70-72 figs. roo, ror; no. 27
post-Amarna style heads: depiction of, 28-35i egg-shaped, 5s-s6; relief, from Hermopolis, II, 15, 87, 88, 105i
Egyptian Museum, Cairo, figs. 2, 7, 9, 31, 50, 62, shaved or dose-cropped, 55 fig. 79;no. 28
89,94,96, 99, 108; nos. 41,42,44,45 heads (sculpture), figs. 42, 46, 50, 6r, 66, 72, 7J, eradication of images of, 87, 89, ro5-6, n5
Ennead, 5 120; nos. 2, 3, 5 historical identification of, 14
r66
INDEX
role of: at Akhenaten's court, ro5-7; as co- TOT, !02, III, II4-II6, 120; nos. 46-49, possible depictions, 37, 93
worshiper of the Aten, 86 51-53 relief, 9, ro, r8, 18, 19, 20, 23, 51, 56, 74, 91,
text on coffin, 38 Mitanni (Naharin) (kingdom), 14, 30, 86 122; figs. 10, II; nos. 32, 39
models. See sculpture relief, from Hermopolis, 91, 92; fig. 82; no. 15
monotheism, 3 relief, as ruler (not illustrated), no. 33
mother and child (artist's sketch, from Deir el- relief, from tomb ofHuya, 26, 33, 51, 97,
Lady of the Two Lands (title), 85 Medina), 99, IOO, ro4, ro7; fig. 90 II3, II3; fig. IIO
Lahun, el-, site, ro1-3 mothers, and new-borns, depiction of, 99-roo relief block (from el-Lahun), IOI, I02; fig. 95
Libya, 86 mummies, examination of anatomy of, compared relief block (not illustrated), r8; no. 48
lid: of box, fig. 7; canopic, n6; of jar, fig. n6 with Amarna portraits, 55 relief fragment, 23, 24, 26, 56, 95; fig. 19;
light, n9; in Amarna art, u9; as prime force, 3-5 Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, fig. ro9; nos. 33-36 no.47
Louvre, Musee du, Paris, 140 (nn. 45, 46); figs. 21, Mutnedjmet (wife ofHaremhab), 15 relief fragment, possibly, 9, 18, 22, 26, 51,
82, 93, 117; nos. 12-15 56; fig. 5; no. 18
love songs, 38 on sarcophagus fragment, from the Royal
Tomb at Amarna, 94, 94; fig. 85; no. 9
naturalism in art, 47, 55, II9 sculptor's model, ro, 38, 61, 69, 70, 72, 79,
nature: depiction of, 112; regenerative force of, ro7 89-90,90, 107, n9; figs. 62, 8r; nos. 30, 45
magic, roo Nebet-ah (daughter of Amenhotep III), 9 shrine stelae, ro, II, I3, 39, 55, 57, 70, 72, 89,
Malqata, palace at, 28 necks, depiction of, 38, 69 93, 97-101, 98, roo, 10I, I03, ro4, I04,
Maru-Aten Sunshade temple (Amarna), 38, ro5 Nefernefruaten, "King" (Nefertiti?), n6 ro7, n8, 144 (n. 72); figs. 8, 88, 91, 97,
Mau, Fanbearer, tomb of, 15 Nefernefruaten-Nefertiti. See Nefertiti 98; nos. 6, 8
Maya, statue of, 126 Nefernefruaten-Tasherit (daughter of Akhenaten statuette, from the Thutmose workshop,
Medinet el-Ghurab, 27, 28, 34 and Nefertiti), 12, 65, 124 69, 72, 74, 16. 18, 79-81, 83, 90, ro6,
Meketaten (daughter of Akhenaten and depiction of, 6o; painting, 12, 51, 6o, 61, 65, no, II9, 122, 123, 125; figs. 68, 69, 71; no. 4
Nefertiti), II, 65, 123 91, 97, III-I}, II6, 121; fig. 49; no. 50 stelae fragments, 93, 97, 99-100, I02,
death of, II5 Nefernefrure (daughter of Akhenaten and 103-4, 126,· figs. 93, 123; no. 14
depiction of, 18, 55, 6o; shrine stelae, ro, u, I3, Nefertiti), 12, 65, 124 name change, 9, 88, 96
39, 55, 57, 70, 72, 89, 93, 97-ro1, 98, IOI, depiction of, 6o parentage, 15
I03, ro4, ro7, uS; figs. 8, 88, 91, 97; no. 6 lid of box, 12, 12, 56; fig. 7 political power of, 85-93
objects inscribed with name of: situla, II, II5; painting, 12, 51· 6o, 61, 65, 91, 97, nr-13, role of: as coruler, II, 79, 88-93, n5; as co-
fig. 6; writing palette, u5, n6; fig. II4 n6, 121; fig. 49; no. 50 worshiper of the Aten, 85-88, 96; as
Memphis, artists of, 22-23 Nefertiti (Nefernefruaten-Nefertiti) (wife of divine, 93-96; titled Lady of the Two
"Memphite head" (head, quartzite), 36, 37, 40, 51, Akhenaten), 9-ro, 12 Lands, 85
70-74, JI, 90, ro6, n9; figs. 31, 65; no. 42 death or disappearance of, ro, 88, 89 Neith (goddess), 34> 96
Meretaten (daughter of Akhenaten and Nefertiti), depiction of, 9-ro, q, 36, 38-39, 46, 55, 59, 6o, Nephthys (goddess), 34, 96
10-II, 12, 26, 65, II2, 124 65-83, 89-96, 97, ro6, ro7-8, n6, II9 niche, prayer, 98
as co-worshiper of the Aten, 86, 89 as aged, 79-81, 90, 93 nonroyals, depiction of, 46-47, 5I
depiction of, 18, 55, 60, 87, 93, ro1, ro5, II5, II6 bust, from the Thutmose workshop, ro, 36, North Palace (Amarna), n2
changed from Queen Kiya, relief, II, 38, 89, 38, 46, 49, 51, 64, 65-70, 65, 66, 72, 74, Nubian wig, 37-38, ro6, n2
ro6, I06, II5; fig. ro1 ro6; figs. s8-6o nudity, 6o, 122
changed from Queen Kiya, relief, from changed image, later in Akhenaten's reign, Nun (god), ror
Hermopolis, II, 15, 87, 88, ro5; fig. 79; 38-39, 74 nurses, royal, II, II4
no. 28 colossal head (fragment), from Karnak, 6, Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek, Copenhagen, figs. 79,
column fragment, ro, 18, 22, 23, 23, 25, q, 18, 24, 28, 30, 74, 89, 121; fig. 2; no. 41 roo; nos. 27, 28
38-39, 55, 56, 69, 70, 72, 85, 86, 91, 122, column fragments, ro, 18, 22, 23, 23, 25,
123; figs. 15, q; no. 24 38-39, 55, 56, 69, 70, 72, 84, 85, 86, 91, 106,
column fragment (not illustrated), 86; 107, 122, 123; figs. 15, 17, 75; nos. 24, 26
no. 35 column fragment, from Hermopolis, 10, offering scenes, r8, 97
relief, from Hermopolis, 91, 92; fig. 82; no. 15 86, 8~fig.76;no. 31 depicted
relief, II, 15, 38, 69, 89, I05, ro6, us; fig. roo; head, quartzite, 36, 37, 40, 51, 70-74, 1I, column fragment, ro, r8, 22, 23, 23, 25,
no. 27 90, ro6, n9; figs. 31, 65; no. 42 38-39, 39, 55, 56, 69, 70, 72, 84, 85, 86,
shrine stelae, ro, II, I3, 39, 55, 57, 70, 72, 89, head, gypsum plaster, from the Thutmose 91, ro6, ro7, 122, 123;
93, 97-ro1, 98, IOI-I02, I03, ro4, ro7, workshop, 46, 47, 48, 49, 70; figs. 39, 40 figs. 15, 17, 30, 75; nos. 24-26
II8; figs. 8, 88, 91, 94, 97; no. 6 heads, from the Thutmose workshop, 36, column fragment, from Hermopolis, ro,
Meretaten-Tasherit (daughter ofMeretaten?), 14, 65 38, 43, 49> 49· 62, 66, 69, 70, 72, 13· 86, 86,· fig. 76; no. 31
Merit, statue of, 126 74-77, 15· 8o, Sr-83, 82, ro6, II9; figs. column fragment (not illustrated), 86; no. 35
Meryre (Overseer of the Royal Quarters), tomb 41, 6r, 66, 67, 72, 74; nos. 2, 3 reliefs, 9, ro, 18, 18, I9, 20, 23, 51, 56, 74, 91,
of, ro, 87 official images, 68 122; figs. ro, n; nos. 32, 39
Metropolitan Museum of Art, The, New York, painting, 12, 51, 6o, 61, 65, 91, 97, m-r3, relief fragment, 81, 95. ro6; fig. 77; no. 17
figs. J, 4, 6, 16, 19, 20, 27, 42, 57, 63, 73, n6, 121; fig. 49; no. 50 royal couple in, 85
INDEX
old woman (head, gypsum plaster, from the depiction of, r8 sculptors' models, figs. 62, 8r, 108; nos. 30, 44, 45
Thutmose workshop), 46-47, 46, 51, head (fragment), yellow jasper, 24, 34, sculpture
125; fig. 36; no. rr 35-39, _q, 52, 57, 86, 107, n8; figs. 27, 29 materials for, 49, 83
olive tree (painting; not illustrated), rr2; no. 52 relief fragment, 87, 95· 106; fig. n; no. 17 models for, figs. 62, 8r, ro8; nos. 30, 44, 45;
ornaments, attached to statues, 61-62 foreign, 14 stone, 89; wax, clay, and gypsum plas-
as representatives of creation, 107 ter, 47-52, 67-74
of nonroyals, 51
sketch for, no. 49
paintings, fig. 49; nos. 50-53 three-dimensional character of, 74, IIO
Panehsy (First Servant of the Aten), house of, 97; Ramesses II, temples of, 85 sculpture groups, 26, no, II3-I4
tomb of, 12; fig. II2 Ramose, tomb of, at Amarna, 51 sculpture workshops, 22-23, 41-83, 44, 45, 8r, 83,
parkland sanctuaries, 105, 107 realism in art, 19 97; figs. 34, 35; shown at work, relief,
Pasi stela (column fragment), 84, 106, 107; fig. 75; rebirth, 107 from tomb of Huya, 10, 41, 42, 52, 55;
no. 26 Regia Musco Archeologico di Firenze, fig. 122; figs. 32, 33; division of labor in, 6r
Pawah (artist), prayer of, 88-89 no. 38 sed-festivals, 33, 69, 87
pectorals, 98-99 Re-Horakhty (god), 3 Selket (goddess), 34, 96
Petrie Museum, London, figs. 5, 24, 56, 77, 87, relief blocks, fig. 95; no. 48 Senwosret III, image of, II9
104, rr3; nos. 16-rS, 21-23 reliefs, figs. ro, II, 14, 70, 78, 79, 82, 83, 92, roo, ror, Setepenre (daughter of Akhenaten and Nefertiti),
pharaoh. See king II0-112; nos. 15, 27, 28, 32, 33, 36, 39, 40 14, 65, 124; depiction of, 6o
portraits: deformed or unnatural, 55; doubling depth shown in, 91, 97, 103 Sety I, statue of, 63
(twinning) of gods and pharaohs, 18; drawing after, figs. 32, 33 shawabtis (funerary statuettes), 95
nonroyal, 46-47; official, 27; as types fragments, figs. 3, 5, 17, 19, 109; nos. 17, 18, 34, 47 shrine stelae, 5, 96- 105; figs. 88, 99; nos. 6, 8
rather than as individuals, nS-19 from Temple of Ptah, 23 Shu (god), 99
post-Amarna style, 83, 121-26 religion, Akhenaten's. See Aten religion Shuppiluliumash (Hittite king), II, 124
postures: necks thrust forward, 38, 69; of royal religion, traditional Egyptian: vs. Amarna innova- Shuttarna II (king of Mitanni), 14
couple, 23; sitting in lap, 93; see also tions, 4-5; banning of, 4; central posi- Sitamun (daughter of Amenhotep III), 8, 124
gestures tion of, 3; divinity, concept of, 96; situla, fig. 6
princesses: depiction of, 52-65, 122, 143 (n. 6o), reversion to, after Akhenaten' s reign, skulls, elongated, 55
144 (n. 107) 43-46, 88-89, 122; theology, 3, 55-56 Smenkhkare (king), rr, 88, 89, n6, 123; depiction
furniture inlay, glass, II}, II5; fig. II}; no. 21 royal couple of Amarna, depiction of, 23, 26, 85 of, 46; mummy of, 55
heads, from the Thutmose workshop, 26, 36, column fragment (not illustrated), 86; no. 35 smiting the enemy gesture, 85
43, 49, 51, 52, 53, 54, 56, 58-6o, 6r-62, 61, relief, from tomb of Meryre II, II, 55, 6o, 91, sphinx (relief), 23, 23, 91; fig. 14; no. 40
63-65, 72, 74, 77, 83, ro8, II2, II6, r2r, 92, 93; fig. 83 Staatliche Sammlung Agyptischer Kunst, Munich,
122; figs. 46-48, 50-53; no. 5, 43 as twinned, 74, 87 fig. r; no. 29
relief, 22, rr2; no. 36 royal daughters of Amarna, 10-14 statues, figs. 63, 122; no. 38; alteration of, 87; color
relief, from Hermopolis, 10, II, II2, II}, II4, depiction of, 46, 108-rS; clothed and nude, of, 36, 51; composite, 42, 52-65; fragment,
II4; fig. III 6o, 122 fig. r6; ornaments attached to, 6r-62;
relief, from tomb of Panehsy, II, 26, 55, 6o, royal family of Amarna for tombs, 51; see also sculpture groups
II}, II4, II5, 122, 124-26; fig. II2 depiction of, 96-II9 statuettes, figs. 68, 96, 104, 121; nos. 4, r6, 37;
relief fragment, 22, 55, rr2, II2; fig. 109; no. 34 column fragment, 10, 38-39, 39, 69, 86, 123; wood, figs. 20, 124; nos. 46, 54
sculptor's model, 61, III, II2; fig. 108; no. 44 fig. 30; no. 25 stelae, 55, 94, 96-105; fig. 94; fragment, no. 14
sculptor's sketch (not illustrated), no. 49 relief, from the sarcophagus of Queen Tiye, sun, in Aten religion, 3-5
statuettes, 55, 6o, 109, no, 120, 121-24, 123, 11· 79· 86; fig. 70 sun child (drawing), 99, 108; fig. 89
124, 143 (n. 7); figs. 104-7, rr7-19, 121; relief, from tomb ofHuya, 26, 33, 51, 97, sun disk with rays symbol, 3-4
nos. 13, 16, 37 II}, IIJ; fig. IIO Sunshade temples, 27, 105
torso, 24-26, 28, 29, 6o, no, 122-23; figs. 21, relief, from tomb of Meryre, 10, II, 12, 55, sun worship (of Heliopolis), 99
22; no. 12 6o, 87, 88, II4; fig. 78 swamps (painting; not illustrated), r12; no. 51
vase, II5, n6,· fig. II5 as intermediary between Aten and mortals, 4-5 symmetry in Egyptian art, 68
See also royal daughters of Amarna See also individual members of family
Private collection, fig. 124; no. 54 royalty, iconography of, I7
pubic area, depiction of, 123 royal women of Amarna, 9-15; depiction of, 9, 38,
Punt (Nubia), 86 61, 85- II9; role of, as protectors of king, Tadukhipa (foreign queen of Akhenaten?), 14
purification, relief depicting, u, 38, 89, 106, 106, 107; survey of principal characters, 7-15; ta!atat (building blocks), r8
II5; fig. 101 titles for, 7 tall, flat-topped crown ofNefertiti, ro, 72, 107
Taweret (demon), roo
T efnut (goddess), 99
Tell el-Amarna. See Amarna
quartzite, 49 Saqqara, cemetery of (Memphis), 22, 126 tenons (of composite statuary), 62-63
queens sarcophagi, figs. 85, 86; no. 9; corner figures on, Thalassic Collection, New York, fig. 14; no. 40
crowns of, 32-33 94-96 Thebes, 20, 88-89; artists of, 35; religion of, 122
r68
INDEX
Thutmose (sculptor), 41 sarcophagus of, relief on, 77, 79, 86; votive stela, fig. 94; no. 7
workshop of, 41-83, 44, 45, 97; fig. 34, 35; fig.70
abandonment of, and caches of art, tombs, statues for, 51
43-46; individual sculptors of, identity trial piece, 107
of, 83; layout of, 42-43 tribute (relief, from tomb of Meryre), ro, II, 12, Weret Hekau (goddess), 107
Tia (nurse of Ankhesenpaaten), II 55, 6o, 87, 88, u4; fig. 78 wigs, 33, 37-38, 72, ro6, 1!2, 125; on composite
Tiy (wife of Ay), ro, 15, 93 Tribute of the Nations festival, 86 statue, 62, 63; fig. 56; no. 23
Tiya, Chief of the Household (statuette, wood, Tushratta (king ofMitanni), 14, 30 Wilbour plaque (head), 8I, 83, 121; fig. 73
from Medinet el-Ghurab), 24, 27, 69, Tutankhamun (Tutankhaten), 12 wise old man, depiction of, 30
72, 74, 121, 125; fig. 20, 64; no. 46 art style during reign of, 83 wise old woman, depiction of, 90, II9
Tiye, Queen (wife of Amenhotep III), 7-8, 26-28 depiction of, 123; head, 55, !21, 122, I23; women, depiction of, 24-39, 72; as aged, 125-26;
art style during time of, 124 fig. 120 clothing, 24; skin color, 36, 51; as smaller
death of, 26, n5 mummy of, 55 than men, 86; statue, 24, 121, I25; fig. 122;
depiction of, 18, 27-35, 36, 51, 97, 107, u6, u8, parentage of, 15 no. 38; see also royal women of Amarna
Il9 reign of, 89, u6 writing, in Amarna period, 4
bracelet plaque, 107, IOJ; fig. 102 sarcophagus of, J4, 95> 95; fig. 86 writing palette, fig. II4
cast of head of, from Serabit el-Khadim, throne of, II, 104, I04, 107; fig. 99
27, 30, ]2, 36, 51; fig. 24 tomb of, 98
head, wood, from Medinet el-Ghurab, 24, Tutankhaten. See Tutankhamun
27, 28-35, 30, 32, 33, 36, 37, 51, 52, 57, 64, Tuya (mother ofTiye), 7 "Yellow quartzite head" (from the Thutmose
68, 79, 90, II9, 122; figs. 23, 25, 26; no. r workshop), 36, 38, 49, 62, 69, 72, 73,
heads, 36, so, 51-52, 57, 62, 62, 63-65, 74; 74-77, 75, 83, ro6, n9; figs. 66, 67; no. 2
figs. 42, 44, 54 young woman (head, plaster, from the Thutmose
possibly, lid of jar, from tomb 55 in Valley University Museum, University of Pennsylvania, workshop), 38, 46, 47, 47, 49; figs. 37,
of the Kings, 38, n6-18, IIJ; fig. II6 Philadelphia, figs. 95> 121; no. 37 38; no. ro
possibly, relief fragment, 9, r8, 22, 26, p, Yuya (father ofTiye), 7
56; fig. 5; no. r8
relief, from tomb ofHuya, 26, 33, 51, 97,
II3, II3; fig. IIO Valley of the Kings, tomb 55, n6
relief fragment, J, 33; fig. 3 vase, fig. II5 zeh netjer (reed building), roo

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THE METROPOLITAN MUSEUM OF ART

THE METROPOLITAN MUSEUM OF ART

The exhibition is made possible in part by Lewis B. and Dorothy Cullman.

Published by The Metropolitan Museum of Art

Photography by Bruce White, except as noted in the List of Illustrations

Copyright © 1996 by The Metropolitan Museum of Art

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Director's Foreword Vll

Chronology: The Amarna Period XVlll

Genealogy: The Royal Family ofAmarna XX

Map ofEgypt XXll

THE RELIGION OF AMARNA

THE ROYAL WOMEN OF AMARNA: WHO WAS WHO

AN ARTISTIC REVOLUTION: THE EARLY YEARS OF

THE WORKSHOP OF THE SCULPTOR THUTMOSE

ASPECTS OF THE ROYAL FEMALE IMAGE DURING

YOUTH AND OLD AGE: THE POST-AMARNA PERIOD

Checklist ofthe Exhibition

(For an explanation ofthe dates, see Checklist ofthe Exhibition, p. I29.)

Fig. 1. Fragment from a colossal head of ca. Year 14

Granodiorite Fig. 8r. Sculptor's model showing the heads of Akhenaten

Years in Akhenaten's Political events and events

Before Year 1 Amenhotep becomes crown prince;

Early names of the Aten in cartouches Colossal statues at Karnak

Nefertiti adopts Nefernefruaten as

ca. 1349 Decision to move to Amarna; Boundary stelae X and M

ca. 1348 6 Mfirmation of decision Eight more boundary stelae with

Reliefs from walls and columns

Torso of princess (Louvre) (figs. 2I, 22)

Head of Queen Tiye (Berlin)

N efernefruaten-T asherit is born Head of princess (Berlin) (figs. 46-48)

Stela (Cairo) (fig. 94)

Unfinished head ofNefertiti (fig. 6I)

Sculptor's model; bust ofNefertiti

Yellow jasper head fragment

Shrine stela (Berlin) (figs. 8, 88, 9I, 97)

Nefernefrure is born Gypsum-plaster face of a man (fig. 28)

Head of Queen Tiye (MMA)

Gypsum-plaster head ofNefertiti

Setepenre is born Bust ofNefertiti (Berlin) (figs. 58, 6o)

ca. 1342 12 First dated inscription with later name

War in Nubia after incursion of people Memphis head ofNefertiti

Tribute of the Nations festival

Torso of princess (Petrie Museum)

Fragmentary shrine stela (Berlin)

Sculptor's model with princess (Cairo)

Nefertiti becomes coruler(?) Sculptor's model (Brooklyn) (fig. 81)

Statuette of Nefertiti (figs. 68, 69, JI)

Gypsum-plaster heads of women (figs.

Fragment of stela (Louvre)

Death or disappearance of the minor Yellow quartzite head of Nefertiti

Heads of princesses (Cairo) (figs. 50-53)

ca. 1337 I7 At Thebes, worship of Amun revived Granodiorite head of N efertiti

ca. 1336 Death of Akhenaten Statuette of princess (Philadelphia)

1 (ofTutankhaten) T utankhaten ascends the throne

ca. 1335 2 (ofTutankhaten) The court leaves Amarna

Tutankhaten becomes Tutankhamun Statuette of princess (Louvre)

Woman (Florence) (fig. 122)

Yuya CC) Tuya